(During the Siege of Jerusalem, 68 CE)
| Chapter 1 | The factions in Jerusalem and the misery they caused the city |
| Chapter 2 | Titus marches to Jerusalem and heroically rallies his troops |
| Chapter 3 | The Jews set traps for the Romans.
Titus calls for prudence |
| Chapter 4 | A description of Jerusalem, before its destruction |
| Chapter 5 | Glowing description of the Temple and its artistic treasures |
| Chapter 6 | Tyranny of Simon and John.
Nicanor wounded; Titus tightens the siege |
| Chapter 7 | Romans storm the first walls.
Exploits of Longinus and Castor |
| Chapter 8 | After a brief reverse, the Romans re-take the second wall |
| Chapter 9 | Titus relaxes siege, then tightens it; Josephus sent with peace-terms |
| Chapter 10 | Many try to desert to the Romans, driven by the famine |
| Chapter 11 | Escapees crucified outside the city.
Jews tear down the siege-bank |
| Chapter 12 | Titus rings the city with a wall.
Famine starts to destroy the people |
| Chapter 13 | Great slaughters and sacrileges in Jerusalem |
| Translation Format |
| Greek: Benedikt Niese's edition (Berlin, 1885-1895) | English: John Barach, Canada, 2025 |
| English: William Whiston, 1737 | English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016 |
Chapter 1
The factions in Jerusalem and the misery they caused the city
| 1
Ὁ
μὲν
ΤίτοςTitus
ὃν
προειρήκαμεν
τρόπον
διοδεύσας
τὴν
ὑπὲρ
ΑἰγύπτουEgypt
μέχρι
ΣυρίαςSyria
ἐρημίαν
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea
παρῆν
ταύτῃ
διεγνωκὼς
προσυντάξασθαι
τὰς
δυνάμεις.
|
1
Titus, having traversed (in the manner previously described) the desert between Egypt and Syria, arrived at Caesarea, having decided to organize his forces at that place.
|
| 1
When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Caesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war.
| 1
Titus, as we have said, went through the desert from Egypt to Syria and arrived in Caesarea to organize his forces there before beginning the war.
|
| 2
Ἔτι
δ᾽
αὐτοῦ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria
συγκαθισταμένου
τῷ
πατρὶ
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
νέον
αὐτοῖς
ἐγκεχειρισμένην
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
θεοῦ
συνέβη
καὶ
τὴν
ἐν
[τοῖς]
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
στάσιν
ἀνακμάσασαν
τριμερῆ
γενέσθαι
καὶ
καθ᾽
αὑτοῦ
θάτερον
ἐπιστρέψαι
μέρος,
ὅπερ
ἄν
τις
ὡς
ἐν
κακοῖς
ἀγαθὸν
εἴποι
καὶ
δίκης
ἔργον.
|
2
While he was still at Alexandria assisting his father in establishing the sovereignty newly entrusted to them by God, it happened that the factional strife in Jerusalem, having reached a new peak, became three-fold—one party turning against itself, which one might call a “good” thing amidst evils and a work of divine justice.
|
| 2
Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of Divine justice.
| 2
While he was helping his father in Alexandria, organizing the leadership newly given them by God, the rebels in Jerusalem revived and then split into three factions, each fighting the others, the kind of split between criminals which may be seen as well deserved.
|
| 3
ἡ
μὲν
γὰρ
κατὰ
τοῦ
δήμου
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
ἐπίθεσιςan attack, deception,
ἥπερ
κατῆρξεν
ἁλώσεως
τῇ
πόλει,
προδεδήλωται
μετὰ
ἀκριβείας
ὅθεν
τε
ἔφυ
καὶ
πρὸς
ὅσον
κακῶν
ηὐξήθη·
|
3
Now, the attack of the Zealots against the people, which initiated the city’s capture, has been previously described with precision—where it sprang from and to what extent of evil it grew.
|
| 3
Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city’s destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased.
| 3
We have already explained in detail the Zealots' attack on the people, which was the beginning of the city's ruin, and how it arose and how much harm it caused.
|
4
ταύτην
δ᾽
οὐκ
ἂν
ἁμάρτοι
τις
εἰπὼν
στάσει
στάσιν
ἐγγενέσθαι,
καὶ
καθάπερ
θηρίον
λυσσῆσαν
ἐνδείᾳ
τῶν
ἔξωθεν
ἐπὶ
τὰς
ἰδίας
ἤδη
σάρκας
ὁρμᾷ,
|
4
But one would not be wrong in saying that this was a faction born within a faction, and like a mad beast which, for want of external victims, at last turns its fury upon its own flesh.
|
| 4
But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.
| 4
The new development could be seen as a revolt born of another revolt and was like a maddened wild beast which, for lack of food from outside, began eating its own flesh.
|
| 5
οὕτως
ἘλεάζαροςEleazar
ὁ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon,
ὃς
δὴ
καὶ
τὰ
πρῶτα
τοῦ
δήμου
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
ἀπέστησεν
εἰς
τὸ
τέμενος
ὡς
ἀγανακτῶν
δῆθεν
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
ὁσημέραι
τῷ
ἸωάννῃJohn
τολμωμένοις,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἀνεπαύετο
φονῶν
οὗτος,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἀληθὲς
αὑτοῦ
μεταγενεστέρῳ
τυράννῳ
μὴ
φέρων
ὑποτετάχθαι,
πόθῳ
τῶν
ὅλων
καὶ
δυναστείας
ἰδίας
ἐπιθυμίᾳ
διίσταται,
|
5
Thus Eleazar, the son of Simon—who had originally separated the Zealots from the people and led them into the Temple heights under the pretense of being indignant at the daily outrages of John (for John did not cease from murders)—but in truth because he could not bear to be subjected to a later tyrant than himself, being moved by a desire for total power and an ambition for his own lordship, seceded from the rest.
|
| 5
For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared very angry at John’s insolent attempts, which he made every day upon the people; for this man never left off murdering; but the truth was, that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him.
| 5
Eleazar, son of Simon, who first set the Zealots apart and brought them into the temple, was now furious at the outrages John was daily committing on the people as he proceeded with his murders.
He could not bear the younger man as tyrant
;
|
| 6
παραλαβὼν
ἸούδηνJudes
τε
τὸν
ΧέλικαChelicas
καὶ
ΣίμωναSimon
τὸν
ἘσρῶνοςEzron
τῶν
δυνατῶν,
πρὸς
οἷς
ἘζεκίαςHezekiah
ΧωβαρεῖChobar
παῖς
οὐκ
ἄσημος.
|
6
He took with him Judas son of Chelkias and Simon son of Ezron, men of power, along with Hezekiah son of Chobari, a man of some distinction.
|
| 6
So he being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of Chelcias, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah, the son of Chobar, a person of eminence.
| 6
and wanted himself as absolute ruler, so he seceded, aided by the potentates Judes the son of Chelicas and Simon the son of Ezron, and with them the distinguished man, Hezekiah, son of Chobar.
|
| 7
Καθ᾽
ἕκαστον
δὲ
οὐκ
ὀλίγοι
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
ἠκολούθησαν,
καὶ
καταλαβόμενοι
τὸν
ἐνδότερον
τοῦ
νεὼ
περίβολον
ὑπὲρ
τὰς
ἱερὰς
πύλας
ἐπὶ
τῶν
ἁγίων
μετώπων
τίθενται
τὰ
ὅπλα.
|
7
A considerable number of Zealots followed each of these, and having seized the inner court of the Temple, they placed their arms over the sacred gates upon the holy fronts.
|
| 7
Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots; these seized upon the inner court of the temple and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court.
| 7
Each of them had many Zealot followers and they captured the inner sanctuary and placed their weapons over the sacred gates, on the façade of the temple.
|
| 8
Πλήρεις
μὲν
οὖν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
ὄντες
ἐθάρρουν,
καὶ
γὰρ
ἀφθονίαfree from envy
τῶν
ἱερῶν
ἐγίνετο
πραγμάτων
τοῖς
γε
μηδὲν
ἀσεβὲς
ἡγουμένοις,
ὀλιγότητι
δὲ
τῇ
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ὀρρωδοῦντες
ἐγκαθήμενοι
τὰ
πολλὰ
κατὰ
χώραν
ἔμενον.
|
8
Since they were well-supplied with provisions, they were confident; for there was an abundance of sacred things for those who deemed nothing impious. However, being terrified by their fewness in number, they remained for the most part sitting in their positions.
|
| 8
And because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of their small number; and when they had laid up their arms there, they did not stir from the place they were in.
| 8
Their food supply was secure, for the provisions for the temple were abundant and they had no scruple at using them, but were anxious because of their small numbers, so mainly they stayed put.
|
| 9
Ὁ
δὲ
ἸωάννηςJohn
ὅσον
ἀνδρῶν
ὑπερεῖχε
πλήθει,
τοσοῦτον
ἐλείπετο
τῷ
τόπῳ
καὶ
κατὰ
κορυφὴν
ἔχων
τοὺς
πολεμίους
οὔτ᾽
ἀδεεῖςwithout fear
ἐποιεῖτο
τὰς
προσβολὰς
οὔτε
δι᾽
ὀργὴν
ἠρέμει,
|
9
But John, as much as he surpassed them in the number of his men, so much was he inferior in his position, having his enemies above his head; he could neither make attacks without fear, nor could he remain quiet out of rage.
|
| 9
Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his head; and as he could not make any assault upon them without some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest;
| 9
Although John had more men than they had, his location was inferior to theirs, since his enemies were higher up and could not be attacked without losses.
Still, in his rage he could not stay idle
|
| 10
κακούμενος
δὲ
πλέον
ἤπερ
διατιθεὶς
τοὺς
περὶ
τὸν
ἘλεάζαρονEleazar
ὅμως
οὐκ
ἀνίει,
συνεχεῖς
δ᾽
ἐκδρομαὶ
καὶ
βελῶν
ἀφέσεις
ἐγίνοντο,
καὶ
φόνοις
ἐμιαίνετο
πανταχοῦ
τὸ
ἱερόν.
|
10
Although he suffered more damage than he inflicted upon Eleazar’s men, he nevertheless did not relent; there were continuous sallies and the discharge of missiles, and the Temple was defiled everywhere with murders.
|
| 10
nay, although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he could inflict upon them, yet would he not leave off assaulting them, insomuch that there were continual sallies made one against another, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled everywhere with murders.
| 10
and though he suffered more from Eleazar's men than he could harm them, he would not stop his attacks.
Therefore, by their constantly hurling spears at each other the whole temple was defiled with murder.
|
| 11
Ὁ
δὲ
τοῦ
ΓιώραGioras
ΣίμωνSimon,
ὃν
ἐν
ταῖς
ἀμηχανίαις
ἐπίκλητον
αὑτῷ
τύραννος
ὁ
δῆμος
ἐλπίδι
βοηθείας
προσεισήγαγε,
τήν
τε
ἄνω
πόλιν
ἔχων
καὶ
τῆς
κάτω
πολὺ
μέρος
ἐρρωμενέστερον
ἤδη
τοῖς
περὶ
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
προσέβαλλεν
ὡς
ἂν
καὶ
καθύπερθεν
πολεμουμένοις·
|
11
Then Simon son of Gioras, whom the people in their distress had brought in as a “called-in” tyrant in hope of help, holding the Upper City and much of the Lower, attacked John’s men more vigorously, since they were also being attacked from above.
|
| 11
But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John and his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he beneath their situation when he attacked them, as they were beneath the attacks of the others above them.
| 11
Simon, son of Gioras, whom the people in their dilemma had invited to come to their help, gained power over the upper city and most of the lower, and intensified his attacks on John's group, as they were also being attacked from above.
|
| 12
ἦν
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
χεῖρα
προσιὼν
αὐτοῖς,
ὥσπερ
ἐκεῖνοι
τοῖς
ἄνωθεν.
Καὶ
τῷ
ἸωάννῃJohn
διχόθεν
πολεμουμένῳ
συνέβαινε
βλάπτεσθαί
τε
καὶ
βλάπτειν
εὐκόλως,
καὶ
καθ᾽
ὅσον
ἡττᾶτο
τῶν
ἀμφὶ
τὸν
ἘλεάζαρονEleazar
ὢν
ταπεινότερος,
τοσοῦτον
ἐπλεονέκτει
τῷ
ὑψηλῷ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon.
|
12
He was attacking them from below, just as the others were from above. And so it happened that John, being fought from two sides, both suffered and inflicted damage easily; and to the extent that he was inferior to Eleazar’s men (being lower than them), he had the advantage over Simon by being on higher ground.
|
| 12
Whereby it came to pass that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by his higher situation, over Simon.
| 12
While he attacked them from below, the others attacked them from above.
Fighting on two sides, John both suffered and caused great losses, for as Eleazar's side had the height advantage over him, he had a similar advantage over Simon.
|
| 13
Παρὸ
καὶ
χειρὶ
μὲν
τὰς
κάτωθεν
προσβολὰς
ἰσχυρῶς
εἶργε,
τοὺς
δὲ
ἄνωθεν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
κατακοντίζοντας
ἀνέστελλε
τοῖς
ὀργάνοις·
|
13
Wherefore, with his hands he strongly repelled the attacks from below, while he checked those shooting from above by means of his engines.
|
| 13
On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from their hands only; but was obliged to repel those that threw their darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war;
| 13
With hand-thrown missiles he could repel any attacks from below but had to use engines to fend off the spear-throwers from the temple above him.
|
| 14
ὀξυβελεῖς
τε
γὰρ
αὐτῷ
καὶ
καταπέλται
παρῆσαν
οὐκ
ὀλίγοι
καὶ
λιθοβόλοι,
δι᾽
ὧν
οὐ
μόνον
ἠμύνετο
τοὺς
πολεμοῦντας,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
πολλοὺς
τῶν
ἱερουργούντων
ἀνῄρει.
|
14
For he had many quick-firing bolt-throwers, catapults, and stone-throwers, by which he not only defended himself against his attackers but also killed many of those performing the sacrifices.
|
| 14
for he had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred ministrations.
| 14
He had quick-firers and catapults and stone-throwers with which he not only defended himself against the enemy but also killed many of the priests during their sacred duties.
|
| 15
Καίπερ
γὰρ
πρὸς
πᾶσαν
ἀσέβειαν
ἐκλελυσσηκότες,
ὅμως
τοὺς
θύειν
ἐθέλοντας
εἰσηφίεσαν,
μεθ᾽
ὑποψιῶν
μὲν
καὶ
φυλακῆς
τοὺς
ἐπιχωρίους,
διερευνώμενοι
δὲ
τοὺς
ξένους·
οἳ
καίπερ
περὶ
τὰς
εἰσόδους
δυσωπήσαντες
αὐτῶν
τὴν
ὠμότητα
παρανάλωμα
τῆς
στάσεως
ἐγίνοντο.
|
15
For though they had gone mad with every kind of impiety, they still admitted those who wished to offer sacrifices—the locals with suspicion and under guard, and searching the foreigners; yet these, although they had bypassed their cruelty at the entrances, became incidental victims of the factional war.
|
| 15
For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition;
| 15
These, while too frenzied for piety, still allowed in those who wished to offer sacrifices, looking suspiciously at their own people and carefully searching strangers, many of whom, even if allowed with difficulty to enter the temple, died in the violence of the rebellion.
|
| 16
Τὰ
γὰρ
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ὀργάνων
βέλη
μέχρι
τοῦ
βωμοῦ
καὶ
τοῦ
νεὼ
διὰ
τὴν
βίαν
ὑπερφερόμενα
τοῖς
τε
ἱερεῦσι
καὶ
τοῖς
ἱερουργοῦσιν
ἐνέπιπτε,
|
16
For the missiles from the engines, flying over with force as far as the altar and the sanctuary, fell upon the priests and those performing the rites.
|
| 16
for those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the buildings, and reached as far as the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those that were about the sacred offices;
| 16
Missiles hurled by the machines flew with such force over the buildings that they reached the altar and the sanctuary, falling on priests and worshippers alike.
|
| 17
καὶ
πολλοὶ
σπεύσαντες
ἀπὸ
γῆς
περάτων
περὶ
τὸν
διώνυμον
καὶ
πᾶσιν
ἀνθρώποις
χῶρον
ἅγιον
πρὸ
τῶν
θυμάτων
ἔπεσον
αὐτοὶ
καὶ
τὸν
ἝλλησιGreeks
πᾶσι
καὶ
βαρβάροις
σεβάσμιον
βωμὸν
κατέσπεισαν
ἰδίῳ
φόνῳ,
|
17
And many who had hastened from the ends of the earth to this famous place, holy to all mankind, fell themselves before their sacrifices and sprinkled with their own blood that altar held in reverence by all Greeks and barbarians.
|
| 17
insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood;
| 17
Many who had come there from the ends of the earth to offer sacrifice at this famous place revered by all mankind, were struck dead alongside their own sacrifices and spattered with their blood the altar revered by all Greeks and Barbarians.
|
| 18
νεκροῖς
δ᾽
ἐπιχωρίοις
ἀλλόφυλοι
καὶ
ἱερεῦσι
βέβηλοι
συνεφύροντο,
καὶ
παντοδαπῶν
αἷμα
πτωμάτων
ἐν
τοῖς
θείοις
περιβόλοις
ἐλιμνάζετο.
|
18
Foreigners were mixed with locals, and profane men with priests, and the blood of all kinds of corpses pooled in the divine courts.
|
| 18
till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcasses stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves.
| 18
The corpses of strangers and locals, priests and laity, lay side by side, and the blood of the many dead formed a lake within the divine precincts.
|
| 19
Τί
τηλικοῦτον,
ὦ
τλημονεστάτη
πόλις,
πέπονθας
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
οἵ
σου
τὰ
ἐμφύλια
μύση
πυρὶ
καθαροῦντες
εἰσῆλθον·
θεοῦ
μὲν
γὰρ
οὔτε
ἦς
ἔτι
χῶρος
οὔτε
μένειν
ἐδύνασο,
τάφος
οἰκείων
γενομένη
σωμάτων
καὶ
πολέμου
τὸν
ναὸν
ἐμφυλίουkinsfolk
ποιήσασα
πολυάνδριον·
δύναιο
δ᾽
ἂν
γενέσθαι
πάλιν
ἀμείνων,
εἴγε
ποτὲ
τὸν
πορθήσαντα
θεὸν
ἐξιλάσῃ.
|
19
O most wretched city! What such thing did you suffer from the Romans, who entered to purify your internal pollutions with fire? For you were no longer a place for God, nor could you remain so, having become a tomb for your own people’s bodies and having made the Temple a mass grave of civil war. Yet you might become better again, if ever you appease the God who destroyed you.
|
| 19
And now, “O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulchre for the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction.”
| 19
Ah, poor city, what harm as great as this did you suffer from the Romans, who came to purify you from your civil strife! No longer a place fit for God to dwell, you could not continue to exist but became a tomb full of the bodies of your own people and, by this civil war, made a graveyard of the temple itself.
May you mend your ways, and perhaps appease the wrath of God who has brought you low!
|
| 20
Ἀλλὰ
καθεκτέον
γὰρ
καὶ
τὰ
πάθη
τῷ
νόμῳ
τῆς
γραφῆς,
ὡς
οὐκ
ὀλοφυρμῶν
οἰκείων
ὁ
καιρός,
ἀλλ᾽
ἀφηγήσεως
πραγμάτων.
Δίειμι
δὲ
τὰ
ἑξῆς
ἔργα
τῆς
στάσεως.
|
20
But I must restrain my emotions by the law of writing, as this is not a time for personal lamentation, but for the narration of facts. I shall proceed with the remaining acts of the factional war.
|
| 20
But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestic lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition.
| 20
But by the rules of history, I must refrain from such pathos, since this is not the time to mourn our own people, but to narrate history; so I return to the other actions of the revolt.
|
| 21
Τριχῇ
τῶν
ἐπιβούλων
τῆς
πόλεως
διῃρημένων
οἱ
μὲν
περὶ
τὸν
ἘλεάζαρονEleazar
τὰς
ἱερὰς
ἀπαρχὰς
διαφυλάσσοντες
κατὰ
τοῦ
ἸωάννουJohn
τὴν
μέθην
ἔφερον,
οἱ
δὲ
σὺν
τούτῳ
διαρπάζοντες
τοὺς
δημότας
ἠγείροντο
κατὰ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon·
ἦν
δὲ
κἀκείνῳ
τροφὴ
κατὰ
τῶν
ἀντιστασιαστῶν
ἡ
πόλις.
|
21
The conspirators against the city being divided into three: Eleazar and his men, guarding the sacred first-fruits, directed their drunken rage against John; John and his followers plundered the citizens and directed their strength against Simon; and to Simon, the city served as a source of supplies against his rivals.
|
| 21
And now there were three treacherous factions in the city, the one parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred firstfruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the seditious.
| 21
The factions in the city were threefold: Eleazar's group, having laid hold of the sacred first-fruits, attacked John in a drunken state.
John's men looted the people and fought against Simon, who to oppose the rebels drew his stores from the city.
|
| 22
ὁπότεwhen
μὲν
οὖν
ἀμφοτέρωθεν
ἐπιχειροῖτο,
τοὺς
συνόντας
ὁ
ἸωάννηςJohn
ἀντέστρεφε,
καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀνιόνταςto go up, ascend
ἀπὸ
τῶν
στοῶν
βάλλων,
τοὺς
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
κατακοντίζοντας
ἠμύνετο
τοῖς
ὀργάνοις·
|
22
Whenever John was attacked from both sides, he turned his men in both directions; those coming up from the city he pelted from the porticoes, and those shooting from the Temple he repelled with his engines.
|
| 22
When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war.
| 22
Attacked on both sides, John turned his men around and from the porticoes hurled spears at those coming up against him from the city, while confronting with his machines the attackers from the temple.
|
| 23
εἰ
δ᾽
ἐλευθερωθείη
ποτὲ
τῶν
καθύπερθεν
ἐπικειμένων,
διανέπαυε
δ᾽
αὐτοὺς
πολλάκις
μέθη
καὶ
κάματος,
ἀδεέστερον
τοῖς
περὶ
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
μετὰ
πλειόνων
ἐπεξέθεεν.
|
23
If ever he was relieved from those pressing him from above—and they were often relaxed by drunkenness or exhaustion—he would sally out more fearlessly with more men against Simon’s party.
|
| 23
And if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which happened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party;
| 23
If at any time those up above him relaxed, which often happened when they were drunk or tired, he came out in force against Simon's party,
|
| 24
Ἀεὶ
δ᾽
ἐφ᾽
ὅσον
τρέψαιτο
τῆς
πόλεως
ὑπεπίμπρη
τὰς
οἰκίας
σίτου
μεστὰς
καὶ
παντοδαπῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary·
τὸ
δ᾽
αὐτὸ
πάλιν
ὑποχωροῦντος
ἐπιὼν
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
ἔπραττεν,
ὥσπερ
ἐπίτηδεςdesignedly, deceitfully
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
διαφθείροντες
ἃ
παρεσκευάσατο
πρὸς
πολιορκίαν
ἡ
πόλις,
καὶ
τὰ
νεῦρα
τῆς
αὐτῶν
ὑποκόπτοντες
δυνάμεως.
|
24
And as far as he drove them back into the city, he set fire to the houses full of grain and all kinds of provisions; Simon did the same when John retreated, as if they were purposely destroying for the Romans what the city had prepared for a siege, and cutting the hamstrings of their own power.
|
| 24
and this he did always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions. The same thing was done by Simon, when, upon the other’s retreat, he attacked the city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans, by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power.
| 24
and wherever in the city he could reach, he set fire to the houses, which were full of corn and all other provisions.
Simon did the same, attacking the city when the other drew back, as though doing so purposely to help the Romans, destroying what the city had stored up for the siege and so cutting off the roots of their own power.
|
| 25
Συνέβη
γοῦν
τὰ
μὲν
περὶ
τὸ
ἱερὸν
πάντα
συμφλεγῆναι
καὶ
μεταίχμιον
ἐρημίας
γενέσθαι
παρατάξεως
οἰκείας
τὴν
πόλιν,
κατακαῆναι
δὲ
πλὴν
ὀλίγου
πάντα
τὸν
σῖτον,
ὃς
ἂν
αὐτοῖς
οὐκ
ἐπ᾽
ὀλίγα
διήρκεσεν
ἔτη
πολιορκουμένοις.
|
25
Thus it happened that everything around the Temple was burnt down, and the city became a desolate no-man’s-land for their internal battle; almost all the grain was burned, which would have lasted them for not a few years of siege.[1]
|
| 25
Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both sides of it; and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years.
| 25
Thus all areas around the temple were burned down and deserted, becoming for both sides a battle-ground and most of the corn was burned, enough to withstand a siege of many years.
|
[1]70 AD
| 26
Λιμῷ
γοῦν
ἑάλωσαν,
ὅπερ
ἥκιστα
δυνατὸν
ἦν,
εἰ
μὴ
τοῦτον
αὑτοῖς
προπαρεσκεύασαν.
|
26
They were captured by famine, therefore, which would have been nearly impossible had they not prepared it for themselves.
|
| 26
So they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.
| 26
Eventually they were captured because of hunger, and would not have been so if they had not prepared the setting for it in this way.
|
| 27
πανταχόθεν
δὲ
τῆς
πόλεως
πολεμουμένης
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἐπιβούλων
καὶ
συγκλύδων
μέσος
ὁ
δῆμος
ὥσπερ
μέγα
σῶμα
διεσπαράσσετο.
|
27
While the city was being fought from all sides by the conspirators and the rabble, the common people in the middle were being torn apart like a great body.
|
| 27
And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, between them, were like a great body torn in pieces.
| 27
As these factions battled all around the city, the citizens in between were hacked to pieces like a large carcass.
|
| 28
Γηραιοὶ
δὲ
καὶ
γυναῖκες
ὑπ᾽
ἀμηχανίας
τῶν
εἴσω
κακῶν
ηὔχοντο
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
καὶ
τὸν
ἔξωθεν
πόλεμον
ἐπ᾽
ἐλευθερίᾳ
τῶν
εἴσω
κακῶν
ἐκαραδόκουν.
|
28
The old men and women, in their helplessness at the internal evils, prayed for the Romans and looked forward to the external war as a liberation from their internal miseries.
|
| 28
The aged men and the women were in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestic miseries.
| 28
Old people and women were so confused by these internal woes that they prayed for the Romans and an invasion from outside to free them from the evils within.
|
| 29
Κατάπληξις
δὲ
δεινὴ
καὶ
δέος
ἦν
τοῖς
γνησίοις,
καὶ
οὔτε
βουλῆς
καιρὸς
εἰς
μεταβολὴν
οὔτε
συμβάσεως
ἐλπὶς
οὔτε
φυγὴ
τοῖς
ἐθέλουσιν·
|
29
Terrible consternation and fear fell upon the loyal citizens; there was no opportunity for a change of counsel, no hope of an agreement, nor any flight for those who wished it.
|
| 29
The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hopes of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a mind flee away;
| 29
The decent folk were shocked and fearful, with no chance for a council or a change and no hope of peace or of flight for those who wished to leave.
|
| 30
ἐφρουρεῖτο
γὰρ
πάντα,
καὶ
τὰ
λοιπὰ
στασιάζοντες
οἱ
ἀρχιλῃσταὶ
τοὺς
εἰρηνικὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
φρονοῦντας
ἢ
πρὸς
αὐτομολίαν
ὑπόπτους
ὡς
κοινοὺς
πολεμίους
ἀνῄρουν
καὶ
μόνον
ὡμονόουν
τὸ
φονεύειν
τοὺς
σωτηρίας
ἀξίους.
|
30
For everything was guarded; and the bandit chiefs, though fighting each other in all else, murdered those who favored peace with the Romans or were suspected of desertion as common enemies, and they agreed only on murdering those worthy of salvation.
|
| 30
for guards were set at all places, and the heads of the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert to them, as their common enemies.
| 30
Everywhere was guarded and the brigand leaders, though divided on all else, treated as their common foes any who wanted peace with the Romans, or were likely to desert, united only in killing those most worthy of survival.
|
| 31
Καὶ
τῶν
μὲν
μαχομένων
ἀδιάλειπτος
ἦν
κραυγὴ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
τε
καὶ
νύκτωρ,
δεινότεροι
δὲ
οἱ
τῶν
πενθούντων
ὀδυρμοὶ
δέει.
|
31
The cry of the fighters was unceasing day and night, but the lamentations of the mourners were more terrible because of their fear.
|
| 31
They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded the other;
| 31
The noise of the fighters was incessant by day and night, but worse were the laments of those who mourned.
|
| 32
Καὶ
θρήνων
μὲν
αἰτίας
ἐπαλλήλους
αἱ
συμφοραὶ
προσέφερον,
τὰς
δ᾽
οἰμωγὰς
ἐνέκλειεν
ἡ
κατάπληξις
αὐτῶν,
φιμούμενοι
δὲ
τά
γε
πάθη
τῷ
φόβῳ
μεμυκόσι
τοῖς
στεναγμοῖς
ἐβασανίζοντο.
|
32
Their calamities provided successive causes for wailing, but their consternation stifled their cries; being gagged in their suffering by fear, they were tortured with suppressed groans.
|
| 32
nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon another, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open their lips in groans.
| 32
There was ceaseless wailing, for one disaster followed another.
Some were so shocked that their wails were muted, forced by fear to conceal their inner feelings, tormented, but not daring to open their lips even to groan.
|
| 33
Καὶ
οὔτε
πρὸς
τοὺς
ζῶντας
ἦν
αἰδὼς
ἔτι
τοῖς
προσήκουσιν
οὔτε
πρόνοια
τῶν
ἀπολωλότων
ταφῆς.
Αἴτιον
δὲ
ἀμφοτέρων
ἡ
καθ᾽
ἑαυτὸν
ἀπόγνωσις
ἑκάστου·
παρεῖσαν
γὰρ
εἰς
πάντα
τὰς
προθυμίας
οἱ
μὴ
στασιάζοντες
ὡς
ἀπολούμενοι
πάντως
ὅσον
οὐδέπω.
|
33
There was no longer any respect for the living by their kin, nor any provision for the burial of the dead. The cause of both was the personal despair of each man; for those not in the factions had abandoned all hope, believing they would perish at any moment.
|
| 33
Nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive, by their relations; nor was there any care taken of burial for those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that everyone despaired of himself; for those that were not among the seditious had no great desires of anything, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed;
| 33
The living were uncared for even by their own and no one bothered to bury the dead, since everyone despaired of survival, and those who were not in revolt had no great desire, expecting to be killed very soon.
|
| 34
Πατοῦντες
δὴ
τοὺς
νεκροὺς
ἐπ᾽
ἀλλήλοις
σεσωρευμένους
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
συνεπλέκοντο
καὶ
τὴν
ἀπόνοιαν
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ἐν
ποσὶ
πτωμάτων
σπῶντες
ἦσαν
ἀγριώτεροι.
|
34
Trampling upon the dead piled on top of one another, the factionalists engaged in combat, drawing fresh madness from the corpses under their feet, becoming more savage.
|
| 34
but for the seditious themselves, they fought against each other, while they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon.
| 34
The rebels fought each other, trampling on corpses as they lay in heaps and grew even fiercer, enraged by those corpses under their feet.
|
| 35
Προσεξευρίσκοντες
δ᾽
ἀεί
τι
καθ᾽
αὑτῶν
ὀλέθριον
καὶ
πᾶν
τὸ
δοχθὲν
ἀφειδῶς
δρῶντες
οὐδεμίαν
οὔτ᾽
αἰκίας
ὁδὸν
οὔτε
ὠμότητος
παρέλειπον.
|
35
They were always inventing something destructive against themselves, and doing everything they resolved upon without mercy, leaving no path of outrage or cruelty untried.
|
| 35
They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves; and when they had resolved upon anything, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity.
| 35
They were always plotting destruction and once resolved on a thing, carried it out without mercy, regardless of violence and savagery.
|
| 36
Ἀμέλει
ἸωάννηςJohn
τὴν
ἱερὰν
ὕλην
εἰς
πολεμιστηρίων
κατασκευὴν
ὀργάνων
ἀπεχρήσατο·
δόξαν
γάρ
ποτε
τῷ
λαῷ
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀρχιερεῦσιν
ὑποστηρίξαντας
τὸν
ναὸν
εἴκοσι
πήχεις
προσυψῶσαι,
κατάγει
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ΛιβάνουLibanus
μεγίστοις
ἀναλώμασι
καὶ
πόνοις
τὴν
χρήσιμον
ὕλην
ὁ
βασιλεὺς
ἈγρίππαςAgrippa,
ξύλα
θέας
ἄξια
τήν
τε
εὐθύτητα
καὶ
τὸ
μέγεθος·
|
36
Indeed, John misused the sacred timber for the construction of war engines. For the people and the high priests had once decided to support the sanctuary and raise it twenty cubits[1] higher; King Agrippa had brought down the useful timber from Lebanon at great expense and labor—beams worthy of sight for their straightness and size.
|
| 36
Nay, John abused the sacred materials, and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness;
| 36
John even took materials from the temple to build his machines of war, for the people and the priests had earlier decided to support the temple and had raised the sanctuary twenty feet higher.
King Agrippa had brought from Lebanon, at great expense and effort, timber beams remarkable in length and size,
|
[1]20 cubits=8.9 metres (9.7 yards)
| 37
μεσολαβήσαντος
δὲ
τοῦ
πολέμου
τὸ
ἔργον
ἸωάννηςJohn
τεμὼν
αὐτὰ
πύργους
κατεσκεύασεν
ἐξαρκοῦν
τὸ
μῆκος
εὑρὼν
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
καθύπερθεν
ἱεροῦ
μαχομένους,
|
37
But the war having interrupted the work, John cut them up and constructed towers, finding the length sufficient to reach those fighting from the Temple above.
|
| 37
but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that fought him from the temple that was above him.
| 37
but when the war interrupted the work, John had them cut up and used to build towers, finding them long enough to reach those who were fighting from the temple above him.
|
| 38
ἵστησί
τε
προσαγαγὼν
κατόπιν
τοῦ
περιβόλου
τῆς
πρὸς
δύσιν
ἐξέδραςhall, room, parlour
ἄντικρυς,
ᾗπερ
καὶ
μόνῃ
δυνατὸν
ἦν
τῶν
ἄλλων
μερῶν
βαθμοῖς
πόρρωθεν
διειλημμένων
.
|
38
He brought these up and stationed them behind the inner court, opposite the chamber to the west, which was the only possible place, as the other sides were intercepted from a distance by flights of steps.
|
| 38
He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the west end of the cloisters, where alone he could erect them; whereas the other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters.
| 38
He had them brought and set up behind the inner court opposite the western exits, the only place they could be set since the other sides of that court were blocked by the steps.
|
| 39
Καὶ
ὁ
μὲν
τοῖς
κατασκευασθεῖσιν
ἐξ
ἀσεβείαςungodliness
ὀργάνοις
κρατήσεινto be strong
ἤλπισε
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν,
ὁ
δὲ
θεὸς
ἄχρηστον
αὐτῷ
τὸν
πόνον
ἀπέδειξε
πρὶν
ἐπιστῆσαί
τινα
τῶν
πύργων
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐπαγαγών.
|
39
And while he [John] hoped to prevail over his enemies with the engines constructed through impiety, God showed his labor to be useless by bringing the Romans upon him before he could station anyone upon the towers.
|
| 39
Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove of no use to him, by bringing the Romans upon him, before he had reared any of his towers;
| 39
By these impieties he hoped to defeat his enemies, but God thwarted his efforts by bringing the Romans upon him before he had completed any of his towers.
|
| 40
Ὁ
γὰρ
δὴ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἐπειδὴ
τὰ
μὲν
συνήγαγε
τῆς
δυνάμεως
πρὸς
αὑτόν,
τοῖς
δὲ
ἐπὶ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
συναντᾶν
ἐπέστειλεν,
ἐξήλαυνε
τῆς
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea.
|
40
For Titus, after he had gathered part of his force to himself and sent orders to the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out from Caesarea.
|
| 40
for Titus, when he had gotten together part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Caesarea.
| 40
For Titus, after marshalling part of his forces and telling the rest to meet him in Jerusalem, marched from Caesarea.
|
| 41
Ἦν
δὲ
τρία
μὲν
τὰ
πρότερον
αὐτοῦ
τῷ
πατρὶ
συνδῃώσαντα
τὴν
ἸουδαίανJudea
τάγματα
καὶ
τὸ
πάλαι
σὺν
ΚεστίῳCestius
πταῖσαν
δωδέκατον,
ὅπερ
καὶ
ἄλλως
ἐπίσημον
δι᾽
ἀνδρείαν
ὑπάρχον
τότε
κατὰ
μνήμην
ὧν
ἔπαθεν
εἰς
ἄμυναν
ᾔει
προθυμότερον.
|
41
He had the three legions that had previously helped his father lay waste to Judea, and the Twelfth, which had formerly met with disaster under Cestius; this legion, otherwise distinguished for its bravery, was then moving forward with greater zeal for revenge as they remembered what they had suffered.
|
| 41
He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father when he laid Judea waste, together with that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valor, so did it march on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as remembering what they had formerly suffered from them.
| 41
He had with him the three legions that had accompanied his father while he ravaged Judea, and the twelfth legion which had earlier been defeated with Cestius; and as it was otherwise renowned for bravery, it was all the keener on revenge, recalling how it had suffered.
|
| 42
Τούτων
μὲν
οὖν
τὸ
πέμπτον
δι᾽
ἈμμαοῦςEmmaus
ἐκέλευσεν
αὐτῷ
συναντᾶν
καὶ
διὰ
ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho
τὸ
δέκατον
ἀναβαίνειν,
αὐτὸς
δ᾽
ἀνέζευξε
μετὰ
τῶν
λοιπῶν,
πρὸς
οἷς
αἵ
τε
τῶν
βασιλέων
συμμαχίαι
πολὺ
πλείους
καὶ
συχνοὶ
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ΣυρίαςSyria
ἐπίκουροι
συνῆλθον.
|
42
Of these, he ordered the Fifth to meet him by way of Emmaus and the Tenth to go up by way of Jericho, while he himself set out with the rest, joined by the auxiliary forces of the kings, which were now much more numerous, and a significant number of Syrian allies.
|
| 42
Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth to go up by Jericho; he also moved himself, together with the rest; besides whom, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that came to his assistance from Syria.
| 42
Of these legions he told the fifth to meet him by going through Emmaus and the tenth to go up by Jericho.
He himself also moved with the rest, including the allies who arrived from the kings, more numerous than before, and a large helping force from Syria.
|
| 43
ἀνεπληρώθη
δὲ
καὶ
τῶν
τεσσάρων
ταγμάτων
ὅσον
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐπιλέξας
Μουκιανῷ
συνέπεμψεν
εἰς
ἸταλίανItaly
ἐκ
τῶν
ἐπελθόντων
μετὰ
ΤίτουTitus.
|
43
Moreover, the gaps in the four legions—caused by the elite troops whom Vespasian had selected to send with Mucianus to Italy—were filled by the soldiers who had arrived with Titus.
|
| 43
Those also that had been selected out of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus;
| 43
The men chosen from the four legions and sent to Italy with Mucianus were replaced from the soldiers coming from Egypt with Titus,
|
| 44
Δισχίλιοι
μὲν
γὰρ
αὐτῷ
τῶν
ἀπ᾽
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
στρατευμάτων
ἐπίλεκτοι,
τρισχίλιοι
δὲ
συνείποντο
τῶν
ἀπ᾽
ΕὐφράτουEuphrates
φυλάκων.
|
44
For two thousand picked men from the armies of Alexandria and three thousand of the guards from the Euphrates followed him.
|
| 44
who were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river Euphrates;
| 44
two thousand picked men from the Alexandrian armies, and three thousand from those guarding the Euphrates.
|
| 45
ΦίλωνPhilo
δὲ
δοκιμώτατος
εὔνοιάν
τε
καὶ
σύνεσιν
ΤιβέριοςTiberius
ἈλέξανδροςAlexander,
πρότερον
μὲν
αὐτοῖς
τὴν
ΑἴγυπτονEgypt
διέπων,
|
45
Among his friends, the most proven for his loyalty and sagacity was Tiberius Alexander, who had previously administered Egypt for them,
|
| 45
as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his goodwill to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria,
| 45
With him was Tiberius Alexander, a friend valued for his goodwill toward him and his prudence, and former ruler of Alexandria.
|
| 46
τότε
δὲ
τῶν
στρατευμάτων
ἄρχων,
κριθεὶς
ἄξιος
ἐξ
ὧν
ἐδεξιώσατο
πρῶτος
ἐγειρομένην
ἄρτι
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
καὶ
μετὰ
πίστεως
λαμπρᾶς
ἐξ
ἀδήλου
τῇ
τύχῃ
προσέθετο,
σύμβουλός
γε
μὴν
ταῖς
τοῦ
πολέμου
χρείαις
ἡλικίᾳ
τε
προύχων
καὶ
κατ᾽
ἐμπειρίαν
εἵπετο.
|
46
and was now in command of the armies; he was judged worthy because he was the first to welcome the sovereignty when it was just then rising, and with brilliant faith joined himself to their fortune while it was still uncertain. He followed as a counselor for the needs of war, being distinguished both in age and experience.
|
| 46
but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs.
| 46
He was now placed in command of the legions, he who had first encouraged Vespasian to take over as emperor and faithfully supported him when the outcome was uncertain and now served by his advice, and was most useful during this war, both by his age and experience.
|
Chapter 2
Titus marches to Jerusalem and heroically rallies his troops
| 47
Προιόντι
δὲ
εἰς
τὴν
πολεμίαν
ΤίτῳTitus
προῆγον
μὲν
οἱ
βασιλικοὶ
καὶ
πᾶν
τὸ
συμμαχικόν,
ἐφ᾽
οἷς
ὁδοποιοὶ
καὶ
μετρηταὶ
στρατοπέδων,
ἔπειτα
τὰ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
σκευοφόρα
καὶ
μετὰ
τοὺς
τούτων
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
αὐτὸς
τούς
τε
ἄλλους
ἐπιλέκτους
καὶ
τοὺς
λογχοφόρους
ἔχων,
κατόπιν
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
τοῦ
τάγματος
τὸ
ἱππικόν·
|
47
As Titus advanced into enemy territory, the royal troops and all the auxiliaries led the way, followed by the road-makers and camp-measurers; next came the officers’ baggage-train, and behind these the heavy-armed infantry, including Titus himself with the other picked men and the spear-bearers; and behind him came the cavalry of the legion.
|
| 47
Now, as Titus was upon his march into the enemy’s country, the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings marched first, having all the other auxiliaries with them; after whom followed those that were to prepare the roads and measure out the camp; then came the commander’s baggage, and after that the other soldiers, who were completely armed to support them; then came Titus himself, having with him another select body; and then came the pikemen; after whom came the horse belonging to that legion.
| 47
As Titus marched on the enemy territory, the kings' forces went ahead, with all the allies.
Next went the road-makers and the men to measure out the camp, then the commander's baggage and then the fully armed soldiers.
He came next with another elite body, and then the pikemen and then the cavalry of that legion.
|
| 48
οὗτοι
δὲ
πρὸ
τῶν
μηχανημάτων,
κἀπ᾽
ἐκείνοις
μετ᾽
ἐπιλέκτων
χιλίαρχοι
καὶ
σπειρῶν
ἔπαρχοι,
μετὰ
δὲ
τούτους
περὶ
τὸν
αἰετὸν
αἱ
σημαῖαι,
καὶ
ἔμπροσθεν
οἱ
σαλπικταὶ
τῶν
σημαιῶν,
ἐπὶ
δὲ
τούτοις
ἡ
φάλαγξ
τὸ
στῖφος
εἰς
ἓξ
πλατύνασα.
|
48
These marched in front of the siege engines, and after them, with picked men, came the military tribunes and prefects of the cohorts; after these, the ensigns surrounding the eagle, with the trumpeters in front of the ensigns; and after these the main column of the legion, following in ranks six-men deep.
|
| 48
All these came before the engines; and after these engines came the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts, with their select bodies; after these came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before those ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them; next to these came the main body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep;
| 48
All these preceded the machines, after which came the tribunes and the officers of the cohorts, with their elite, and then, surrounding the eagle, the ensigns with the trumpeters preceding the standards.
Next came the main army column, every rank six deep.
|
| 49
Τὸ
δ᾽
οἰκετικὸν
ἑκάστου
τάγματος
ὀπίσω
καὶ
πρὸ
τούτων
τὰ
σκευοφόρα,
τελευταῖοι
δὲ
πάντων
οἱ
μίσθιοι
καὶ
τούτων
φύλακες
οὐραγοί.
|
49
The servants belonging to each legion followed behind with the baggage-trains in front of them; last of all came the mercenaries and the rearguard who kept watch over them.
|
| 49
the servants belonging to every legion came after these; and before these last their baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought up the rear.
| 49
The servants attached to each legion came next, preceded by their baggage, and finally the mercenaries protected by a rear-guard.
|
| 50
Προάγων
δὲ
τὴν
δύναμιν
ἐν
κόσμῳ,
καθὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
σύνηθες,
ἐμβάλλει
διὰ
τῆς
ΣαμαρείτιδοςSamaria, Samaritan
εἰς
ΓόφναGophna
κατειλημμένην
τε
πρότερον
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
πατρὸς
καὶ
τότε
φρουρουμένην·
|
50
Advancing his force in an orderly manner, as is the Roman custom, he marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city previously captured by his father and at that time held by a garrison.
|
| 50
Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the front of the army after a decent manner, and marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city that had been formerly taken by his father, and was then garrisoned by Roman soldiers;
| 50
Leading this force in splendour in the Roman style he marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city already taken by his father and now garrisoned by Roman soldiers.
|
| 51
ἔνθα
μίαν
ἑσπέραν
αὐλισάμενος
ὑπὸ
τὴν
ἕω
πρόεισι,
καὶ
διανύσας
ἡμέρας
σταθμὸν
στρατοπεδεύεται
κατὰ
τὸν
ὑπὸ
ἸουδαίωνJews
πατρίως
Ἀκανθῶν
αὐλῶνα
καλούμενον
πρός
τινι
κώμῃ
Γαβὰθ
Σαοὺλ
λεγομένῃ,
σημαίνει
δὲ
τοῦτο
λόφον
ΣαούλουSaul,
διέχων
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ὅσον
ἀπὸ
τριάκοντα
σταδίων.
|
51
Having camped there for one evening, he set out at dawn and, after completing a day’s march, encamped at the place called “Valley of Thorns” by the Jews in their native tongue, near a certain village named Gabath Saul (which means “Hill of Saul”), being distant from Jerusalem about thirty stadia[1]
|
| 51
and when he had lodged there one night, he marched on in the morning; and when he had gone as far as a day’s march, he pitched his camp at that valley which the Jews, in their own tongue, call “the Valley of Thorns,” near a certain village called Gabaothsaul, which signifies “the Hill of Saul,” being distant from Jerusalem about thirty furlongs.
| 51
After lodging there one night, he proceeded in the morning and after a day's march encamped at what is called "the Valley of Thorns" by the local Jews, near a village called Gabaoth-Saul, which means "the Hill of Saul," about thirty furlongs from Jerusalem.
|
[1]30 stadia = 5.6 km (3.4 miles)
| 52
Ἀναλαβὼν
δ᾽
ἐντεῦθεν
ὅσον
εἰς
ἑξακοσίους
τῶν
ἐπιλέκτων
ἱππέων
ᾔει
τήν
τε
πόλιν
περισκεψόμενος,
ὅπως
ὀχυρότητος
ἔχοι,
καὶ
τὰ
φρονήματα
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews,
εἰ
πρὸς
τὴν
ὄψιν
αὐτοῦ
πρὶν
εἰς
χεῖρας
ἐλθεῖν
ὑποδείσαντες
ἐνδοῖεν·
|
52
Taking from there about six hundred picked horsemen, he went to inspect the city—to see how strong its defenses were—and the state of mind of the Jews, to see if they would surrender through fear at the sight of him before coming to blows.
|
| 52
There it was that he chose out six hundred select horsemen, and went to take a view of the city, to observe what strength it was of, and how courageous the Jews were; whether, when they saw him, and before they came to a direct battle, they would be affrighted and submit;
| 52
From there he went with six hundred elite cavalry to view the city and its strength and note the mettle of the Jews, whether as soon as they saw him they would be frightened and submit.
|
| 53
πέπυστο
γάρ,
ὅπερ
ἦν
ἀληθές,
τοῖς
στασιώδεσι
καὶ
λῃστρικοῖς
τὸν
δῆμον
ὑποπεπτηχότα
ποθεῖν
μὲν
εἰρήνην,
ἀσθενέστερον
δὲ
ὄντα
τῆς
ἐπαναστάσεωςa rising up
ἠρεμεῖν.
|
53
For he had heard, as was indeed true, that the people, being cowed by the factionalists and bandits, desired peace but remained quiet only because they were too weak to revolt.
|
| 53
for he had been informed what was really true, that the people who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers were greatly desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise up against the rest, they lay still.
| 53
For he had been told, and it really was true, that the people longed for peace but had fallen under the power of the rebels and the brigands, and being too weak to resist them, remained passive.
|
| 54
Ἕως
μὲν
οὖν
ὄρθιον
ἱππάζετο
τὴν
λεωφόρον
κατατείνουσαν
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
οὐδεὶς
προυφαίνετο
τῶν
πυλῶν,
|
54
Now as long as he rode straight along the main road leading toward the wall, no one appeared from the gates;
|
| 54
Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which led to the wall of the city, nobody appeared out of the gates;
| 54
As long as he rode along the straight road leading to the wall of the city, no one appeared out from the gates.
|
| 55
ἐπεὶ
δ᾽
ἐκ
τῆς
ὁδοῦ
πρὸς
τὸν
Ψήφινον
πύργον
ἀποκλίνας
πλάγιον
ἦγε
τὸ
τῶν
ἱππέων
στῖφος,
προπηδήσαντες
ἐξαίφνης
ἄπειροιinexperienced
κατὰ
τοὺς
Γυναικείους
καλουμένους
πύργους
διὰ
τῆς
ἀντικρὺ
τῶν
ἙλένηςHelena
μνημείων
πύλης
διεκπαίουσι
τῆς
ἵππου,
|
55
but when he turned off the road toward the Psephinus tower and led his troop of horsemen obliquely, an immense number suddenly leaped out from the so-called “Women’s Towers” through the gate opposite Helena’s monuments; they broke through the cavalry,
|
| 55
but when he went out of that road, and declined towards the tower Psephinus, and led the band of horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at the towers called the “Women’s Towers,” through that gate which was over against the monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted his horse;
| 55
But when he left that road and his cavalry descended at an angle toward the Psephinus tower, huge numbers of Jews sallied out at the so-called "Women's Towers
," through the gate facing queen Helena's tomb and cut through his cavalry.
|
| 56
καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
ἔτι
κατὰ
τὴν
ὁδὸν
θέοντας
ἀντιμέτωποι
στάντες
ἐκώλυσαν
συνάψαι
τοῖς
ἐκκλίνασι,
τὸν
δὲ
ΤίτονTitus
ἀποτέμνονται
σὺν
ὀλίγοις.
|
56
and standing face-to-face with those still running along the road, they prevented them from joining those who had turned aside, and they cut off Titus with a few men.
|
| 56
and standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road, hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They intercepted Titus also, with a few others.
| 56
Directly facing those who were still galloping down the road, they stopped them from joining those who had gone down and cut off Titus along with a few others.
|
| 57
Τῷ
δὲ
πρόσω
μὲν
ἦν
χωρεῖν
ἀδύνατον·
ἐκτετάφρευτο
γὰρ
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
περὶ
τὰς
κηπείας
ἅπαντα
τοίχοις
τε
ἐπικαρσίοις
καὶ
πολλοῖς
ἕρκεσι
διειλημμένα·
|
57
It was impossible for him to move forward, for all the ground outside the wall had been trenched for gardens and was divided by cross-walls and many fences.
|
| 57
Now it was here impossible for him to go forward, because all the places had trenches dug in them from the wall, to preserve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens obliquely situated, and of many hedges;
| 57
He could not go forward, for the ground in front of the wall was all dug up with trenches for gardens and crossed with walls and hedges,
|
| 58
τὴν
δὲ
πρὸς
τοὺς
σφετέρους
ἀναδρομὴν
πλήθει
τῶν
ἐν
μέσῳ
πολεμίων
ἀμήχανον
ἑώρα
καὶ
τραπέντας
τοὺς
ἀνὰ
τὴν
λεωφόρον,
ὧν
οἱ
πολλοὶ
μηδὲ
γινώσκοντες
τὸν
τοῦ
βασιλέως
κίνδυνον,
ἀλλ᾽
οἰόμενοι
συναναστραφῆναι
κἀκεῖνον
ἀνέφευγον.
|
58
He saw that a retreat to his own men was impossible because of the mass of enemies in between; he also saw that those on the main road had turned and fled—most of them not even knowing the danger the Caesar was in, but assuming he had turned back with them.
|
| 58
and to return back to his own men, he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the enemies that lay between them; many of whom did not so much as know that the king was in any danger, but supposed him still among them.
| 58
and he also saw that due to the number of the enemy in between, it was impossible to return to his own men, many of whom did not realize their king's danger, thinking that he had turned with them and was also in retreat.
|
| 59
Ὁ
δὲ
κατιδὼν
ὡς
ἐν
μόνῃ
τῇ
καθ᾽
αὑτὸν
ἀλκῇ
κεῖται
τὸ
σώζεσθαι
τόν
τε
ἵππον
ἐπιστρέφει
καὶ
τοῖς
περὶ
αὐτὸν
ἐμβοήσας
ἕπεσθαι
μέσοις
ἐμπηδᾷ
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
διεκπαῖσαι
πρὸς
τοὺς
σφετέρους
βιαζόμενος.
|
59
Realizing that his safety lay only in his own prowess, he turned his horse and, shouting to those around him to follow, he charged into the midst of the enemy, forcing his way through to reach his own men.
|
| 59
So he perceived that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage, and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies, in order to force his way through them to his own men.
| 59
He saw that his safety must come entirely from his own courage and turned his horse and calling aloud to those around him to follow he dashed into the midst of the enemy, to force his way through to his own men.
|
| 60
Ἔνθα
δὴ
μάλιστα
παρέστη
νοεῖν,
ὅτι
καὶ
πολέμων
ῥοπαὶ
καὶ
βασιλέων
κίνδυνοι
μέλονται
θεῷ·
|
60
There, indeed, it was most possible to perceive that the turns of war and the dangers of kings are the care of God.
|
| 60
And hence we may principally learn, that both the success of wars, and the dangers that kings are in, are under the providence of God;
| 60
This makes it clear that both the success of wars and the dangers to kings, are under the providence of God,
|
| 61
τοσούτων
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus
ἀφιεμένων
βελῶν
μήτε
κράνος
ἔχοντα
μήτε
θώρακα,
προῆλθε
γὰρ
ὡς
ἔφην
οὐ
πολεμιστὴς
ἀλλὰ
κατάσκοπος,
οὐδὲν
ἥψατο
τοῦ
σώματος,
κενὰ
δ᾽
ὥσπερ
ἐπίτηδεςdesignedly, deceitfully
ἀστοχούντων
παρερροιζεῖτο
πάντα.
|
61
For although so many missiles were hurled at Titus—who had neither helmet nor breastplate (for he had gone out, as I said, not as a fighter but as a scout)—not one touched his body, but all whizzed past harmlessly as if the marksmen were missing on purpose.
|
| 61
for while such a number of darts were thrown at Titus, when he had neither his headpiece on, nor his breastplate (for, as I told you, he went out not to fight, but to view the city), none of them touched his body, but went aside without hurting him; as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a noise as they passed by him.
| 61
for despite the number of spears thrown at Titus, when he was wearing neither helmet nor breastplate, (for, as I said, he went out not to fight, but to view the city,) none of them touched his body, but whizzed harmlessly by as if missing him on purpose.
|
| 63
Τῶν
δὲ
κραυγή
τε
ἦν
πρὸς
τὸ
παράστημα
τοῦ
ΚαίσαροςCaesar
καὶ
παρακέλευσις
ὁρμᾶν
ἐπ᾽
αὐτόν,
φυγὴ
δὲ
καὶ
χωρισμὸς
ἄθρους
καθ᾽
οὓς
ἐπελαύνων
γένοιτο.
|
63
There was a shout at the daring of Caesar and a calling to one another to rush upon him, but there was flight and a sudden clearing away wherever he charged.
|
| 63
The enemy indeed made a great shout at the boldness of Caesar, and exhorted one another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly away, and go off from him in great numbers;
| 63
The enemy shouted at the audacity of Caesar and urged each other to rush him, but when he turned they fled from him in droves.
|
| 64
Συνῆπτον
δὲ
οἱ
τοῦ
κινδύνου
μετέχοντες
κατὰ
νῶτα
καὶ
κατὰ
πλευρὰν
νυσσόμενοι·
μία
γὰρ
ἐλπὶς
ἦν
σωτηρίας
ἑκάστῳ
τὸ
συνεξανύτειν
τῷ
ΤίτῳTitus
καὶ
μὴ
φθάσαντα
κυκλωθῆναι.
|
64
Those sharing his danger kept close to him, being poked in their backs and sides; for the only hope of safety for each was to break through along with Titus and not be surrounded.
|
| 64
while those that were in the same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both on their backs and on their sides; for they had each of them but this one hope of escaping, if they could assist Titus in opening himself a way, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got away from them.
| 64
His colleagues in danger kept close to him, though shot at from the rear and from the sides.
Each saw his only hope of escape in staying with Titus and not letting him be surrounded.
|
| 65
Δύο
γοῦν
τῶν
ἀπωτέρω
τὸν
μὲν
σὺν
τῷ
ἵππῳ
περισχόντες
κατηκόντισαν,
θάτερον
δὲ
καταπηδήσαντα
διαφθείραντες
τὸν
ἵππον
ἀπήγαγον,
μετὰ
δὲ
τῶν
λοιπῶν
ΤίτοςTitus
ἐπὶ
τὸ
στρατόπεδον
διασώζεται.
|
65
Two men, at any rate, were further off; the Jews surrounded one with his horse and speared him, and the other, who had leaped down, they killed and led away his horse; Titus, with the rest, escaped safely to the camp.
|
| 65
Now, there were two of those that were with him, but at some distance; the one of which the enemy compassed round, and slew him with their darts, and his horse also; but the other they slew as he leaped down from his horse, and carried off his horse with them. But Titus escaped with the rest, and came safe to the camp.
| 65
Two of his men fell a little way behind, one of whom was surrounded and speared, together with his horse, while the other dismounted and was killed and they took his horse.
But Titus and the rest escaped and came safely to the camp.
|
| 66
Τοῖς
μὲν
οὖν
ἸουδαίοιςJews
πλεονεκτήσασι
κατὰ
τὴν
πρώτην
ἐπίθεσιν
ἐπήγειρε
τὰς
διανοίας
ἄσκεπτος
ἐλπίς,
καὶ
πολὺ
θάρσος
αὐτοῖς
εἰς
τὸ
μέλλον
ἡ
πρόσκαιρος
ῥοπὴ
προυξένει.
|
66
To the Jews, who had gained the advantage in the first attack, a reckless hope raised their spirits, and this temporary turn of fortune gave them great confidence for the future.
|
| 66
So this success of the Jews’ first attack raised their minds, and gave them an ill-grounded hope; and this short inclination of fortune, on their side, made them very courageous for the future.
| 66
This success of their first attack raised the Jews' spirits and gave them ill-founded hope, as this turn of fortune encouraged them for the future.
|
| 67
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
δ᾽
ὡς
αὐτῷ
συνέμιξε
διὰ
νυκτὸς
τὸ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈμμαοῦςEmmaus
τάγμα,
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἐκεῖθεν
ἄρας
ἐπὶ
τὸν
σκοπὸν
καλούμενον
πρόεισιν,
ἔνθεν
ἥ
τε
πόλις
ἤδη
κατεφαίνετο
καὶ
τὸ
τοῦ
ναοῦ
μέγεθος
ἐκλάμπον,
καθὰ
τῷ
βορείῳ
κλίματι
τῆς
πόλεως
χθαμαλὸς
συνάπτων
ὁ
χῶρος
ἐτύμως
σκοπὸς
ὠνόμασται.
|
67
When the legion from Emmaus joined Caesar during the night, he moved from there at daybreak and advanced to the place called Scopus (“The Lookout”), from which the city and the vastness of the Temple first became visible—where the ground, joining the northern side of the city as a level plain, is truly named Scopus.
|
| 67
But now, as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to Caesar at night, he removed thence, when it was day, and came to a place called Scopus; from whence the city began already to be seen, and a plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter of the city, and joining thereto, was a plain, and very properly named Scopus, [the prospect];
| 67
After dark, Caesar was joined by the legion from Emmaus, and at daybreak proceeded from there to a place called Scopus.
From there the city was already visible and the full size of the temple was clear.
This place, to the north of the city and connected to it, was a plateau appropriately named "Scopus."
|
| 68
Τῆς
δὲ
πόλεως
σταδίους
ἑπτὰ
διέχων
ἐκέλευσε
περιβαλέσθαι
στρατόπεδον
τοῖς
δύο
τάγμασιν
ὁμοῦ,
τὸ
δὲ
πέμπτον
τούτων
ὀπίσω
τρισὶ
σταδίοις·
κόπῳ
γὰρ
τῆς
διὰ
νυκτὸς
πορείας
τετρυμένους
ἐδόκει
σκέπης
ἀξίους
εἶναι,
ὡς
ἂν
ἀδεέστερον
τειχίσαιντο.
|
68
Being seven stadia[1] from the city, he ordered two legions to camp together, and the Fifth Legion three stadia[2] behind them; for he thought those exhausted by the night’s march deserved protection so they could build their fortifications without fear.
|
| 68
and was no more than seven furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions that were to be together; but ordered another camp to be fortified, at three furlongs farther distance behind them, for the fifth legion; for he thought that, by marching in the night, they might be tired, and might deserve to be covered from the enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves;
| 68
Here, seven furlongs from the city, Titus ordered the setting up of a combined camp for two legions, and another for the fifth legion three furlongs back, reckoning that, tired after their night march, they deserved some protection while they dug in.
|
[1]7 stadia = 1.3 km (0.8 miles)
[2]3 stadia = 0.6 km (0.3 miles)
| 69
Καταρχομένων
δ᾽
ἄρτι
τῆς
δομήσεως
καὶ
τὸ
δέκατον
τάγμα
διὰ
ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho
ἤδη
παρῆν,
ἔνθα
καθῆστό
τις
ὁπλιτικὴ
μοῖρα
φρουροῦσα
τὴν
ἐμβολὴν
ὑπὸ
ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus
προκατειλημμένην.
|
69
Just as they were beginning the construction, the Tenth Legion arrived via Jericho, where a body of infantry had been stationed to guard the pass previously seized by Vespasian.
|
| 69
and as these were now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho, was already come to the place, where a certain party of armed men had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken before by Vespasian.
| 69
As they were beginning to build, the tenth legion arrived, coming via Jericho, where an armed division had been posted to guard the pass into the city already taken by Vespasian.
|
| 70
προσετέτακτο
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
ἓξ
ἀπέχοντας
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
σταδίους
στρατοπεδεύσασθαι
κατὰ
τὸ
ἐλαιῶν
καλούμενον
ὄρος,
ὃ
τῇ
πόλει
πρὸς
ἀνατολὴν
ἀντίκειται
μέσῃ
φάραγγι
βαθείᾳ
διειργόμενον,
ἣ
Κεδρὼν
ὠνόμασται.
|
70
These were ordered to encamp six stadia[1] from Jerusalem at the so-called Mount of Olives, which lies opposite the city to the east, separated by a deep valley called Kedron.
|
| 70
These legions had orders to encamp at the distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the mount called the Mount of Olives which lies over against the city on the east side, and is parted from it by a deep valley, interposed between them, which is named Cedron.
| 70
They had orders to encamp a distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the so-called Mount of Olives, over on the east side of the city and separated from it by a deep valley, named Cedron.
|
[1]6 stadia = 1 km (0.7 miles)
| 71
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἀνὰ
τὸ
ἄστυ
συρρηγνυμένων
ἀδιαλείπτως
τότε
πρῶτον
ἀνέπαυσεν
τὴν
ἐπ᾽
ἀλλήλοις
ἔριν
ὁ
ἔξωθεν
πόλεμος
ἐξαίφνης
πολὺς
ἐπελθών·
|
71
The factions within the city, who were clashing incessantly, then for the first time paused their strife against one another when the external war suddenly came upon them in force.
|
| 71
Now, when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing one against another perpetually, this foreign war, now suddenly come upon them after a violent manner, put the first stop to their contentions one against another;
| 71
The constant mutual conflicts that up to now had gone on within the city now ceased when this war was suddenly upon them from outside.
|
| 72
καὶ
μετ᾽
ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἀφορῶντες
στρατοπεδευομένους
τριχῆ
κακῆς
ὁμονοίας
κατήρχοντο
καὶ
λόγον
ἀλλήλοις
ἐδίδοσαν,
|
72
With consternation, the factionalists looked out at the Romans entrenching themselves, and they began a “wicked harmony” in three parts, giving word to one another:
|
| 72
and, as the seditious now saw with astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another,
| 72
As the rebels were shocked to see the Romans making three separate encampments, they formed an awkward alliance asking each other to explain
|
| 73
τί
μένοιεν
ἢ
τί
παθόντες
ἀνέχοιντο
τρία
ταῖς
ἀναπνοαῖς
αὐτῶν
ἐπιφρασσόμενα
τείχη,
καὶ
τοῦ
πολέμου
μετ᾽
ἀδείας
ἀντιπολίζοντος
ἑαυτόν,
οἱ
δ᾽
ὥσπερ
θεαταὶ
καλῶν
καὶ
συμφόρων
ἔργων
καθέζοιντο
τειχήρεις
τὼ
χεῖρε
καὶ
τὰς
πανοπλίας
παρέντες;
|
73
Why did they wait, or what had happened to them that they endured three walls being built to choke their breath, while the enemy was securely fortifying himself against the city, and they sat like spectators of fine and useful deeds, walled-in with their hands and armor idle?
|
| 73
“What do we here, and what do we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be able to breathe freely? while the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and while we sit still within our own walls, and become spectators only of what they are doing, with our hands idle, and our armor laid by, as if they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage.
| 73
why they sat there and let themselves be cooped in by three walls, like mere spectators of a disaster behind their own walls, with idle hands and armour set aside while the enemy put up a rival city.
|
| 74
«Καθ᾽
αὑτῶν
ἄρα
γενναῖοι
μόνον
ἡμεῖς,
ἐξεβόησαν,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
ἐκ
τῆς
ἡμετέρας
στάσεως
κερδήσουσιν
ἀναιμωτὶ
τὴν
πόλιν.»
τούτοις
ἀθροίζοντες
ἀλλήλους
παρεκρότουν,
|
74
“Are we brave only against ourselves?” they cried out, “while the Romans will win the city without blood through our factionalism!” Encouraging one another with these words, they gathered together,
|
| 74
We are, it seems,” so did they cry out, “only courageous against ourselves, while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our sedition.”
| 74
"Are we courageous only against each other
," they shouted "and by our internal strife let the Romans take the city without shedding a drop of blood?" Encouraging each other in this way, they joined forces
|
| 75
καὶ
τὰς
πανοπλίας
ἁρπάσαντες
αἰφνιδίως
ἐπεκθέουσι
τῷ
δεκάτῳ
τάγματι
καὶ
διὰ
τῆς
φάραγγος
ᾄξαντες
μετὰ
κραυγῆς
ἐξαισίου
τειχιζομένοις
προσπίπτουσι
τοῖς
πολεμίοις.
|
75
and suddenly seizing their armor, they charged out against the Tenth Legion and, rushing across the valley with an extraordinary shout, fell upon the enemy as they were building the wall.
|
| 75
Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten together, and took their armor immediately, and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness, and with a prodigious shout, as they were fortifying their camp.
| 75
and instantly seized their weapons and rushed out at the tenth legion across the ravine and, with loud shouting, attacked the enemy as they were fortifying their camp.
|
| 76
Οἱ
δὲ
πρὸς
τὸ
ἔργον
διῃρημένοι
καὶ
διὰ
τοῦτο
τὰ
πολλὰ
τεθεικότες
τῶν
ὅπλων,
οὔτε
γὰρ
θαρρήσειν
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
πρὸς
ἐκδρομὴν
ὑπελάμβανον
καὶ
προθυμουμένων
περισπασθήσεσθαι
τὰς
ὁρμὰς
τῇ
στάσει,
|
76
The Romans, being distributed for the work and having for that reason laid aside most of their arms, did not suppose the Jews would dare a sally—and even if they were so inclined, they thought their energy would be distracted by their internal strife.
|
| 76
These Romans were caught in different parties, and this in order to perform their several works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms; for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon them; and had they been disposed so to do, they supposed their sedition would have distracted them. So they were put into disorder unexpectedly;
| 76
These were out working in groups, and had mostly set aside their arms, thinking the Jews either would not dare come out against them, or that their internal divisions would prevent them from doing so.
|
| 77
συνεταράχθησαν
ἀδοκήτως,
καὶ
τῶν
ἔργων
ἀφέμενοι
τινὲς
μὲν
ἀνεχώρουν
εὐθέως,
πολλοὶ
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ὅπλα
θέοντες
πρὶν
ἐπιστραφῆναι
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
ἐφθάνοντο
παιόμενοι.
|
77
They were thrown into confusion unexpectedly; some abandoned the works and retreated immediately, while many running for their arms were struck down before they could turn toward the enemy.
|
| 77
when some of them left their works they were about, and immediately marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain before they could turn back upon the enemy.
| 77
So they were surprised and thrown into disorder and some abandoned the works and instantly retreated, while many rushed to arms, but were struck and killed before they could around on the enemy.
|
| 78
Προσεγίνοντο
δὲ
τοῖς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ἀεὶ
πλείους
ἐπὶ
τῷ
κρατεῖν
τοὺς
πρώτους
τεθαρρηκότες,
καὶ
τῶν
ὄντων
πολλαπλασίους
ἐδόκουν
σφίσι
τε
καὶ
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
δεξιᾷ
χρώμενοι
τῇ
τύχῃ.
|
78
More and more Jews were added to the attack, emboldened by the success of the first group; they seemed much more numerous to themselves and the enemy because fortune was favoring them.
|
| 78
The Jews became still more and more in number, as encouraged by the good success of those that first made the attack; and while they had such good fortune, they seemed both to themselves and to the enemy to be many more than they really were.
| 78
Heartened by the success of the first attackers, the Jews grew in numbers, and while fortune favoured them they seemed to themselves and to the enemy to be more numerous than they really were.
|
| 79
Μάλιστα
δὲ
τοὺς
ἐν
ἔθει
συντάξεως
ὄντας
καὶ
μετὰ
κόσμου
καὶ
παραγγελμάτων
πολεμεῖν
εἰδότας
ἀταξία
φθάσασα
θορυβεῖ.
Διὸ
καὶ
τότε
προληφθέντες
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
ταῖς
ἐμβολαῖς
εἶκον.
|
79
Disorder, coming suddenly, always confuses those accustomed to discipline and who know how to fight with order and commands. Therefore, the Romans, being caught off guard, gave way to the assaults.
|
| 79
The disorderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also to a stand, who had been constantly used to fighting skillfully in good order, and with keeping their ranks, and obeying the orders that were given them; for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly, and were obliged to give way to the assaults that were made upon them.
| 79
At first their disorderly fighting style troubled the Romans who were used to methodical fighting, keeping ranks and obeying orders, so that these attacks caught them by surprise.
|
| 80
Καὶ
ὁπότεwhen
μὲν
ἐπιστραφεῖεν
οἱ
καταλαμβανόμενοι,
τοῦ
τε
δρόμου
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἐπεῖχον
καὶ
διὰ
τὴν
ὁρμὴν
ἧττον
φυλαττομένους
ἐτίτρωσκον,
ἀεὶ
δὲ
πληθυούσης
τῆς
ἐκδρομῆς
μᾶλλον
ταραττόμενοι
τελευταῖον
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
στρατοπέδου
τρέπονται.
|
80
Whenever those being overtaken turned back, they checked the Jews’ run and wounded them as they were less guarded due to their momentum; but as the sallying party kept increasing in size, the Romans were more confused and finally turned and fled from the camp.
|
| 80
Now when these Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon the Jews, they put a stop to their career; yet when they did not take care enough of themselves through the vehemency of their pursuit, they were wounded by them; but as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city, the Romans were at length brought into confusion, and put to flight, and ran away from their camp.
| 80
Whenever they were overtaken and turned around, they could check the onrushing Jews, but when in the heat of pursuit they did not defend themselves, they were wounded by them, and as still more joined in the sorties, they were finally put to flight and fled from their camp.
|
| 81
Καὶ
δοκεῖ
τότε
ἂν
κινδυνεῦσαι
τὸ
τάγμα
πᾶν,
εἰ
μὴ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἀγγελθὲν
αὐτῷ
τάχος
ἐπεβοήθησε,
καὶ
πολλὰ
ὀνειδίσας
εἰς
ἀνανδρίαν
ἐπιστρέφει
μὲν
τοὺς
φεύγοντας,
|
81
It seems the entire legion would have then been in danger had not Titus, when the news was brought to him, quickly come to their aid; after reproaching them for cowardice, he turned back the fugitives,
|
| 81
Nay, things looked as though the entire legion would have been in danger, unless Titus had been informed of the case they were in, and had sent them succors immediately. So he reproached them for their cowardice, and brought those back that were running away,
| 81
The entire legion seemed in danger until Titus was told of it and came quickly to their help, censured their cowardice and rallied those who were in flight.
|
| 82
αὐτὸς
δὲ
πλαγίοις
τοῖς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
προσπεσὼν
μεθ᾽
ὧν
ἧκεν
ἐπιλέκτων
συχνοὺς
μὲν
ἀναιρεῖ,
τιτρώσκει
δὲ
πλείους,
τρέπεται
δὲ
πάντας
καὶ
συνωθεῖ
κατὰ
τῆς
φάραγγος.
|
82
and falling upon the Jews’ flank with his picked men, he slew many, wounded more, put them all to flight, and drove them down into the valley.
|
| 82
and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank, with those select troops that were with him, and slew a considerable number, and wounded more of them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down the valley.
| 82
Attacking the Jews from the side with his elite troops, he killed a large number and wounded even more and drove them all in headlong flight down the valley.
|
| 83
Οἱ
δ᾽
ἐν
τῷ
κατάντει
πολλὰ
κακωθέντες
ὡς
διεξέπεσον,
ἄντικρυς
ἐπιστρέφονται
καὶ
μέσην
ἔχοντες
τὴν
χαράδραν
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
διεμάχοντο.
|
83
They suffered much as they went down the slope, but once they broke through, they turned back and fought the Romans from the bottom of the ravine.
|
| 83
Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley, so when they were gotten over it, they turned about, and stood over against the Romans, having the valley between them, and there fought with them.
| 83
They suffered greatly during the descent; but when they had gotten across, they turned around and fought the Romans across the intervening valley.
|
| 84
μέχρι
μὲν
δὴ
μέσης
ἡμέρας
οὕτως
ἐπολέμουν,
ὀλίγον
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
μεσημβρίας
ἐκκλίνοντος
ἤδη,
ΤίτοςTitus
τοὺς
μεθ᾽
αὑτοῦ
προσβοηθήσαντας
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τῶν
σπειρῶν
τοῖς
ἐκτρέχουσιν
ἀντιπαρατάξας
τὸ
λοιπὸν
τάγμα
πρὸς
τὸν
τειχισμὸν
ἀνέπεμπεν
εἰς
τὴν
ἀκρώρειαν.
|
84
They fought in this way until midday; but shortly after the sun began to decline, Titus, having stationed those who had come with him and those from the cohorts to face those making sallies, sent the rest of the legion to the ridge to finish the fortifications.
|
| 84
Thus did they continue the fight till noon; but when it was already a little after noon, Titus set those that came to the assistance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify their camp.
| 84
The fight continued until noon, but in the early afternoon Titus set those who had come to the rescue with him and others of the cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more raids.
Then he sent the rest of the legion back to the building work, up on the ridge.
|
| 85
ἸουδαίοιςJews
δὲ
τοῦτ᾽
ἐδόκει
φυγή,
καὶ
τοῦ
σκοποῦ
κατασείσαντος
θοιμάτιον,
ὃς
αὐτοῖς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
καθῆστο,
προπηδῶσι
πλῆθος
ἀκραιφνέστερον
μετὰ
τοσαύτης
ὁρμῆς,
ὡς
τὸν
δρόμον
αὐτῶν
τοῖς
ἀγριωτάτοις
εἰκάζειν
θηρίοις.
|
85
To the Jews, this seemed like a flight; and when the scout sitting on the wall signaled with his garment, a fresh multitude leaped out with such force that their run was like that of the wildest beasts.
|
| 85
This march of the Romans seemed to the Jews to be a flight; and as the watchman who was placed upon the wall gave a signal by shaking his garment, there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such mighty violence, that one might compare it to the running of the most terrible wild beasts.
| 85
To the Jews this seemed like a flight, and as the watchman upon the wall gave the signal by shaking a garment, a fresh crowd surged out with such force that it resembled a charge of savage beasts.
|
| 86
Ἀμέλει
τῶν
ἀντιπαραταχθέντων
οὐδεὶς
ἔμεινεν
τὴν
συμβολήν,
ἀλλ᾽
ὥσπερ
ἐξ
ὀργάνου
παιόμενοι
διέρρηξαν
τὴν
τάξιν
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
ὄρος
τραπέντες
ἀνέφευγον.
|
86
Indeed, none of those stationed to face them waited for the clash, but as if struck by a machine, they broke ranks and turned to flee toward the mountain.
|
| 86
To say the truth, none of those that opposed them could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks; but, as if they had been cast out of an engine, they brake the enemies’ ranks to pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain;
| 86
In truth, none of those drawn up against them could sustain their attack which, as if shot from an engine, broke the enemy ranks to pieces and drove them in flight up the mountain.
|
| 87
Λείπεται
δ᾽
ἐν
μέσῳ
τῷ
προσάντει
ΤίτοςTitus
μετ᾽
ὀλίγων,
καὶ
πολλὰ
τῶν
φίλων
παραινούντων,
ὅσοι
δι᾽
αἰδῶ
τὴν
πρὸς
τὸν
ἡγεμόνα
τοῦ
κινδύνου
καταφρονήσαντες
ἔστησαν,
|
87
Titus was left with a few men on the slope, and despite many of his friends urging him—those who, out of respect for their leader, stood their ground, disregarding the danger—
|
| 87
none but Titus himself, and a few others with him, being left in the midst of the acclivity. Now these others, who were his friends, despised the danger they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general,
| 87
Only Titus himself and a few others were left, half way up the slope.
Despite the danger, these friends were ashamed to abandon their general,
|
| 88
εἶξαι
θανατῶσιν
ἸουδαίοιςJews
καὶ
μὴ
προκινδυνεύειν
τούτων,
οὓς
ἐχρῆν
πρὸ
αὐτοῦ
μένειν,
λαμβάνειν
δὲ
ἔννοιαν
τῆς
καθ᾽
αὑτὸν
τύχης
καὶ
μὴ
στρατιώτου
τάξιν
ἀποπληροῦν
ὄντα
καὶ
τοῦ
πολέμου
καὶ
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
δεσπότην,
μηδ᾽
ὀξεῖαν
οὕτως
ὑφίστασθαι
ῥοπὴν
ἐν
ᾧ
σαλεύει
τὰ
πάντα,
|
88
to give way to the Jews who were courting death and not to risk his life for those who should have stood before him, but to consider his own fortune and not fulfill the role of a common soldier, being the master of both the war and the world, nor to undergo so sharp a crisis when everything was at stake—
|
| 88
earnestly exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him; to consider what his fortune was, and not, by supplying the place of a common soldier, to venture to turn back upon the enemy so suddenly; and this because he was general in the war, and lord of the habitable earth, on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend.
| 88
but all earnestly urged him to back off from these Jews who courted death and not to risk such dangers for those who must stay to protect him.
He ought to consider the destiny assigned him and not take the place of a common soldier, for as master of the war and of the world, on whose safety all depended he ought not take such risks.
|
| 89
τούτων
οὐδ᾽
ἀκούειν
ἔδοξε,
τοῖς
δὲ
καθ᾽
αὑτὸν
ἀνατρέχουσιν
ἀνθίσταται
καὶ
κατὰ
στόμα
παίων
βιαζομένους
ἀνῄρει
κατά
τε
τοῦ
πρανοῦς
ἀθρόοις
ἐμπίπτων
ἀνεώθει
τὸ
πλῆθος.
|
89
he seemed not even to hear them; he stood against those running up at him and slew those forcing their way face-to-face, and falling upon the mass as they came down the slope, he pushed the multitude back.
|
| 89
These persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that ran upon him, and smote them on the face; and when he had forced them to go back, he slew them: he also fell upon great numbers as they marched down the hill, and thrust them forward;
| 89
He seemed not to hear this advice but faced up to his pursuers, striking them head-on and killing them by main force; then falling on a dense group, he thrust them down the hill.
|
| 91
Κἀν
τούτῳ
καὶ
τοῖς
ἄνω
τειχίζουσι
τὸ
στρατόπεδον,
ὡς
ἐθεάσαντο
τοὺς
κάτω
φεύγοντας,
|
91
Meanwhile, those at the top who were fortifying the camp, when they saw those below fleeing,
|
| 91
In the meantime, a disorder and a terror fell again upon those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill, upon their seeing those beneath them running away; insomuch that the whole legion was dispersed,
| 91
Confusion and terror again filled those on the ridge who were fortifying the camp, seeing those beneath them running away.
|
| 92
πάλιν
ἐμπίπτει
ταραχὴ
καὶ
δέος,
καὶ
διασκίδναται
πᾶν
τὸ
τάγμα,
δοκούντων
ἀνυπόστατον
μὲν
εἶναι
τὴν
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἐκδρομήν,
τετράφθαι
δ᾽
αὐτὸν
ΤίτονTitus·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἄν
ποτε
τοὺς
ἄλλους
φεύγειν
ἐκείνου
μένοντος.
|
92
were again seized by confusion and fear, and the whole legion scattered, thinking the Jewish sally was irresistible and that Titus himself had been turned back; for they thought the others would never flee if he were standing his ground.
|
| 92
while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight; because they took it for granted, that, if he had staid, the rest would never have fled for it.
| 92
The whole legion scattered, thinking they could not repel the Jewish assault and that Titus himself had been put to flight, assuming that if he had stayed, the others would not have fled.
|
| 93
Καὶ
καθάπερ
πανικῷ
δείματι
κυκλωθέντες
ἄλλος
ἀλλαχῆ
διεφέροντο,
μέχρι
τινὲς
κατιδόντες
ἐν
μέσῳ
τοῦ
πολέμου
τὸν
ἡγεμόνα
στρεφόμενον
καὶ
μέγα
δείσαντες
ἀμφ᾽
αὐτῷ
διαβοῶσι
τὸν
κίνδυνον
ὅλῳ
τῷ
τάγματι.
|
93
And as if surrounded by a panic, they were driven in every direction, until some saw their leader in the middle of the battle, turning the enemy, and fearing greatly for him, they shouted out the danger to the whole legion.
|
| 93
Thus were they encompassed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and some dispersed themselves one way, and some another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an action, and being under great concern for him, they loudly proclaimed the danger he was in to the entire legion;
| 93
A kind of panic seized them and were scattering in all directions until some saw their general in the very centre of the action, and in great anxiety for him, shouted out the danger to the entire legion.
|
| 94
Τοὺς
δ᾽
αἰδὼς
ἐπέστρεφε,
καὶ
πλεῖόν
τι
φυγῆς
κακίζοντες
ἀλλήλους
ἐπὶ
τῷ
καταλιπεῖν
ΚαίσαραCaesar
πάσῃ
βίᾳ
κατὰ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἐχρῶντο
καὶ
κλίναντες
ἅπαξ
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
κατάντους
συνώθουν
αὐτοὺς
εἰς
τὸ
κοῖλον.
|
94
Shame turned them back; and reproaching one another for a deed worse than flight—abandoning Caesar—they used all their force against the Jews and, having once turned them from the slope, they pushed them into the hollow.
|
| 94
and now shame made them turn back, and they reproached one another that they did worse than run away, by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews, and declining from the straight declivity, they drove them on heaps into the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them;
| 94
Shame now made them turn back and they blamed each other, since deserting Caesar was worse than running away.
So they strained their utmost against the Jews and pressed down the slope toward the valley.
|
| 95
Οἱ
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
πόδα
χωροῦντες
ἐμάχοντο,
καὶ
πλεονεκτοῦντες
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τῷ
καθύπερθεν
εἶναι
συνελαύνουσι
πάντας
εἰς
τὴν
Φάραγγα.
|
95
The Jews retreated step by step while fighting, and the Romans, having the advantage of being on higher ground, drove them all into the valley.
|
| 95
but as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had the advantage of the ground, and were above the Jews, they drove them all into the valley.
| 95
These fought back, step by step, but as they were retreating the Romans had the higher ground and drove them all into the ravine.
|
| 96
προσέκειτο
δὲ
τοῖς
καθ᾽
αὑτὸν
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
τάγμα
πάλιν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
τειχοποιίαν
ἔπεμψεν,
αὐτὸς
δὲ
σὺν
οἷς
πρότερον
ἀντιστὰς
εἶργε
τοὺς
πολεμίους·
|
96
Titus pressed upon those in front of him and sent the legion back to the wall-building, while he himself, with those he had before, stood and kept the enemy back.
|
| 96
Titus also pressed upon those that were near him, and sent the legion again to fortify their camp; while he, and those that were with him before, opposed the enemy, and kept them from doing further mischief;
| 96
Titus still pressed on those in his vicinity and sent the legion back to fortify their camp while he and his earlier companions kept the enemy in check.
|
| 97
ὥστ᾽,
εἰ
χρὴ
μήτε
θεραπείᾳ
τι
προστιθέντα
μήθ᾽
ὑφελόντα
φθόνῳ
τἀληθὲς
εἰπεῖν,
αὐτὸς
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
δὶς
μὲν
ἐρρύσατο
κινδυνεῦσαν
ὅλον
τὸ
τάγμα
καὶ
τοῦ
περιβαλέσθαι
τὸ
στρατόπεδον
αὐτοῖς
χρόνου
παρέσχε.
|
97
So that, if one must speak the truth without adding through flattery or taking away through envy, Caesar himself twice rescued the entire legion from danger and provided them the safety to finish fortifying their camp.
|
| 97
insomuch that, if I may be allowed neither to add anything out of flattery, nor to diminish anything out of envy, but to speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when it was in jeopardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying their camp.
| 97
Without adding anything from flattery, or withholding anything from envy, but speaking the plain truth, I may say that Caesar twice saved that entire legion when it was in danger and enabled them to fortify their camp in safety.
|
Chapter 3
The Jews set traps for the Romans.
Titus calls for prudence
| 98
λωφήσαντος
δὲ
πρὸς
βραχὺ
τοῦ
θύραζε
πολέμου
πάλιν
τὸν
ἔνδον
ἡ
στάσις
ἐπήγειρεν.
|
98
When the war from without had ceased for a short time, the factional strife within was again aroused.
|
| 98
As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived;
| 98
As the war outside ceased for a while, the factionalism inside intensified.
|
| 99
Καὶ
τῆς
τῶν
ἀζύμων
Ἐνστάσης
ἡμέρας
τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῃ
ΞανθικοῦXanthicus
μηνός,
ἐν
ᾗ
δοκοῦσιν
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τὸν
πρῶτον
ἀπαλλαγῆναι
καιρὸν
ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians,
οἱ
μὲν
περὶ
τὸν
ἘλεάζαρονEleazar
παρανοίγοντες
τὰς
πύλας
ἐδέχοντο
ἐκ
τοῦ
δήμου
τοὺς
προσκυνεῖν
ἐθέλοντας
εἴσω,
|
99
And as the Day of Unleavened Bread approached on the fourteenth of the month Xanthicus[1]—the day on which the Jews believe they first escaped the Egyptians—Eleazar and his men opened the gates to admit those of the people who wished to worship within the inner court.
|
| 99
and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was now come, it being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when it is believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates of this [inmost court of the] temple, and admitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it.
| 99
When it came to the feast of unleavened bread, on the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, when it seems the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar's group opened the gates to let in the people who wanted to worship God.
|
[1]The 14th of Xanthicus (Nisan) of 70 AD was the day of the Passover sacrifice.
| 100
ἸωάννηςJohn
δὲ
προκάλυμμα
τῆς
ἐπιβουλῆς
ποιησάμενος
τὴν
ἑορτὴν
τῶν
σὺν
αὐτῷ
κρυπτοῖς
ὅπλοις
ἐνσκευάσας
τοὺς
ἀσημοτέρους,
ὧν
οἱ
πλείους
ἦσαν
ἄναγνοι,
διὰ
σπουδῆς
παρεισπέμπει
προκαταληψομένους
τὸ
ἱερόν.
Οἱ
δ᾽
ὡς
ἔνδον
ἐγένοντο,
τὰς
ἐσθῆτας
ἀπορρίψαντες
ἐφάνησαν
ἐξαπίνης
ὁπλῖταιheavy-armed.
|
100
But John used the festival as a screen for his treachery: he armed the less conspicuous of his followers with concealed weapons—most of whom were ritually impure—and hurriedly smuggled them inside to seize the Temple in advance. Once they were inside, they cast off their outer garments and suddenly appeared as armed men.
|
| 100
But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous designs, and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their garments, and sent them with great zeal into the temple, in order to seize upon it; which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their garments away, and presently appeared in their armor.
| 100
But John used this festival as a mask for treachery and sent in the least recognizable of his party, most of them unpurified, with weapons concealed under their clothes in order to seize the temple.
When they got in, they threw aside their clothing and soon appeared in their armour.
|
| 101
ταραχὴ
δὲ
μεγίστη
περὶ
τὸν
ναὸν
αὐτίκα
καὶ
θόρυβος
ἦν,
τοῦ
μὲν
ἔξω
τῆς
στάσεως
λαοῦ
κατὰ
πάντων
ἄκριτον
οἰομένων
εἶναι
τὴν
ἐπίθεσιν,
τῶν
δὲ
ζηλωτῶν
ἐπὶ
σφίσι
μόνοις.
|
101
Immediately there was the greatest confusion and turmoil around the sanctuary; the people who were not part of the factions thought the attack was directed indiscriminately against everyone, while the Zealots thought it was against them alone.
|
| 101
Upon which there was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house; while the people, who had no concern in the sedition, supposed that this assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought it was made against themselves only.
| 101
There was a huge, noisy commotion in the sanctuary, with the people who had no part in the revolt thinking this attack was on them all, indiscriminately, while the Zealots saw it as against themselves alone.
|
| 102
Ἀλλ᾽But
οἱ
μὲν
ἀφέμενοι
τὸ
φρουρεῖν
ἔτι
τὰς
πύλας
καὶ
τῶν
ἐπάλξεων
καταπηδήσαντες
πρὶν
εἰς
χεῖρας
ἐλθεῖν
εἰς
τοὺς
ὑπονόμους
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
κατέφυγον·
οἱ
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
δήμου
πρὸς
τῷ
βωμῷ
καταπτήσσοντες
καὶ
περὶ
τὸν
ναὸν
συνειλούμενοι
κατεπατοῦντο
ξύλοις
τε
ἀνέδην
παιόμενοι
καὶ
σιδήρῳ.
|
102
The Zealots, however, abandoned their guard of the gates and jumped down from the battlements; before coming to blows, they fled into the underground vaults of the Temple. But the people from the common crowd, cowering at the altar and huddled around the sanctuary, were trampled and beaten mercilessly with clubs and iron.
|
| 102
So these left off guarding the gates any longer, and leaped down from their battlements before they came to an engagement, and fled away into the subterranean caverns of the temple; while the people that stood trembling at the altar, and about the holy house, were rolled on heaps together, and trampled upon, and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy.
| 102
So they stopped guarding the gates and rather than fight, jumped down from their positions and fled to the temple cellars, while the people trembling at the altar and around the sanctuary were herded together, trampled and mercilessly beaten with staves and iron bars.
|
| 103
Πολλοὺς
δὲ
τῶν
ἡσυχίων
κατ᾽
ἔχθραν
καὶ
μῖσος
ἴδιον
ὡς
ἀντιστασιαστὰς
ἀνῄρουν
οἱ
διάφοροι,
καὶ
πᾶς
ὁ
προσκρούσας
τῷ
τῶν
ἐπιβούλων
πάλαι
τηνικαῦτα
ἐπιγνωσθεὶς
ὡς
ζηλωτὴς
πρὸς
αἰκίαν
ἀνήγετο.
|
103
Many of the peaceful citizens were murdered by their personal enemies out of private hatred and malice under the pretense of being rival factionalists; any man who had offended one of the conspirators in the past was identified as a Zealot and led away to be tortured.
|
| 103
Such also as had differences with others slew many persons that were quiet, out of their own private enmity and hatred, as if they were opposite to the seditious; and all those that had formerly offended any of these plotters were now known, and were now led away to the slaughter;
| 103
Many peaceful people were killed by whoever felt enmity or personal grudge against them, as if they belonged to the opposite party, and anyone who had formerly offended any of the conspirators were called Zealots and led to the slaughter.
|
| 104
Πολλὰ
δὲ
δεινὰ
τοὺς
ἀναιτίους
διαθέντες
ἐκεχειρίαν
τοῖς
αἰτίοις
ἔδοσαν,
καὶ
προελθόντας
ἐκ
τῶν
ὑπονόμων
διίεσαν.
Αὐτοὶ
δὲ
καὶ
τὸ
ἐνδότερον
ἱερὸν
κατασχόντες
καὶ
τὰς
ἐν
αὐτῷ
παρασκευὰς
πάσας
κατεθάρρουν
ἤδη
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon.
|
104
After inflicting many horrors upon the innocent, they granted a truce to the guilty and allowed them to come out of the underground vaults. John’s faction then seized the inner Temple and all its stores, and now felt emboldened against Simon.
|
| 104
and when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty, and let those go off that came out of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon this inner temple, and upon all the warlike engines therein, and then ventured to oppose Simon.
| 104
After doing terrible harm to the innocent, they granted a truce to the guilty and let them go as they came out of the cellars.
They seized the interior of the temple and all the provisions in it, and then turned against Simon.
|
| 105
ἡ
μὲν
οὖν
στάσις
οὕτω
τριμερὴς
οὖσα
πρότερον
εἰς
δύο
μοίρας
περιίσταται.
|
105
Thus the factional strife, which had previously been three-fold, was reduced to two parties.
|
| 105
And thus that sedition, which had been divided into three factions, was now reduced to two.
| 105
So the revolt which had been split into three factions was now down to two.
|
| 106
Ὁ
δὲ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἔγγιον
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
σκοποῦ
τῇ
πόλει
παραστρατοπεδεύσασθαι
προαιρούμενος
πρὸς
μὲν
τοὺς
ἐκτρέχοντας
ἔστησεν
ἐπιλέξας
ἱππέων
τε
καὶ
πεζῶν
ὅσους
ἀρκέσειν
ὑπελάμβανεν,
τῇ
δ᾽
ὅλῃ
δυνάμει
προσέταξεν
ἐξομαλίζειν
τὸ
μέχρι
τοῦ
τείχους
διάστημα.
Καταβληθέντος
δὲ
παντὸς
ἕρκους
καὶ
περιφράγματος,
|
106
Titus, desiring to move his camp from Scopus closer to the city, stationed a picked body of horse and foot, as many as he thought sufficient to check any sallies, and ordered the rest of his force to level the distance as far as the wall. Every fence and hedge was thrown down,
|
| 106
But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many of his choice horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient opposite to the Jews, to prevent their sallying out upon them, while he gave orders for the whole army to level the distance, as far as the wall of the city.
| 106
Titus, intending to camp nearer to the city than Scopus, placed a sufficient number of his elite cavalry and infantry facing the Jews, to keep them in, and ordered the whole army to level the terrain as far as the wall of the city.
|
| 107
ὅσα
κήπων
προανεστήσαντο
καὶ
δένδρων
οἱ
οἰκήτορες,
ὕλης
τε
ἡμέρου
τῆς
μεταξὺ
πάσης
ἐκκοπείσης
ἀνεπλήσθηto fill up
μὲν
τὰ
κοῖλα
καὶ
χαραδρώδη
τοῦ
τόπου,
|
107
which the inhabitants had built for their gardens and trees; all the cultivated timber in between was cut down, and the hollows and ravines of the place were filled up.
|
| 107
So they threw down all the hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees, and cut down all the fruit trees that lay between them and the wall of the city, and filled up all the hollow places and the chasms,
| 107
So they knocked down all the hedges and partitions the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves and cut down all the fruit trees between them and the wall of the city and filled up the hollows and gullies.
|
| 109
Καὶ
κατὰ
ταύτας
τὰς
ἡμέρας
ἐνέδραν
οἱ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
κατὰ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
συσκευάζονται
τοιάνδε.
|
109
During those days, the Jews devised the following ambush against the Romans.
|
| 109
Now at this very time the Jews contrived the following stratagem against the Romans.
| 109
Meanwhile the Jews set this trap for the Romans.
|
| 110
Τῶν
στασιαστῶν
οἱ
τολμηροὶ
προελθόντες
ἔξω
τῶν
Γυναικείων
καλουμένων
πύργων,
ὡς
ἐκβεβλημένοι
δῆθεν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
εἰρηνικὰ
φρονούντων
καὶ
δεδοικότες
τὴν
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἔφοδον
ἀνειλοῦντοto roll up
καὶ
παρ᾽
ἀλλήλους
ὑπέπτησσον.
|
110
The most daring of the factionalists went out beyond the so-called Women’s Towers, acting as if they had been expelled by the peace-party and, appearing to fear an attack from the Romans, they huddled together and crouched near one another.
|
| 110
The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the towers, called the Women’s Towers, as if they had been ejected out of the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they were afraid of being assaulted by the Romans, and were in fear of one another;
| 110
The boldest of the rebels emerged from the so-called Towers of the Women, as if the peace-loving party had expelled them from the city and stayed close together as though afraid of attack by the Romans.
|
| 111
Οἱ
δὲ
διαστάντες
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
δῆμος
εἶναι
δοκῶν
εἰρήνην
ἐβόων
καὶ
δεξιὰν
ᾐτοῦντο
καὶ
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐκάλουν
ἀνοίξειν
ὑπισχνούμενοι
τὰς
πύλας·
ἅμα
δὲ
ταῦτα
κεκραγότες
καὶ
τοὺς
σφετέρους
ἔβαλλον
λίθοις
ὡς
ἀπελαύνοντες
τῶν
πυλῶν.
|
111
Meanwhile, those standing on the wall, pretending to be the common people, cried out for peace and asked for a right hand of protection, calling to the Romans and promising to open the gates; while shouting these things, they also threw stones at their own men, as if driving them away from the gates.
|
| 111
while those that stood upon the wall, and seemed to be of the people’s side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreatedthey might have security for their lives given them, and called for the Romans, promising to open the gates to them; and as they cried out after that manner, they threw stones at their own people, as though they would drive them away from the gates.
| 111
The men on the wall who seemed to belong to the people's party called for peace and begged for protection, loudly promising to open the gates for the Romans.
While shouting this they threw stones, as though to drive away their own people from the gates.
|
| 112
Κἀκεῖνοι
βιάζεσθαι
τὰς
εἰσόδους
ὑπεκρίνοντο
καὶ
τοὺς
ἔνδον
ἱκετεύειν,
συνεχῶς
τε
πρὸς
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ὁρμήσαντας
ἐπιστρεφόμενοι
ταραττομένοις
προσεῴκεισαν.
|
112
The men outside feigned to be forcing an entrance and petitioned those within, and constantly rushing toward the Romans and then turning back, they appeared to be in great distress.
|
| 112
These also pretended that they were excluded by force, and that they petitioned those that were within to let them in; and rushing upon the Romans perpetually, with violence, they then came back, and seemed to be in great disorder.
| 112
These pretended to have been forced out and seemed to be asking those inside to let them in, sometimes rushing toward the Romans and then returning as if in great disorder.
|
| 113
Παρὰ
μὲν
οὖν
τοῖς
στρατιώταις
τὸ
πανοῦργον
αὐτῶν
οὐκ
ἐλείπετο
πίστεως,
ἀλλ᾽
ὡς
τοὺς
μὲν
ἐν
χερσὶν
ἔχοντες
ἑτοίμους
πρὸς
τιμωρίαν,
τοὺς
δὲ
ἀνοίξειν
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐλπίζοντες
ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πρᾶξιν.
|
113
Among the soldiers, this craftiness did not lack for belief; thinking they had one party ready for punishment and hoping the other would open the city, they moved toward the action.
|
| 113
Now the Roman soldiers thought this cunning stratagem of theirs was to be believed real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, and could punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly.
| 113
The soldiers believed in the ruse and, thinking they had one party in their hands ready for execution, got into action, hoping that the other party would open the gates to them.
|
| 114
ΤίτῳTitus
δὲ
δι᾽
ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy
ἦν
τὸ
τῆς
ἐπικλήσεως
παράλογον·
καὶ
γὰρ
πρὸ
μιᾶς
ἡμέρας
προκαλούμενος
αὐτοὺς
ἐπὶ
συμβάσεις
διὰ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
μέτριον
οὐδὲν
εὕρισκε·
καὶ
τότε
τοὺς
στρατιώτας
κατὰ
χώραν
μένειν
ἐκέλευσεν.
|
114
But to Titus, this unexpected summons was suspicious; for only the day before, when he had invited them to a treaty through Josephus, he had found no moderate response. He therefore ordered the soldiers to remain in their positions.
|
| 114
But for Titus himself, he had this surprising conduct of the Jews in suspicion; for whereas he had invited them to come to terms of accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive no civil answer from them; so he ordered the soldiers to stay where they were.
| 114
But Titus was suspicious of this odd behaviour, since only the day before he had, through Josephus, invited them to come to parley, but got no civil answer; so he told the soldiers to stay where they were.
|
| 115
Ἔφθασαν
δέ
τινες
τῶν
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
ἔργοις
προτεταγμένων
ἁρπάσαντες
τὰ
ὅπλα
πρὸς
τὰς
πύλας
ἐκδραμεῖν.
|
115
However, some of those stationed at the works had already snatched up their arms and ran toward the gates.
|
| 115
However, some of them that were set in the front of the works prevented him, and catching up their arms ran to the gates;
| 115
But without waiting, some of them who were set in charge of the works, grabbed their weapons and ran to the gates.
|
| 116
Τούτοις
οἱ
μὲν
ἐκβεβλῆσθαι
δοκοῦντες
τὸ
πρῶτον
ὑπεχώρουν,
ἐπεὶ
δὲ
μεταξὺ
τῶν
τῆς
πύλης
ἐγίνοντο
πύργων,
ἐκθέοντες
ἐκυκλοῦντό
σφας
καὶ
προσέκειντο
κατόπιν·
|
116
The Jews who appeared to have been expelled at first gave way, but once the Romans were between the towers of the gate, the Jews sallying out surrounded them and attacked them from behind;
|
| 116
whereupon those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired; but as soon as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed them round, and fell upon them behind,
| 116
At this, the men who seemed to have been expelled at first drew back, but when they got to between the towers of the gate, the others ran out to surround them attacking them from the rear,
|
| 117
οἱ
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
πλῆθος
χερμάδων
καὶ
βελῶν
παντοίων
ἄθρουν
κατέχεαν,
ὡς
συχνοὺς
μὲν
ἀνελεῖν,
τρῶσαι
δὲ
πλείστους.
|
117
while those on the wall showered them with a multitude of stones and all kinds of missiles, killing many and wounding most.
|
| 117
while that multitude which stood upon the wall threw a heap of stones and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a considerable number, and wounded many more;
| 117
while the crowd upon the wall threw stones and missiles of all kinds at them, killing many and wounding many more.
|
| 118
Ἦν
γὰρ
οὐ
ῥᾴδιον
τοῦ
τείχους
διαφυγεῖν
τῶν
κατόπιν
βιαζομένων,
καὶ
ἄλλως
αἰδὼς
τῆς
διαμαρτίας
καὶ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
δέος
παρεκελεύετο
τῷ
πταίσματι
προσλιπαρεῖν.
|
118
For it was not easy to escape from the wall with the enemy pressing from behind, and moreover, shame for their error and fear of their commanders compelled them to persist in their blunder.
|
| 118
for it was not easy for the Romans to escape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward; besides which, the shame they were under for being mistaken, and the fear they were in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake;
| 118
There was no easy way of escape, since those in the rear pressed them forward and their shame at their blunder and fear of their officers made them persevere in the error.
|
| 119
Διὸ
δὴ
μέχρι
πλείστου
διαδορατιζόμενοι
καὶ
πολλὰς
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
λαμβάνοντες
πληγάς,
ἀμέλει
δ᾽
οὐκ
ἐλάττους
ἀντιδιδόντες,
τέλος
ἀνωθοῦσι
τοὺς
κυκλωσαμένους·
ὑποχωροῦσι
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
οἱ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
καὶ
μέχρι
τῶν
ἙλένηςHelena
μνημείων
εἵποντο
βάλλοντες.
|
119
Therefore, they continued fighting with spears for a long time and received many wounds from the Jews—though certainly giving back no fewer—until at last they pushed back those who had surrounded them. As the Romans retreated, the Jews followed them as far as the Monuments of Helena, pelted them with missiles.
|
| 119
wherefore they fought with their spears a great while, and received many blows from the Jews, though indeed they gave them as many blows again, and at last repelled those that had encompassed them about, while the Jews pursued them as they retired, and followed them, and threw darts at them as far as the monuments of queen Helena.
| 119
For a long while they fought with their spears and received many blows from the Jews, though giving back just as many.
Finally they broke loose from those around them, and retreated to the tomb of queen Helena, followed by the Jews, throwing things at them.
|
| 120
ἔπειθ᾽afterward
οἱ
μὲν
ἀπειροκάλωςvulgarly
ἐξυβρίζοντες
εἰς
τὴν
τύχην
ἔσκωπτόν
τε
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
δελεασθέντας
ἀπάτῃ
καὶ
τοὺς
θυρεοὺς
ἀνασείοντες
ἐσκίρτων
καὶ
μετὰ
χαρᾶς
ἀνεβόων.
|
120
Then the Jews, insultingly exulting in their good fortune, mocked the Romans for being lured by a trick, and clashing their shields, they leaped and shouted with joy.
|
| 120
After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent upon their good fortune, and jested upon the Romans for being deluded by the trick they had put upon them, and making a noise with beating their shields, leaped for gladness, and made joyful exclamations;
| 120
These celebrated their good luck with vulgarity and mocked the Romans for falling for the trick, and brandished their shields and jumping and shouting for joy,
|
| 121
Τοὺς
δὲ
στρατιώτας
ἀπειλή
τε
τῶν
ταξιάρχων
καὶ
χαλεπαίνων
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
τούτοις
ἐξεδέχετο,
φάσκων
ὡς
ἸουδαῖοιJews
μέν,
οἷς
ἀπόνοιαmadness
μόνη
στρατηγεῖ,
πάντα
μετὰ
προνοίας
πράττουσι
καὶ
σκέψεως
ἐπιβουλάς
τε
συντάσσοντες
καὶ
λόχους,
ἕπεταιto follow
δ᾽
αὐτῶν
ταῖς
ἐνέδραις
καὶ
τύχη
διὰ
τὸ
πειθήνιον
καὶ
τὴν
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
εὔνοιάν
τε
καὶ
πίστιν·
|
121
But the soldiers were met by the threats of their officers and a Caesar who was enraged; he declared that while the Jews, led by desperation alone, did everything with foresight and deliberation, arranging ambushes and traps, and were favored by fortune because of their obedience and mutual loyalty,
|
| 121
while these soldiers were received with threatenings by their officers, and with indignation by Caesar himself, [who spake to them thus]: These Jews, who are only conducted by their madness, do everything with care and circumspection; they contrive stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune gives success to their stratagems, because they are obedient, and preserve their goodwill and fidelity to one another;
| 121
The soldiers were greeted with threats by their officers and with anger by Caesar who said, "These Jews, who are led only by their madness, still act with care and prudence, plotting and laying ambushes, and fortune favours them for their obedience and for keeping faith with each other.
|
| 122
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δέ,
οἷς
δι᾽
εὐταξίαν
καὶ
τὸ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
εὐπειθὲς
ἀεὶ
δουλεύει
καὶ
τύχη,
νῦν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἐναντίων
πταίουσι
καὶ
διὰ
χειρῶν
ἀκρασίαν
ἁλίσκονται,
τὸ
πάντων
αἴσχιστον,
ἀστρατήγητοι
μαχόμενοι
παρόντος
ΚαίσαροςCaesar.
|
122
the Romans—whom fortune always serves because of their discipline and obedience to their leaders—now suffered a setback and were caught through lack of self-control, which was most shameful of all: fighting without orders in the very presence of Caesar.
|
| 122
while the Romans, to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good order, and ready submission to their commanders, have now had ill success by their contrary behavior, and by not being able to restrain their hands from action, they have been caught; and that which is the most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders, in the very presence of Caesar.
| 122
The Romans, however, whom fortune usually favours for their good order and for obeying their leaders, now suffer losses through their contrary behaviour.
Unable to refrain from action, they were caught, and what is more shameful still, they went to battle leaderless, in the presence of Caesar."
|
| 123
Ἦ
μεγάλα
μὲν
στενάξειν
ἔφη
τοὺς
τῆς
στρατείας
νόμους,
μεγάλα
δὲ
αὐτοῦ
τὸν
πατέρα
τήνδε
τὴν
πληγὴν
πυθόμενον,
|
123
He said that the laws of military service would groan loudly, as would his father when he heard of this blow,
|
| 123
“Truly,” says Titus, “the laws of war cannot but groan heavily, as will my father also himself, when he shall be informed of this wound that hath been given us,
| 123
He went on, "Well may the laws of war groan, as will my father when he is told of this wound inflicted on us,
|
| 124
εἴ
γε
ὁ
μὲν
ἐν
πολέμοις
γηράσαντος
οὐδέποτ᾽
ἔπταισεν
οὕτως,
οἱ
νόμοι
δ᾽
ἀεὶ
καὶ
τοὺς
βραχύ
τι
τῆς
τάξεως
παρακινήσαντας
θανάτῳ
κολάζουσιν,
νῦν
δ᾽
ὅλην
στρατιὰν
ἑωράκασι
λιποτάκτην.
|
124
since the father, who had grown old in wars, had never suffered such a slip, while the laws always punish with death even those who slightly disturb the order of the ranks—yet now they had seen an entire army as deserters.
|
| 124
since he who is grown old in wars did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also ever inflict capital punishment on those that in the least break into good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into disorder.
| 124
since in his years at war he never made such a mistake.
Our rules of war punish with death the slightest breach of good order, but here we have seen a whole army run into disorder.
|
| 125
Γνώσεσθαί
γε
μὴν
αὐτίκα
τοὺς
ἀπαυθαδισαμένους,
ὅτι
καὶ
τὸ
νικᾶν
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
δίχα
παραγγέλματος
ἀδοξεῖται.
|
125
He told them they would soon learn that among the Romans, even a victory won without orders is held in dishonor.
|
| 125
However, those that have been so insolent shall be made immediately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans without orders for fighting are to be under disgrace.”
| 125
These rash men shall soon learn that among the Romans even a victory wins no glory, except under orders."
|
| 126
Τοιαῦτα
διατεινάμενος
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
δῆλος
ἦν
κατὰ
πάντων
χρήσεσθαι
τῷ
νόμῳ.
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
παρεῖσαν
τὰς
ψυχὰς
ὡς
ὅσον
οὔπω
τεθνηξόμενοι
δικαίως,
|
126
Having spoken thus firmly to the officers, it was clear he intended to apply the law against everyone. The soldiers abandoned their spirits, as if they were justly about to die at any moment;
|
| 126
When Titus had enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned; so these soldiers’ minds sunk down in despair, as expecting to be put to death, and that justly and quickly.
| 126
While expounding this to the officers, he seemed about to apply the law to all concerned, so they were in despair, expecting to be put to death on the spot, and justly.
|
| 127
περιχυθέντα
δὲ
τὰ
τάγματα
τῷ
ΤίτῳTitus
περὶ
τῶν
συστρατιωτῶν
ἱκέτευε
καὶ
τὴν
ὀλίγων
προπέτειαν
χαρίσασθαι
τῇ
πάντων
εὐπειθείᾳ
κατηντιβόλουν·
ἀναλήψεσθαι
γὰρ
τὸ
παρὸν
πταῖσμα
ταῖς
εἰς
τὸ
μέλλον
ἀρεταῖς.
|
127
but the legions swarmed around Titus and pleaded for their fellow soldiers, entreating him to forgive the rashness of a few for the sake of the obedience of all, promising to make up for the present failure with future valor.
|
| 127
However, the other legions came round about Titus, and entreated his favor to these their fellow soldiers, and made supplication to him, that he would pardon the rashness of a few, on account of the better obedience of all the rest; and promised for them that they should make amends for their present fault, by their more virtuous behavior for the time to come.
| 127
But the legions surrounded Titus on behalf of their fellow soldiers, asking pardon the rashness of a few, that all the rest might improve.
They promised on their behalf to make amends for their fault by behaving better in the future.
|
| 128
πείθεται
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
ἅμα
ταῖς
τε
ἱκεσίαις
καὶ
τῷ
συμφέροντι·
τὴν
μὲν
γὰρ
καθ᾽
ἑνὸς
τιμωρίαν
ᾤετο
χρῆναι
μέχρις
ἔργου
προκόπτειν,
τὴν
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
πλήθους
μέχρι
λόγου.
|
128
Caesar was persuaded both by their entreaties and by what was expedient; for he thought that while punishment of an individual should proceed to action, punishment of a multitude should stop at words.
|
| 128
So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence dictated to him also; for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should proceed no further than reproofs;
| 128
Caesar yielded both to their pleas and for expediency's sake.
For though prepared to punish individual lapses by execution, large groups should be punished only with words.
|
| 129
Τοῖς
μὲν
οὖν
στρατιώταις
διηλλάττετο
πολλὰ
νουθετήσας
αὖθις
εἶναι
φρονιμωτέρους,
αὐτὸς
δ᾽
ὅπως
ἀμυνεῖται
τὴν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἐπιβουλὴν
ἐσκόπει.
|
129
He was therefore reconciled with the soldiers, after many warnings to be more prudent in the future, and he himself considered how he might avenge the Jewish trick.
|
| 129
so he was reconciled to the soldiers, but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future; and he considered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their stratagem.
| 129
So he pardoned the soldiers, but strongly warned them to act more wisely in the future, and he considered how to repay the Jews for their trap.
|
| 130
τέσσαρσι
δ᾽
ἡμέραις
ἐξισωθέντος
τοῦ
μέχρι
τῶν
τειχῶν
διαστήματος,
βουλόμενος
μετὰ
ἀσφαλείας
τάς
τε
ἀποσκευὰς
καὶ
τὸ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
παράγειν
τὸ
καρτερώτατον
τῆς
δυνάμεως
ἀντιπαρεξέτεινεν
τῷ
τείχει
κατὰ
τὸ
βόρειον
κλίμα
καὶ
πρὸς
ἑσπέραν
ἐφ᾽
ἑπτὰ
βαθύνας
τὴν
φάλαγγα,
τῶν
τε
πεζῶν
προτεταγμένων
καὶ
κατόπιν
τῶν
ἱππέων,
|
130
When the ground up to the walls was leveled in four days, wishing to bring forward the baggage and the rest of the multitude in safety, he deployed the strongest part of his force against the wall on the northern side and toward the west, in a phalanx seven deep, with the infantry in front and the cavalry behind,
|
| 130
And now when the space between the Romans and the wall had been leveled, which was done in four days, and as he was desirous to bring the baggage of the army, with the rest of the multitude that followed him, safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army over against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and over against the western part of it, and made his army seven deep,
| 130
As the space between the Romans and the wall was levelled in four days, he wanted to bring the baggage and the rest of his followers safely to the camp, so he set his strongest forces facing the wall to the north west of the city and arranged his troops seven deep,
|
| 131
τριστοίχων
ἑκατέρων,
ἕβδομοι
κατὰ
μέσον
εἱστήκεσαν
οἱ
τοξόται.
|
131
each in three rows; the archers stood in the middle as the seventh row.
|
| 131
with the footmen placed before them, and the horsemen behind them, each of the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven ranks.
| 131
with the infantry in front and the cavalry behind them, in triple ranks, with the archers in the middle in seven ranks;
|
| 132
τοσούτῳ
δὲ
στίφει
πεφραγμένων
ἸουδαίοιςJews
τῶν
ἐκδρομῶν
τά
τε
ὑποζύγια
τῶν
τριῶν
ταγμάτων
καὶ
ἡ
πληθὺς
ἀδεῶς
παρώδευσεν.
|
132
With the Jewish sallies blocked by such a massive column, the pack animals of the three legions and the rest of the multitude passed by without fear.
|
| 132
And now as the Jews were prohibited, by so great a body of men, from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bare the burdens, and belonged to the three legions, and the rest of the multitude, marched on without any fear.
| 132
and as this array prevented the Jews from sallying out, the pack-animals of the three legions and the people could proceed without fear.
|
| 133
αὐτὸς
μὲν
οὖν
ΤίτοςTitus
ἀπέχων
ὅσον
εἰς
σταδίους
δύο
τοῦ
τείχους
κατὰ
τὸ
γωνιαῖον
αὐτοῦ
μέρος
ἀντικρὺ
τοῦ
καλουμένου
Ψηφίνου
πύργου
στρατοπεδεύεται,
πρὸς
ὃν
ὁ
κύκλος
τοῦ
τείχους
ἀπ᾽
ἄρκτωνbear, bruin; north
καθήκων
ἀνακάμπτει
πρὸς
δύσιν·
|
133
Titus himself encamped about two stadia[1] from the wall at its corner, opposite the so-called Psephinus Tower, where the circuit of the wall coming from the north turns toward the west.
|
| 133
But as for Titus himself, he was but about two furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of it where was the corner and over against that tower which was called Psephinus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north bended, and extended itself over against the west;
| 133
Titus was about two furlongs from the wall, at that part of it where the corner was and opposite the tower called Psephinus, at which tower the northern part of the wall bent and turned westward,
|
[1]2 stadia = 370 metres (405 yards)
| 134
ἡ
δ᾽
ἑτέρα
μοῖρα
τῆς
στρατιᾶς
κατὰ
τὸν
ἹππικὸνHippicus
προσαγορευθέντα
πύργον
τειχίζεται
διεστῶσα
τῆς
πόλεως
ὁμοίως
δύο
σταδίους.
|
134
The other part of the army was entrenched over against the tower called Hippicus, likewise two stadia[1] distant from the city.
|
| 134
but the other part of the army fortified itself at the tower called Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner, by two furlongs from the city.
| 134
and the rest of the army set its defences at the tower called Hippicus, also two furlongs from the city.
|
[1]2 stadia = 370 metres (405 yards)
| 135
Τὸ
μέντοι
δέκατον
τάγμα
κατὰ
χώραν
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
ἐλαιῶν
ὄρους
ἔμενε.
|
135
The Tenth Legion, however, remained in its position on the Mount of Olives.
|
| 135
However, the tenth legion continued in its own place, upon the Mount of Olives.
| 135
The tenth legion, however, stayed in place on the Mount of Olives.
|
Chapter 4
A description of Jerusalem, before its destruction
| 136
τρισὶ
δ᾽
ὠχυρωμένη
τείχεσιν
ἡ
πόλις
καθ᾽
ἣν
μὴ
ταῖς
ἀβάτοις
φάραγξι
κεκύκλωτο,
ταύτῃ
γὰρ
εἷς
ἦν
περίβολος,
αὐτὴ
μὲν
ὑπὲρ
δύο
λόφων
ἀντιπρόσωπος
ἔκτιστο
μέσῃ
φάραγγι
διῃρημένων,
εἰς
ἣν
ἐπάλληλοι
κατέληγον
αἱ
οἰκίαι.
|
136
The city was fortified with three walls, except where it was encircled by impassable ravines, for in those places there was but one enclosure. The city itself was built upon two hills, facing one another, separated by a middle valley into which the houses, built in close succession, descended.
|
| 136
The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills, which are opposite to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end.
| 136
The city was fortified with three walls, except where it was encircled by impassable valleys, when it had only one wall.
It was built on two facing hills, with a valley between them where the rows of houses on each side end.
|
| 137
Τῶν
δὲ
λόφων
ὁ
μὲν
τὴν
ἄνω
πόλιν
ἔχων
ὑψηλότερός
τε
πολλῷ
καὶ
τὸ
μῆκος
ἰθύτερος
ἦν·
διὰ
γοῦν
τὴν
ὀχυρότητα
φρούριον
μὲν
ὑπὸ
ΔαυίδουDavid
τοῦ
βασιλέως
ἐκαλεῖτο,
πατὴρ
ΣολομῶνοςSolomon
ἦν
οὗτος
τοῦ
τὸν
πρῶτον
ναὸν
κτίσαντος,
ἡ
ἄνω
δὲ
ἀγορὰ
πρὸς
ἡμῶν·
ἅτερος
δὲ
ὁ
καλούμενος
Ἄκρα
καὶ
τὴν
κάτω
πόλιν
ὑφεστὼς
ἀμφίκυρτος.
|
137
Of these hills, the one containing the Upper City was much higher and straighter in its length; because of its strength, it used to be called the “Fortress” by King David—he was the father of Solomon who built the first Temple[1]—but by us, it is called the Upper Market. The other hill, called Akra, which sustained the Lower City, was hog-backed (curved on both sides).
|
| 137
Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the “Citadel,” by king David; he was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first; but it is by us called the “Upper Marketplace.” But the other hill, which was called “Acra,” and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a moon when she is horned;
| 137
These hills that contain the upper city is much higher and their ridge is straighter.
For its strength it was called the citadel by king David, the father of Solomon who first built this temple, but by us it is called the "Upper Forum." The other, called the "Acra," where the lower city is built, is shaped like a crescent moon.
|
[1]In the 10th century BC.
| 139
Αὖθίς
γε
μὴν
καθ᾽
οὓς
οἱ
Ἀσαμωναῖοι
χρόνους
ἐβασίλευον
τήν
τε
Φάραγγα
ἔχωσαν
συνάψαι
βουλόμενοι
τῷ
ἱερῷ
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
τῆς
Ἄκρας
κατεργασάμενοι
τὸ
ὕψος
ἐποίησαν
χθαμαλώτερον,
ὡς
ὑπερφαίνοιτο
καὶ
ταύτῃ
τὸ
ἱερόν.
|
139
However, in the times when the Hasmoneans reigned,[1] they filled up the valley, wishing to join the city to the Temple, and they leveled the height of Akra and made it lower so that the Temple might overlook it from that side as well.
|
| 139
However, in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be superior to it.
| 139
But during the reign of the Hasmoneans, they filled that valley with earth, wishing to join the temple with the city.
They removed part of the height of Acra to lower it so that the temple might be above it.
|
[1]Reference to the Hamonean (Maccabean) Period (167-37 BC).
| 140
ἡ
δὲ
τῶν
τυροποιῶν
προσαγορευομένη
φάραγξ,
ἣν
ἔφαμεν
τόν
τε
τῆς
ἄνω
πόλεως
καὶ
τὸν
κάτω
λόφον
διαστέλλειν,
καθήκει
μέχρι
Σιλωᾶς·
οὕτω
γὰρ
τὴν
πηγὴν
γλυκεῖάν
τε
καὶ
πολλὴν
οὖσαν
ἐκαλοῦμεν.
|
140
The valley called that of the Cheesemakers (Tyropoeon), which we said separated the hill of the Upper City from the lower one, extends as far as Siloam; for so we called that spring, which is sweet and abundant.
|
| 140
Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in great plenty also.
| 140
This "Valley of the Cheesemakers," as it was called, was the one we have already said divided the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, and reached as far as Siloam, the name of a fountain of abundant sweet water.
|
| 141
Ἔξωθεν
δ᾽
οἱ
τῆς
πόλεως
δύο
λόφοι
βαθείαις
φάραγξιν
περιείχοντο,
καὶ
διὰ
τοὺς
ἑκατέρωθεν
κρημνοὺς
προσιτὸν
οὐδαμόθεν
ἦν.
|
141
On the outside, the two hills of the city were surrounded by deep ravines, and because of the precipices on either side, the city was accessible from nowhere.
|
| 141
But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys, and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both sides they are everywhere unpassable.
| 141
On the outer sides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys and because of the precipices on both sides, they are quite impregnable.
|
| 142
Τῶν
δὲ
τριῶν
τειχῶν
τὸ
μὲν
ἀρχαῖον
διά
τε
τὰς
φάραγγας
καὶ
τὸν
ὑπὲρ
τούτων
λόφον,
ἐφ᾽
οὗ
κατεσκεύαστο,
δυσάλωτον
ἦν·
|
142
Of the three walls, the old one was difficult to capture because of the ravines and the hill above them on which it was constructed.
|
| 142
Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which was above them.
| 142
Of these three walls, the oldest one, because of the valleys and the hill above on which it was built, was almost impregnable.
|
| 143
πρὸς
δὲ
τῷ
πλεονεκτήματι
τοῦ
τόπου
καὶ
καρτερῶς
ἐδεδόμητο,
ΔαυίδουDavid
τε
καὶ
ΣολομῶνοςSolomon,
ἔτι
δὲ
τῶν
μεταξὺ
τούτων
βασιλέων
φιλοτιμηθέντων
περὶ
τὸ
ἔργον.
|
143
In addition to the advantage of the site, it was also strongly built, as David and Solomon and the kings between them took great pride in the work.
|
| 143
But besides that great advantage, as to the place where they were situated, it was also built very strong; because David and Solomon, and the following kings, were very zealous about this work.
| 143
Besides its great advantage of location, it was also very strongly built, since David and Solomon and the succeeding kings went about this work ambitiously.
|
| 144
Ἀρχόμενον
δὲ
κατὰ
βορρᾶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱππικοῦ
καλουμένου
πύργου
καὶ
διατεῖνον
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ξυστόν,
ἔπειτα
τῇ
βουλῇ
συνάπτον
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἑσπέριον
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
στοὰν
ἀπηρτίζετο.
|
144
Beginning on the north from the tower called Hippicus and extending to the Xystus, it then joined the council-house and ended at the western portico of the Temple.
|
| 144
Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called “Hippicus,” and extended as far as the “Xistus,” a place so called, and then, joining to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple.
| 144
Starting on the north, at the tower called "Hippicus," it extended to the so-called "Xistus," and then, enclosing the sanhedrin, ended at the west portico of the temple.
|
| 145
Κατὰ
θάτερα
δὲ
πρὸς
δύσιν,
ἀπὸ
ταὐτοῦ
μὲν
ἀρχόμενον,
διὰ
δὲ
τοῦ
Βησοῦ
καλουμένου
χώρου
κατατεῖνον
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἘσσηνῶνEssenes
πύλην,
κἄπειτα
πρὸς
νότον
ὑπὲρ
τὴν
Σιλωὰν
ἐπιστρέφον
πηγήν,
ἔνθεν
τε
πάλιν
ἐκκλίνον
πρὸς
ἀνατολὴν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ΣολομῶνοςSolomon
κολυμβήθραν
καὶ
διῆκον
μέχρι
χώρου
τινός,
ὃν
καλοῦσιν
Ὀφλάς,
τῇ
πρὸς
ἀνατολὴν
στοᾶι
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
συνῆπτε.
|
145
On the other side, toward the west, beginning from the same place, it extended through the place called Bethso to the Gate of the Essenes, and then faced south above the spring of Siloam, where it turned again toward the east to Solomon’s Pool and, reaching as far as a certain place they call Ophlas, joined the eastern portico of the Temple.
|
| 145
But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called “Bethso,” to the gate of the Essenes; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon’s pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called “Ophlas,” where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple.
| 145
In the other direction, westward, starting at the same place it extends to a place called "Bethso," to the gate of the Essenes, and then went southward, with its corner above the fountain of Siloam, and bending toward the east at Solomon's pool extends as far as a place called "Ophlas" where it joined the eastern portico of the temple.
|
| 146
Τὸ
δὲ
δεύτερον
τὴν
μὲν
ἀρχὴν
ἀπὸ
πύλης
εἶχεν,
ἣν
Γενὰθ
ἐκάλουν
τοῦ
πρώτου
τείχους
οὖσαν,
κυκλούμενον
δὲ
τὸ
προσάρκτιον
κλίμα
μόνον
ἀνῄει
μέχρι
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia.
|
146
The second wall had its beginning from the gate they called Gennath, which belonged to the first wall; encircling only the northern quarter, it went up as far as the Antonia.
|
| 146
The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called “Gennath,” which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia.
| 146
The second wall started from the gate called "Gennath," part of the first wall and encircled the northern quarter of the city reaching only as far as the Antonia.
|
| 147
Τῷ
τρίτῳ
δ᾽
ἀρχὴ
ἦν
ὁ
ἹππικὸςHippicus
πύργος,
ὅθεν
μέχρι
τοῦ
βορείου
κλίματος
κατατεῖνον
ἐπὶ
τὸν
Ψήφινον
πύργον,
ἔπειτα
καθῆκον
ἀντικρὺ
τῶν
ἙλένηςHelena
μνημείων,
Ἀδιαβηνὴ
βασιλὶς
ἦν
αὕτη
ἸζάτουIzates
βασιλέως
θυγάτηρ,
καὶ
διὰ
σπηλαίων
βασιλικῶν
μηκυνόμενον
ἐκάμπτετο
μὲν
γωνιαίῳ
πύργῳ
κατὰ
τὸ
τοῦ
Γναφέως
προσαγορευόμενον
μνῆμα,
τῷ
δ᾽
ἀρχαίῳ
περιβόλῳ
συνάπτον
εἰς
τὴν
Κεδρῶνα
καλουμένην
Φάραγγα
κατέληγεν.
|
147
For the third wall, the beginning was the Hippicus Tower, from where it extended toward the northern quarter as far as the Psephinus Tower, then descended opposite the monuments of Helena—she was the queen of Adiabene, daughter of King Izates—and stretching through the royal caverns, it turned at the corner tower by the so-called monument of the Fuller, and joining the ancient enclosure, it ended in the valley called Kedron.
|
| 147
The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the “Monument of the Fuller,” and joined to the old wall at the valley called the “Valley of Cedron.”
| 147
The third wall started at the Hippicus tower, from where it stretched toward the northern sector and the Psephinus tower, and then as far as opposite the tomb of Helena, queen of Adiabene, the daughter of king Izates;
it then extended past the burial caves of the kings and bending again at the corner tower, at the so-called Fuller's Tomb, and joining the old wall at the valley called Cedron.
|
| 148
Τοῦτο
τῇ
προσκτισθείσῃ
πόλει
περιέθηκεν
ἈγρίππαςAgrippa,
ἥπερ
ἦν
πᾶσα
γυμνή·
πλήθει
γὰρ
ὑπερχεομένη
κατὰ
μικρὸν
ἐξεῖρπε
τῶν
περιβόλων.
|
148
Agrippa encircled the newly built city with this wall, as it was entirely exposed; for the population, overflowing, had gradually crept outside the enclosures.
|
| 148
It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits,
| 148
With this wall, it was Agrippa who surrounded the extensions to the city which had been totally unprotected.
For as the numbers grew, little by little the city crept beyond its old limits.
|
| 149
Καὶ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
τὰ
προσάρκτια
πρὸς
τῷ
λόφῳ
συμπολίζοντες
ἐπ᾽
οὐκ
ὀλίγον
προῆλθον
καὶ
τέταρτον
περιοικηθῆναι
λόφον,
ὃς
καλεῖται
ΒεζεθάBezatha,
κείμενος
μὲν
ἀντικρὺ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia,
ἀποτεμνόμενος
δὲ
ὀρύγματι
βαθεῖ·
|
149
By joining the northern parts of the Temple to the hill, the city had advanced considerably, and a fourth hill, called Bezetha, came to be inhabited; it lay opposite the Antonia but was cut off from it by a deep ditch.
|
| 149
and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called “Bezetha,” to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley,
| 149
The growing population inhabited the area to the north of the temple and joined it to the city, and this fourth hill to be inhabited is called "Bezatha," opposite the Antonia tower, and is divided from it by a deep valley.
|
| 150
διεταφρεύθη
γὰρ
ἐπίτηδεςdesignedly, deceitfully,
ὡς
μὴ
τῷ
λόφῳ
συνάπτοντες
οἱ
θεμέλιοι
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
εὐπρόσιτοί
τε
εἶεν
καὶ
ἧττον
ὑψηλοί·
|
150
For a trench was dug on purpose so that the foundations of the Antonia, by not joining the hill, might not be easily accessible and might be more lofty;
|
| 150
which was dug on purpose, and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation;
| 150
This was purposely dug to prevent the base of the Antonia tower from touching the hill which would have made it easier to take, and cancel out the advantage of its height;
|
| 151
διὸ
δὴ
καὶ
πλεῖστον
ὕψος
τοῖς
πύργοις
προσεδίδου
τὸ
βάθος
τῆς
τάφρου.
Ἐκλήθη
δ᾽
ἐπιχωρίως
ΒεζεθὰBezatha
τὸ
νεόκτιστον
μέρος,
ὃ
μεθερμηνευόμενον
ἙλλάδιGreek
γλώσσῃ
καινὴ
λέγοιτ᾽
ἂν
πόλις.
|
151
therefore, the depth of the ditch added greatly to the height of the towers. The newly built part was called Bezetha in the local tongue, which, if translated into the Greek language, would be called the New City.
|
| 151
for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called “Bezetha,” in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called “the New City.”
| 151
and the depth of the ditch added to the elevation of the towers.
This newly-built part of the city was called in our language "Bezatha," which translated into Greek is "the New City."
|
| 152
Δεομένων
οὖν
τῶν
ταύτῃ
σκέπης
ὁ
πατὴρ
τοῦ
νῦν
βασιλέως
καὶ
ὁμώνυμοςhaving the same name
ἈγρίππαςAgrippa
ἄρχεται
μὲν
οὗ
προείπομεν
τείχους,
δείσας
δὲ
ΚλαύδιονClaudius
ΚαίσαραCaesar,
μὴ
τὸ
μέγεθος
τῆς
κατασκευῆς
ἐπὶ
νεωτερισμῷ
πραγμάτων
ὑπονοήσῃ
καὶ
στάσεως,
παύεται
θεμελίους
μόνον
βαλόμενος.
|
152
Since the people there needed protection, the father of the present king, the namesake Agrippa, began the wall we spoke of; but fearing Claudius Caesar, lest he suspect the greatness of the construction was for the purpose of innovation and revolt, he stopped after laying only the foundations.
|
| 152
Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs;
| 152
Since it needed protection, the father of the present king, also called Agrippa, began the wall we mentioned, but had dug only its foundations when he stopped building for fear of Claudius Caesar, who suspected that such a strong a wall was intended to prepare for a revolt.
|
| 153
Καὶ
γὰρ
οὐδ᾽
ἂν
ἦν
ἁλώσιμος
ἡ
πόλις,
εἰ
προύκοπτε
τὸ
τεῖχος
ὡς
ἤρξατο·
λίθοις
μὲν
γὰρ
εἰκοσαπήχεσι
τὸ
μῆκος
καὶ
τὸ
εὖρος
δεκαπήχεσι
συνηρμόζετο
μήθ᾽
ὑπορυγῆναι
σιδήρῳ
ῥᾳδίως
μήθ᾽
ὑπ᾽
ὀργάνοις
διασεισθῆναι
δυνάμενον,
|
153
For indeed, the city would have been impregnable if the wall had proceeded as it began; for it was being joined together with stones twenty cubits long and ten cubits[1] wide, which could neither easily be undermined by iron nor shaken by engines.
|
| 153
for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun; as its parts were connected together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could never have been either easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by any engines.
| 153
If that wall had been finished in the way it was begun, the city could never have been taken.
It was made of stones twenty feet long and ten feet broad, not easy to undermine by iron tools, or to shake by any machines.
|
[1]20x10 cubits = 8.9x4.4 meters (9.7x4.9 yards)
| 154
δέκα
δὲ
πήχεις
αὐτῷ
καὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἐπλατύνετο,
καὶ
τὸ
ὕψος
πλεῖον
μὲν
ἄν,
ὡς
εἰκός,
ἔσχε
μὴ
διακωλυθείσης
τῆς
τοῦ
καταρξαμένου
φιλοτιμίας.
|
154
The wall itself was ten cubits[1] wide, and its height would likely have been greater had the ambition of the one who began it not been hindered.
|
| 154
The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would probably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself.
| 154
The wall was ten feet wide and it would probably have been higher than that, if the ambition of the man who began it had not been thwarted.
|
[1]10 cubits = 4.4 metres (4.9 yards)
| 155
Αὖθις
δὲ
καίτοι
μετὰ
σπουδῆς
ἐγειρόμενον
ὑπὸ
ἸουδαίωνJews
εἰς
εἴκοσι
πήχεις
ἀνέστη,
καὶ
διπήχεις
μὲν
τὰς
ἐπάλξεις,
τριπήχεις
δὲ
τοὺς
προμαχῶνας
εἶχεν,
ὡς
τὸ
πᾶν
ὕψος
εἰς
εἰκοσιπέντε
πήχεις
ἀνατετάσθαι.
|
155
Later, although it was raised in haste by the Jews, it rose to twenty cubits (9 metres), and it had battlements of two cubits (88 cm) and ramparts of three cubits (1.3 metres), so that the total height rose to twenty-five cubits (11 metres).
|
| 155
After this, it was erected with great diligence by the Jews, as high as twenty cubits, above which it had battlements of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits.
| 155
Later the Jews hastily raised it up to twenty feet high, with battlements of two feet and turrets of three feet above that, so that its full height added up to twenty-five feet.
|
[1]20 cubits=8.9 metres (29 ft); 2 cubits=0.9 metres (35 in); 3 cubits=1.3 metres (52 in); 25 cubits=11 metres (12 yards)
| 156
Τοῦ
δὲ
τείχους
ὑπερεῖχον
οἱ
πύργοι
πήχεις
εἴκοσι
μὲν
εἰς
εὖρος,
εἴκοσι
δὲ
εἰς
ὕψος,
τετράγωνοί
τε
καὶ
πλήρεις
ὥσπερ
αὐτὸ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ὄντες·
ἥ
γε
μὴν
ἁρμονίαjoint, key, music
καὶ
τὸ
κάλλος
τῶν
λίθων
οὐδὲν
ἀπέδει
ναοῦ.
|
156
The towers rose above the wall twenty cubits[1] in breadth and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, just like the wall itself, and indeed the joining and the beauty of the stones were in no way inferior to that of a temple.
|
| 156
Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of the joints, and the beauty of the stones, were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself.
| 156
It was surmounted by towers twenty feet wide and twenty high, square and solid, as was the wall itself, the neatness of whose joints and the beauty of whose stones was no less those of the temple.
|
[1]20 cubits = 8.9 metres (29 ft)
| 157
μετὰ
δὲ
τὸ
ναστὸν
ὕψος
τῶν
πύργων,
ὅπερ
ἦν
εἰκοσάπηχυ,
πολυτελεῖς
ἦσαν
οἶκοι,
καὶ
καθύπερθεν
ὑπερῷα,
δεξαμεναί
τε
πρὸς
τὰς
τῶν
ὑετῶν
ὑποδοχάς,
ἕλικές
τε
καὶ
πλατεῖαι
καθ᾽
ἕκαστον
ἄνοδοι.
|
157
Above the solid height of the towers, which was twenty cubits,[1] there were luxurious rooms and upper chambers above them, and cisterns for receiving rainwater, and broad winding stairs for each.
|
| 157
Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you ascended up to them were every one broad:
| 157
Above the towers' solid height, twenty feet up, were magnificent dwellings and over them many upper rooms and cisterns to receive rain-water, with wide steps ascending to them.
|
[1]20 cubits=8.9 metres (29 ft)
[1]200 cubits = 89 metres (291 ft)
| 159
Τῆς
πόλεως
δ᾽
ὁ
πᾶς
κύκλος
σταδίων
ἦν
τριακοντατριῶν.
Θαυμασίου
δ᾽
ὄντος
ὅλου
τοῦ
τρίτου
τείχους
θαυμασιώτερος
ἀνεῖχε
κατὰ
γωνίαν
βόρειός
τε
καὶ
πρὸς
δύσιν
ὁ
Ψήφινος
πύργος,
καθ᾽
ὃν
ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο
ΤίτοςTitus.
|
159
The total circuit of the city was thirty-three stadia.[1] While the whole third wall was wonderful, the Psephinus Tower, at the northwest corner where Titus encamped, rose up more wonderfully still.
|
| 159
while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west corner, and there Titus pitched his own tent;
| 159
The whole circumference of the city was thirty-three furlongs.
All of the third wall was amazing, and the tower Psephinus reared above it at the north-west corner, where Titus put his own camp.
|
[1]33 stadia = 6 km (3.8 miles)
| 160
Ἐπὶ
γὰρ
ἑβδομήκοντα
πήχεις
ὑψηλὸς
ὢν
ἈραβίανArabia
τε
ἀνίσχοντοςto restrain, keep back
ἡλίου
παρεῖχεν
ἀφορᾶν
καὶ
μέχρι
θαλάττης
τὰ
τῆς
ἙβραίωνHebrews
κληρουχίας
ἔσχαταlast·
|
160
Being seventy cubits high,[1] it afforded a view of Arabia at sunrise and as far as the sea and the limits of the Hebrew territory.
|
| 160
for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sunrising, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon,
| 160
Being seventy feet high it had a view as far as Arabia to the East, as well as westward to where the Hebrew territory ended at the sea.
|
[1]70 cubits = 31 metres (102 ft)
| 161
ὀκτάγωνος
δὲ
ἦν.
Τούτου
δ᾽
ἄντικρυς
ὁ
ἹππικὸςHippicus
καὶ
παρ᾽
αὐτὸν
δύο
κατεσκευάσθησαν
μὲν
ὑφ᾽
ἩρώδουHerod
βασιλέως
ἐν
τῷ
ἀρχαίῳ
τείχει,
μέγεθος
δὲ
καὶ
κάλλος
ἦσαν
καὶ
ὀχυρότητα
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
οἰκουμένην
διάφοροι·
|
161
It was octagonal. Opposite this were the Hippicus and two others built by King Herod in the old wall; they surpassed those in the whole world in size, beauty, and strength.
|
| 161
and over against it was the tower Hippicus; and hard by two others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable earth;
| 161
Its shape was octagonal and opposite it was the tower Hippicus and two others had been built nearby into the old wall by king Herod.
For size, beauty and strength these surpassed all others in the world,
|
| 162
πρὸς
γὰρ
τῷ
φύσει
μεγαλοψύχῳ
καὶ
τῇ
περὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
φιλοτιμίαι
τὴν
ὑπεροχὴν
τῶν
ἔργων
ὁ
βασιλεὺς
πάθεσιν
οἰκείοις
ἐχαρίζετο
καὶ
τρισὶ
τοῖς
ἡδίστοις
προσώποις,
ἀφ᾽
ὧν
ὠνόμασε
τοὺς
πύργους,
ἀδελφῷ
καὶ
φίλῳ
καὶ
γυναικί,
τὴν
μνήμην
ἀνέθηκε,
τὴν
μὲν
ὡς
προειρήκαμεν
κτείνας
δι᾽
ἔρωταto ask,
τοὺς
δὲ
ἀποβαλὼν
ἐν
πολέμῳ
γενναίως
ἀγωνισαμένους.
|
162
For besides his natural greatness of soul and his ambition for the city, the king indulged his private affections in the excellence of these works. He dedicated their memory to the three dearest persons, after whom he named the towers: a brother, a friend, and a wife—having killed the wife, as we said before, out of love, while the others he lost in war after they had fought nobly.
|
| 162
for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his magnificence towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and jealousy], as we have already related; the other two he lost in war, as they were courageously fighting.
| 162
for apart from his magnanimous nature and his generosity toward the city in other respects he built these exceptionally well to gratify his private feelings and named and dedicated them to the memory of the three people dearest to him, his brother, his friend and his wife, he had killed, out of erotic passion, as we have said, while the other two he had lost in war, valiantly fighting.
|
| 163
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
ἹππικὸςHippicus
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
φίλου
προσαγορευθεὶς
τετράγωνος
μὲν
ἦν,
εὖρος
δὲ
καὶ
μῆκος
εἰκοσιπέντε
πηχῶν
ἕκαστον
καὶ
ὕψος
τριάκοντα,
οὐδαμοῦ
διάκενος.
|
163
Hippicus, named after his friend, was square, twenty-five cubits[1] in width and length, and thirty in height), and nowhere hollow.
|
| 163
Hippicus, so named from his friend, was square; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it.
| 163
Hippicus, named after his friend, was square;
its length and breadth were each twenty-five feet and its height thirty and it had no empty space within.
|
[1]25x25x30 cubits = 11x11x13 metres (36x36x44 ft)
[1]20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 165
ἐπάνω
δὲ
τούτου
δίστεγος
οἶκος
ἦν
εἴκοσι
καὶ
πέντε
πηχῶν
τὸ
ὕψος
εἰς
ποικίλα
τέγη
διῃρημένος,
ὑπὲρ
ὃν
τύρσεις
μὲν
διπήχεις
προμαχῶνες
δὲ
περιβέβληντο
τριπήχεις,
ὡς
τὸ
πᾶν
ὕψος
εἰς
ὀγδοήκοντα
πήχεις
συναριθμεῖσθαι.
|
165
Over this was a two-story house, twenty-five cubits[1] high, divided into various rooms; above which were turrets of two cubits[1] and ramparts of three cubits,[1] so that the total height amounted to eighty cubits.[1]
|
| 165
over which there was a house of two stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several parts; over which were battlements of two cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to fourscore cubits.
| 165
and above it was a house of two stories, twenty-five feet high and divided into several parts, and above these were two-foot battlements and around turrets three feet high, so that together the combined height amounted to eighty feet.
|
[1]25 cubits = 11 metres (36 ft); 2 cubits = .9 metre (3 ft); 3 cubits = 1.3 metres (4 ft); 80 cubits = 35.5 metres (117 ft)
| 166
Ὁ
δὲ
δεύτερος
πύργος,
ὃν
ὠνόμασεν
ἀπὸ
τἀδελφοῦ
ΦασάηλονPhasael,
τὸ
μὲν
πλάτος
καὶ
τὸ
μῆκος
ἴσον
εἶχεν,
τεσσαράκοντα
πηχῶν
ἕκαστον,
ἐπὶ
τεσσαράκοντα
δ᾽
αὐτοῦ
τὸ
ναστὸν
ἦν
ὕψος.
|
166
The second tower, which he named Phasael after his brother, had an equal width and length of forty cubits,[1], and its solid height was forty cubits.
|
| 166
The second tower, which he named from his brother Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits;
| 166
The second tower, named after his brother Phasael, was as broad as it was long, forty feet in each, over which was its solid height of forty feet.
|
[1]40 cubits = 18 metres (58 ft)
| 167
Ἐπάνω
δὲ
αὐτοῦ
περιῄει
στοὰ
δεκάπηχυς
τὸ
ὕψος
θωρακίοις
τε
καὶ
προβόλοις
σκεπομένη.
|
167
Above it ran a cloister ten cubits[1] high, protected by breastworks and bulwarks.
|
| 167
over which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks.
| 167
Then over this was a ten-foot-high colonnade, protected by parapets and bulwarks.
|
[1]10 cubits = 4.4 metres (15 ft)
| 169
Πηχῶν
δ᾽
ἦν
τὸ
πᾶν
ὕψος
ὡς
ἐνενήκοντα,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
σχῆμα
παρεῴκει
τῷ
κατὰ
τὴν
Φάρον
ἐκπυρσεύοντι
τοῖς
ἐπὶ
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
πλέουσι,
τῇ
περιοχῇ
δὲ
πολὺ
μείζων
ἦν·
τηνικαῦτά
γε
μὴν
τυραννεῖον
ἀπεδείχθη
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon.
|
169
Its total height was about ninety cubits,[1] and its appearance resembled the lighthouse at Pharos that shines for those sailing to Alexandria, but in circumference, it was much larger. At that time, it served as the headquarters for Simon.
|
| 169
It was also adorned with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a house, wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority.
| 169
Its entire height was about ninety feet, in appearance resembling the Pharos tower, whose flame is seen by people sailing into Alexandria, though its size was much larger.
This was now designated as the dwelling for the tyrant, Simon.
|
[1]90 cubits = 40 metres (131 ft)
| 170
Ὁ
δὲ
τρίτος
πύργος
ἡ
ΜαριάμμηMariamne,
τοῦτο
γὰρ
ἡ
βασιλὶς
ἐκαλεῖτο,
μέχρι
μὲν
εἴκοσι
πηχῶν
ναστὸς
ἦν,
εἴκοσι
δὲ
πήχεις
εἰς
εὖρος
διέβαινε
καὶ
μῆκος
ἴσον,
|
170
The third tower was Mariamne (for so the queen was called); it was solid up to twenty cubits,[1] and extended twenty cubits[1] in width and length.
|
| 170
The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen’s name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other;
| 170
The third tower, named after queen Mariamne, was solid to a height of twenty feet, being equally twenty feet in breadth and length.
|
[1]20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 171
πολυτελεστέραν
δὲ
καὶ
ποικιλωτέραν
τῶν
ἄλλων
τὴν
οἴκησιν
εἶχεν
ἐπάνω,
τοῦ
βασιλέως
οἰκεῖον
ὑπολαβόντος
τὸν
ἀπὸ
γυναικὸς
ὀνομασθέντα
κεκοσμῆσθαι
πλέον
ἢ
τοὺς
ἀπ᾽
ἀνδρῶν,
ὥσπερ
ἐκείνους
τοῦ
τῆς
γυναικὸς
ἰσχυροτέρους.
Τούτου
τὸ
πᾶν
ὕψος
πεντήκοντα
καὶ
πέντε
πηχῶν
ἦν.
|
171
It had more luxurious and varied chambers on top than the others, for the king thought it fitting that the one named after a woman should be more adorned than those named after men, just as those were stronger than the woman’s. Its total height was fifty-five cubits.[1]
|
| 171
its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had greater variety, than the other towers had; for the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this that bore his wife’s name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits.
| 171
Its upper living quarters were finer and more varied than the other towers, for the king thought it best to adorn the one named after his wife more than those named after men, which were built more strongly than the one named after his wife;
and its entire height was fifty feet.
|
[1]55 cubits = 24 metres (80 ft)
| 172
Τηλικοῦτοι
δ᾽
ὄντες
οἱ
τρεῖς
τὸ
μέγεθος
πολὺ
μείζονες
ἐφαίνοντο
διὰ
τὸν
τόπον·
|
172
Being so great in size, these three appeared much larger because of their location.
|
| 172
Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by the place on which they stood;
| 172
Such were the dimensions but due to their location they appeared much taller.
|
| 173
αὐτό
τε
γὰρ
τὸ
ἀρχαῖον
τεῖχος,
ἐν
ᾧ
ἦσαν,
ἐφ᾽
ὑψηλῷ
λόφῳ
δεδόμητο,
καὶ
τοῦ
λόφου
καθάπερ
κορυφή
τις
ὑψηλοτέρα
προανεῖχεν
εἰς
τριάκοντα
πήχεις,
ὑπὲρ
ἣν
οἱ
πύργοι
κείμενοι
πολὺ
δή
τι
τοῦ
μετεώρου
προσελάμβανον.
|
173
For the old wall itself, in which they stood, was built upon a high hill, and a sort of crest of the hill rose even higher by thirty cubits;[1] the towers, being situated upon this, gained much additional height.
|
| 173
for that very old wall wherein they were was built on a high hill, and was itself a kind of elevation that was still thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and thereby were made much higher to appearance.
| 173
The ancient wall where they were set was the crest of a high hill and stood up another thirty feet, on top of which the towers seemed much higher.
|
[1]30 cubits = 13 metres (44 ft)
| 174
Θαυμάσιον
δὲ
καὶ
τῶν
λίθων
ἦν
τὸ
μέγεθος·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἐξ
εἰκαίας
χερμάδος
οὐδὲ
φορητῶν
ἀνθρώποις
πετρῶν
συνειστήκεσαν,
λευκὴ
δὲ
μάρμαρος
ἐτμήθη·
|
174
The size of the stones was also wonderful. They were not made of ordinary rubble or rocks portable by men, but were cut from white marble.
|
| 174
The largeness also of the stones was wonderful; for they were not made of common small stones, nor of such large ones only as men could carry, but they were of white marble, cut out of the rock;
| 174
They were built of wonderfully large stones, not of ordinary small stones, such as a man could carry, but of white marble, cut from the rock,
|
| 175
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
μῆκος
ἑκάστης
πηχῶν
ἦν
εἴκοσι,
δέκα
δὲ
εὖρος
καὶ
βάθος
πέντε,
συνήνωντο
δ᾽
ἐπ᾽
ἀλλήλοις
ὡς
δοκεῖν
ἕκαστον
πύργον
μίαν
εἶναι
πέτραν
ἀναπεφυκυῖαν,
ἔπειτα
δὲ
περιεξέσθαι
χερσὶ
τεχνιτῶν
εἰς
σχῆμα
καὶ
γωνίας·
οὕτως
οὐδαμόθεν
ἡ
συνάφεια
τῆς
ἁρμονίας
διεφαίνετο.
|
175
Each stone was twenty cubits[1] long, ten wide, and five deep; they were so joined together that each tower seemed to be a single rock that had grown there naturally and was then polished by the hands of craftsmen into shape and angles; so nowhere could the joining of the masonry be seen.
|
| 175
each stone was twenty cubits in length, and ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so exactly united to one another, that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so growing naturally, and afterwards cut by the hands of the artificers into their present shape and corners; so little, or not at all, did their joints or connection appear.
| 175
each twenty feet long and ten feet wide and five feet deep.
They were so exactly joined to each other that each tower looked like a single huge block of stone, later cut by the hand of the artisans into its present shape and angles, so invisible were their connecting joints.
|
[1]20x10x5 cubits = 8.9x4.4x2.2 metres (29x15x7 ft)
| 176
κειμένοις
δὲ
πρὸς
ἄρκτονbear, bruin; north
αὐτοῖς
ἔνδοθεν
ἡ
τοῦ
βασιλέως
αὐλὴ
προσέζευκτο,
παντὸς
λόγου
κρείσσων·
|
176
Adjacent to these on the north, on the inside, was the king’s palace, surpassing all description.
|
| 176
Now as these towers were themselves on the north side of the wall, the king had a palace inwardly thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to describe it;
| 176
Inside the wall, near these towers on the north side, the king had an adjoining palace which is beyond all description.
|
[1]30 cubits = 13 metres (44 ft)
| 178
ἐν
οἷς
ἀδιήγητος
μὲν
ἡ
ποικιλία
τῶν
λίθων
ἦν,
συνῆκτο
γὰρ
πολὺς
ὁ
πανταχοῦ
σπάνιος,
θαυμασταὶ
δὲ
ὀροφαὶ
μήκει
τε
δοκῶν
καὶ
λαμπρότητι
προκοσμημάτων,
|
178
In these, the variety of the stones was indescribable, for many rare stones from everywhere were collected; the ceilings were wonderful for the length of their beams and the brilliance of their ornaments.
|
| 178
in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams, and the splendor of their ornaments.
| 178
In them was an inexpressible variety of stones, many of them of the rarest kind.
Their roofs, too, were admirable both for the length of the beams and the splendour of their decoration.
|
| 179
οἴκων
δὲ
πλῆθος
καὶ
διαφοραὶ
σχημάτων
περὶ
τούτους
μυρίαι,
πᾶσίν
γε
μὴν
ἀποσκευαὶ
πλήρεις,
καὶ
τὰ
πλείω
τῶν
ἐν
ἑκάστοις
κειμένων
ἐξ
ἀργύρου
τε
καὶ
χρυσοῦ.
|
179
There were a multitude of rooms and ten thousand differences in their shapes, all fully furnished, and most of the vessels in each were of silver and gold.
|
| 179
The number of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodigious; their furniture was complete, and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and gold.
| 179
The many apartments were adorned with countless designs and all were fully furnished, mostly with objects of silver and gold.
|
| 180
Περίστοα
δὲ
δι᾽
ἀλλήλων
ἐν
κύκλῳ
πολλά,
καὶ
στῦλοι
πρὸς
ἑκάστῳ
διάφοροι,
τά
γε
μὴν
τούτων
ὕπαιθρα
πάντα
χλοερά,
|
180
There were many circular porticoes leading into one another, with different columns for each; the open spaces between them were all green.
|
| 180
There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all the courts that were exposed to the air everywhere green.
| 180
There were also many circular arcades, leading into each other, with different columns in each, all open to the air and there was greenery everywhere.
|
| 181
καὶ
ποικίλαι
μὲν
ὕλαι
μακροὶ
δὲ
δι᾽
αὐτῶν
περίπατοι
καὶ
περὶ
τούτους
εὔριποι
βαθεῖς
δεξαμεναί
τε
πανταχοῦ
χαλκουργημάτων
περίπλεοι,
δι᾽
ὧν
τὸ
ὕδωρ
ἐξεχεῖτο,
καὶ
πολλοὶ
περὶ
τὰ
νάματα
πύργοι
πελειάδων
ἡμέρων.
|
181
There were various groves with long walks through them, and around these were deep canals and reservoirs everywhere full of bronze statues through which water poured out, and many towers for tame pigeons around the streams.
|
| 181
There were, moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts of tame pigeons about the canals.
| 181
Several groves of trees were lined with long walks, and deep canals and cisterns, with bronze statues here and there, that poured out streams of water; and around the streams were many dovecots of tame doves.
|
| 182
Ἀλλὰ
γὰρ
οὔθ᾽
ἑρμηνεῦσαιto interpret
δυνατὸν
ἀξίως
τὰ
βασίλεια,
καὶ
φέρει
βάσανον
ἡ
μνήμη
τὰς
τοῦ
λῃστρικοῦ
πυρὸς
δαπάνας
ἀναφέρουσα·
|
182
But indeed, it is impossible to describe the palace worthily, and the memory of it brings torture, bringing back to mind the destruction caused by the fire of the rebels.
|
| 182
But, indeed, it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers hath consumed;
| 182
But it is impossible to completely describe the royal palace, whose very memory torments one about the riches that were burned up in the fire kindled by the brigands;
|
| 183
οὐ
γὰρ
ταῦτα
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
κατέφλεξαν,
ἀλλ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἔνδον
ἐπιβούλων,
ὡς
προειρήκαμεν,
ἐν
ἀρχῇ
τῆς
ἀποστάσεωςa revolt
ἀπὸ
μὲν
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
ἤρξατο
τὸ
πῦρ,
μετέβη
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὰ
βασίλεια
καὶ
τῶν
τριῶν
πύργων
τὰς
στέγας
ἐπενεμήθη.
|
183
For the Romans did not burn these, but it was done by the internal conspirators, as we said before, at the beginning of the revolt; the fire started from the Antonia, passed to the palace, and consumed the roofs of the three towers (66 AD).
|
| 183
for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went on to the palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves.
| 183
for these were not burned by the Romans, but by conspirators from within, as we have said, at the start of their revolt.
That fire began at the Antonia tower and went on to the palaces and spread even to the roofs of the three towers.
|
Chapter 5
Glowing description of the Temple
and its artistic treasures
| 184
Τὸ
δ᾽
ἱερὸν
ἵδρυτο
μέν,
ὥσπερ
ἔφην,
ἐπὶ
λόφου
καρτεροῦ,
κατ᾽
ἀρχὰς
δὲ
μόλις
ἐξήρκει
τὸ
ἀνωτάτω
χθαμαλὸν
αὐτοῦ
τῷ
τε
ναῷ
καὶ
τῷ
βωμῷ·
τὰ
γὰρ
περὶ
ἀπόκρημνος
ἦν
καὶ
κατάντης.
|
184
The Temple was built, as I have said, upon a strong hill. Originally, the level space at its summit was barely sufficient for the sanctuary and the altar, for the surrounding area was steep and precipitous.
|
| 184
Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like a precipice;
| 184
This temple, as I have said, was built upon a strong hill, and originally, the plateau at the top could barely hold the sanctuary and the altar, as the ground around it was like a precipice.
|
| 185
Τοῦ
δὲ
βασιλέως
ΣολομῶνοςSolomon,
ὃς
δὴ
καὶ
τὸν
ναὸν
ἔκτισεν,
τὸ
κατ᾽
ἀνατολὰς
μέρος
ἐκτειχίσαντος,
ἐπετέθη
μία
στοὰ
τῷ
χώματι·
καὶ
κατά
γε
τὰ
λοιπὰ
μέρη
γυμνὸς
ὁ
ναὸς
ἦν.
Τοῖς
δ᾽
ἑξῆς
αἰῶσιν
ἀεί
τι
τοῦ
λαοῦ
προσχωννύντος
ἀνισούμενος
ὁ
λόφος
ηὐρύνετο.
|
185
But when King Solomon, the one who actually founded the sanctuary, had walled up the eastern part, a single portico was placed upon the embankment; on the other sides, the sanctuary remained exposed. In the succeeding ages, as the people constantly added to the embankment, the hill was leveled and widened.
|
| 185
but when king Solomon, who was the person that built the temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the holy house stood naked. But in future ages the people added new banks, and the hill became a larger plain.
| 185
But once the builder of the temple, king Solomon, walled it up on the east side, a portico was added on the levelled ground, but the other parts of the temple were empty.
In later ages new ramparts were added, and the hilltop was widened and levelled.
|
| 186
Διακόψαντες
δὲ
καὶ
τὸ
προσάρκτιον
τεῖχος
τοσοῦτον
προσελάμβανον
ὅσον
ὕστερον
ἐπεῖχεν
ὁ
τοῦ
παντὸς
ἱεροῦ
περίβολος.
|
186
They also broke down the northern wall and took in as much additional space as the entire perimeter of the Temple later occupied.
|
| 186
They then broke down the wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for the compass of the entire temple.
| 186
Then they broke down the wall on the north side and took in what later became the entire temple area.
|
| 187
Τειχίσαντες
δ᾽
ἐκ
ῥίζης
τριχῆ
κυκλόθεν
τὸν
λόφον
καὶ
μεῖζον
ἐλπίδος
ἐκπονήσαντες
ἔργον,
εἰς
ὃ
μακροὶ
μὲν
ἐξαναλώθησαν
αἰῶνες
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
οἱ
ἱεροὶ
δὲ
θησαυροὶ
πάντες,
οὓς
ἀνεπίμπλασαν
οἱ
παρὰ
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
δασμοὶ
πεμπόμενοι
τῷ
θεῷ,
τούς
τε
ἄνω
περιβόλους
καὶ
τὸ
κάτω
ἱερὸν
ἀμφεδείμαντο.
|
187
Having walled up the hill from its base on three sides and having completed a work greater than could have been hoped for—on which long ages were spent and all the sacred treasures exhausted, which were replenished by the tributes sent to God from the whole world—they built both the upper enclosures and the lower sanctuary.
|
| 187
And when they had built walls onthree sides of the temple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for (in which work long ages were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasures were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which were sent to God from the whole habitable earth), they then encompassed their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the lowest [court of the] temple.
| 187
After building retaining walls on three sides of the hill from the ground up and achieving a work beyond all hopes, a task that took ages and cost all of their sacred treasury, as well as by the tributes offered to God from the whole world, they surrounded the upper courts with porticoes, and enclosed the lower court.
|
| 188
Τούτου
τὸ
ταπεινότατον
ἀπὸ
τριακοσίων
ἀνετειχίσαντο
πηχῶν,
κατὰ
δέ
τινας
τόπους
καὶ
πλείονος.
Οὐ
μέντοι
πᾶν
τὸ
βάθος
ἐφαίνετο
τῶν
θεμελίων·
ἐπὶ
πολὺ
γὰρ
ἔχωσαν
τὰς
φάραγγας
ἀνισοῦν
βουλόμενοι
τοὺς
στενωποὺς
τοῦ
ἄστεος.
|
188
The lowest part of the wall they built up from three hundred cubits,[1] and in some places even more. However, the full depth of the foundations was not visible, for they filled up the ravines to a great extent, wishing to level the narrow streets of the city.
|
| 188
The lowest part of this was erected to the height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and filled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with the narrow streets of the city;
| 188
The deepest of the foundations went down three hundred feet and in some places more, but the full depth of the foundations was not visible, for they brought earth and filled up the ravines, wanting to level the narrow streets of the town.
|
[1]300 cubits = 133 metres (146 yards)
| 189
ΠέτρᾳPetra
δὲ
τεσσαρακονταπήχεις
τὸ
μέγεθος
ἦσαν
τοῦ
δομήματος·
ἥ
τε
γὰρ
δαψίλεια
τῶν
χρημάτων
καὶ
τοῦ
λαοῦ
φιλοτιμία
λόγου
μείζονας
ἐποιεῖτο
τὰς
ἐπιβολάς,
καὶ
τὸ
μηδὲ
ἐλπισθὲν
ἕξειν
πέρας
ἐπιμονῇ
καὶ
χρόνοις
ἦν
ἀνύσιμον.
|
189
The stones of the building were forty cubits[1] in size. For the abundance of resources and the ambition of the people made their undertakings greater than can be described; and what was not even hoped to have an end was achieved by persistence and time.
|
| 189
wherein they made use of stones of forty cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever to be accomplished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to perfection.
| 189
Stone blocks forty feet long were used in the building, for plenty of money was spent and the people's generosity led to great works being undertaken, so that by perseverance, a seemingly impossible task was in time achieved.
|
[1]40 cubits = 18 metres (19 yards)
| 190
Ἦν
δὲ
ἄξια
τῶν
τηλικούτων
θεμελίων
καὶ
τὰ
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν
ἔργα
διπλαῖ
μὲν
γὰρ
αἱ
στοαὶ
πᾶσαι,
κίονες
δ᾽
αὐταῖς
εἰκοσιπέντε
πηχῶν
τὸ
ὕψος
ἐφεστήκεσαν
μονόλιθοι
λευκοτάτης
μαρμάρου,
κεδρίνοις
δὲ
φατνώμασιν
ὠρόφωντο.
|
190
The works above these foundations were worthy of such great bases. All the porticoes were double, and the columns supporting them were twenty-five cubits[1] high, each a monolith of the whitest marble, and they were roofed with cedar panels.
|
| 190
Now, for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble;
| 190
The works built upon them were worthy of these foundations.
For all the porticoes were two rows high and pillars twenty-five feet high supported the porticoes, each pillar a monolith of pure white marble, and the roofs were of carved cedar.
|
[1]25 cubits = 11 metres (12 yards)
| 191
Τούτων
ἡ
μὲν
φυσικὴ
πολυτέλεια
καὶ
τὸ
εὔξεστον
καὶ
τὸ
ἁρμόνιον
παρεῖχε
θεωρίαν
ἀξιόλογον,
οὐδενὶ
δὲ
ἔξωθεν
οὔτε
ζωγραφίας
οὔτε
γλυφίδος
ἔργωιdeed
προσηγλάιστο.
|
191
Their natural magnificence, their fine polish, and their perfect joining provided a remarkable sight, yet they were not adorned on the outside by any work of painter or sculptor.
|
| 191
and the roofs were adorned with cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish, and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any work of the painter or engraver.
| 191
Their natural gleaming splendour and harmonious finish made them remarkable to see, and the outside was unadorned by any paintings or sculptures.
|
| 192
Καὶ
πλατεῖαι
μὲν
ἦσαν
ἐπὶ
τριάκοντα
πήχεις,
ὁ
δὲ
πᾶς
κύκλος
αὐτῶν
εἰς
ἓξ
σταδίους
συνεμετρεῖτο
περιλαμβανομένης
καὶ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia·
τὸ
δ᾽
ὕπαιθρον
ἅπαν
πεποίκιλτο
παντοδαπῷ
λίθῳ
κατεστρωμένον.
|
192
The porticoes were thirty cubits[1] wide, and the entire circuit of them was measured at six stadia,[2] including the Antonia. The entire open court was paved with a variety of multi-colored stones.
|
| 192
The cloisters [of the outmost court] were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it was by measure six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts.
| 192
The porticoes were thirty feet wide, while their entire circumference measured six furlongs, including the Antonia tower, and the open parts of the courtyard were laid with many-coloured stone.
|
[1]30 cubits = 13 metres (14.6 yards)
[2]6 stadia = 1 km (0.7 miles)
| 193
Διὰ
τούτου
προιόντων
ἐπὶ
τὸ
δεύτερον
ἱερὸν
δρύφακτος
περιβέβλητο
λίθινος,
τρίπηχυς
μὲν
ὕψος,
πάνυ
δὲ
χαριέντως
διειργασμένος·
|
193
As one proceeded through this toward the second court, there was a stone balustrade, three cubits[1] high and very elegantly finished.
|
| 193
When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its construction was very elegant;
| 193
Proceeding to the second court of the temple, there was a stone partition all around, three feet high and of the most elegant construction.
|
[1]3 cubits = 1.3 metres (1.5 yards)
| 194
ἐν
αὐτῷ
δὲ
εἱστήκεσαν
ἐξ
ἴσου
διαστήματος
στῆλαι
τὸν
τῆς
ἁγνείας
προσημαίνουσαι
νόμον
αἱ
μὲν
ἙλληνικοῖςGreek
αἱ
δὲ
Ῥωμαικοῖς
γράμμασιν
μηδένα
ἀλλόφυλον
ἐντὸς
τοῦ
ἁγίου
παριέναι·
|
194
In it stood pillars at equal intervals, announcing the law of purity, some in Greek and others in Roman letters, stating that no foreigner should enter within the Holy Place;
|
| 194
upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that “no foreigner should go within that sanctuary;” for that second [court of the] temple was called “the Sanctuary;”
| 194
On it stood pillars, at regular intervals, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek and some in Roman letters, that no foreigner should go within the Holy Place, for that second part of the temple was called "the Holy Place."
|
| 196
Τούτου
τὸ
μὲν
ἔξωθεν
ὕψος
καίπερ
τεσσαράκοντα
πηχῶν
ὑπάρχον
ὑπὸ
τῶν
βαθμῶν
ἐκαλύπτετο,
τὸ
δὲ
ἔνδον
εἴκοσι
καὶ
πέντε
πηχῶν
ἦν·
πρὸς
γὰρ
ὑψηλοτέρῳ
δεδομημένου
τοῦ
βαθμοῦ
οὐκέτ᾽
ἦν
ἅπαν
εἴσω
καταφανὲς
καλυπτόμενον
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
λόφου.
|
196
Its height on the outside, although it was forty cubits,[1] was concealed by the steps; but on the inside, it was twenty-five cubits.[1] For since the steps were built against a higher elevation, the whole of it was no longer visible from within, being hidden by the hill.
|
| 196
the height of its buildings, although it were on the outside forty cubits, was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself.
| 196
The height of its buildings, forty feet on the outside, was hidden by the steps, while on the inside it was only twenty-five feet high;
and since it was built opposite a higher part of the hill, its steps were not all visible from within, being partly covered by the hill.
|
[1]40 cubits = 18 metres (58 feet); 25 cubits = 11 metres (36 feet)
[1]10 cubits = 4.4 metres (15 feet)
| 198
Ἔνθεν
ἄλλοι
πάλιν
πεντέβαθμοι
κλίμακες
ἀνῆγον
ἐπὶ
τὰς
πύλας,
αἳ
ἀπὸ
μὲν
ἄρκτου
καὶ
μεσημβρίας
ὀκτώ,
καθ᾽
ἑκάτερον
τέσσαρες,
δύο
δ᾽
ἦσαν
ἐξ
ἀνατολῆς
κατ᾽
ἀνάγκην·
διατετειχισμένου
γὰρ
κατὰ
τοῦτο
τὸ
κλίμα
ταῖς
γυναιξὶν
ἰδίου
πρὸς
θρησκείαν
χώρου
ἔδει
δευτέραν
εἶναι
πύλην·
τέτμητο
δ᾽
αὕτη
τῆς
πρώτης
ἄντικρυς.
|
198
From there, other flights of five steps led up to the gates, of which there were eight toward the north and south, four on each side, and two of necessity on the east. For since a special area had been walled off for the women for their worship on that side, a second gate was required; this was cut opposite the first.
|
| 198
whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a piece, that led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first gate.
| 198
From this another flight of five steps led to the gates, eight in all, four each on the north and south sides.
Also there had to be two on the east, for since on that side there was a section for the women, as their special place for worship, a second gate needed for them, which opened opposite the first gate.
|
| 199
Κἀκ
τῶν
ἄλλων
δὲ
κλιμάτων
μία
μεσημβρινὴ
πύλη
καὶ
μία
βόρειος,
δι᾽
ἧς
εἰς
τὴν
γυναικωνῖτιν
εἰσῆγον·
κατὰ
γὰρ
τὰς
ἄλλας
οὐκ
ἐξῆν
παρελθεῖν
γυναιξίν,
ἀλλ᾽
οὐδὲ
κατὰ
τὴν
σφετέραν
ὑπερβῆναι
τὸ
διατείχισμα.
Ἀνεῖτό
γε
μὴν
ταῖς
τ᾽
ἐπιχωρίοις
καὶ
ταῖς
ἔξωθεν
ὁμοφύλοις
ἐν
ἴσῳ
πρὸς
θρησκείαν
ὁ
χῶρος.
|
199
From the other directions, there was one southern and one northern gate through which they entered the women’s court; for women were not permitted to enter through the other gates, nor could they pass beyond their own dividing wall. This area was open for worship to both native and foreign women of our race alike.
|
| 199
There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally.
| 199
On the other sides there was one southern and one northern gate, which gave entry to the court of the women, for the women were not allowed to pass through the other gates, and when they went through their own gate they could not go beyond their wall.
This place was equally open to all Jewish women whether local or foreign.
|
| 200
Τὸ
δὲ
πρὸς
δύσιν
μέρος
οὐκ
εἶχε
πύλην,
ἀλλὰ
διηνεκὲς
ἐδεδόμητο
ταύτῃ
τὸ
τεῖχος.
Αἱ
στοαὶ
δὲ
μεταξὺ
τῶν
πυλῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἔνδον
ἐστραμμέναι
πρὸ
τῶν
γαζοφυλακίων
σφόδρα
μὲν
καλοῖς
καὶ
μεγάλοις
ἀνείχοντο
κίοσιν,
ἦσαν
δ᾽
ἁπλαῖ,
καὶ
πλὴν
τοῦ
μεγέθους
τῶν
κάτω
κατ᾽
οὐδὲν
ἀπελείποντοto leave.
|
200
The western part had no gate, but the wall was built solid there. The porticoes between the gates turned inward from the wall in front of the treasuries and were supported by very beautiful and large columns; they were single, and except for their size, were in no way inferior to those of the lower court.
|
| 200
The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court.
| 200
The western part of this court had no gate and the wall on that side was entire.
Between the gates the porticoes reached inward from the wall in front of the treasury, supported by very fine, large pillars.
These were in single porticoes, but no way inferior to those of the lower court, except for their size.
|
| 201
Τῶν
δὲ
πυλῶν
αἱ
μὲν
ἐννέα
χρυσῷ
καὶ
ἀργύρῳ
κεκαλυμμέναι
πανταχόθεν
ἦσαν
ὁμοίως
τε
αἵ
τε
παραστάδες
καὶ
τὰ
ὑπέρθυρα,
μία
δ᾽
ἡ
ἔξωθεν
τοῦ
νεὼ
Κορινθίου
χαλκοῦ
πολὺ
τῇ
τιμῇ
τὰς
καταργύρους
καὶ
περιχρύσους
ὑπεράγουσα.
|
201
Of the gates, nine were completely covered with gold and silver, as were the sideposts and the lintels; but one, outside the sanctuary, was of Corinthian bronze, and greatly exceeded in value those covered with silver and gold.
|
| 201
Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold.
| 201
Nine of these gates were covered over with gold and silver on every side, as were the door-jambs and lintels, and one gate just outside the temple, was of Corinthian brass and far finer than the ones only overlaid with silver and gold.
|
[1]30 cubits = 13 metres (44 ft); 15 metres = 6.7 metres (22 ft)
| 203
μετὰ
μέντοι
τὰς
εἰσόδους
ἐνδοτέρωinner
πλατυνόμενοι
παρ᾽
ἑκάτερον
τριακονταπήχεις
ἐξέδραςhall, room, parlour
εἶχον
εὖρός
τε
καὶ
μῆκος
πυργοειδεῖς,
ὑψηλὰς
δ᾽
ὑπὲρ
τεσσαράκοντα
πήχεις·
δύο
δ᾽
ἀνεῖχονto hold up, lift up
ἑκάστην
κίονες
δώδεκα
πηχῶν
τὴν
περιοχὴν
ἔχοντες.
|
203
After the entrances, however, they widened on the inside and had tower-like chambers on each side, thirty cubits[1] in width and length, and over forty cubits[1] high. Two columns, twelve cubits[1] in circumference, supported each one.
|
| 203
However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits.
| 203
Just inside the entrances they had large areas with rooms on each side built like turrets, thirty feet square and more than forty feet high and the two pillars supporting them were twelve feet in circumference.
|
[1]30 cubits = 13 metres (44 ft); 40 cubits = 18 metres (58 ft)
| 204
Καὶ
τῶν
μὲν
ἄλλων
ἴσον
ἦν
τὸ
μέγεθος,
ἡ
δ᾽
ὑπὲρ
τὴν
Κορινθίαν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
γυναικωνίτιδος
ἐξ
ἀνατολῆς
ἀνοιγομένη
τῆς
τοῦ
ναοῦ
πύλης
ἀντικρὺ
πολὺ
μείζων·
|
204
The size of the others was equal, but the one above the Corinthian gate, opening from the women’s court on the east opposite the gate of the sanctuary, was much larger.
|
| 204
Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger;
| 204
The other gates were equal to each other in size, but the one beyond the Corinthian gate, opening from the Women's Portion on the east toward the gate of the sanctuary, was much larger,
|
| 205
πεντήκοντα
γὰρ
πηχῶν
οὖσα
τὴν
ἀνάστασιν
τεσσαρακονταπήχεις
τὰς
θύρας
εἶχε
καὶ
τὸν
κόσμον
πολυτελέστερον
ἐπὶ
δαψιλὲς
πάχος
ἀργύρου
τε
καὶ
χρυσοῦ.
Τοῦτον
δὲ
ταῖς
ἐννέα
πύλαις
ἐπέχεεν
ὁ
ΤιβερίουTiberius
πατὴρ
ἈλέξανδροςAlexander.
|
205
For rising fifty cubits,[1] it had doors of forty cubits[1] and more lavish decoration, with a massive thickness of silver and gold. This [gold and silver] was poured over the nine gates by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
|
| 205
for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
| 205
for its height was fifty feet, and its doors were forty feet, and it was more richly adorned, with costly and thick plates of silver and gold;
these nine gates had been plated by Alexander, the father of Tiberius.
|
[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft); 40 cubits = 18 metres (58 ft)
| 206
βαθμοὶ
δὲ
δεκαπέντε
πρὸς
τὴν
μείζονα
πύλην
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τῶν
γυναικῶν
διατειχίσματος
ἀνῆγον·
τῶν
γὰρ
κατὰ
τὰς
ἄλλας
πέντε
βαθμῶν
ἦσαν
βραχύτεροι.
|
206
Fifteen steps led up from the women’s partition to the larger gate; for they were shorter than the five steps leading to the other gates.
|
| 206
Now there were fifteen steps, which led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate; whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps shorter.
| 206
Leading up from the Women's Portion to this greater gate were fifteen steps, shallower than the five steps at the other gates.
|
| 207
αὐτὸς
δὲ
ὁ
ναὸς
κατὰ
μέσον
κείμενος,
τὸ
ἅγιον
ἱερόν,
δώδεκα
βαθμοῖς
ἦν
ἀναβατός,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
κατὰ
πρόσωπον
ὕψος
τε
καὶ
εὖρος
ἴσον
ἀνὰ
πήχεις
ἑκατόν,
κατόπιν
δὲ
τεσσαράκοντα
πήχεσι
στενότερος·
ἔμπροσθεν
γὰρ
ὥσπερ
ὦμοι
παρ᾽
ἑκάτερον
εἰκοσαπήχεις
διέβαινον.
|
207
The sanctuary itself, situated in the middle, the Holy Temple, was ascended by twelve steps. Its height and width in front were equal, being a hundred cubits[1] each, but behind it was forty cubits[1] narrower; for in front, “shoulders” (wings) as it were, extended twenty cubits[1] on each side.
|
| 207
As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for on its front it had what may be styled shoulders on each side, that passed twenty cubits further.
| 207
The central sanctuary, the most sacred part of the temple, was ascended to by twelve steps.
Its height and its breadth were equal, a hundred feet each, though it was forty feet narrower to the back, since "shoulders" jutted out twenty feet on either side in front.
|
[1]100 cubits = 44 metres (49 yards); 40 cubits = 18 metres (58 ft); 20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 208
ἡ
πρώτη
δ᾽
αὐτοῦ
πύλη
πηχῶν
ἑβδομήκοντα
τὸ
ὕψος
οὖσα
καὶ
εὖρος
εἴκοσι
καὶ
πέντε,
θύρας
οὐκ
εἶχε·
τοῦ
γὰρ
οὐρανοῦ
τὸ
ἀφανὲς
καὶ
ἀδιάκλειστον
ἐνέφαινε·
κεχρύσωτο
δὲ
τὰ
μέτωπα
πάντα,
καὶ
δι᾽
αὐτῆς
ὅ
τε
πρῶτος
οἶκος
ἔξωθεν
πᾶς
κατεφαίνετο
μέγιστος
ὤν,
καὶ
τὰ
περὶ
τὴν
εἴσω
πύλην
πάντα
λαμπόμενα
χρυσῷ
τοῖς
ὁρῶσιν
ὑπέπιπτεν.
|
208
Its first gate was seventy cubits[1] high and twenty-five[1] wide, and it had no doors; for it represented the invisible and unobstructed expanse of heaven. All its front was covered with gold, and through it, the entire first house was visible from without, being very large, and everything around the inner gate, shining with gold, struck the eyes of the viewers.
|
| 208
Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them;
| 208
Its first gate was seventy feet high and twenty-five wide, but this gate had no doors, for it represented the visible sky that can nowhere be shut out.
Its front was covered in gold and through it the first, larger part of the house could be seen from outside, with the parts around the inner gate seeming to the beholder to shimmer with gold.
|
[1]70 cubits = 31 metres (102 ft); 25 cubits = 11 metres (36 ft)
| 209
Τοῦ
δὲ
ναοῦ
ὄντος
εἴσω
διστέγου
μόνος
ὁ
πρῶτος
οἶκος
προύκειτο
καὶ
διηνεκὲς
εἰς
τὸ
ὕψος,
ἀνατεινόμενος
μὲν
ἐπ᾽
ἐνενήκοντα
πήχεις,
μηκυνόμενος
δὲ
ἐπὶ
πεντήκοντα
καὶ
διαβαίνων
ἐπ᾽
εἴκοσιν.
|
209
Since the sanctuary had two stories within, only the first house stood open and was continuous in its height, rising to ninety cubits (40 metres), while its length was fifty[1] and its width twenty.[1]
|
| 209
but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty.
| 209
As the entire house within was divided into two parts, only the first part of it was fully open to our view, ninety feet high and fifty long and twenty broad.
|
[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft); 20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 210
ἡ
δὲ
διὰ
τοῦ
οἴκου
πύλη
κεχρύσωτο
μέν,
ὡς
ἔφην,
πᾶσα
καὶ
ὅλος
ὁ
περὶ
αὐτὴν
τοῖχος,
εἶχε
δὲ
καὶ
τὰς
χρυσᾶς
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῆς
ἀμπέλους,
ἀφ᾽
ὧν
βότρυες
ἀνδρομήκεις
κατεκρέμαντο.
|
210
The gate through this house was, as I said, entirely covered with gold, as was the whole wall around it; it also had golden vines above it, from which hung clusters of grapes as tall as a man.
|
| 210
But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man’s height.
| 210
The gate at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have said, covered all over with gold, as was the whole wall around it, and above it were golden vines, from which hung clusters of grapes as tall as a man.
|
| 211
ὄντος
δὲ
ἤδη
τοῦ
ναοῦ
διστέγου,
ταπεινοτέρα
τῆς
ἔξωθεν
ὄψεως
ἡ
ἔνδον
ἦν
καὶ
θύρας
εἶχε
χρυσᾶς
πεντηκονταπέντε
πήχεων
τὸ
ὕψος
εὖρος
δ᾽
ἑκκαίδεκα.
|
211
Since the sanctuary was now two-storied, the inside was lower than the outside appearance, and it had golden doors fifty-five cubits[1] high and sixteen (7 metres) wide.
|
| 211
But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen[1] in breadth;
| 211
As this house was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the outer façade and had golden doors fifty-five feet high and sixteen wide.
|
[1]55 cubits = 24 metres (80 ft); 16 cubits = 7 metres (23 ft)
| 212
Πρὸ
δὲ
τούτων
ἰσόμηκες
καταπέτασμα
πέπλος
ἦν
ΒαβυλώνιοςBabylonian
ποικιλτὸς
ἐξ
ὑακίνθου
καὶ
βύσσου
κόκκου
τε
καὶ
πορφύρας,
θαυμαστῶς
μὲν
εἰργασμένος,
οὐκ
ἀθεώρητον
δὲ
τῆς
ὕλης
τὴν
κρᾶσιν
ἔχων,
ἀλλ᾽
ὥσπερ
εἰκόνα
τῶν
ὅλων·
|
212
Before these was a veil of equal length, a Babylonian tapestry embroidered with hyacinth [blue], fine linen [white], scarlet, and purple, wrought with wonderful skill. Nor was this mixture of materials without significance, but it served as an image of the universe.
|
| 212
but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe;
| 212
Before these doors there was a veil of the same size, a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue and fine linen, scarlet and purple and marvellous in texture.
This mix of colours had a mystic meaning, as an image of the whole universe.
|
| 213
ἐδόκει
γὰρ
αἰνίττεσθαι
τῇ
κόκκῳ
μὲν
τὸ
πῦρ,
τῇ
βύσσῳ
δὲ
τὴν
γῆν,
τῇ
δ᾽
ὑακίνθῳ
τὸν
ἀέρα,
καὶ
τῇ
πορφύρᾳ
τὴν
θάλασσαν,
τῶν
μὲν
ἐκ
τῆς
χροίας
ὁμοιουμένων,
τῆς
δὲ
βύσσου
καὶ
τῆς
πορφύρας
διὰ
τὴν
γένεσιν,
ἐπειδὴ
τὴν
μὲν
ἀναδίδωσιν
ἡ
γῆ,
τὴν
δ᾽
ἡ
θάλασσα.
|
213
For the scarlet seemed to hint at fire, the fine linen at the earth, the blue at the air, and the purple at the sea—the materials being compared by their color, and the linen and purple by their origin, since the earth produces the one and the sea the other.
|
| 213
for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other.
| 213
Scarlet signified fire, fine flax the earth, blue the sky and purple the sea.
In two cases the link was based on their colours, but for the fine flax and purple it was based on their origin, one coming from the earth and the other from the sea.
|
| 214
Κατεγέγραπτο
δ᾽
ὁ
πέπλος
ἅπασαν
τὴν
οὐράνιον
θεωρίαν
πλὴν
ζῳδίων.
|
214
On this tapestry was portrayed the entire map of the heavens, except for the signs of the zodiac.
|
| 214
This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures.
| 214
The curtain was embroidered with everything in the heavens except the zodiac.
|
| 215
Παριόντας
δ᾽
εἴσω
τὸ
ἐπίπεδον
τοῦ
ναοῦ
μέρος
ἐξεδέχετο.
Τούτου
τοίνυν
τὸ
μὲν
ὕψος
ἑξήκοντα
πηχῶν
καὶ
τὸ
μῆκος
ἴσον,
εἴκοσι
δὲ
πηχῶν
τὸ
πλάτος
ἦν.
|
215
Passing inside, one reached the level part of the sanctuary. Its height was sixty cubits[1] and its length the same, while its width was twenty cubits.[1]
|
| 215
When any persons entered into the temple, its floor received them. This part of the temple therefore was in height sixty cubits, and its length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits:
| 215
On entering, one was first struck by the ground-floor of the temple.
This was sixty feet high and the same wide though it was only twenty feet deep.
|
[1]60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft); 20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 216
Τὸ
δ᾽
ἑξηκοντάπηχυ
πάλιν
διῄρητο,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
μέρος
ἀποτετμημένον
ἐπὶ
τεσσαράκοντα
πήχεις
εἶχεν
ἐν
αὑτῷ
τρία
θαυμασιώτατα
καὶ
περιβόητα
πᾶσιν
ἀνθρώποις
ἔργα,
λυχνίαν
τράπεζαν
θυμιατήριον.
|
216
This sixty-cubit[1] space was again divided; the first part, cut off at forty cubits,[1] contained three most wonderful works, famous among all men: a lampstand, a table, and an altar of incense.
|
| 216
but still that sixty cubits in length was divided again, and the first part of it was cut off at forty cubits, and had in it three things that were very wonderful and famous among all mankind, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar of incense.
| 216
That sixty feet of width was again sub-divided, of which the first part (forty feet) had in it three things admired and famed in all mankind, the candlestick, the table and the altar of incense.
|
[1]60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft); 40 cubits = 18 metres (58 ft)
| 217
Ἐνέφαινον
δ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
ἑπτὰ
λύχνοι
τοὺς
πλανήτας·
τοσοῦτοι
γὰρ
ἀπ᾽
αὐτῆς
διῄρηντο
τῆς
λυχνίας·
οἱ
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τῆς
τραπέζης
ἄρτοι
δώδεκα
τὸν
ζῳδιακὸν
κύκλον
καὶ
τὸν
ἐνιαυτόν.
|
217
The seven lamps represented the planets, for so many were branched out from the lampstand. The twelve loaves of bread upon the table represented the circle of the zodiac and the year.
|
| 217
Now, the seven lamps signified the seven planets; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick. Now, the twelve loaves that were upon the table signified the circle of the zodiac and the year;
| 217
The seven lamps, for such were the branches rising from the candlestick, meant the seven planets, and the twelve loaves upon the table meant the circle of the zodiac and the year.
|
| 218
Τὸ
θυμιατήριον
δὲ
διὰ
τῶν
τρισκαίδεκα
θυμιαμάτων,
οἷς
ἐκ
θαλάσσης
ἀνεπίμπλατο
καὶ
τῆς
τε
ἀοικήτου
καὶ
οἰκουμένης,
ἐσήμαινεν
ὅτι
τοῦ
θεοῦ
πάντα
καὶ
τῷ
θεῷ.
|
218
The altar of incense, by its thirteen spices—with which it was replenished from the sea and from both the uninhabited and inhabited earth—signified that all things are of God and for God.
|
| 218
but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it, signified that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to be dedicated to his use.
| 218
The altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices drawn from the sea, meant that all things whether in the empty or inhabited world are from God and for God.
|
| 219
Τὸ
δ᾽
ἐνδοτάτω
μέρος
εἴκοσι
μὲν
πηχῶν
ἦν·
διείργετο
δὲ
ὁμοίως
καταπετάσματι
πρὸς
τὸ
ἔξωθεν.
Ἔκειτο
δὲ
οὐδὲν
ὅλως
ἐν
αὐτῷ,
ἄβατον
δὲ
καὶ
ἄχραντον
καὶ
ἀθέατον
ἦν
πᾶσιν,
ἁγίου
δὲ
ἅγιον
ἐκαλεῖτο.
|
219
The innermost part was twenty cubits[1] long; it was likewise separated from the outer part by a veil. Nothing at all stood within it; it was inaccessible, inviolable, and unviewable by all, and was called the Holy of Holies.
|
| 219
But the inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In this there was nothing at all. It was inaccessible and inviolable, and not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies.
| 219
The inmost part of the temple was twenty feet in each direction and was separated from the outer part by a veil, and in it there was nothing at all.
It was inaccessible and inviolable and not to be seen by any, and was called the Holy of Holies.
|
[1]20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 220
περὶ
δὲ
τὰ
πλευρὰ
τοῦ
κάτω
ναοῦ
δι᾽
ἀλλήλων
ἦσαν
οἶκοι
τρίστεγοι
πολλοί,
καὶ
παρ᾽
ἑκάτερον
εἰς
αὐτοὺς
ἀπὸ
τῆς
πύλης
εἴσοδοι.
|
220
Along the sides of the lower sanctuary were many three-storied chambers, connected to one another, with entrances leading into them from each side of the gate.
|
| 220
Now, about the sides of the lower part of the temple, there were little houses, with passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and they were of three stories high; there were also entrances on each side into them from the gate of the temple.
| 220
around the sides of the lower part of the temple were many small interconnected buildings, three stories high, with access on each side from the gate of the temple.
|
| 221
Τὸ
δ᾽
ὑπερῷον
μέρος
τούτους
μὲν
οὐκέτι
εἶχεν
τοὺς
οἴκους
παρόσον
ἦν
καὶ
στενότερον,
ὑψηλὸν
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τεσσαράκοντα
πήχεις
καὶ
λιτότερον
τοῦ
κάτω·
συνάγεται
γὰρ
οὕτως
πρὸς
ἑξήκοντα
τοῖς
τοῦ
ἐπιπέδου
πηχῶν
ἑκατὸν
τὸ
πᾶν
ὕψος.
|
221
The upper story did not have these chambers, as it was narrower, but it was forty cubits[1] high and simpler than the lower part. Thus, adding the sixty cubits[1] of the ground level, the total height was a hundred cubits.[1]
|
| 221
But the superior part of the temple had no such little houses any further, because the temple was there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, including the sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits.
| 221
The upper part of the sanctuary, being narrower and forty feet higher than the lower parts, had no such structures, and its total height, including the sixty feet from the floor, amounted to a hundred feet.
|
[1]40 cubits = 18 metres (58 ft); 60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft); 100 cubits = 45 metres (145 ft)
| 222
Τὸ
δ᾽
ἔξωθεν
αὐτοῦ
πρόσωπον
οὐδὲν
οὔτ᾽
εἰς
ψυχῆς
οὔτ᾽
εἰς
ὀμμάτωνeye
ἔκπληξιν
ἀπέλειπεν·
πλαξὶ
γὰρ
χρυσοῦ
στιβαραῖς
κεκαλυμμένος
πάντοθεν
ὑπὸ
τὰς
πρώτας
ἀνατολὰς
πυρωδεστάτην
ἀπέπαλλεν
αὐγὴν
καὶ
τῶν
βιαζομένων
ἰδεῖν
τὰς
ὄψεις
ὥσπερ
ἡλιακαῖς
ἀκτῖσιν
ἀπέστρεφεν.
|
222
The outward face of it lacked nothing to amaze either the soul or the eyes. Being covered on all sides with massive plates of gold, at the first sunrise it flashed with a fiery splendor and forced those who tried to look at it to turn away their eyes as they would from the rays of the sun.
|
| 222
Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that was likely to surprise either men’s minds or their eyes; for it was covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendor, and made those who forced themselves to look upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they would have done at the sun’s own rays.
| 222
The front façade lacked nothing that could impress the mind or eye, for it was entirely covered with heavy gold plates, and at sunrise reflected back a fiery splendour that made onlookers avert their eyes as from the very rays of the sun.
|
| 223
Τοῖς
γε
μὴν
ἀφικνουμένοις
ξένοις
πόρρωθεν
ὅμοιος
ὄρει
χιόνος
πλήρει
κατεφαίνετο·
καὶ
γὰρ
καθὰ
μὴ
κεχρύσωτο
λευκότατος
ἦν.
|
223
To strangers approaching from a distance, it appeared like a mountain covered with snow; for where it was not covered with gold, it was of the purest white.
|
| 223
But this temple appeared to strangers, when they were coming to it at a distance, like a mountain covered with snow; for as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they were exceeding white.
| 223
To strangers coming toward it from a distance, his temple looked like a mountain covered with snow, as the parts of it that were not gilded were very white.
|
| 224
Κατὰ
κορυφὴν
δὲ
χρυσέους
ὀβελοὺς
ἀνεῖχεν
τεθηγμένους,
ὡς
μή
τινι
προσκαθεζομένῳ
μολύνοιτο
τῶν
ὀρνέων.
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἐν
αὐτῷ
λίθων
ἔνιοι
μῆκος
πέντε
καὶ
τεσσαράκοντα
πηχῶν
ἦσαν,
ὕψος
πέντε,
εὖρος
δ᾽
ἕξ.
|
224
On its summit it had golden spikes, sharpened so that no bird might settle upon it and soil it. Some of the stones in the building were forty-five cubits long, five high, and six wide.[1]
|
| 224
On its top it had spikes with sharp points, to prevent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon it. Of its stones, some of them were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth.
| 224
On its top were spikes with sharp points, to prevent its being polluted by birds sitting upon it.
Some of its stones were forty-five feet long, five high and six wide.
|
[1]45x5x6 cubits = 20x2.2x2.7 metres (66x7x9 ft)
| 225
Πρὸ
αὐτοῦ
δ᾽
ὁ
βωμὸς
πεντεκαίδεκα
μὲν
ὕψος
ἦν
πήχεων,
εὖρος
δὲ
καὶ
μῆκος
ἐκτείνων
ἴσον
ἀνὰ
πεντήκοντα
πήχεις
τετράγωνος
ἵδρυτο,
κερατοειδεῖς
προανέχων
γωνίας,
καὶ
ἀπὸ
μεσημβρίας
ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἄνοδος
ἠρέμα
προσάντης
ὑπτίαστο.
κατεσκευάσθη
δὲ
ἄνευ
σιδήρου,
καὶ
οὐδέποτ᾽
ἔψαυεν
αὐτοῦ
σίδηρος.
|
225
Before it stood the altar, fifteen cubits[1] high, and its width and length were equal, extending fifty cubits[1] on each side. It was square, with horn-like corners protruding, and from the south, an ascent led up to it by a gentle slope. It was constructed without iron, and iron never touched it.
|
| 225
Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like horns; and the passage up to it was by an insensible acclivity. It was formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as touch it at any time.
| 225
Before the sanctuary stood the altar, fifteen feet high and fifty feet in both length and breadth, built in a square, with corners like horns, and approached from the south by a shallow ascent.
It was formed without any iron tool, and no iron touched it at any time.
|
[1]15 cubits = 6.7 metres (22 ft); 50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft)
| 226
Περιέστεφε
δὲ
τόν
τε
ναὸν
καὶ
τὸν
βωμὸν
εὔλιθόν
τι
καὶ
χαρίεν
γείσιον
ὅσον
πηχυαῖον
ὕψος,
ὃ
διεῖργεν
ἐξωτέρω
τὸν
δῆμον
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ἱερέων.
|
226
A stone parapet of beautiful workmanship, about a cubit high,[1] surrounded both the sanctuary and the altar, separating the people outside from the priests.
|
| 226
There was also a wall of partition, about a cubit in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight; this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that were on the outside off from the priests.
| 226
There was also a low wall, about a foot high, graceful and made of fine stones, surrounding the sanctuary and the altar, to separate the people outside from the priests.
|
[1]1 cubit = 44 cm (18 inches)
| 227
Γονορροίοις
μὲν
δὴ
καὶ
λεπροῖς
ἡ
πόλις
ὅληwhole, entire,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἱερὸν
γυναικῶν
ἐμμήνοις
ἀπεκέκλειστο,
παρελθεῖν
δὲ
ταύταις
οὐδὲ
καθαραῖς
ἐξῆν
ὃν
προείπαμεν
ὅρον.
Ἀνδρῶν
δ᾽
οἱ
μὴ
καθάπαν
ἡγνευκότες
εἴργοντο
τῆς
ἔνδον
αὐλῆς,
καὶ
τῶν
ἱερέων
πάλιν
οἱ
[μὴ
]
καθαρεύοντες
εἴργοντο.
|
227
Those with discharges or leprosy were excluded from the entire city, and the Temple was closed to women during their menstrual periods; even when pure, they were not allowed to pass beyond the limit we mentioned. Men who were not entirely purified were excluded from the inner court, and even priests who were not pure were excluded.
|
| 227
Moreover, those that had the gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple; nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple; nay, the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into it also.
| 227
People with gonorrhea or leprosy were excluded from the city.
Women were excluded from the temple during their periods, and even after they were purified could not go beyond the barrier mentioned earlier.
Men not fully pure could not come into the inner court, and even the priests could not re-enter unless purified.
|
| 228
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
γένους
ἱερέων
ὅσοι
διὰ
πήρωσιν
οὐκ
ἐλειτούργουν
παρῆσάν
τε
ἅμα
τοῖς
ὁλοκλήροις
ἐνδοτέρωinner
τοῦ
γεισίου
καὶ
τὰς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
γένους
ἐλάμβανον
μερίδας,
ταῖς
γε
μὴν
ἐσθῆσιν
ἰδιωτικαῖς
ἐχρῶντο·
τὴν
γὰρ
ἱερὰν
ὁ
λειτουργῶν
ἠμφιέννυτο
μόνος.
|
228
Those of the priestly line who were prevented from officiating by some physical defect were present with those who were whole within the parapet and received their portions due to their lineage, but they wore private clothing; for only the officiating priest wore the sacred vestments.
|
| 228
Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments;
| 228
Any of priestly stock who could not minister because of a defect could come inside the partition along with those with no defect, and could share the portions due to their birth, but must wear ordinary dress, for the officiant alone wore the sacred vestments.
|
| 229
Ἐπὶ
δὲ
τὸ
θυσιαστήριον
καὶ
τὸν
ναὸν
ἀνέβαινον
οἱ
τῶν
ἱερέων
ἄμωμοι,
βύσσον
μὲν
ἀμπεχόμενοι,
μάλιστα
δὲ
ἀπὸ
ἀκράτου
νήφοντες
δέει
τῆς
θρησκείας,
ὡς
μή
τι
παραβαῖεν
ἐν
τῇ
λειτουργίᾳ.
|
229
The blameless priests went up to the altar and the sanctuary, clothed in fine linen and strictly abstaining from unmixed wine out of reverence for the ritual, so that they might not commit any transgression in their service.
|
| 229
but then those priests that were without any blemish upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should transgress some rules of their ministration.
| 229
The unblemished priests went up to the altar clothed in fine linen, religiously abstaining from alcohol for fear of transgressing in the liturgy.
|
| 230
Ὁ
δὲ
ἀρχιερεὺς
ἀνῄει
μὲν
σὺν
αὐτοῖς,
ἀλλ᾽
οὐκ
ἀεί,
ταῖς
δ᾽
ἑβδομάσι
καὶ
νουμηνίαις
καὶ
εἴ
τις
ἑορτὴ
πάτριος
ἢ
πανήγυρις
ἦν
πάνδημος
ἀγομένη
δι᾽
ἔτους.
|
230
The high priest went up with them, but not always; only on the Sabbaths, the New Moons, and any ancestral festival or national assembly held throughout the year.
|
| 230
The high priest did also go up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons, and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every year, happened.
| 230
The high priest went with them, not always but on sabbaths and new moons and national festivals, which we celebrate every year.
|
| 231
Ἐλειτούργει
δὲ
τοὺς
μηροὺς
μέχρις
αἰδοίου
διαζώματι
καλύπτων
λινοῦν
τε
ὑποδύτην
ἔνδοθεν
λαμβάνων
καὶ
ποδήρη
καθύπερθεν
ὑακίνθινον,
ἔνδυμα
στρογγύλον
θυσανωτόν·
τῶν
δὲ
θυσάνων
ἀπήρτηντο
κώδωνες
χρύσεοι
καὶ
ῥοαὶ
παράλληλοι,
βροντῆς
μὲν
οἱ
κώδωνες,
ἀστραπῆς
δ᾽
αἱ
ῥοαὶ
σημεῖον.
|
231
He officiated with his thighs covered by a linen loincloth, wearing a linen undergarment and over it a blue robe reaching to the feet, a round fringed garment. From the fringes hung golden bells and pomegranates alternately—the bells being a symbol of thunder and the pomegranates of lightning.
|
| 231
When he officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and had on an inner garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam, with fringework, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning.
| 231
He officiated wearing trousers covering his thighs and loins and wore an inner garment of linen, along with a seamless, fringed outer garment of blue, reaching to the feet.
Hanging from the fringes were golden bells, mixed with pomegranates;
the bells signified thunder and the pomegranates lightning.
|
| 232
ἡ
δὲ
τὸ
ἔνδυμα
τῷ
στέρνῳ
προσηλοῦσα
ταινία
πέντε
διηνθισμένη
ζώναις
πεποίκιλτο,
χρυσοῦ
τε
καὶ
πορφύρας
καὶ
κόκκου
πρὸς
δὲ
βύσσου
καὶ
ὑακίνθου,
δι᾽
ὧν
ἔφαμεν
καὶ
τὰ
τοῦ
ναοῦ
καταπετάσματα
συνυφάνθαι.
|
232
The sash that bound the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of colors: gold, purple, scarlet, fine linen, and blue, with which, as we said, the veils of the sanctuary were also woven.
|
| 232
But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple were embroidered also.
| 232
The girdle fastening the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colours, of gold and purple and scarlet, and of fine linen and blue, the same colours with which the veils of the temple were embroidered, as we said.
|
| 233
Τούτοις
δὲ
καὶ
ἐπωμίδα
κεκραμένην
εἶχεν,
ἐν
ᾗ
πλείων
χρυσὸς
ἦν.
Σχῆμα
μὲν
οὖν
ἐνδυτοῦ
θώρακος
εἶχεν,
δύο
δ᾽
αὐτὴν
ἐνεπόρπων
ἀσπιδίσκαι
χρυσαῖ,
κατεκέκλειντο
δ᾽
ἐν
ταύταις
κάλλιστοί
τε
καὶ
μέγιστοι
σαρδόνυχες,
τοὺς
ἐπωνύμους
τῶν
τοῦ
ἔθνους
φυλῶν
ἐπιγεγραμμέναι.
|
233
He also had an ephod of the same mixture, in which there was more gold. Its shape was like a breastplate; it was fastened by two golden brooches, in which were set very large and beautiful sardonyxes, engraved with the names of the tribes of the nation.
|
| 233
The like embroidery was upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold therein was greater. Its figure was that of a stomacher for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment; in these buttons were enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names of the tribes of that nation engraved upon them:
| 233
Similar embroidery was on the ephod, but with a greater amount of gold.
Its shape was like a breastplate and on it were two golden buttons like small shields, joining the ephod to the garment, and in them were two large and very fine sardonyxes, inscribed with the names of the nation's tribes.
|
| 234
Κατὰ
δὲ
θάτερον
ἄλλοι
προσήρτηντο
λίθοι
δώδεκα,
κατὰ
τρεῖς
εἰς
τέσσαρα
μέρη
διῃρημένοι,
σάρδιον
τόπαζος
σμάραγδος,
ἄνθραξ
ἴασπις
σάπφειρος,
ἀχάτης
ἀμέθυστος
λιγύριον,
ὄνυξ
βήρυλλος
χρυσόλιθος,
ὧν
ἐφ᾽
ἑκάστου
πάλιν
εἷς
τῶν
ἐπωνύμων
ἐγέγραπτο.
|
234
On the other side were attached twelve other stones, divided into four rows of three: sardius, topaz, emerald; carbuncle, jasper, sapphire; agate, amethyst, ligure; onyx, beryl, chrysolite—on each of which again one of the tribal names was engraved.
|
| 234
on the other part there hung twelve stones, three in a row one way, and four in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of which was again engraved one of the forementioned names of the tribes.
| 234
On the other side hung twelve stones, three to a row one way and four in the other:
sardius, topaz and emerald;
carbuncle, jasper and sapphire; agate, amethyst and liguron;
onyx, beryl and chrysolite, and on each of them was inscribed one of the aforesaid names.
|
| 235
τὴν
δὲ
κεφαλὴν
βυσσίνη
μὲν
ἔσκεπεν
τιάρα,
κατέστεπτο
δ᾽
ὑακίνθῳ,
περὶ
ἣν
χρυσοῦς
ἄλλος
ἦν
στέφανος
ἔκτυπα
φέρων
τὰ
ἱερὰ
γράμματα·
ταῦτα
δ᾽
ἐστὶ
φωνήεντα
τέσσαρα.
|
235
A linen mitre covered his head, crowned with blue, around which was another golden crown bearing the sacred letters in relief; these are four vowels.[1]
|
| 235
A mitre also of fine linen encompassed his head, which was tied by a blue ribbon, about which there was another golden crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of God]: it consists of four vowels.
| 235
A mitre of fine linen surrounded his head, tied by a blue ribbon, and around it another golden crown, inscribed with the sacred letters, all four of them.
|
[1]The 4 vowels YHWH
| 236
Ταύτην
μὲν
οὖν
τὴν
ἐσθῆτα
οὐκ
ἐφόρει
χρόνιον,
λιτοτέραν
δ᾽
ἀνελάμβανενto take up,
ὁπότεwhen
δ᾽
εἰσίοι
εἰς
τὸ
ἄδυτον·
εἰσῄει
δ᾽
ἅπαξ
κατ᾽
ἐνιαυτὸν
μόνος
ἐν
ᾗ
νηστεύειν
ἔθος
ἡμέρᾳ
πάντας
τῷ
θεῷ.
|
236
He did not wear these garments for long, but assumed a simpler dress whenever he entered the innermost shrine; he entered it alone once a year on the day when it is the custom for everyone to fast to God.[1]
|
| 236
However, the high priest did not wear these garments at other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year, on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God.
| 236
The high priest did not wear these at other times, but a simpler attire.
He did so only when entering the most sacred part of the temple, which he did only once in a year, on the day by custom all of us keep a fast to God.
|
[1]Yom Kippur, the Day of Atonement.
| 237
Καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
περὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
καὶ
τοῦ
ναοῦ
τῶν
τε
περὶ
τοῦτον
ἐθῶν
καὶ
νόμων
αὖθις
ἀκριβέστερον
ἐροῦμεν·
οὐ
γὰρ
ὀλίγος
περὶ
αὐτῶν
καταλείπεται
λόγος.
|
237
Regarding the city and the Temple, and the customs and laws related to them, we shall speak more accurately later; for a significant account remains to be told about them.
|
| 237
And thus much concerning the city and the temple; but for the customs and laws hereto relating, we shall speak more accurately another time; for there remain a great many things thereto relating which have not been here touched upon.
| 237
So much about the city and the temple, but later we shall speak more about its customs and laws, for there are many things about it which we have not yet mentioned.
|
| 238
ἡ
δ᾽
ἈντωνίαAntonia
κατὰ
γωνίαν
μὲν
δύο
στοῶν
ἔκειτο
τοῦ
πρώτου
ἱεροῦ,
τῆς
τε
πρὸς
ἑσπέραν
καὶ
τῆς
πρὸς
ἄρκτονbear, bruin; north,
δεδόμητο
δὲ
ὑπὲρ
πέτρας
πεντηκονταπήχους
μὲν
ὕψος,
περικρήμνου
δὲ
πάσης·
ἔργον
δ᾽
ἦν
ἩρώδουHerod
τοῦ
βασιλέως,
ἐν
ᾧ
μάλιστα
τὸ
φύσει
μεγαλόνουν
ἐπεδείξατο.
|
238
The Antonia lay at the corner of two porticoes of the first Temple court, the western and the northern ones. It was built upon a rock fifty cubits[1] high and precipitous on all sides. It was the work of King Herod, in which he especially displayed his naturally grand designs.
|
| 238
Now, as to the tower of Antonia, it was situated at the corner of two cloisters of the court of the temple; of that on the west, and that on the north; it was erected upon a rock of fifty cubits in height, and was on a great precipice; it was the work of king Herod, wherein he demonstrated his natural magnanimity.
| 238
The Antonia tower was situated at the corner of two porticoes of the temple court, the west and the north.
It was built on a rock fifty feet high, on the edge of a great precipice and was the work of king Herod, where he showed his innate genius.
|
[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft)
| 239
Πρῶτον
μὲν
γὰρ
ἐκ
ῥίζης
ἡ
πέτρα
πλαξὶ
κεκάλυπτο
λείαις
λίθων,
εἴς
τε
κάλλος
καὶ
ὡς
ἀπολισθάνοι
πᾶς
ὁ
προσβαίνειν
ἢ
κατιέναι
πειρώμενος.
|
239
First, the rock from its base was covered with smooth stone slabs, both for beauty and so that anyone attempting to climb up or descend would slide off.
|
| 239
In the first place, the rock itself was covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from its foundation, both for ornament, and that anyone who would either try to get up or to go down it might not be able to hold his feet upon it.
| 239
First the rock itself was covered from the ground up with smooth stone, both for ornament and so that anyone trying either to get up or to go down could not get a foothold.
|
| 240
Ἔπειτα
πρὸ
τῆς
τοῦ
πύργου
δομήσεως
τριῶν
πηχῶν
τεῖχος
ἦν,
ἐνδοτέρωinner
δὲ
τούτου
τὸ
πᾶν
ἀνάστημα
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
ἐπὶ
τεσσαράκοντα
πήχεις
ἠγείρετο.
|
240
Then, before the actual tower building, there was a wall three cubits[1] high, and inside this, the entire height of the Antonia rose forty cubits.[1]
|
| 240
Next to this, and before you come to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a wall three cubits high; but within that wall all the space of the tower of Antonia itself was built upon, to the height of forty cubits.
| 240
Next, before coming to the tower itself, was a wall three feet high, within which was built the whole of the Antonia tower to a height of forty feet.
|
[1]3 cubits = 1.3 metres (4 ft); 40 cubits = 17.8 metres (58 ft)
| 241
Τὸ
δ᾽
ἔνδον
βασιλείων
εἶχε
χώραν
καὶ
διάθεσιν·
μεμέριστο
γὰρ
εἰς
πᾶσαν
οἴκων
ἰδέαν
τε
καὶ
χρῆσιν
περίστοά
τε
καὶ
βαλανεῖα
καὶ
στρατοπέδων
αὐλαῖς
πλατείαις,
ὡς
τῷ
μὲν
πάντ᾽
ἔχειν
τὰ
χρειώδη
πόλις
εἶναι
δοκεῖν,
τῇ
πολυτελείᾳ
δὲ
βασίλειον.
|
241
The interior had the space and arrangement of a palace; for it was divided into every kind of room for use—porticoes, baths, and broad courtyards for troops—so that by having all necessities, it seemed to be a city, but by its luxury, a palace.
|
| 241
The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having all conveniences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of several cities, but by its magnificence it seemed a palace.
| 241
The inner area was like a palace in size and form, divided into various rooms and other uses, like courts and baths and a broad area for troops, so that with all conveniences it seemed a city, but by its magnificence resembled a palace.
|
| 242
Πυργοειδὴς
δὲ
οὖσα
τὸ
πᾶν
σχῆμα
κατὰ
γωνίαν
τέσσαρσιν
ἑτέροις
διείληπτο
πύργοις,
ὧν
οἱ
μὲν
ἄλλοι
πεντήκοντα
τὸ
ὕψος,
ὁ
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τῇ
μεσημβρινῇ
καὶ
κατὰ
ἀνατολὴν
γωνίᾳ
κείμενος
ἑβδομήκοντα
πηχῶν
ἦν,
ὡς
καθορᾶν
ὅλον
ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
τὸ
ἱερόν.
|
242
Being tower-like in its overall shape, it was marked at the corners by four other towers, of which three were fifty cubits[1] high, but the one situated at the southeast corner was seventy cubits[1] high, so that the whole Temple could be viewed from it.
|
| 242
And as the entire structure resembled that of a tower, it contained also four other distinct towers at its four corners; whereof the others were but fifty cubits high; whereas that which lay upon the southeast corner was seventy cubits high, that from thence the whole temple might be viewed;
| 242
Since the entire structure was that of a tower, it contained four other distinct towers at its four corners, three of which the others were fifty feet high but the one on the southeast corner was seventy feet high, commanding a view of the whole temple.
|
[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft); 70 cubits = 31 metres (102 ft)
| 243
Καθὰ
δὲ
συνῆπτε
ταῖς
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
στοαῖς
εἰς
ἀμφοτέρας
εἶχε
καταβάσεις,
δι᾽
ὧν
κατῄεσαν
οἱ
φρουροί·
|
243
Where it joined the porticoes of the Temple, it had stairs leading down to both, through which the guards descended;
|
| 243
but on the corner where it joined to the two cloisters of the temple, it had passages down to them both, through which the guard
| 243
On the corner where it joined the two porticoes of the temple, it had passages to them both, through which the sentries went in and out.
|
| 244
καθῆστο
γὰρ
[ἀεὶ]
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῆς
τάγμα
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
καὶ
διιστάμενοι
περὶ
τὰς
στοὰς
μετὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων
ἐν
ταῖς
ἑορταῖς
τὸν
δῆμον,
ὡς
μή
τι
νεωτερισθείη,
παρεφύλαττον·
|
244
for a Roman legion was [always] stationed there, and being distributed around the porticoes with their arms during the festivals, they watched the people so that no insurrection might occur.
|
| 244
(for there always lay in this tower a Roman legion) went several ways among the cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in order to watch the people, that they might not there attempt to make any innovations;
| 244
A Roman legion was always based there, and armed men stood around the porticoes during the festivals to keep watch on the people and prevent any revolt.
|
| 245
φρούριον
γὰρ
ἐπέκειτο
τῇ
πόλει
μὲν
τὸ
ἱερόν,
τῷ
ἱερῷ
δ᾽
ἡ
ἈντωνίαAntonia,
κατὰ
δὲ
ταύτην
οἱ
τῶν
τριῶν
φύλακες
ἦσαν·
καὶ
τῆς
ἄνω
δὲ
πόλεως
ἴδιον
φρούριον
ἦν
τὰ
ἩρώδουHerod
βασίλεια.
|
245
For the Temple was a fortress over the city, and the Antonia was a fortress over the Temple, and the guards of all three were stationed there; Herod’s palace was also a private fortress for the Upper City.
|
| 245
for the temple was a fortress that guarded the city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to the temple; and in that tower were the guards of those three. There was also a peculiar fortress belonging to the upper city, which was Herod’s palace;
| 245
For the temple guarded the city, and the Antonia tower the temple, and within the tower were the guardians of all three.
Herod's palace had its own fortress in the upper city,
|
| 246
ἡ
ΒεζαθὰBezatha
δὲ
λόφος
διῄρητο
μέν,
ὡς
ἔφην,
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia,
πάντων
δ᾽
ὑψηλότατος
ὢν
μέρει
τῆς
καινῆς
πόλεως
προσῴκιστο.
|
246
Bezetha hill was separated, as I said, from the Antonia; being the highest of all the hills, it was built up with part of the New City.
|
| 246
but for the hill Bezetha, it was divided from the tower of Antonia, as we have already told you; and as that hill on which the tower of Antonia stood was the highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the new city, and was the only place that hindered the sight of the temple on the north.
| 246
but the Bezatha hill was divided from the Antonia tower, as we have said, and as the hill where the Antonia tower stood was the highest of all it adjoined the new city and was the only place blocking the view of the temple on the north.
|
Chapter 6
Tyranny of Simon and John.
Nicanor wounded;
Titus tightens the siege
| 248
Τὸ
μάχιμον
δ᾽
ἐν
αὐτῇ
καὶ
στασιάζον
πλῆθος
περὶ
ΣίμωναSimon
μὲν
ἦσαν
μύριοι
δίχα
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea,
πεντήκοντα
δ᾽
ἡγεμόνες
τῶν
μυρίων,
ἐφ᾽
οἷς
οὗτος
κύριος
τῶν
ὅλων.
|
248
The fighting and faction-ridden force within the city consisted of ten thousand men under Simon, excluding the Idumaeans; there were fifty officers over these ten thousand, with Simon acting as supreme commander of the whole.
|
| 248
Now the warlike men that were in the city, and the multitude of the seditious that were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had fifty commanders, over whom this Simon was supreme.
| 248
The combatants in the city, apart from the Idumaeans were, first, Simon's ten thousand rebels who had fifty officers and he was leader of them all.
|
| 249
Ἰδουμαῖοι
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
συντελοῦντες
εἰς
πεντακισχιλίους
ἄρχοντας
εἶχον
δέκα·
τούτων
προύχειν
ἐδόκουν
ὅ
τε
τοῦ
Σωσᾶ
ἸάκωβοςJacob, James
καὶ
ΣίμωνSimon
υἱὸς
Καθλᾶ.
|
249
The Idumaeans who joined him numbered five thousand and had ten leaders, among whom James the son of Sosas and Simon the son of Cathlas were considered the most prominent.
|
| 249
The Idumeans that paid him homage were five thousand, and had eight commanders, among whom those of greatest fame were Jacob the son of Sosas, and Simon the son of Cathlas.
| 249
With him were five thousand Idumaeans with ten chiefs, among whom the best known were Jacob, son of Sosas and Simon, son of Cathlas.
|
| 250
ἸωάννηςJohn
δὲ
τὸ
ἱερὸν
κατειληφὼς
ἑξακισχιλίους
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
εἶχεν
ὑφ᾽
ἡγεμόνας
εἴκοσι.
Προσεγένοντο
δὲ
αὐτῷ
τότε
καὶ
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
παυσάμενοι
τοῦ
διαφέρεσθαι,
δισχίλιοι
μὲν
ὄντες
καὶ
τετρακόσιοι,
χρώμενοι
δ᾽
ἄρχοντι
τῷ
καὶ
πρότερον
ἘλεαζάρῳEleazar
καὶ
ΣίμωνιSimon
τῷ
τοῦ
Ἀρινοῦ.
|
250
John, who had seized the Temple, had six thousand armed men under twenty officers. At that time, the Zealots also joined him, having ceased their internal quarrel; they numbered two thousand four hundred, led by their former commander Eleazar and Simon the son of Arinus.
|
| 250
John, who had seized upon the temple, had six thousand armed men under twenty commanders; the zealots also that had come over to him, and left off their opposition, were two thousand four hundred, and had the same commander that they had formerly, Eleazar, together with Simon the son of Arinus.
| 250
John, who had seized the temple, had six thousand warriors, under twenty officers, plus the two thousand, four hundred Zealots who had ceased their opposition and come over to him, with the same leaders as before, Eleazar and Simon the son of Arinus.
|
| 251
Πολεμούντων
δὲ
τούτων,
ὡς
ἔφαμεν,
ἆθλονprize
ὁ
δῆμος
ἦν
ἑκατέρων,
καὶ
τὸ
μὴ
συναδικοῦν
τοῦ
λαοῦ
μέρος
ὑπ᾽
ἀμφοῖν
διηρπάζετο.
|
251
While these parties fought one another, as we have said, the common people were the prize for both, and that part of the population which did not join in their crimes was plundered by both sides.
|
| 251
Now, while these factions fought one against another, the people were their prey on both sides, as we have said already; and that part of the people who would not join with them in their wicked practices were plundered by both factions.
| 251
While as we said, these fought each other, the ordinary folk were prey to both and any people who would not join in their crimes were plundered by both sides.
|
| 252
Κατεῖχεν
δ᾽
ὁ
μὲν
ΣίμωνSimon
τήν
τε
ἄνω
πόλιν
καὶ
τὸ
μέγα
τεῖχος
ἄχρι
τοῦ
Κεδρῶνος
τοῦ
τε
ἀρχαίου
τείχους
ὅσον
ἀπὸ
τῆς
Σιλωᾶς
ἀνακάμπτον
εἰς
ἀνατολὴν
μέχρι
τῆς
Μονοβάζου
κατέβαινεν
αὐλῆς·
|
252
Simon held the Upper City and the Great Wall as far as the Kedron, and that part of the ancient wall which, turning from Siloam toward the east, descended to the palace of Monobazus.
|
| 252
Simon held the upper city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam to the east, and which went down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates;
| 252
Simon held the upper city and the great wall as far as the Cedron and the part of the old wall stretching east from Siloam and down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the Adiabeni, beyond the Euphrates.
|
| 253
βασιλεὺς
δ᾽
οὗτος
ἦν
τῶν
ὑπὲρ
ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates
ἈδιαβηνῶνAdiabene·
κατεῖχε
δὲ
καὶ
τὴν
πηγὴν
καὶ
τῆς
Ἄκρας,
αὕτη
δ᾽
ἦν
ἡ
κάτω
πόλις,
τὰ
μέχρι
τῶν
ἙλένηςHelena
βασιλείων
τῆς
τοῦ
Μονοβάζου
μητρός,
|
253
(He was the king of the Adiabenians beyond the Euphrates.) Simon also held the spring and the Akra—which was the Lower City—as far as the palace of Helena, the mother of Monobazus.
|
| 253
he also held that fountain, and the Acra, which was no other than the lower city; he also held all that reached to the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus.
| 253
He also held the fountain and the Acra, or lower city, and all as far as the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus.
|
| 254
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἸωάννηςJohn
τό
θ᾽
ἱερὸν
καὶ
τὰ
περὶ
ἐπ᾽
οὐκ
ὀλίγον
τόν
τε
ὈφλᾶνOphla
καὶ
τὴν
Κεδρῶνα
καλουμένην
Φάραγγα.
Τὸ
μεταξὺ
δὲ
τούτων
ἐμπρήσαντες
τῷ
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
πολέμῳ
χώραν
ἀνεῖσαν·
|
254
John held the Temple and the surrounding areas to a considerable distance, including the Ophlas and the valley called Kedron. Having burned the area between them in their war against each other, they left a cleared space for their mutual conflict.
|
| 254
But John held the temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a great way, as also Ophla, and the valley called “the Valley of Cedron;” and when the parts that were interposed between their possessions were burnt by them, they left a space wherein they might fight with each other;
| 254
John held the temple and the areas adjoining it for a long way, and Ophla and the so-called Valley of Cedron.
When the areas in between were burned, it left a space for fighting each other,
|
| 255
οὐδὲ
γὰρ
πρὸς
τοῖς
τείχεσιν
ἐστρατοπεδευμένων
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἔνδον
ἡ
στάσις
ἠρέμει,
βραχὺ
δὲ
πρὸς
τὴν
πρώτην
ὑπονήψαντες
ἐκδρομὴν
ἀνενόσουν
καὶ
κατὰ
σφᾶς
πάλιν
διαστάντες
ἐμάχοντο,
τὰ
κατ᾽
εὐχήν
τε
πάντα
τοῖς
πολιορκοῦσιν
ἔπραττον.
|
255
For even when the Romans were encamped before the walls, the internal factional strife did not rest; after recovering slightly for the first sally, they fell back into their sickness and, dividing again into parties, fought each other, doing everything the besiegers could have wished for.
|
| 255
for this internal sedition did not cease even when the Romans were encamped near their very wall. But although they had grown wiser at the first onset the Romans made upon them, this lasted but a while; for they returned to their former madness, and separated one from another, and fought it out, and did everything that the besiegers could desire them to do;
| 255
since this strife within did not cease even with the Romans encamped just outside the walls.
For a short while they had learned prudence from the first attack of the Romans, but again split up and fought it out and did all that the besiegers could wish.
|
| 256
Οὔτε
γοῦν
αὐτοί
τι
χεῖρον
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἔπαθον
ὧν
ἀλλήλους
ἔδρασαν,
οὔτε
μετὰ
τούτους
ἡ
πόλις
ἐπειράθη
καινοτέρου
πάθους,
ἀλλ᾽
ἡ
μὲν
χαλεπώτερόν
τι
πρὸ
τοῦ
πεσεῖν
ἠτύχησεν,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἑλόντες
αὐτὴν
κατώρθωσάν
τι
μεῖζον.
|
256
Indeed, they suffered nothing worse at the hands of the Romans than what they inflicted on one another; nor did the city, after their time, experience any new calamity, for it suffered its most grievous misfortune before it fell, while those who captured it actually achieved something greater [by ending the misery].
|
| 256
for they never suffered anything that was worse from the Romans than they made each other suffer; nor was there any misery endured by the city after these men’s actions that could be esteemed new. But it was most of all unhappy before it was overthrown, while those that took it did it a greater kindness;
| 256
From the Romans they fared no worse than what they did to each other, after which nothing of what the city endured could be considered new, as its worst misery came before its ruin, while those who captured it brought it some relief.
|
| 257
Φημὶ
γὰρ
ὡς
τὴν
μὲν
πόλιν
ἡ
στάσις,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δ᾽
εἷλον
τὴν
στάσιν,
ἥπερ
ἦν
πολὺ
τῶν
τειχῶν
ὀχυρωτέρα·
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
σκυθρωπὸν
τοῖς
οἰκείοις,
τὸ
δίκαιον
δ᾽
ἄν
τις
εὐλόγως
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
προσγράφοι.
Νοείτω
δὲ
ὅπῃ
τοῖς
πράγμασιν
ἕκαστος
ἄγεται.
|
257
For I maintain that the factional strife overthrew the city, and the Romans overthrew the faction—a faction far stronger than the walls. The gloom of the ruin should be attributed to its own people, while the justice of the victory may be reasonably ascribed to the Romans. But let everyone judge these matters according to the facts.
|
| 257
for I venture to affirm that the sedition destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder thing to do than to destroy the walls; so that we may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to the Romans; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on both sides.
| 257
Let me say that the rebellion destroyed the city and the Romans destroyed the rebellion, which was tougher than the walls, so that our troubles came from our own people and justice from the Romans.
But concerning this let everyone judge, based on the facts.
|
| 258
Τῶν
γε
μὴν
ἔνδον
οὕτως
διακειμένων
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
μετ᾽
ἐπιλέκτων
ἱππέων
περιιὼν
ἔξωθεν
ᾗ
προσβάλλοι
τοῖς
τείχεσι
κατεσκέπτετο.
|
258
While those within were in this condition, Titus rode around the outside with a picked body of cavalry, looking for the best point to attack the walls.
|
| 258
Now, when affairs within the city were in this posture, Titus went round the city on the outside with some chosen horsemen, and looked about for a proper place where he might make an impression upon the walls;
| 258
While this was going on inside the city, Titus went around on the outside with some elite cavalry, looking for a suitable place to make an assault on the walls.
|
| 259
Ἀπορουμένῳ
δὲ
πάντοθεν,
οὔτε
γὰρ
κατὰ
τὰς
φάραγγας
ἦν
προσιτὸν
καὶ
κατὰ
θάτερα
τὸ
πρῶτον
τεῖχος
ἐφαίνετο
τῶν
ὀργάνων
στερεώτερον,
ἐδόκει
κατὰ
τὸ
ἸωάννουJohn
τοῦ
ἀρχιερέως
μνημεῖον
προσβαλεῖν·
|
259
Being at a loss on every side—for the ravines made the city inaccessible and, on the other side, the first wall appeared too solid for siege engines—he decided to make the assault near the monument of John the High Priest.[1]
|
| 259
but as he was in doubt where he could possibly make an attack on any side (for the place was no way accessible where the valleys were, and on the other side the first wall appeared too strong to be shaken by the engines), he thereupon thought it best to make his assault upon the monument of John the high priest;
| 259
He was at a loss, since it was unapproachable along the valleys and on the other side the first wall seemed too strong to be shaken by the machines, but thought it best to make the assault near the tomb of the high priest, John.
|
[1]Reference to John Hyrcanus I, the Hasmonean ruleer, 134-104 BC.
| 260
ταύτῃ
γὰρ
τό
τε
πρῶτον
ἦν
ἔρυμα
χθαμαλώτερον
καὶ
τὸ
δεύτερον
οὐ
συνῆπτεν
ἀμελησάντων
καθὰ
μὴ
λίαν
ἡ
καινὴ
πόλις
συνῴκιστο
τειχίζειν,
ἀλλ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τρίτον
ἦν
εὐπέτεια,
δι᾽
οὗ
τὴν
ἄνω
πόλιν
καὶ
διὰ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
τὸ
ἱερὸν
αἱρήσειν
ἐπενόει.
|
260
For at this point, the first fortification was lower, and the second was not joined to it, as the builders had neglected to fortify that area where the New City was not very densely populated; rather, there was an easy approach to the third wall, through which he intended to take the Upper City and, by way of the Antonia, the Temple.
|
| 260
for there it was that the first fortification was lower, and the second was not joined to it, the builders neglecting to build the wall strong where the new city was not much inhabited; here also was an easy passage to the third wall, through which he thought to take the upper city, and, through the tower of Antonia, the temple itself.
| 260
There the first part of the wall was lower and the second was not joined to it, as the builders neglected to build it strong as there were not many living in the new city.
Here too, there was easy access to the third wall, through which he planned to take the upper city, and, through the Antonia tower, the temple itself.
|
| 261
Ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
περιιόντος
αὐτοῦ
τοξεύεταί
τις
τῶν
φίλων,
ὄνομα
ΝικάνωρNicanor,
κατὰ
τὸν
λαιὸν
ὦμον,
ἔγγιον
μετὰ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
προσελθὼν
καὶ
πειρώμενος
εἰρηνικὰ
τοῖς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἄγνωστος
ἦν,
διαλέγεσθαι.
|
261
Meanwhile, as he was riding around, one of his friends named Nicanor was struck by an arrow in the left shoulder; he had approached closer with Josephus to try to discuss peace terms with those on the wall, as he was not unknown to them.
|
| 261
But at this time, as he was going round about the city, one of his friends, whose name was Nicanor, was wounded with a dart on his left shoulder, as he approached, together with Josephus, too near the wall, and attempted to discourse to those that were upon the wall, about terms of peace; for he was a person known by them.
| 261
About then, as he was going around, Nicanor, one of his friends, got an arrow in his left shoulder, while approaching too near the wall along with Josephus, trying to talk of peace with the men on the wall to whom he was known.
|
| 262
Διὰ
τούτου
τὰς
ὁρμὰς
αὐτῶν
ἐπιγνοὺς
ΚαῖσαρCaesar,
εἰ
μηδὲ
τῶν
ἐπὶ
σωτηρίᾳ
προσιόντων
ἀπέχοιντο,
παροξύνεται
πρὸς
τὴν
πολιορκίαν,
ἅμα
τε
καὶ
τοῖς
τάγμασι
δῃοῦν
τὰ
πρὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἠφίει
καὶ
συμφέροντας
ἐκέλευσε
τὴν
ὕλην
ἐγείρειν
χώματα.
|
262
Through this incident, Caesar recognized their violence, seeing they would not even spare those who approached for their own safety; he was thus provoked to begin the siege. Simultaneously, he gave the legions permission to lay waste to the suburbs and ordered them to collect timber to raise embankments (chomata).
|
| 262
On this account it was that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehemence, that they would not hear even such as approached them to persuade them to what tended to their own preservation, was provoked to press on the siege. He also at the same time gave his soldiers leave to set the suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should bring timber together, and raise banks against the city;
| 262
From this, Caesar saw their rage, how they would not refrain from people who approached to talk about saving their lives, and was provoked to press on the siege and let his legions set fire to the suburbs, and told them to gather material and raise earthworks.
|
| 263
Τριχῆ
δὲ
διατάξας
τὴν
στρατιὰν
πρὸς
τὰ
ἔργα
μέσους
ἵστησι
τῶν
χωμάτων
τούς
τε
ἀκοντιστὰς
καὶ
τοξότας
καὶ
πρὸ
τούτων
τοὺς
ὀξυβελεῖς
καὶ
καταπέλτας
καὶ
τὰς
λιθοβόλους
μηχανάς,
ὡς
τάς
τε
ἐκδρομὰς
εἴργοι
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ἔργα
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
κωλύειν
πειρωμένους.
|
263
Having divided the army into three sections for these works, he placed the javelin-throwers and archers in the intervals between the embankments, and in front of them the bolt-throwers (oxybeleis), catapults, and stone-throwing machines, so that they might check the enemy’s sallies against the works and deter those trying to hinder them from the wall.
|
| 263
and when he had parted his army into three parts, in order to set about those works, he placed those that shot darts and the archers in the midst of the banks that were then raising; before whom he placed those engines that threw javelins, and darts, and stones, that he might prevent the enemy from sallying out upon their works, and might hinder those that were upon the wall from being able to obstruct them.
| 263
Dividing his army into three parts for this task, he placed in the centre of the earthworks spearmen and archers and in front of them the quick-firers and catapults and stone-throwing machines to prevent sorties by the enemy upon their works and stop the men on the wall from impeding them.
|
| 264
Κοπτομένων
δὲ
τῶν
δένδρων
τὰ
προάστεια
μὲν
ἐν
τάχει
γεγύμνωτο,
συμφερομένων
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὰ
χώματα
τῶν
ξύλων
καὶ
τῆς
στρατιᾶς
ἁπάσης
ἐπὶ
τὸ
ἔργον
ὡρμημένης
οὐδὲ
τὰ
παρὰ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἠρέμει.
|
264
When the trees were cut down, the suburbs were quickly stripped bare; while the timber was being carried to the embankments and the whole army was busily engaged in the work, the Jews were not idle.
|
| 264
So the trees were now cut down immediately, and the suburbs left naked. But now while the timber was carrying to raise the banks, and the whole army was earnestly engaged in their works, the Jews were not, however, quiet;
| 264
So the trees were now cut down and the suburbs left bare.
But while the timber was brought to raise the earthworks and the whole army was hard at work, the Jews were not idle.
|
| 265
Τὸν
μὲν
οὖν
δῆμον
ἐν
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder
ὄντα
καὶ
φόνοις
συνέβαινε
τότε
θαρρεῖν·
ἀναπνεύσειν
τε
γὰρ
περισπωμένων
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἔξωθεν
ὑπελάμβανον
καὶ
λήψεσθαι
παρὰ
τῶν
αἰτίων
αὐτοὶ
δίκας,
εἰ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
περιγένοιντο.
|
265
The common people, who were being subjected to robbery and murder, began to take heart at that time; they supposed they would have a breathing spell while the factions were distracted by the external enemy, and hoped to take revenge on their oppressors if the Romans were successful.
|
| 265
and it happened that the people of Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered and murdered, were now of good courage, and supposed they should have a breathingtime, while the others were very busy in opposing their enemies without the city, and that they should now be avenged on those that had been the authors of their miseries, in case the Romans did but get the victory.
| 265
The populace which had been subject to looting and murder now took heart and expected to have a breathing space while the others were busy with their foes outside and that those who had caused all this would be duly punished, if the Romans were victorious.
|
| 266
ἸωάννηςJohn
δὲ
καίτοι
χωρεῖν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἔξωθεν
πολεμίους
τῶν
περὶ
αὐτὸν
ὡρμημένων,
δέει
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
ἔμενεν.
|
266
John, although his followers were eager to march out against the enemy outside, remained where he was out of fear of Simon.
|
| 266
However, John staid behind, out of his fear of Simon, even while his own men were earnest in making a sally upon their enemies without.
| 266
Fearful of Simon, John stayed behind in the city while his men were attacking the enemy outside.
|
| 267
Οὐ
μὴν
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
ἠρέμει,
καὶ
γὰρ
ἦν
ἐγγίων
τῇ
πολιορκίᾳ,
τὰ
δ᾽
ἀφετήρια
διίστησιν
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους,
ὅσα
Κέστιόν
τε
ἀφῄρηντο
πρότερον
καὶ
τὴν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
φρουρὰν
ἑλόντες
ἔλαβον.
|
267
Simon, however, did not remain quiet, as he was closer to the siege works. He placed his engines of war upon the wall—those they had previously taken from Cestius and those captured from the garrison at the Antonia.
|
| 267
Yet did not Simon lie still, for he lay near the place of the siege; he brought his engines of war, and disposed of them at due distances upon the wall, both those which they took from Cestius formerly, and those which they got when they seized the garrison that lay in the tower Antonia.
| 267
Being near the place of the siege, Simon did not remain inactive but brought his war machines and placed them at intervals along the wall, both those taken from Cestius and those seized when they took the Antonia fort.
|
| 268
Ἀλλὰ
τούτων
μὲν
τοῖς
πολλοῖς
ἀχρεῖος
ἡ
κτῆσις
ἦν
δι᾽
ἀπειρίανlack of skill·
ὀλίγοι
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῶν
αὐτομόλων
διδαχθέντες
ἐχρῶντο
κακῶς
τοῖς
ὀργάνοις,
χερμάσι
δὲ
καὶ
τόξοις
τοὺς
χωννύντας
ἔβαλλον
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
καὶ
κατὰ
συντάξεις
ἐκτρέχοντες
αὐτοῖς
συνεπλέκοντο.
|
268
But for most of them, possession of these was useless due to lack of skill; only a few, instructed by deserters, used the engines poorly. They threw stones and shot arrows from the wall at those raising the mounds, and made frequent sallies in groups to engage them in hand-to-hand combat.
|
| 268
But though they had these engines in their possession, they had so little skill in using them, that they were in great measure useless to them; but a few there were who had been taught by deserters how to use them, which they did use, though after an awkward manner. So they cast stones and arrows at those that were making the banks; they also ran out upon them by companies, and fought with them.
| 268
But through their lack of skill they were of little use to him.
A few had been taught by deserters how to use them, and did so awkwardly, hurling stones and arrows at those who were making the earthworks.
They also ran out at them in groups and struggled with them.
|
| 269
Τοῖς
δὲ
ἐργαζομένοις
ἀπὸ
μὲν
τῶν
βελῶν
ἦν
σκέπη
γέρρα
τῶν
χαρακωμάτων
ὑπερτεταμένα,
τὰ
δ᾽
ἀφετήρια
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἐκθέοντας·
θαυμαστὰ
δὲ
πᾶσι
μὲν
κατεσκεύαστο
τοῖς
τάγμασι,
διαφόρως
δὲ
τῷ
δεκάτῳ
βιαιότεροί
τε
ὀξυβελεῖς
καὶ
μείζονα
λιθοβόλα,
δι᾽
ὧν
οὐ
μόνον
τὰς
ἐκδρομὰς
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἀνέτρεπον.
|
269
The Roman workers were protected from the missiles by hurdles (gerra) stretched over the palisades, while the engines held off the Jewish sallies. Every legion had wonderful machines, but the Tenth Legion especially had more powerful bolt-throwers and larger stone-throwers, by which they not only checked the sallies but also struck down those on the wall.
|
| 269
Now those that were at work covered themselves with hurdles spread over their banks, and their engines were opposed to them when they made their excursions. The engines, that all the legions had ready prepared for them, were admirably contrived; but still more extraordinary ones belonged to the tenth legion: those that threw darts and those that threw stones were more forcible and larger than the rest, by which they not only repelled the excursions of the Jews, but drove those away that were upon the walls also.
| 269
The men at the works were protected by hurdles from the missiles and by their shooters from those who sallied out.
The artillery of all the legions was admirable but especially that of the tenth legion, whose spear- and stone-throwing machines were stronger and larger than the rest, by which they repelled the raiding parties and also those who were on the ramparts.
|
| 270
Ταλαντιαῖοι
μὲν
γὰρ
ἦσαν
αἱ
βαλλόμεναι
πέτραι,
δύο
δὲ
καὶ
πλείονας
ᾔεσαν
σταδίους·
ἡ
πληγὴ
δ᾽
οὐ
τοῖς
προεντυχοῦσι
μόνον,
ἐπὶ
πολὺ
δὲ
καὶ
τοῖς
μετ᾽
ἐκείνους
ἦν
ἀνυπόστατος.
|
270
The stones that were thrown weighed a talent and traveled two stadia[1] or more; the impact was irresistible, not only to those first hit but also to those far behind them.
|
| 270
Now, the stones that were cast were of the weight of a talent, and were carried two furlongs and further. The blow they gave was no way to be sustained, not only by those that stood first in the way, but by those that were beyond them for a great space.
| 270
The stones they hurled weighed a talent and flew two furlongs or more, striking through not only whoever stood first in the way, but also people a long distance beyond them.
|
[1]2 stadia = 370 metres (405 yards)
| 271
Οἵ
γε
μὴν
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τὸ
πρῶτον
ἐφυλάττοντο
τὴν
πέτραν·
λευκὴ
γὰρ
ἦν,
ὥστε
μὴ
τῷ
ῥοίζῳ
σημαίνεσθαι
μόνον,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῇ
λαμπρότητι
προορᾶσθαι.
|
271
At first, the Jews watched for the stone, for it was white, and thus was signaled not only by its whizzing sound but also by its brilliance to the sight.
|
| 271
As for the Jews, they at first watched the coming of the stone, for it was of a white color, and could therefore not only be perceived by the great noise it made, but could be seen also before it came by its brightness;
| 271
At first the Jews could look out for the stone’s arrival, for it was white in colour and was signalled in advance not only by its loud noise but also by its brightness.
|
| 272
σκοποὶ
οὖν
αὐτοῖς
ἐπὶ
τῶν
πύργων
καθεζόμενοι
προεμήνυον,
ὁπότεwhen
σχασθείη
τὸ
ὄργανον
καὶ
ἡ
πέτρα
φέροιτο,
τῇ
πατρίῳ
γλώσσῃ
βοῶντες
ὁ
υἱὸς
ἔρχεταιto come/go.
διίσταντο
δὲ
καθ᾽
οὓς
ᾔει
καὶ
προκατεκλίνοντο,
καὶ
συνέβαινε
φυλαττομένων
ἄπρακτον
διεκπίπτειν
τὴν
πέτραν.
|
272
Watchmen sitting on the towers would give warning whenever the engine was triggered and the stone was in flight, shouting in their native tongue: “The Son is coming!”[1] Those in the path of the stone would then move apart and lie down, and so the stone, because they were on guard, would pass through without effect.
|
| 272
accordingly the watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them notice when the engine was let go, and the stone came from it, and cried out aloud, in their own country language, “The son cometh:” so those that were in its way stood off, and threw themselves down upon the ground; by which means, and by their thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down and did them no harm.
| 272
The watchmen in the towers could warn when the machine was sprung firing the stone, calling out in their own tongue, "Son Coming," so those who were in its way stood aside and lay on the ground, by which precaution the stone would fall harmlessly.
|
[1]This is a famous linguistic puzzle in Josephus. The Hebrew/Aramaic word for "stone" is eben, and "son" is ben. The watchmen likely made a pun/shout (ha-ben ba - "The son comes") to warn of the stone’s arrival.
| 273
Ἀντεπινοοῦσι
δὲ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μελαίνειν
αὐτήν·
τότε
γὰρ
οὐκέθ᾽
ὁμοίως
προορωμένης
εὐστόχουν
καὶ
πολλοὺς
ἅμα
βολῇ
μιᾷ
διέφθειρον.
|
273
The Romans then thought to blacken the stones; after that, since the stones were no longer easily seen beforehand, they hit their mark and destroyed many with a single shot.
|
| 273
But the Romans contrived how to prevent that by blacking the stone, who then could aim at them with success, when the stone was not discerned beforehand, as it had been till then; and so they destroyed many of them at one blow.
| 273
But the Romans countered by blacking it out, and then had more success, as the stone was no longer noticed in advance, and so killed many with one shot.
|
| 274
Ἀλλ᾽But
οὐδὲ
κακούμενοι
μετ᾽
ἀδείας
παρεῖχον
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐγείρειν
τὰ
χώματα,
πάσῃ
δ᾽
ἐπινοίᾳ
καὶ
τόλμῃ
χρώμενοι
καὶ
νύκτωρ
καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
εἶργον.
|
274
Yet the Jews, even while suffering, did not allow the Romans to raise the mounds without fear, but using every device and daring, they hindered them both by night and by day.
|
| 274
Yet did not the Jews, under all this distress, permit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet; but they shrewdly and boldly exerted themselves, and repelled them both by night and by day.
| 274
Still, under all their wounds, they did not let the Romans raise their earthworks in peace, but used ingenuity and bravery to block them night and day.
|
| 275
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἔργων
συντετελεσμένων
μολιβίδι
μὲν
καὶ
λίνῳ
διαμετροῦσιν
οἱ
τέκτονες
τὸ
διάστημα
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος,
ἀπὸ
τῶν
χωμάτων
ῥίψαντες·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἐνῆν
ἄλλως
ἄνωθεν
βαλλομένοις·
εὑρόντες
δ᾽
ἐξικνεῖσθαι
δυναμένας
τὰς
ἑλεπόλεις
προσῆγον.
|
275
When the works were completed, the craftsmen measured the distance to the wall with lead and line, throwing them from the mounds (for they could not do it otherwise while being shot at from above); finding that the siege engines (helepoleis) could reach, they brought them forward.
|
| 275
And now, upon the finishing the Roman works, the workmen measured the distance there was from the wall, and this by lead and a line, which they threw to it from their banks; for they could not measure it any otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at them, if they came to measure it themselves; and when they found that the engines could reach the wall, they brought them thither.
| 275
When the works were completed, the builders measured the distance from the wall, by lead and line, which they threw to it from their earthworks, the only way possible, as they were being shot at from above, and finding that the rams could reach the wall, they brought them there.
|
| 276
Καὶ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἐγγυτέρω
τὰ
ἀφετήρια
διαστήσας,
ὡς
μὴ
τοὺς
κριοὺς
εἴργοιεν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους,
ἐκέλευσε
τύπτειν.
|
276
Titus, having placed the other engines further back so they would not be hindered by the rams at the wall, ordered the battering to begin.
|
| 276
Then did Titus set his engines at proper distances, so much nearer to the wall, that the Jews might not be able to repel them, and gave orders that they should go to work;
| 276
Then Titus set his artillery nearer, that the Jews might not be able to repel the rams from the wall, and gave the order to strike.
|
| 277
Τριχόθεν
δ᾽
ἐξαισίου
κτύπου
περιηχήσαντος
αἰφνιδίως
τὴν
πόλιν
κραυγή
τε
παρὰ
τῶν
ἔνδον
ἤρθη
καὶ
τοῖς
στασιασταῖς
ἴσον
ἐμπίπτει
δέος.
Κοινὸν
δ᾽
ἑκάτεροι
τὸν
κίνδυνον
ἰδόντες
κοινὴν
ἐπενόουν
ἤδη
ποιεῖσθαι
καὶ
τὴν
ἄμυναν.
|
277
Suddenly, from three directions, a tremendous noise echoed around the city; a cry was raised by those within, and a similar fear fell upon the factionalists. Both parties, seeing the common danger, now thought of making a common defense.
|
| 277
and when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed round about from three places, and that on the sudden there was a great noise made by the citizens that were within the city, and no less a terror fell upon the seditious themselves; whereupon both sorts, seeing the common danger they were in, contrived to make a like defense.
| 277
Suddenly a mighty battering noise echoed from three places and a shout came from within the city and the rebels too were fearful; and in their common danger both parties planned a united defence.
|
| 278
Διαβοώντων
δὲ
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
τῶν
διαφόρων
ὡς
πάντα
πράττοιεν
ὑπὲρ
τῶν
πολεμίων,
δέον,
εἰ
καὶ
μὴ
διηνεκῆ
δίδωσιν
αὐτοῖς
ὁμόνοιαν
ὁ
θεός,
ἐν
γοῦν
τῷ
παρόντι
τὴν
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
φιλονεικίαν
ὑπερθεμένουςt
κατὰ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
συνελθεῖν,
κηρύσσει
μὲν
χρόνου
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
τοῖς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
παρελθεῖν
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος,
ἐπιτρέπει
δὲ
καίπερ
ἀπιστῶν
ὁ
ἸωάννηςJohn.
|
278
The rival leaders shouted to one another that they were doing everything for the enemy’s benefit, and that even if God did not grant them lasting concord, they should at least for the present lay aside their mutual animosity and unite against the Romans. Simon then proclaimed a truce for those from the Temple to come to the wall, and John, though distrustful, gave his permission.
|
| 278
So those of different factions cried out one to another, that they acted entirely as in concert with their enemies; whereas they ought however, notwithstanding God did not grant them a lasting concord, in their present circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one against another, and to unite together against the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those that came from the temple leave, by proclamation, to go upon the wall; John also himself, though he could not believe Simon was in earnest, gave them the same leave.
| 278
The different factions called out to each other that they had done everything to help the enemy, but even if God did not grant them lasting harmony, they should now set aside all rivalry and unite against the Romans.
Simon publicly gave permission to those in the temple to go upon the wall and, though mistrustful, John also allowed it.
|
| 279
Οἱ
δὲ
τοῦ
μίσους
καὶ
τῶν
ἰδίων
διαφόρων
λαβόντες
ἀμνηστίαν
ἓν
σῶμα
γίνονται,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
τεῖχος
περισχόντες
ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
πυρά
τε
παμπληθῆ
κατὰ
τῶν
μηχανημάτων
ἵεσαν
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐπιβρίθοντας
τὰς
ἑλεπόλεις
ἀδιαλείπτως
ἔβαλλον,
|
279
Having forgotten their hatred and private differences, they became one body. Manning the wall, they threw a multitude of firebrands at the engines and shot continuously at those who were working the rams.
|
| 279
So on both sides they laid aside their hatred and their peculiar quarrels, and formed themselves into one body; they then ran round the walls, and having a vast number of torches with them, they threw them at the machines, and shot darts perpetually upon those that impelled those engines which battered the wall;
| 279
So laying aside their hatred and quarrels they became one body, and rushing around the walls they threw many torches at the machines and shot at the men driving the rams that continually battered at the wall,
|
| 280
οἱ
τολμηρότεροι
δὲ
κατὰ
στίφη
προπηδῶντες
τὰ
γέρρα
τῶν
μηχανημάτων
ἐσπάραττον
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῶν
προσπίπτοντες
ἐπιστήμῃ
μὲν
ὀλίγα,
τόλμῃ
δὲ
τὰ
πλείω
περιεγίνοντο.
|
280
The more daring among them jumped out in groups, tore apart the coverings of the engines, and falling upon the men at the machines, they prevailed, less by skill than by sheer audacity.
|
| 280
nay, the bolder sort leaped out by troops upon the hurdles that covered the machines, and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those that belonged to them, and beat them, not so much by any skill they had, as principally by the boldness of their attacks.
| 280
The braver spirits jumped out in troops upon the hurdles covering the machines, pulling them to bits and attacking the operatives, beating them less by skill than by audacity.
|
| 281
Προσεβοήθει
δὲ
τοῖς
πονοῦσιν
αὐτὸς
ἀεὶ
ΤίτοςTitus,
καὶ
παρ᾽
ἑκάτερον
τῶν
ὀργάνων
τούς
τε
ἱππέας
καὶ
τοὺς
τοξότας
διαστήσας
εἶργεν
μὲν
τοὺς
τὸ
πῦρ
ἐπιφέροντας,
ἀνέστελλεν
δὲ
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τῶν
πύργων
βάλλοντας,
ἐνεργοὺς
δ᾽
ἐποίει
τὰς
ἑλεπόλεις.
|
281
Titus himself always brought help to those in distress; having stationed cavalry and archers on each side of the engines, he drove back those bringing fire, repelled those shooting from the towers, and kept the rams in operation.
|
| 281
However, Titus himself still sent assistance to those that were the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and archers on the several sides of the engines, and thereby beat off those that brought the fire to them; he also thereby repelled those that shot stones or darts from the towers, and then set the engines to work in good earnest;
| 281
Titus sent help to those who were hardest pressed and put cavalry and archers on all sides of the machines, beating back those who tried to set them on fire, and anyone shooting from the towers and kept the rams at work.
|
| 282
Οὐ
μὴν
ταῖς
πληγαῖς
ὑπήκουε
τὸ
τεῖχος,
εἰ
μὴ
καθόσον
ὁ
τοῦ
πεντεκαιδεκάτου
τάγματος
κριὸς
γωνίαν
διεκίνησε
πύργου.
|
282
Yet the wall did not give way under the blows, except that the ram of the Fifteenth Legion shook a corner of a tower.
|
| 282
yet did not the wall yield to these blows, excepting where the battering ram of the fifteenth legion moved the corner of a tower, while the wall itself continued unhurt;
| 282
Still the wall did not yield to these blows, except where the ram of the fifteenth legion shook the corner of a tower,
|
| 283
Τὸ
δὲ
τεῖχος
ἀκέραιον
ἦν·
οὐδὲ
γὰρ
εὐθέως
συνεκινδύνευε
τῷ
πύργῳ
προύχοντι
πολὺ
καὶ
μὴ
δυναμένῳ
συναπορρῆξαί
τι
ῥᾳδίως
τοῦ
περιβόλου.
|
283
The wall itself remained intact, for it did not immediately share the danger of the tower, which projected far out and could not easily pull any part of the main enclosure down with it.
|
| 283
for the wall was not presently in the same danger with the tower, which was extant far above it; nor could the fall of that part of the tower easily break down any part of the wall itself together with it.
| 283
but the wall itself continued unharmed, for it was not endangered by the tower above it and if that part of the tower fell it could not easily break any of the perimeter.
|
| 284
Παυσάμενοι
δὲ
τῶν
ἐκδρομῶν
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
καὶ
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐπιτηρήσαντες
ἐσκεδασμένους
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ἔργα
καὶ
κατὰ
τὰ
στρατόπεδα,
καμάτῳ
γὰρ
ἀναχωρῆσαι
καὶ
δέει
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἠξίουν,
ἐκθέουσι
κατὰ
τὸν
ἹππικὸνHippicus
πύργον
διὰ
πύλης
ἀφανοῦς
πάντες
πῦρ
τε
τοῖς
ἔργοις
ἐπιφέροντες
καὶ
μέχρι
τῶν
ἐρυμάτων
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
προελθεῖν
ὡρμημένοι.
|
284
Having ceased their sallies for a short time and observing the Romans scattered at their tasks and in their camps—for they assumed the Jews had withdrawn from exhaustion and fear—the Jews suddenly burst out from an obscure gate near the Hippicus Tower, carrying fire to the works and intending to advance as far as the Roman fortifications.
|
| 284
And now the Jews intermitted their sallies for a while; but when they observed the Romans dispersed all abroad at their works, and in their several camps (for they thought the Jews had retired out of weariness and fear) they all at once made a sally at the tower Hippicus, through an obscure gate, and at the same time brought fire to burn the works, and went boldly up to the Romans, and to their very fortifications themselves,
| 284
They ceased their raids for a while, but when they noticed the Romans scattered about at their works and in their camps, thinking the Jews had retreated from weariness and fear, they made a sudden sally at the Hippicus tower, through a hidden gate, bringing fire to burn the works and rushed boldly at the Romans, right up to their entrenchments.
|
| 285
Πρὸς
δὲ
τὴν
κραυγὴν
αὐτῶν
οἵ
τε
πλησίον
συνίσταντο
ταχέως
καὶ
οἱ
πόρρωθεν
συνέθεον.
Ἔφθανε
δ᾽
ἡ
ἸουδαίωνJews
τόλμα
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
εὐταξίαν,
καὶ
τοὺς
προεντυγχάνοντας
τρεψάμενοι
προσέκειντο
καὶ
τοῖς
συλλεγομένοις.
|
285
At their cry, those nearby quickly rallied, and those from further away ran together. The Jews’ audacity outpaced the Romans' discipline, and having turned those they first encountered, they pressed upon those who were still assembling.
|
| 285
where, at the cry they made, those that were near them came presently to their assistance, and those farther off came running after them; and here the boldness of the Jews was too hard for the good order of the Romans; and as they beat those whom they first fell upon, so they pressed upon those that were now gotten together.
| 285
These raised a shout and those who were near them came quickly and those farther off dashed up too, but here the daring of the Jews overcame the good order of the Romans, and they beat those whom they first attacked and pressed on against the gathering reserves.
|
| 286
Δεινὴ
δὲ
περὶ
τὰς
μηχανὰς
συμπίπτει
μάχη,
τῶν
μὲν
ὑποπιμπράναι,
τῶν
δὲ
κωλύειν
βιαζομένων,
κραυγή
τε
παρ᾽
ἀμφοτέρων
ἀσήμαντος
ἦν,
καὶ
πολλοὶ
τῶν
προαγωνιζομένων
Ἔπιπτον.
|
286
A terrible battle took place around the machines, one side striving to set them on fire and the other to prevent it; there was confused shouting from both sides, and many of the foremost fighters fell.
|
| 286
So this fight about the machines was very hot, while the one side tried hard to set them on fire, and the other side to prevent it; on both sides there was a confused cry made, and many of those in the forefront of the battle were slain.
| 286
There was a fierce battle around the machines, with one side trying to set them on fire and the others trying to prevent it, both shouting unintelligibly and many men in the front line being killed.
|
| 287
ἸουδαῖοιJews
δ᾽
ὑπερεῖχον
ἀπονοίᾳ,
καὶ
τῶν
ἔργων
ἥπτετο
τὸ
πῦρ,
καταφλεγῆναί
τ᾽
ἂν
ἐκινδύνευσε
πάντα
μετὰ
τῶν
ὀργάνων,
εἰ
μὴ
τῶν
ἀπ᾽
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
ἐπιλέκτων
ἀντέστησαν
οἱ
πολλοὶ
παρὰ
τὴν
σφετέραν
ὑπόληψιν
ἀνδρισάμενοι·
καὶ
γὰρ
τῶν
ἐνδοξοτέρων
διήνεγκαν
κατὰ
ταύτην
τὴν
μάχην·
μέχρι
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
τοὺς
τῶν
ἱππέων
δυνατωτάτους
ἀναλαβὼν
ἐμβάλλει
τοῖς
πολεμίοις.
|
287
The Jews were prevailing through desperation, and the fire caught the works; all the engines would have been destroyed had not the picked troops from Alexandria stood their ground, showing a courage beyond their reputation—indeed, they surpassed even the more famous troops in this battle—until Caesar, taking the most powerful of his cavalry, charged the enemy.
|
| 287
However, the Jews were now too hard for the Romans, by the furious assaults they made like madmen; and the fire caught hold of the works, and both all those works, and the engines themselves, had been in danger of being burnt, had not many of these select soldiers that came from Alexandria opposed themselves to prevent it, and had they not behaved themselves with greater courage than they themselves supposed they could have done; for they outdid those in this fight that had greater reputation than themselves before. This was the state of things till Caesar took the stoutest of his horsemen, and attacked the enemy,
| 287
The fury of the Jews now won out and the works caught fire and they and the machines would have been burned, except that the many elite soldiers from Alexandria prevented it, acting more bravely than they themselves would have believed and in this battle surpassing men of greater repute than themselves, until Caesar came with his strongest cavalry and charged the enemy.
|
| 288
Καὶ
δώδεκα
μὲν
αὐτὸς
τῶν
προμάχων
ἀναιρεῖ,
πρὸς
δὲ
τὸ
τούτων
πάθος
ἐγκλίναντες
τοῦ
λοιποῦ
πλήθους
ἑπόμενος
συνελαύνει
πάντας
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
κἀκ
τοῦ
πυρὸς
διασώζει
τὰ
ἔργα.
|
288
He killed twelve of the Jewish vanguard with his own hand; at their fall, the rest of the multitude gave way, and he followed, driving them all into the city and saving the works from the fire.
|
| 288
while he himself slew twelve of those that were in the forefront of the Jews; which death of these men, when the rest of the multitude saw, they gave way, and he pursued them, and drove them all into the city, and saved the works from the fire.
| 288
He himself killed twelve men in the front ranks and seeing the death of these men, the rest of the crowd gave way and he drove them all into the city and saved the works from the fire.
|
| 289
Συνέβη
δ᾽
ἐν
ταύτῃ
τῇ
μάχῃ
καὶ
ζωγρηθῆναί
τινα
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews,
ὃν
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἀνασταυρῶσαι
πρὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐκέλευσεν,
εἴ
τι
πρὸς
τὴν
ὄψιν
ἐνδοῖεν
οἱ
λοιποὶ
καταπλαγέντες.
|
289
It happened in this battle that one of the Jews was taken alive, and Titus ordered him to be crucified[1] before the wall, in case the rest might be struck with terror and give in at the sight.
|
| 289
Now it happened at this fight that a certain Jew was taken alive, who, by Titus’s order, was crucified before the wall, to see whether the rest of them would be affrighted, and abate of their obstinacy.
| 289
During this fight a Jew was taken alive, whom Titus ordered to be crucified in sight of the wall, to alarm the rest of them.
|
[1]Titus used crucifixion (a standard Roman punishment for rebels) specifically to break the morale of those watching from the walls.
| 290
μετὰ
δὲ
τὴν
ἀναχώρησινa retreat; to go back
καὶ
ἸωάννηςJohn
ὁ
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
ἡγεμὼν
πρὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
γνωρίμῳ
τινὶ
στρατιώτῃ
διαλεγόμενος
ὑπό
τινος
τῶν
ἈράβωνArabian
κατὰ
τοῦ
στέρνου
τοξεύεται
καὶ
παραχρῆμα
θνήσκει,
μέγιστον
τοῖς
τε
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
πένθος
καὶ
λύπην
τοῖς
στασιασταῖς
ἀπολιπών·
καὶ
γὰρ
κατά
τε
χεῖρα
καὶ
συνέσει
διάσημος
ἦν.
|
290
After the retreat, John, the leader of the Idumaeans, was talking to an acquaintance among the soldiers before the wall when he was struck in the breast by an arrow from an Arab and died instantly, leaving the Idumaeans in great mourning and the factionalists in grief; for he was famous for both his prowess and his wisdom.
|
| 290
But after the Jews were retired, John, who was commander of the Idumeans, and was talking to a certain soldier of his acquaintance before the wall, was wounded by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and died immediately, leaving the greatest lamentation to the Jews, and sorrow to the seditious. For he was a man of great eminence, both for his actions and his conduct also.
| 290
After the retreat, while talking outside the wall to a soldier he knew, John, the commander of the Idumaeans, was wounded by an arrow shot at him by an Arabian and died instantly.
This caused great lament to the Jews and sorrow to the rebels, for he was an admirable man of action and of intelligence.
|
Chapter 7
Romans storm the first walls.
Exploits of Longinus and Castor
| 291
Τῇ
δ᾽
ἐπιούσῃ
νυκτὶ
ταραχὴ
καὶ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐμπίπτει
παράλογος.
|
291
On the following night, an unexpected disturbance fell upon the Romans.
|
| 291
Now, on the next night, a surprising disturbance fell upon the Romans;
| 291
On the next night, an astonishing thing happened to the Romans.
|
| 292
Τοῦ
γὰρ
ΤίτουTitus
πύργους
τρεῖς
κατασκευάσαι
κελεύσαντος
πεντηκονταπήχεις,
ἵν᾽
ἑκάστου
χώματος
ἐπιστήσαςto set, place upon
ἀπὸ
τούτων
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
τρέποιτο,
συνέβη
πεσεῖν
αὐτομάτως
ἕνα
μέσης
νυκτός.
|
292
For Titus had ordered the construction of three towers, fifty cubits[1] high, so that by placing them upon each embankment he might drive back those upon the wall from these heights; however, it happened that one of them fell down spontaneously in the middle of the night.
|
| 292
for whereas Titus had given orders for the erection of three towers of fifty cubits high, that by setting men upon them at every bank, he might from thence drive those away who were upon the wall, it so happened that one of these towers fell down about midnight;
| 292
Titus had ordered three fifty-foot-high towers to be built, from which his men could shoot from the earthworks and drive away the men from the wall.
|
[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft)
| 293
Μεγίστου
δὲ
ἀρθέντος
ψόφου
δέος
ἐμπίπτει
τῷ
στρατῷ,
καὶ
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try
σφίσι
δόξαντες
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ὅπλα
πάντες
ἔθεον.
|
293
A massive crash having been raised, fear fell upon the army, and thinking that the enemy was attacking them, they all ran to their arms.
|
| 293
and as its fall made a very great noise, fear fell upon the army, and they, supposing that the enemy was coming to attack them, ran all to their arms.
| 293
But one of these towers fell down about midnight, with a tremendous noise and the army was alarmed by its fall, thinking that the enemy was coming to attack them, and all jumped to arms.
|
| 294
ταραχὴ
δὲ
τῶν
ταγμάτων
καὶ
θόρυβος
ἦν,
καὶ
τὸ
συμβὰνto meet, happen
οὐδενὸς
εἰπεῖν
ἔχοντος
ἐπὶ
πλεῖστον
ἀποδυρόμενοι
διεφέροντο
μηδενός
τε
φαινομένου
πολεμίου
δι᾽
ἀλλήλων
ἐπτοοῦντο,
|
294
There was a disturbance and a clamor among the legions; since no one could explain what had happened, they went about for a long time in great lamentation, and with no enemy appearing, they were terrified by one another.
|
| 294
Whereupon a disturbance and a tumult arose among the legions, and as nobody could tell what had happened, they went on after a disconsolate manner; and seeing no enemy appear, they were afraid one of another,
| 294
The fear and dismay of the legions grew as no one could tell what had happened, and they were bewildered at seeing no enemy appear.
|
| 295
καὶ
τὸ
σύνθημα
μετὰ
σπουδῆς
ἕκαστος
τὸν
πλησίον
ἐπηρώτα
καθάπερ
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἐμβεβληκότων
εἰς
τὰ
στρατόπεδα,
πανικῷ
τε
δείματι
κυκλουμένοις
παρεῴκεσαν,
ἄχρι
μαθὼν
τὸ
συμβὰνto meet, happen
ΤίτοςTitus
διαγγέλλειν
ἐκέλευσε
πᾶσι,
καὶ
μόλις
ἐπαύσαντο
τῆς
ταραχῆς.
|
295
And each man hurriedly asked his neighbor for the password, just as if the Jews had broken into the camps; they resembled people surrounded by a panic-stricken dread, until Titus, having learned what happened, ordered it to be announced to all, and they barely ceased from their agitation.
|
| 295
and everyone demanded of his neighbor the watchword with great earnestness, as though the Jews had invaded their camp. And now were they like people under a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what had happened, and gave orders that all should be acquainted with it; and then, though with some difficulty, they got clear of the disturbance they had been under.
| 295
Feeling afraid of each other, every one demanded the watchword from his neighbour, as though the Jews had invaded their camp; and they stayed in a panic until Titus was told of it and ordered them to tell everyone about the occurrence, and then, though with some difficulty, they quelled the alarm.
|
| 296
ἸουδαίουςJews
γε
μὴν
πρὸς
τὰ
λοιπὰ
καρτερῶς
ἀντέχοντας
ἐκάκωσαν
οἱ
πύργοι·
καὶ
γὰρ
τῶν
ὀργάνων
τοῖς
κουφοτέροις
ἀπ᾽
αὐτῶν
ἐβάλλοντο
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀκοντισταῖς
καὶ
τοξόταις
καὶ
λιθοβόλοις.
|
296
The Jews, however, though they held out stoutly against the rest, were harmed by the towers; for they were pelted from them by the lighter engines, and by the javelin-throwers, the archers, and the stone-throwers.
|
| 296
Now, these towers were very troublesome to the Jews, who otherwise opposed the Romans very courageously; for they shot at them out of their lighter engines from those towers, as they did also by those that threw darts, and the archers, and those that flung stones.
| 296
These towers harassed the Jews, who otherwise held out very bravely.
From them they pelted them with their lighter machines, and with spears and by the archers and stone-throwers.
|
| 297
Οὔτε
δὲ
τούτων
αὐτοὶ
διὰ
τὸ
ὕψος
ἐφικνοῦντο
καὶ
τοὺς
πύργους
ἦν
ἀμήχανον
ἑλεῖν,
μήτ᾽
ἀνατραπῆναι
ῥᾳδίως
διὰ
τὸ
βρῖθος
μήτ᾽
ἐμπρησθῆναι
διὰ
τὸν
σίδηρον
δυναμένους,
ᾧ
κατεκαλύπτοντο.
|
297
Because of the height [of the towers], the Jews themselves could not reach them, and it was impossible to take the towers, for they could not easily be overturned because of their weight, nor burned because of the iron with which they were covered.
|
| 297
For neither could the Jews reach those that were over them, by reason of their height; and it was not practicable to take them, nor to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to set them on fire, because they were covered with plates of iron.
| 297
The towers were too high for the Jews to reach and so heavy that it was impossible to capture or overturn them, nor could they set them on fire, being plated with iron.
|
| 298
τρεπόμενοι
δὲ
ἐξωτέρω
βέλους
οὐκέτι
ἐκώλυον
τῶν
κριῶν
τὰς
ἐμβολάς,
οἳ
ἀδιαλείπτως
παίοντες
ἤνυον
κατ᾽
ὀλίγον.
|
298
Retiring out of range of the missiles, they could no longer prevent the impacts of the battering rams, which, by striking incessantly, were little by little achieving their purpose.
|
| 298
So they retired out of the reach of the darts, and did no longer endeavor to hinder the impression of their rams, which, by continually beating upon the wall, did gradually prevail against it;
| 298
So they retreated beyond reach of the spears and no longer tried to stop their battering-rams, which pounding continually gradually took their toll.
|
| 299
ἤδη
δὲ
τῷ
Νίκωνι
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐνδιδόντος,
αὐτοὶ
γὰρ
τοῦτο
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τὴν
μεγίστην
ἐκάλεσαν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἑλέπολιν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
πάντα
νικᾶν,
ἀπέκαμνον
μὲν
πάλαι
πρός
τε
τὰς
μάχας
καὶ
τὰς
φυλακὰς
πόρρωθεν
τῆς
πόλεως
διανυκτερεύοντες,
|
299
Now as the wall was already giving way to “Nikon”—for the Jews themselves called this the greatest Roman siege-engine from its conquering (nikan) everything—they had long been exhausted by battles and watches, spending the nights far from the city.
|
| 299
so that the wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that name did the Jews themselves call the greatest of their engines, because it conquered all things. And now they were for a long while grown weary of fighting, and of keeping guards, and were retired to lodge in the nighttime at a distance from the wall.
| 299
Finally the wall yielded to Victor, which is how the Jews themselves called the greatest of the machines, since it won out every time.
They had long grown tired of fighting and keeping watch and retreated for the night at a distance from the city wall.
|
| 300
ἄλλως
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
ῥᾳστώνης
καὶ
τοῦ
βουλεύεσθαι
πάντα
κακῶς
περιττὸν
αὐτοῖς
δόξαν
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἑτέρων
μετ᾽
αὐτὸ
λειπομένων
δύο,
μαλακισθέντες
ἀνεχώρουν
οἱ
πολλοί.
|
300
Furthermore, out of a sense of ease and because of their consistently poor planning, thinking the wall was now superfluous since two others remained behind it, the majority grew faint-hearted and withdrew.
|
| 300
It was on other accounts also thought by them to be superfluous to guard the wall, there being besides that two other fortifications still remaining, and they being slothful, and their counsels having been illconcerted on all occasions; so a great many grew lazy and retired.
| 300
Anyway they thought it superfluous to guard that wall, since there were two others still standing, and many grew soft and retreated.
|
| 301
Καὶ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐπιβάντων
καθὸ
παρέρρηξεν
ὁ
Νίκων,
καταλιπόντες
τὰς
φυλακὰς
πάντες
εἰς
τὸ
δεύτερον
τεῖχος
ἀναφεύγουσιν.
Οἱ
δ᾽
ὑπερβάντες
τὰς
πύλας
ἀνοίξαντες
πᾶσαν
εἰσδέχονται
τὴν
στρατιάν.
|
301
And when the Romans mounted where “Nikon” had breached it, everyone abandoned their posts and fled back to the second wall. Those who had climbed over opened the gates and admitted the whole army.
|
| 301
Then the Romans mounted the breach, where Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that wall, and retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall opened the gates, and received all the army within it.
| 301
Then the Romans entered the breach made by Victor and all ceased guarding that wall and fled to the second wall, so those who had broken through opened the gates and let in the rest of the army.
|
| 302
Καὶ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μὲν
οὕτω
τοῦ
πρώτου
τείχους
πεντεκαιδεκάτῃ
κρατήσαντες
ἡμέρᾳ,
ἱσταμένου
δὲ
ἦν
ἈρτεμισίουArtemisium
μηνός,
αὐτοῦ
τε
πολὺ
κατασκάπτουσι
καὶ
τὰ
προσάρκτια
τῆς
πόλεως,
ἃ
καὶ
πρότερον
ΚέστιοςCestius.
|
302
And the Romans, having thus mastered the first wall on the fifteenth day—which was the seventh day of the month Artemisios—demolished a great part of it and the northern parts of the city, which Cestius had also previously done.
|
| 302
And thus did the Romans get possession of this first wall, on the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] when they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern parts of the city, which had been demolished also by Cestius formerly.
| 302
That is how the Romans took this first wall, on the fifteenth day of the siege, the seventh day of the month Artemisius, and they demolished most of it, as well as of the northern parts of the city, previously destroyed by Cestius.
|
| 303
Μεταστρατοπεδεύεται
δὲ
ΤίτοςTitus
εἴσω
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians
παρεμβολὴν
καλουμένην,
ἐπισχὼν
πᾶν
τὸ
μεταξὺ
μέχρι
τοῦ
Κεδρῶνος,
ἀπὸ
δὲ
τοῦ
δευτέρου
τείχους
ὅσον
ἐξωτέρω
βέλους
εἶναι·
|
303
Titus moved his camp inside to the place called “The Camp of the Assyrians,” occupying all the space in between as far as the Kedron, but staying just out of bowshot from the second wall.
|
| 303
And now Titus pitched his camp within the city, at that place which was called “the Camp of the Assyrians,” having seized upon all that lay as far as Cedron, but took care to be out of the reach of the Jews’ darts. He then presently began his attacks,
| 303
Titus encamped within the city, at the place called "the Camp of the Assyrians," having captured everything between it and the Cedron, and soon began his attacks, careful to stay out of reach of the Jewish spears.
|
| 304
προσβολὰς
δ᾽
εὐθέως
ἐποιεῖτο.
Ἐμμερισθέντες
δὲ
οἱ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
καρτερῶς
ἀπημύναντο
τοῦ
τείχους,
οἱ
μὲν
περὶ
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
ἀπό
τε
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
καὶ
τῆς
προσαρκτίου
στοᾶς
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
καὶ
πρὸ
τῶν
ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander
τοῦ
βασιλέως
αὐτῶν
μνημείων
μαχόμενοι,
τὸ
δὲ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
τάγμα
τὴν
παρὰ
τὸ
ἸωάννουJohn
τοῦ
ἀρχιερέως
μνημεῖον
ἐμβολὴν
διαλαβόντες
ἐφράξαντο
μέχρι
πύλης
καθ᾽
ἣν
τὸ
ὕδωρ
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ἹππικὸνHippicus
πύργον
εἰσῆκτο.
|
304
He immediately began his assaults. The Jews, having divided their forces, stoutly defended the wall: those with John fighting from the Antonia and the northern portico of the Temple and in front of the monuments of King Alexander; while the contingent of Simon, taking up the section near the monument of John the High Priest, fortified the stretch as far as the gate through which the water was brought to the Hippicus tower.
|
| 304
upon which the Jews divided themselves into several bodies, and courageously defended that wall; while John and his faction did it from the tower of Antonia, and from the northern cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans before the monuments of king Alexander; and Simon’s army also took for their share the spot of ground that was near John’s monument, and fortified it as far as to that gate where water was brought in to the tower Hippicus.
| 304
The Jews divided into several groups and bravely defended their wall, while John and his faction did so from the Antonia tower and from the northern portico of the temple and fought the Romans in front of king Alexander's tomb.
Simon's army also took the area near the tomb of John the high priest and defended it as far as the gate where water was brought into the Hippicus tower.
|
| 305
Προπηδῶντές
τε
πολλάκις
ἐκ
τῶν
πυλῶν
συστάδην
ἐπολέμουν
καὶ
συνδιωχθέντες
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
κατὰ
μὲν
τὰς
συμπλοκὰς
ἡττῶντο
τῆς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐπιστήμης
ὄντες
ἄπειροιinexperienced,
περιῆσαν
δ᾽
ἐν
ταῖς
τειχομαχίαις.
|
305
Often leaping out from the gates, they fought hand-to-hand; and though they were defeated in close encounters because they were inexperienced in Roman skill, they had the upper hand in the wall-fighting.
|
| 305
However, the Jews made violent sallies, and that frequently also, and in bodies together out of the gates, and there fought the Romans; and when they were pursued all together to the wall, they were beaten in those fights, as wanting the skill of the Romans. But when they fought them from the walls, they were too hard for them;
| 305
Often they would rush violently out the gates and fight outside, and though in these skirmishes they were driven back to the wall, unequal to the Romans in skill, they had the upper hand when fighting from the ramparts.
|
| 306
Καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
μετ᾽
ἰσχύος
ἐμπειρία
παρεκρότει,
ἸουδαίουςJews
δὲ
τόλμα
δέει
τρεφομένη
καὶ
τὸ
φύσει
καρτερικὸν
ἐν
συμφοραῖς·
προσῆν
δ᾽
ἐλπὶς
ἔτι
σωτηρίας
ἡ
καὶ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τοῦ
ταχέως
κρατήσεινto be strong.
|
306
For the Romans, experience combined with strength encouraged them; for the Jews, it was a daring nurtured by fear and their natural endurance in calamities; and there was further the hope of safety on one side, and on the Roman side, the hope of a quick victory.
|
| 306
the Romans being encouraged by their power, joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their boldness, which was nourished by the fear they were in, and that hardiness which is natural to our nation under calamities; they were also encouraged still by the hope of deliverance, as were the Romans by their hopes of subduing them in a little time.
| 306
The others took heart from their strength and experience, and the Jews from their daring, fed by their fear and their characteristic toughness in calamity.
Their hope was to survive, while the Romans hoped to subdue them soon.
|
| 307
Οὐδετέρων
δὲ
ἥπτετο
κόπος,
ἀλλὰ
προσβολαὶ
καὶ
τειχομαχίαι
καὶ
κατὰ
λόχους
ἐκδρομαὶ
συνεχεῖς
δι᾽
ὅλης
ἡμέρας
ἦσαν,
οὐδ᾽
ἔστιν
ἥτις
ἰδέα
μάχης
ἀπελείπετο.
|
307
Weariness touched neither side, but assaults and wall-fights and constant sorties by companies occurred throughout the whole day, nor was any form of battle left untried.
|
| 307
Nor did either side grow weary; but attacks and fightings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies out in bodies, were there all the day long; nor were there any sort of warlike engagements that were not then put in use.
| 307
Neither side gave up, but spent all the day in attacks and battles at the wall, and perpetual skirmishing, with no sort of warfare left untried.
|
| 308
Νὺξnight
δὲ
ἀνέπαυε
μόλις
ἕωθεν
ἀρχομένους·
ἦν
δ᾽
ἄυπνος
ἀμφοτέροις
καὶ
χαλεπωτέρα
τῆς
ἡμέρας,
δέει
τῶν
μὲν
ὅσον
οὔπω
καταληφθήσεσθαι
τὸ
τεῖχος,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἐπιθήσεσθαι
ἸουδαίουςJews
τοῖς
στρατοπέδοις,
ἔν
τε
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
ἑκάτεροι
διανυκτερεύοντες
ὑπὸ
τὰς
πρώτας
αὐγὰς
ἕτοιμοι
πρὸς
μάχην
ἦσαν.
|
308
Night barely gave rest to those who began at dawn; it was a sleepless night for both and harder than the day—for the one side fearing the wall would be taken at any moment, and for the other that the Jews would attack the camps. Spending the night in their armor, both were ready for battle at the first light.
|
| 308
And the night itself had much ado to part them, when they began to fight in the morning; nay, the night itself was passed without sleep on both sides, and was more uneasy than the day to them, while the one was afraid lest the wall should be taken, and the other lest the Jews should make sallies upon their camps; both sides also lay in their armor during the nighttime, and thereby were ready at the first appearance of light to go to the battle.
| 308
Even night hardly separated them, for the fight began at dawn, and was sleepless on both sides and worse for them than the day.
One side feared the wall would be taken and the other that the Jews would burst out of their camps, and both were armed all night, ready to go to battle at first light.
|
| 309
Καὶ
παρὰ
μὲν
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ἔρις
ἦν
ὅστις
προκινδυνεύσας
χαρίσαιτο
τοῖς
ἡγεμόσιν,
μάλιστα
δὲ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
αἰδὼς
ἦν
καὶ
δέος,
οὕτως
τε
προσεῖχεν
ἕκαστος
αὐτῷ
τῶν
ὑποτεταγμένων,
ὡς
καὶ
πρὸς
αὐτοχειρίαν
ἑτοιμότατος
εἶναι
κελεύσαντος·
|
309
Among the Jews, there was a rivalry as to who would risk danger first to please their leaders; and for Simon there was especially respect and fear, and each of those under him was so devoted to him as to be ready even for suicide at his command.
|
| 309
Now, among the Jews the ambition was who should undergo the first dangers, and thereby gratify their commanders. Above all, they had a great veneration and dread of Simon; and to that degree was he regarded by every one of those that were under him, that at his command they were very ready to kill themselves with their own hands.
| 309
The Jews rivaled each other in facing dangers in order to impress their officers.
They revered and dreaded Simon above all, and regarded him so highly that his subjects were ready at his command even to kill themselves with their own hands.
|
| 310
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
δὲ
ἐπ᾽
ἀνδρείαν
ἦν
προτροπὴ
τοῦ
τε
κρατεῖν
ἔθος
καὶ
ἥττης
ἀήθεια
συνεχής
τε
στρατεία
καὶ
διηνεκεῖς
μελέται
καὶ
μέγεθος
ἡγεμονίας,
πρὸ
δὲ
πάντων
ΤίτοςTitus
ἀεὶ
πᾶσιν
πανταχοῦ
παρατυγχάνων.
|
310
For the Romans, the encouragement to bravery was the habit of winning and the unaccustomedness to defeat, constant campaigning and continuous training, and the greatness of their empire—and above all, Titus, who was always present for everyone everywhere.
|
| 310
What made the Romans so courageous was their usual custom of conquering and disuse of being defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their dominion; and what was now their chief encouragement,—Titus, who was present everywhere with them all;
| 310
What kept the Romans' courage high was being used to victory and unused to defeat, their constant wars and perpetual exercises and the size of their empire, but above all Titus, always and everywhere present with them all.
|
| 311
Τό
τε
γὰρ
μαλακισθῆναι
παρόντος
καὶ
συναγωνιζομένου
ΚαίσαροςCaesar
δεινὸν
ἐδόκει,
καὶ
τῷ
καλῶς
ἀγωνισαμένῳ
μάρτυς
αὐτὸς
ὁ
καὶ
τιμήσων
παρῆν·
κέρδος
δ᾽
ἦν
ἤδη
καὶ
τὸ
γνωσθῆναι
ΚαίσαριCaesar
γενναῖον
ὄντα.
Διὰ
τοῦτο
πολλοὶ
τῆς
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ἰσχύος
ἀμείνους
τῇ
προθυμίᾳ
διεφάνησαν.
|
311
For to show cowardice while Caesar was present and fighting alongside seemed a terrible thing, and he who fought well had as a witness the very man who would also honor him; it was already a gain just to be known by Caesar as being noble. Because of this, many displayed a zeal beyond their own strength.
|
| 311
for it appeared a terrible thing to grow weary while Caesar was there, and fought bravely as well as they did, and was himself at once an eyewitness of such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he who was to reward them also. It was, besides, esteemed an advantage at present to have anyone’s valor known by Caesar; on which account many of them appeared to have more alacrity than strength to answer it.
| 311
It was shameful to hang back with Caesar present, fighting as bravely as themselves, who could reward their bravery, for all wanted to have their courage seen by Caesar, so that many of them showed more zeal than their strength warranted.
|
| 312
Παραταξαμένων
γοῦν
κατὰ
ταύτας
τὰς
ἡμέρας
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
πρὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
καρτερῷ
στίφει
καὶ
διακοντιζομένων
ἔτι
πόρρωθεν
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἑκατέρων
Λογγῖνός
τις
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἐξαλλόμενος
τῆς
ῬωμαικῆςRoman
τάξεως
ἐμπηδᾷ
μέσῃ
τῇ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
φάλαγγι,
|
312
At any rate, during these days, when the Jews were drawn up in a strong body before the wall and were still exchanging missiles with the legions from a distance, a certain Longinus, one of the cavalry, leaped out of the Roman rank and charged into the middle of the Jewish phalanx.
|
| 312
And now, as the Jews were about this time standing in array before the wall, and that in a strong body, and while both parties were throwing their darts at each other, Longinus, one of the equestrian order, leaped out of the army of the Romans, and leaped into the very midst of the army of the Jews;
| 312
A large group of Jews stood in array before the wall, and while both parties were throwing their spears at each other, Longinus, of the equestrian order, sprang from the Roman army into the very midst of the Jews, who scattered under his attack, and killing two of their best men.
|
| 313
καὶ
διασκεδασθέντων
πρὸς
τὴν
ἐμβολὴν
δύο
τοὺς
γενναιοτάτους
ἀναιρεῖ,
τὸν
μὲν
κατὰ
στόμα
πλήξας
ὑπαντιάσαντα,
τὸν
δ᾽
ἀνασπάσας
ἐκ
τοῦ
προτέρου
τὸ
δόρυ
κατὰ
πλευρὰν
διαπείρει
τραπόμενον,
ἐκ
μέσων
τε
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἄτρωτος
εἰς
τοὺς
σφετέρους
ἔδραμεν.
|
313
When they scattered at his charge, he slew two of the most noble, piercing one in the face as he came to meet him, and drawing out the spear, he transfixed the other through the side as he turned; he then ran back to his own men from the midst of the enemy, unscathed.
|
| 313
and as they dispersed themselves upon the attack, he slew two of their men of the greatest courage; one of them he struck in his mouth as he was coming to meet him, the other was slain by him with that very dart which he drew out of the body of the other, with which he ran this man through his side as he was running away from him; and when he had done this, he first of all ran out of the midst of his enemies to his own side.
| 313
Facing them he struck one of them in the mouth and killed the other with the same spear he plucked from his body, with which he ran this man through as he ran to escape him.
Having done this, he quickly ran back to his own side from the midst of the enemy.
|
| 314
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
δι᾽
ἀρετὴν
ἐπίσημος
ἦν,
ζηλωταὶ
δὲ
τῆς
ἀνδρείας
ἐγίνοντο
πολλοί.
|
314
He became famous for his valor, and many became emulators of his bravery.
|
| 314
So this man signalized himself for his valor, and many there were who were ambitious of gaining the like reputation.
| 314
As he was distinguished for his bravery, there were many others eager to win a similar reputation.
|
| 315
Καὶ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
μὲν
ἀμελοῦντες
τοῦ
παθεῖν
τὸ
διαθεῖναι
μόνον
ἐσκόπουν,
ὅ
τε
θάνατος
αὐτοῖς
ἐδόκει
κουφότατος
εἰ
μετὰ
τοῦ
κτεῖναί
τινα
τῶν
πολεμίων
προσπέσοι·
|
315
The Jews, for their part, disregarded suffering and looked only to what they could inflict; and death seemed to them a very light thing if it should fall upon them after killing one of the enemy.
|
| 315
And now the Jews were unconcerned at what they suffered themselves from the Romans, and were only solicitous about what mischief they could do them; and death itself seemed a small matter to them, if at the same time they could but kill anyone of their enemies.
| 315
The Jews cared little for what they suffered from the Romans and were only eager to do them harm, and death itself seemed minor to them, if at the same time they could kill one of the enemy.
|
| 316
ΤίτοςTitus
δὲ
τῆς
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
ἀσφαλείας
οὐχ
ἧττον
τοῦ
κρατεῖν
προυνόει,
καὶ
τὴν
μὲν
ἀπερίσκεπτον
ὁρμὴν
ἀπόνοιαν
λέγων,
μόνην
δ᾽
ἀρετὴν
τὴν
μετὰ
προνοίας
καὶ
τοῦ
μηδὲν
τὸν
δρῶντα
παθεῖν,
ἐν
ἀκινδύνῳ
τῷ
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ἐκέλευσεν
ἀνδρίζεσθαι.
|
316
But Titus took thought for the safety of his soldiers no less than for victory, saying that reckless impulse was madness, and that valor was only that which was combined with foresight and the actor suffering no harm; he ordered them to show their manhood while keeping themselves out of danger.
|
| 316
But Titus took care to secure his own soldiers from harm, as well as to have them overcome their enemies. He also said that inconsiderate violence was madness, and that this alone was the true courage that was joined with good conduct. He therefore commanded his men to take care, when they fought their enemies, that they received no harm from them at the same time, and thereby show themselves to be truly valiant men.
| 316
But Titus who cared for his soldiers' safety as well as wanting to win the victory, told them that reckless violence was madness, while true courage required forethought; so he ordered them to prove their valour without taking excessive risks.
|
| 317
Προσάγει
δ᾽
αὐτὸς
τοῦ
βορείου
τείχους
τῷ
μέσῳ
πύργῳ
τὴν
ἑλέπολιν,
ἐν
ᾧ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
τις
ἀνὴρ
γόης
ὄνομα
ΚάστωρCastor
ἐλόχα
μεθ᾽
ὁμοίων
δέκα,
τῶν
λοιπῶν
φυγόντων
διὰ
τοὺς
τοξότας.
|
317
He himself brought the siege-engine to the middle tower of the northern wall, in which a certain Jewish man, a trickster named Castor, lay in ambush with ten others like him, the rest having fled because of the archers.
|
| 317
And now Titus brought one of his engines to the middle tower of the north part of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew, whose name was Castor, lay in ambush, with ten others like himself, the rest being fled away by reason of the archers.
| 317
He now brought the battering ram to the middle tower in the northern wall, where a wily Jew named Castor lay in ambush with ten others, the rest having fled in face of the archers.
|
| 318
Οὗτοι
μέχρι
μέν
τινος
ὑπεπτηχότες
τοῖς
θωρακίοις
ἠρέμουν,
λυομένου
δὲ
τοῦ
πύργου
διανίστανται,
καὶ
προτείνας
ὁ
ΚάστωρCastor
τὰς
χεῖρας
ὡς
ἱκετεύων
δῆθεν
ἐκάλει
τὸν
ΚαίσαραCaesar
καὶ
τῇ
φωνῇ
κατοικτιζόμενος
ἐλεῆσαι
σφᾶς
παρεκάλει.
|
318
These men for a while remained quiet, crouching behind the breastworks, but as the tower was giving way, they stood up, and Castor, stretching out his hands as if in supplication, called upon Caesar and, with a piteous voice, entreated him to have mercy on them.
|
| 318
These men lay still for a while, as in great fear, under their breastplates; but when the tower was shaken, they arose, and Castor did then stretch out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for Caesar, and by his voice moved his compassion, and begged of him to have mercy upon them;
| 318
These lay still for a time under their shields, as though in great fear, but when the tower shook, they got up and Castor stretched out his hand in petition and called in pleading tones to Caesar, begging for mercy.
|
| 319
Πιστεύσας
δ᾽
ἐξ
ἁπλότητος
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
καὶ
μετανοεῖν
ἤδη
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence,
ἐπέχει
μὲν
τοῦ
κριοῦ
τὴν
ἐμβολὴν
κωλύει
τε
τοξεύειν
τοὺς
ἱκέτας,
λέγειν
δ᾽
ἐκέλευσεν
ὅ
τι
βούλεται
τῷ
Κάστορι.
|
319
Titus, believing him out of his own simplicity and hoping that the Jews were already repenting, halted the impact of the ram and forbade the archers to shoot at the suppliants; he then ordered Castor to say what he wanted.
|
| 319
and Titus, in the innocency of his heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hoping that the Jews did now repent, stopped the working of the batteringram, and forbade them to shoot at the petitioners, and bid Castor say what he had a mind to say to him.
| 319
Titus candidly thought he was serious and hoping that for a change of heart in the Jews, halted the battering ram, stopped the archers from shooting at the petitioners and bade Castor to say what he wanted.
|
| 320
Τοῦ
δ᾽
εἰπόντος
ἐπὶ
δεξιᾷ
καταβῆναι
θέλειν,
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
συνήδεσθαι
μὲν
αὐτῷ
τῆς
εὐβουλίας
ἔφη,
συνήδεσθαι
δὲ
εἰ
πάντες
ταῦτα
ἤδη
φρονοῦσι
καὶ
τῇ
πόλει
διδόναι
τε
πίστιν
ἑτοίμως.
|
320
When he said he wished to come down on a pledge of safety, Titus said he congratulated him on his good sense, and would congratulate the city if they were all now of the same mind, and that he was ready to give his word.
|
| 320
He said that he would come down, if he would give him his right hand for his security. To which Titus replied, that he was well pleased with such his agreeable conduct, and would be well pleased if all the Jews would be of his mind, and that he was ready to give the like security to the city.
| 320
When he said he would come down under a pledge, Titus approved his prudence and would like it if they all did likewise, and was ready to give similar immunity to the city.
|
| 321
Τῶν
δέκα
δὲ
οἱ
πέντε
μὲν
αὐτῷ
συνυπεκρίνοντο
τὴν
ἱκετηρίαν,
οἱ
λοιποὶ
δ᾽
οὐκ
ἄν
ποτε
δουλεύσειν
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐβόων
παρὸν
ἐλευθέρους
ἀποθανεῖν.
|
321
Of the ten men, five joined him in feigning the supplication, but the others cried out that they would never be slaves to Romans as long as it was possible to die free.
|
| 321
Now five of the ten dissembled with him, and pretended to beg for mercy, while the rest cried out aloud that they would never be slaves to the Romans, while it was in their power to die in a state of freedom.
| 321
Five of the ten acted out and pretended to beg for mercy, while the rest shouted that they would never serve the Romans but would die as free men.
|
| 322
Καὶ
μέχρι
πολλοῦ
διαφερομένων
ἐτρίβετο
μὲν
ἡ
προσβολή,
πέμπων
δ᾽
ὁ
ΚάστωρCastor
πρὸς
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
σχολῇ
βουλεύεσθαι
περὶ
τῶν
ἐπειγόντων
ἔλεγεν,
ὡς
οὐκ
ἐπ᾽
ὀλίγον
αὐτὸς
διαπαίζοι
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀρχήν.
ἅμα
δὲ
ταῦτα
πέμπων
καταφανὴς
ἦν
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀπειθοῦντας
ἐπὶ
τὴν
δεξιὰν
παρακαλῶν.
|
322
While they were disputing for a long time, the assault was delayed; and Castor sent to Simon telling him to deliberate at leisure about what was necessary, as he was making a mockery of the Roman command for some time. At the same time that he sent this, he was seen urging those who were “disobedient” to accept the pledge of safety.
|
| 322
Now while these men were quarreling for a long while, the attack was delayed; Castor also sent to Simon, and told him that they might take some time for consultation about what was to be done, because he would elude the power of the Romans for a considerable time. And at the same time that he sent thus to him, he appeared openly to exhort those that were obstinate to accept of Titus’s hand for their security;
| 322
During this argument, the attack was delayed a long time, and Castor sent word to Simon to take his time deciding what to do, as he would go on fooling the Roman leader a little longer, meanwhile pretending to be urging those who were obstinate to accept the guaranteed immunity.
|
| 323
Οἱ
δὲ
ὥσπερ
ἀγανακτοῦντες
ὑπὲρ
τὰ
θωράκια
διῄρουν
τε
τὰ
ξίφη
γυμνὰ
καὶ
τοὺς
θώρακας
αὑτῶν
πλήξαντες
ὡς
ἀπεσφαγμένοι
κατέπεσον.
|
323
The others, as if indignant, brandished their naked swords above the breastworks and, after striking their own breastplates, fell down as if they had been slaughtered.
|
| 323
but they seemed very angry at it, and brandished their naked swords upon the breastworks, and struck themselves upon their breast, and fell down as if they had been slain.
| 323
But they looked angry and waved their drawn swords, striking themselves on the chest and falling down as if killed.
|
| 324
Θάμβος
δὲ
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus
καὶ
τοὺς
περὶ
αὐτὸν
εἰσῄει
τοῦ
τῶν
ἀνδρῶν
παραστήματος,
καὶ
μὴ
δυνάμενοι
κάτωθεν
ἀκριβῶς
τὸ
γεγενημένον
ἰδεῖν
ἐθαύμαζόν
τε
τῆς
εὐτολμίας
αὐτοὺς
καὶ
τοῦ
πάθους
ἠλέουν.
|
324
Amazement came upon Titus and those with him at the resolution of the men; and since they could not see accurately from below what had happened, they marveled at their courage and pitied their fate.
|
| 324
Hereupon Titus, and those with him, were amazed at the courage of the men; and as they were not able to see exactly what was done, they admired at their great fortitude, and pitied their calamity.
| 324
Titus and his companions were amazed at the men's courage, and as they were unable to see exactly what was being done, they admired their fortitude and pitied their lot.
|
| 325
Τοξεύει
δέ
τις
ἐν
τούτῳ
παρὰ
τὴν
ῥῖνα
τὸν
Κάστορα,
κἀκεῖνος
εὐθέως
ἀνασπάσας
τὸ
βέλος
ἐπεδείκνυ
τῷ
ΤίτῳTitus
καὶ
ὡς
οὐ
δίκαια
πάσχων
κατεμέμφετο.
Πρὸς
δὲ
τὸν
βαλόντα
σχετλιάσας
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
ἔπεμπε
παρεστῶτα
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
δοῦναι
τῷ
Κάστορι
δεξιάν.
|
325
In the meantime, someone shot an arrow at Castor, hitting him near the nose; he immediately pulled out the arrow and showed it to Titus, complaining that he was being treated unjustly. Caesar, having rebuked the one who shot it, sent Josephus, who was standing by, to give Castor his right hand (a pledge of safety).
|
| 325
During this interval, a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and wounded him in his nose; whereupon he presently pulled out the dart, and showed it to Titus, and complained that this was unfair treatment; so Caesar reproved him that shot the dart, and sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to give his right hand to Castor.
| 325
During this, an archer shot Castor on the nose.
He quickly pulled out the arrow and showed it to Titus complaining that it was unfair, so Caesar rebuked the archer and wished to send Josephus, who was with him, to shake Castor's hand.
|
| 326
Ἀλλ᾽But
ὁ
μὲν
οὔτ᾽
αὐτὸς
ἔφη
προσελεύσεσθαι,
φρονεῖν
γὰρ
οὐδὲν
ὑγιὲς
τοὺς
δεομένους,
καὶ
τοὺς
ὡρμημένους
τῶν
φίλων
κατέσχεν·
ΑἰνείαςEneas
δέ
τις
τῶν
αὐτομόλων
αὐτὸς
ἔφη
προσελεύσεσθαι.
|
326
But he [Josephus] said he would not go himself, for he knew the petitioners intended nothing healthy, and he restrained those of his friends who were eager to go; but a certain Aeneas, one of the deserters, said he would go.
|
| 326
But Josephus said that he would not go to him, because these pretended petitioners meant nothing that was good; he also restrained those friends of his who were zealous to go to him. But still there was one Aeneas, a deserter, who said he would go to him.
| 326
But he refused to go, since these pretended petitioners meant no good, and also restrained those of his friends who wanted to go to him; though a man named Eneas, a deserter, said that he would go.
|
| 327
Καὶ
τοῦ
Κάστορος
καλοῦντος,
ὅπως
δέξαιτό
τις
καὶ
τὸ
ἀργύριον
ὃ
φέροι
μεθ᾽
αὑτοῦ,
σπουδαιότερον
ὁ
ΑἰνείαςEneas
διαπετάσας
τὸν
κόλπον
προσέδραμεν.
|
327
And as Castor called out for someone to receive the money he was carrying with him, Aeneas ran toward him more eagerly, spreading out the fold of his garment.
|
| 327
Castor also called to them, that somebody should come and receive the money which he had with him; this made Aeneas the more earnestly to run to him with his bosom open.
| 327
Castor called out that someone should come to take the money he had with him, which made Eneas run to him more eagerly, unguarded in front.
|
| 328
Ἀράμενος
δὲ
ὁ
ΚάστωρCastor
πέτραν
ἐπαφίησιν
αὐτῷ,
καὶ
τούτου
μὲν
διήμαρτε
φυλαξαμένου,
τιτρώσκει
δὲ
στρατιώτην
ἕτερον
προσελθόντα.
|
328
But Castor, lifting a stone, hurled it at him; he missed Aeneas, who dodged it, but it wounded another soldier who had approached.
|
| 328
Then did Castor take up a great stone, and threw it at him, which missed him, because he guarded himself against it; but still it wounded another soldier that was coming to him.
| 328
Then Castor took up a big stone and threw it at him, missing him, for he swerved, but wounded another soldier who was going forward.
|
| 329
Συννοήσας
δὲ
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
τὴν
ἀπάτην
πρὸς
βλάβης
μὲν
ἔγνω
τὸν
ἐν
πολέμοις
ἔλεον,
τὸ
γὰρ
ἀπηνέστερον
ἧττον
ὑποπίπτειν
τῷ
πανούργῳ,
τὰς
δ᾽
ἐμβολὰςembarkation
τῆς
ἑλεπόλεως
ὀργῇ
τῆς
χλεύης
ἐποιεῖτο
δυνατωτέρας.
|
329
Caesar, realizing the deception, recognized that mercy in war is to one’s own hurt, for sternness falls less easily into the trap of the villain; and in anger at the mockery, he made the impacts of the siege-engine more powerful.
|
| 329
When Caesar understood that this was a delusion, he perceived that mercy in war is a pernicious thing, because such cunning tricks have less place under the exercise of greater severity. So he caused the engine to work more strongly than before, on account of his anger at the deceit put upon him.
| 329
When Caesar saw that it was a ruse, he saw how dangerous mercy is in war for there is less room for such ruses under a more severe regime.
So in his anger at the deceit he set the battering-ram to work more strongly than before.
|
| 330
ὑποδιδόντα
δὲ
τὸν
πύργον
ἐμπιπρᾶσιν
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
Κάστορα,
καὶ
διὰ
τῆς
φλογὸς
εἰς
τὴν
ὑπ᾽
αὐτῷ
κρυπτὴν
ἁλλόμενοι
πάλιν
δόξαν
ἀνδρείας
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
παρέσχον
ὡς
ῥίψαντες
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
εἰς
τὸ
πῦρ.
|
330
As the tower was giving way, Castor and his men set it on fire, and jumping through the flame into the hidden vault beneath it, they again gave the Romans an impression of bravery, as if they had thrown themselves into the fire.
|
| 330
But Castor and his companions set the tower on fire when it began to give way, and leaped through the flame into a hidden vault that was under it, which made the Romans further suppose that they were men of great courage, as having cast themselves into the fire.
| 330
Then Castor and his companions set fire to the tower as it began to give way and jumped through the flame into a vault hidden beneath it, which made the Romans think them very courageous men, to throw themselves into the fire.
|
Chapter 8
After a brief reverse,
the Romans re-take the second wall
| 331
Αἱρεῖ
δὲ
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
ταύτῃ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἡμέρᾳ
πέμπτῃ
μετὰ
τὸ
πρῶτον,
καὶ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
φυγόντων
ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
παρέρχεται
μετὰ
χιλίων
ἔνδον
ὁπλιτῶν
καὶ
τῶν
περὶ
αὐτὸν
ἐπιλέκτων,
καθὸ
καὶ
τῆς
καινῆς
πόλεως
ἐριοπώλιά
τε
ἦν
καὶ
χαλκεῖα
καὶ
ἱματίων
ἀγορά,
πρός
τε
τὸ
τεῖχος
πλάγιοι
κατέτεινον
οἱ
στενωποί.
|
331
Caesar took this wall on the fifth day after the first [wall];[1] and since the Jews fled from it, he entered with a thousand heavy-armed troops and his own chosen guard, at the point where the new city’s wool-shops, smithies, and garment market were located, and where the narrow alleys ran obliquely toward the wall.
|
| 331
Now Caesar took this wall there on the fifth day after he had taken the first; and when the Jews had fled from him, he entered into it with a thousand armed men, and those of his choice troops, and this at a place where were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and the market for cloth, and where the narrow streets led obliquely to the wall.
| 331
Caesar took this wall on the fifth day after the first [attack], putting the Jews to flight.
Then, with a thousand warriors and his own elite troops he entered the new city at the market for wool, braziers and clothing, where the narrow streets led oblique, diagonally to the wall.
|
[1]May 70 AD
| 332
Εἰ
μὲν
οὖν
ἢ
τοῦ
τείχους
εὐθέως
πλέον
διέλυσεν
ἢ
πολέμου
νόμῳ
παρελθὼν
ἐπόρθει
τὸ
ληφθέν,
οὐκ
ἂν
οἶμαί
τις
ἐμίγη
βλάβη
τῷ
κράτει.
|
332
Now, if he had either immediately demolished more of the wall or, having entered by the law of war, had plundered what was captured, I do not think any harm would have accompanied his victory.
|
| 332
Wherefore, if Titus had either demolished a larger part of the wall immediately, or had come in, and, according to the law of war, had laid waste what was left, his victory would not, I suppose, have been mixed with any loss to himself.
| 332
So if he had instantly breached more of the wall, or had come in and ravaged the rest according to the laws of war, I think his victory would have involved no losses.
|
| 333
Νῦν
δὲ
ἸουδαίουςJews
μὲν
ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence
δυσωπήσειν
ἐξὸν
κακοῦν
τῷ
μὴ
θέλειν,
πρὸς
δ᾽
ἀναχώρησινa retreat; to go back
εὐμαρῆ
τὴν
εἰσβολὴν
οὐκ
ἐπλάτυνεν·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἐπιβουλεύσειν
οὓς
εὐεργετεῖν
ὑπελάμβανεν.
|
333
But as it was, hoping to shame the Jews by not choosing to harm them when he had the power, he did not widen the breach to provide a ready retreat; for he did not suppose that those he intended to benefit would plot against him.
|
| 333
But now, out of the hope he had that he should make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by not being willing, when he was able, to afflict them more than he needed to do, he did not widen the breach of the wall, in order to make a safer retreat upon occasion; for he did not think they would lay snares for him that did them such a kindness.
| 333
But he hoped to shame the Jews by not doing more harm than necessary, and did not make a wider breach to make for a safe retreat, not expecting them to plot against one their benefactor.
|
| 334
Παρελθὼν
γοῦν
οὔτε
κτείνειν
τινὰ
τῶν
καταλαμβανομένων
ἐπέτρεψεν
οὔτε
ὑποπιμπράναι
τὰς
οἰκίας,
ἀλλὰ
τοῖς
μὲν
στασιασταῖς
εἰ
βούλοιντο
μάχεσθαι
δίχα
τῆς
τοῦ
δήμου
βλάβης
χρόνου
ἐξόδου,
τῷ
δήμῳ
δὲ
τὰς
κτήσεις
ὑπισχνεῖτο
δώσειν·
περὶ
πλείστου
γὰρ
ἐποιεῖτο
σῶσαι
τὴν
μὲν
πόλιν
αὑτῷ,
τὸν
δὲ
ναὸν
τῇ
πόλει.
|
334
At any rate, having entered, he neither permitted any of those caught to be killed nor the houses to be set on fire; instead, he offered the insurgents—if they wished to fight without harming the common people—a guarantee of safe passage to come out, and he promised the people that he would restore their possessions; for he made it a priority to save the city for himself, and the Temple for the city.
|
| 334
When therefore he came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kill any of those they caught, nor to set fire to their houses neither; nay, he gave leave to the seditious, if they had a mind, to fight without any harm to the people, and promised to restore the people’s effects to them; for he was very desirous to preserve the city for his own sake, and the temple for the sake of the city.
| 334
As he entered, he did not let his soldiers kill any they caught, or set fire to their houses, even allowing the rebels, if they wished, to fight without harming the people and promising that property would be restored, for he wanted to save the city for himself and the temple for the sake of the city.
|
| 335
Τὸν
μὲν
οὖν
λαὸν
ἕτοιμον
εἶχεν
εἰς
ἃ
προύτρεπεν
καὶ
πάλαι,
τοῖς
μαχίμοις
δ᾽
ἐδόκει
τὸ
φιλάνθρωπον
ἀσθένεια,
καὶ
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus
ἀδυναμίᾳ
τοῦ
τὴν
ἄλλην
πόλιν
ἑλεῖν
ταῦτα
προτείνειν
ὑπελάμβανον.
|
335
The common people, for their part, had long been ready for his exhortations; but to the fighting men, this humanity seemed like weakness, and they supposed Titus was proposing these things because of an inability to take the rest of the city.
|
| 335
As to the people, he had them of a long time ready to comply with his proposals; but as to the fighting men, this humanity of his seemed a mark of his weakness, and they imagined that he made these proposals because he was not able to take the rest of the city.
| 335
The people had long been ready to follow his proposals, but the fighting men thought mildness a mark of weakness and suspected that Titus only made these proposals being unable to take the rest of the city.
|
| 336
Διαπειλοῦντες
δὲ
τοῖς
δημόταις
θάνατον,
εἰ
περὶ
παραδόσεως
μνησθείη
τις
αὐτῶν,
καὶ
τοὺς
παραφθεγγομένους
εἰρήνην
ἀποσφάττοντες,
ἐπιτίθενται
καὶ
τοῖς
εἰσελθοῦσι
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
οἱ
μὲν
κατὰ
τοὺς
στενωποὺς
ὑπαντιάσαντες,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῶν
οἰκιῶν,
ἄλλοι
δ᾽
ἔξω
τοῦ
τείχους
κατὰ
τὰς
ἄνω
προπηδήσαντες
πύλας.
|
336
Threatening the citizens with death if anyone mentioned surrender, and slaughtering those who even spoke of peace, they attacked the Romans who had entered—some meeting them in the narrow alleys, some from the houses, and others leaping out of the upper gates beyond the wall.
|
| 336
They also threatened death to the people, if they should anyone of them say a word about a surrender. They moreover cut the throats of such as talked of a peace, and then attacked those Romans that were come within the wall. Some of them they met in the narrow streets, and some they fought against from their houses, while they made a sudden sally out at the upper gates,
| 336
They also threatened the people with death, if any of them said a word about surrender and cut the throats of those who talked of peace and then attacked those Romans who had come within the wall, either in the narrow streets or from their houses, and made a sally out from the wall, at the upper gates.
|
| 337
Πρὸς
οὓς
ταραχθέντες
οἱ
φρουροὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
καθαλλόμενοι
τῶν
πύργων
ἀνεχώρουν
εἰς
τὰ
στρατόπεδα.
|
337
The guards on the wall, thrown into confusion by these attacks, leaped down from the towers and retreated to the camps.
|
| 337
and assaulted such Romans as were beyond the wall, till those that guarded the wall were so affrighted, that they leaped down from their towers, and retired to their several camps:
| 337
The guards on the wall were so afraid that they jumped down from the towers and made for their camp.
|
| 338
κραυγὴ
δ᾽
ἦν
τῶν
μὲν
εἴσω
πάντοθεν
πολεμίοις
κεκυκλωμένων,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἔξωθεν
περὶ
τοῖς
ἀπολειφθεῖσι
δεδοικότων.
Πληθύνοντες
δ᾽
ἀεὶ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
καὶ
πολλὰ
πλεονεκτοῦντες
κατ᾽
ἐμπειρίαν
τῶν
στενωπῶν
ἐτίτρωσκόν
τε
πολλοὺς
καὶ
προσπίπτοντες
ἐξώθουν.
|
338
There was a cry from those within, surrounded on all sides by enemies, and from those without, fearing for those left behind. The Jews, always increasing in number and possessing a great advantage through their knowledge of the narrow alleys, wounded many and, falling upon them, drove them out.
|
| 338
upon which a great noise was made by the Romans that were within, because they were encompassed round on every side by their enemies; as also by them that were without, because they were in fear for those that were left in the city. Thus did the Jews grow more numerous perpetually, and had great advantages over the Romans, by their full knowledge of those narrow lanes; and they wounded a great many of them, and fell upon them, and drove them out of the city.
| 338
There was a shout from those inside, surrounded by the enemy, and from those outside, fearing for those who were left behind.
The Jews kept growing in numbers and by their knowledge of the laneways had a big advantage over the Romans, so they wounded many of them and drove them from the city.
|
| 339
Οἱ
δὲ
κατ᾽
ἀνάγκην
τὸ
πλέον
ἀντεῖχον,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἦν
ἀθρόους
διαφυγεῖν
διὰ
στενοῦ
τοῦ
τείχους,
δοκοῦσί
τε
ἂν
κατακοπῆναι
πάντες
οἱ
παρελθόντες
μὴ
προσαμύναντος
τοῦ
ΤίτουTitus.
|
339
The Romans, of necessity, held out as best they could, for it was not possible to escape in a mass through the narrow breach in the wall; and it is thought that all who had entered would have been cut to pieces had Titus not come to their aid.
|
| 339
Now these Romans were at present forced to make the best resistance they could; for they were not able, in great numbers, to get out at the breach in the wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable that all those that were gotten within had been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them succors;
| 339
These held out as best they could for they could not all exit together through the narrow gap in the wall, and all who had gone in would probably have been cut to pieces if Titus had not helped them out.
|
| 340
Διαστήσας
γὰρ
ἐπ᾽
ἄκροις
τοῖς
στενωποῖς
τοὺς
τοξότας
καὶ
κατὰ
τὸν
μάλιστα
πληθύοντα
σταθεὶς
αὐτός,
ἀνέστελλε
τοῖς
βέλεσι
τοὺς
πολεμίους,
καὶ
σὺν
αὐτῷ
ΔομέτιοςDomitius
ΣαβῖνοςSabinus,
ἀνὴρ
ἀγαθὸς
καὶ
κατὰ
ταύτην
φανεὶς
τὴν
μάχην.
|
340
For having stationed archers at the ends of the narrow alleys and taking his own stand where the crowd was thickest, he pushed back the enemy with missiles—and with him was Domitius Sabinus, a man who proved himself brave in this battle as well.
|
| 340
for he ordered the archers to stand at the upper ends of these narrow lanes, and he stood himself where was the greatest multitude of his enemies, and with his darts he put a stop to them; as with him did Domitius Sabinus also, a valiant man, and one that in this battle appeared so to be.
| 340
He stationed the archers at the upper ends of the laneways and stood in the thick of the throng and with his spears put a stop to the enemy, and alongside him was Domitius Sabinus, a good man who showed his mettle in this battle.
|
| 341
Παρέμεινε
δὲ
συνεχῶς
τοξεύων
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
καὶ
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
κωλύων
παρελθεῖν,
μέχρι
πάντες
ἀνεχώρησαν
οἱ
στρατιῶται.
|
341
Caesar remained there, shooting arrows continuously and preventing the Jews from advancing, until all the soldiers had retreated.
|
| 341
Thus did Caesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews continually, and to hinder them from coming upon his men, and this until all his soldiers had retreated out of the city.
| 341
Continually shooting arrows, Caesar held the Jews at bay until all his soldiers had retreated.
|
| 342
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μὲν
οὕτως
κρατήσαντες
τοῦ
δευτέρου
τείχους
ἐξεώσθησαν,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀνὰ
τὸ
ἄστυ
μαχίμων
ἐπήρθη
τὰ
φρονήματα,
καὶ
μετέωροι
πρὸς
τὴν
εὐπραγίαν
ἦσαν,
οὔτ᾽
ἂν
ῬωμαίουςRomans
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
τολμήσειν
ἔτι
παρελθεῖν
οὔτ᾽
αὐτοὶ
παρελθόντων
ἡττηθήσεσθαι
δοκοῦντες.
|
342
Thus the Romans, having mastered the second wall, were driven out; and the spirits of the fighting men in the city were lifted, and they were elated by their success, thinking neither that the Romans would dare to enter the city again, nor that they themselves would be defeated if the Romans did enter.
|
| 342
And thus were the Romans driven out, after they had possessed themselves of the second wall. Whereupon the fighting men that were in the city were lifted up in their minds, and were elevated upon this their good success, and began to think that the Romans would never venture to come into the city any more; and that if they kept within it themselves, they should not be any more conquered.
| 342
So the Romans were driven out, after taking the second wall, and the morale of the fighters in the city was raised.
After this success they thought the Romans would no longer dare to enter the city, or even if they did, that they themselves would not be beaten.
|
| 343
Ἐπεσκότει
γὰρ
αὐτῶν
ταῖς
γνώμαις
διὰ
τὰς
παρανομίας
ὁ
θεός,
καὶ
οὔτε
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἰσχὺν
ὅσῳas great as
πλείων
κατελείπετο
τῆς
ἐξελαθείσης
ἔβλεπον
οὔτε
τὸν
ὑφέρποντα
λιμὸν
αὐτοῖς·
|
343
For God was blinding their minds because of their transgressions, and they neither saw how much greater the Roman strength was that remained compared to the force that had been driven out, nor the famine that was creeping up on them;
|
| 343
For God had blinded their minds for the transgressions they had been guilty of, nor could they see how much greater forces the Romans had than those that were now expelled, no more than they could discern how a famine was creeping upon them;
| 343
For God had blinded their minds on account of their lawlessness they had committed.
They could not see how much greater strength the Romans had than those they had expelled, or the famine creeping upon them.
|
| 344
ἔτι
γὰρ
παρῆν
ἐσθίειν
ἐκ
τῶν
δημοσίων
κακῶν
καὶ
τὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
αἷμα
πίνειν·
ἔνδεια
δὲ
τοὺς
ἀγαθοὺς
ἐπεῖχεto have upon
πάλαι,
καὶ
σπάνει
τῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
διελύοντο
πολλοί.
|
344
for they were still able to eat from the public calamities and drink the blood of the city; but want had long since gripped the good [citizens], and many were perishing for lack of necessities.
|
| 344
for hitherto they had fed themselves out of the public miseries, and drank the blood of the city. But now poverty had for a long time seized upon the better part, and a great many had died already for want of necessaries;
| 344
Up to now they had been able to dine at the expense of the public and drink the life-blood of the city, but good people had long been in poverty and many had died for lack of food.
|
| 345
τὴν
δὲ
τοῦ
λαοῦ
φθορὰν
ἑαυτῶν
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
κουφισμὸν
ὑπελάμβανον·
μόνους
γὰρ
ἠξίουν
σώζεσθαι
τοὺς
μὴ
ζητοῦντας
εἰρήνην
καὶ
κατὰ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ζῆν
προῃρημένους,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἐναντίον
πλῆθος
ὥσπερ
βάρβαρον
ἥδοντο
δαπανώμενον.
|
345
The insurgents, however, looked upon the destruction of the people as a relief to themselves; for they deemed it right that only those who did not seek peace and chose to live for the fight against the Romans should be preserved, and they took pleasure in the destruction of the opposing multitude as if they were foreigners.
|
| 345
although the seditious indeed supposed the destruction of the people to be an easement to themselves; for they desired that none others might be preserved but such as were against a peace with the Romans, and were resolved to live in opposition to them, and they were pleased when the multitude of those of a contrary opinion were consumed, as being then freed from a heavy burden.
| 345
In fact, the rebels felt these people's destruction as a relief for themselves, wanting none to survive except those who were against peace with the Romans and resolved in their opposition to them, and so were pleased when people who disagreed with this perished, as though relieved of a burden.
|
| 346
τοιοῦτοι
μὲν
δὴ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἔνδον
ἦσαν·
ῬωμαίουςRomans
δὲ
πάλιν
τῆς
εἰσόδου
πειρωμένους
ἐκώλυον
φραξάμενοι
καὶ
τὸ
καταρριφθὲν
ἀντιτειχίσαντες
τοῖς
σώμασι
τρισὶ
μὲν
ἀντέσχον
ἡμέραις
καρτερῶς
ἀμυνόμενοι,
τῇ
τετάρτῃ
δὲ
προσβαλόντα
γενναίως
ΤίτονTitus
οὐκ
ἤνεγκαν,
ἀλλὰ
βιασθέντες
ᾗ
καὶ
πρότερον
ἀναφεύγουσιν.
|
346
Such, then, was their attitude toward those within; but when the Romans again attempted to enter, they prevented them, blocking the way and opposing the fallen part of the wall with their own bodies. For three days they held out, defending stoutly, but on the fourth day, they could not endure Titus’s noble assault, and being forced back, they fled again as they had before.
|
| 346
And this was their disposition of mind with regard to those that were within the city, while they covered themselves with their armor, and prevented the Romans, when they were trying to get into the city again, and made a wall of their own bodies over against that part of the wall that was cast down. Thus did they valiantly defend themselves for three days; but on the fourth day they could not support themselves against the vehement assaults of Titus but were compelled by force to fly whither they had fled before;
| 346
Such were their feelings toward those inside, while they sought to block the Romans who were seeking a way back in, blocking with their own bodies the part of the wall that had been knocked down.
For three days they put up a staunch defence but on the fourth they could not sustain the brave assaults of Titus and were forced to flee back to where they had been.
|
| 347
Ὁ
δὲ
πάλιν
τοῦ
τείχους
κρατήσας
τὸ
προσάρκτιον
μὲν
εὐθέως
κατέρριψε
πᾶν,
ἐπὶ
δὲ
τοῦ
κατὰ
μεσημβρίαν
φρουρὰς
τοῖς
πύργοις
ἐγκαταστήσας
τῷ
τρίτῳ
προσβάλλειν
ἐπενόει.
|
347
Having mastered the wall once more, he immediately threw down the entire northern section, and having placed guards in the towers of the southern portion, he began to plan the assault on the third wall.
|
| 347
so he quietly possessed himself again of that wall, and demolished it entirely. And when he had put a garrison into the towers that were on the south parts of the city, he contrived how he might assault the third wall.
| 347
He re-took that wall and totally demolished it, and after putting a garrison into the towers in the south of the city, began planning his assault on the third wall.
|
Chapter 9
Titus relaxes siege, then tightens it;
Josephus sent with peace-terms
| 348
Δόξαν
δ᾽
ἐπανεῖναι
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
τὴν
πολιορκίαν
καὶ
διωρίαν
βουλῆς
τοῖς
στασιασταῖς
παρέχειν,
εἴ
τι
πρὸς
τὴν
καθαίρεσιν
ἐνδοῖεν
τοῦ
δευτέρου
τείχους
ἢ
καὶ
τὸν
λιμὸν
ὑποδείσαντες,
οὐ
γὰρ
εἰς
πολὺ
τὰς
ἁρπαγὰς
αὐτοῖς
ἐξαρκέσειν,
εἰς
δέον
κατεχρῆτο
τὴν
ἄνεσιν·
|
348
Titus decided to suspend the siege for a short time and provide the insurgents a period for deliberation, to see if they would yield at all following the demolition of the second wall, or perhaps out of fear of the famine—for he realized their plunderings would not suffice for them much longer; he put this respite to good use.
|
| 348
A Resolution was now taken by Titus to relax the siege for a little while, and to afford the seditious an interval for consideration, and to see whether the demolishing of their second wall would not make them a little more compliant, or whether they were not somewhat afraid of a famine, because the spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be sufficient for them long; so he made use of this relaxation in order to compass his own designs.
| 348
He decided to relax the siege for a while, to give the rebels a time to consider and to see the removal of their second wall would make them more compliant, or whether they were worried by the fear of famine, since the spoils of their looting would not last them for long, so this pause was used to achieve his own plans.
|
| 349
Ἐνστάσης
γὰρ
τῆς
προθεσμίας,
καθ᾽
ἣν
ἔδει
διαδοῦναι
τοῖς
στρατιώταις
τροφάς,
ἐν
ἀπόπτῳ
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
ἐκέλευσε
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
ἐκτάξαντας
τὴν
δύναμιν
ἀπαριθμεῖν
ἑκάστῳ
τἀργύριον.
|
349
For when the appointed day arrived on which it was necessary to distribute rations to the soldiers, he ordered the officers to draw up the force in full view of the enemy and count out the money to each man.
|
| 349
Accordingly, as the usual appointed time when he must distribute subsistence money to the soldiers was now come, he gave orders that the commanders should put the army into battle-array, in the face of the enemy, and then give every one of the soldiers their pay.
| 349
At the appointed time to pay the soldiers he got the officers to put the army in battle-array and then pay each soldier in full view of the enemy.
|
| 350
Οἱ
δέ,
ὥσπερ
ἔθος,
ἀποκαλύψαντες
τὰ
ὅπλα
θήκαις
ἐσκεπασμένα
τέως
κατάφρακτοι
προῄεσαν
καὶ
τοὺς
ἵππους
ἄγοντες
οἱ
ἱππεῖς
κεκοσμημένους.
|
350
The soldiers, as was their custom, uncovered their weapons—which had been kept in cases until then—and advanced clad in full armor, the cavalry leading their horses, which were also richly adorned.
|
| 350
So the soldiers, according to custom, opened the cases wherein their arms before lay covered, and marched with their breastplates on, as did the horsemen lead their horses in their fine trappings.
| 350
So the soldiers, according to custom, took out their armour from the cases in which it was kept and marched in full armour, with the cavalry leading their horses in their fine trappings.
|
| 352
Κατεπλήσθη
γὰρ
ἀφορώντων
τό
τε
ἀρχαῖον
τεῖχος
ἅπαν
καὶ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
τὸ
βόρειον
κλίμα,
τάς
τε
οἰκίας
μεστὰς
ἦν
προκυπτόντων
ἰδεῖν,
καὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
οὐδὲν
ὃ
μὴ
κεκάλυπτο
πλήθει
διεφαίνετο.
|
352
The whole of the old wall and the northern side of the Temple were filled with onlookers, the houses were packed with people peering out, and there appeared to be no part of the city not covered by the multitude.
|
| 352
For the whole old wall, and the north side of the temple, were full of spectators, and one might see the houses full of such as looked at them; nor was there any part of the city which was not covered over with their multitudes;
| 352
A throng of onlookers stood on the old wall and at the north side of the temple and one could see the houses packed with onlookers and the whole city was full of them.
|
| 353
Κατάπληξις
δὲ
δεινὴ
καὶ
τοῖς
τολμηροτάτοις
ἐνέπεσε
τήν
τε
δύναμιν
ἐπὶ
ταὐτὸ
πᾶσαν
ὁρῶσι
καὶ
τὸ
κάλλος
τῶν
ὅπλων
καὶ
τὴν
εὐταξίαν
τῶν
ἀνδρῶν·
|
353
A terrible consternation fell even upon the boldest when they saw the entire force gathered in one place, the beauty of the weapons, and the perfect discipline of the men.
|
| 353
nay, a very great consternation seized upon the hardiest of the Jews themselves, when they saw all the army in the same place, together with the fineness of their arms, and the good order of their men.
| 353
The hardiest of the Jews felt panic when they saw the whole enemy army, with the quality of their arms and the good order of their men.
|
| 354
δοκοῦσί
τε
ἄν
μοι
πρὸς
ἐκείνην
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
μεταβαλέσθαι
τὴν
ὄψιν,
εἰ
μὴ
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
ὧν
τὸν
δῆμον
ἔδρασαν
κακῶν
συγγνώμην
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἀπήλπιζον.
|
354
It seems to me that the insurgents would have changed their minds at that sight, had they not despaired of obtaining pardon from the Romans because of the excessive evils they had committed against the common people.
|
| 354
And I cannot but think that the seditious would have changed their minds at that sight, unless the crimes they had committed against the people had been so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness from the Romans;
| 354
I cannot help thinking that at that sight the rebels would have had a change of heart, if their crimes had not been so dire that they despaired of pardon from the Romans.
|
| 355
Ἀποκειμένου
δὲ
τοῦ
μετὰ
κολάσεως,
εἰ
παύσαιντο,
πολὺ
κρείττονα
τὸν
ἐν
πολέμῳ
θάνατον
ἡγοῦντο.
Καὶ
τὸ
χρεὼν
δ᾽
ἐκράτει
τούς
τε
ἀναιτίους
τοῖς
αἰτίοις
συναπολέσθαι
καὶ
τῇ
στάσει
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
355
Since punishment lay in store if they ceased, they thought death in battle far better. Fate also prevailed, that the innocent should perish along with the guilty, and the city with the sedition.
|
| 355
but as they believed death with torments must be their punishment, if they did not go on in the defense of the city, they thought it much better to die in war. Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the innocent were to perish with the guilty, and the city was to be destroyed with the seditious that were in it.
| 355
However, since they believed death with torture must be their lot if they did not continue defending the city, they thought it better to die in war.
Fate also ruled that the innocent had to die with the guilty and the city must be destroyed along with the rebels.
|
| 356
τέσσαρσιν
μὲν
οὖν
ἡμέραις
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
καθ᾽
ἕκαστον
τάγμα
διετέλεσαν
τὰς
τροφὰς
κομιζόμενοι,
τῇ
πέμπτῃ
δ᾽
ὡς
οὐδὲν
ἀπήντα
παρὰ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
εἰρηνικόν,
διχῆ
διελὼν
τὰ
τάγματα
ΤίτοςTitus
ἤρχετο
τῶν
χωμάτων
κατά
τε
τὴν
ἈντωνίανAntonia
καὶ
τὸ
τοῦ
ἸωάννουJohn
μνημεῖον,
ταύτῃ
μὲν
τὴν
ἄνω
πόλιν
αἱρήσειν
ἐπινοῶν,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἱερὸν
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈντωνίανAntonia·
|
356
For four days the Romans continued receiving their rations, legion by legion; but on the fifth, as no peaceable response came from the Jews, Titus divided the legions into two groups and began raising embankments both at the Antonia and at John’s monument, intending to take the Upper City at the latter point and the Temple at the Antonia.
|
| 356
Thus did the Romans spend four days in bringing this subsistence-money to the several legions. But on the fifth day, when no signs of peace appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and at John’s monument. Now his designs were to take the upper city at that monument, and the temple at the tower of Antonia; for if the temple were not taken, it would be dangerous to keep the city itself;
| 356
The Romans spent four days distributing the wages to the various legions.
But on the fifth day, when no signs of peace appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions and began to raise earthworks, both at the Antonia tower and at John's tomb.
His plan was to seize the upper city by way of that tomb and the temple by way of the Antonia tower,
|
| 357
τούτου
γὰρ
μὴ
ληφθέντος
οὐδὲ
τὸ
ἄστυ
κατέχειν
ἀκίνδυνον
ἦν·
πρὸς
ἑκατέρῳ
δὲ
μέρει
δύο
χώματα
ἠγείρετο
καθ᾽
ἓν
ἑκάστου
τάγματος.
|
357
For unless the Temple were taken, it was not even safe to hold the city; at each of the two points, two embankments were raised, one by each legion.
|
| 357
so at each of these parts he raised his banks, each legion raising one.
| 357
for if the temple were not taken, even to hold the rest of city would be dangerous, and so in each of these places he had earthworks raised, each legion raising one.
|
| 358
Καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
παρὰ
τὸ
μνημεῖον
ἐργαζομένους
οἵ
τε
Ἰδουμαῖοι
καὶ
τὸ
μετὰ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
ὁπλιτικὸν
εἶργον
ἐπεκθέοντες,
τοὺς
δὲ
πρὸ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
καὶ
τὸ
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
πλῆθος.
|
358
The Idumaeans and the heavy-armed troops with Simon hindered those working near the monument with sorties, while John and the multitude of Zealots hampered those in front of the Antonia.
|
| 358
As for those that wrought at John’s monument, the Idumeans, and those that were in arms with Simon, made sallies upon them, and put some stop to them; while John’s party, and the multitude of zealots with them, did the like to those that were before the tower of Antonia.
| 358
The raids of the Idumaeans and Simon's comrades-in-arms hindered the work at John's tomb, and John's party and the Zealots did the same to those working at the Antonia tower.
|
| 359
Ἐπλεονέκτουν
δὲ
οὐ
κατὰ
χεῖρα
μόνον
ἀφ᾽
ὑψηλοτέρων
μαχόμενοι,
καὶ
τοῖς
ὀργάνοις
δὲ
ἤδη
χρῆσθαι
μεμαθηκότες·
ἡ
γὰρ
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
τριβὴ
κατὰ
μικρὸν
ἔθρεψε
τὴν
ἐμπειρίαν.
Εἶχον
δ᾽
ὀξυβελεῖς
μὲν
τριακοσίους,
τεσσαράκοντα
δὲ
τῶν
λιθοβόλων,
δι᾽
ὧν
τὰ
χώματα
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐποίουν
δυσέργαστα.
|
359
The Jews had the advantage not only in hand-to-hand fighting, being on higher ground, but they had also learned by now how to use the engines; for daily practice had gradually nurtured their skill. They possessed three hundred bolt-throwers and forty stone-throwers, by which they made the work on the embankments difficult for the Romans.
|
| 359
These Jews were now too hard for the Romans, not only in direct fighting, because they stood upon the higher ground, but because they had now learned to use their own engines; for their continual use of them one day after another did by degrees improve their skill about them; for of one sort of engines for darts they had three hundred, and forty for stones; by the means of which they made it more tedious for the Romans to raise their banks.
| 359
These Jews now had the better of the Romans, not only in direct fighting, because they were higher up, but also because they had now learned to use their own machines, and daily use of them gradually improved their skill.
They had three hundred spear-launchers and forty rock-launchers, by which they made it harder for the Romans to raise their earthworks.
|
| 360
ΤίτοςTitus
δὲ
σώζεσθαί
τε
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
ἀπόλλυσθαι
εἰδὼς
ἑαυτῷ,
ἅμα
καὶ
τῇ
πολιορκίᾳ
προσέκειτο
καὶ
τοῦ
παραινεῖν
ἸουδαίοιςJews
μετάνοιαν
οὐκ
ἠμέλει,
|
360
Titus, knowing that the preservation or destruction of the city mattered to him personally, simultaneously pressed on the siege and did not neglect to urge the Jews to repentance.
|
| 360
But then Titus, knowing that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance;
| 360
Titus, knowing that the salvation or destruction of the city would determine his success, proceeded strongly with the siege, but also had the Jews urged to repentance, giving good advice while he worked at the siege.
|
| 361
τοῖς
δ᾽
ἔργοις
ἀνέμισγε
συμβουλίαν,
καὶ
πολλάκις
γινώσκων
ἀνυτικώτερον
ὅπλων
τὸν
λόγον
αὐτός
τε
σώζεσθαι
παρεκάλει
παραδόντας
τὴν
πόλιν
ἤδη
παρειλημμένην
καὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
καθίει
τῇ
πατρίῳ
γλώσσῃ
διαλέγεσθαι,
τάχ᾽
ἂν
ἐνδοῦναι
πρὸς
ὁμόφυλονof the same race
δοκῶν
αὐτούς.
|
361
He mixed counsel with actions; often knowing that speech is more effective than weapons, he personally exhorted them to save themselves by surrendering the city already captured, and he sent Josephus to speak to them in their native tongue, thinking they might perhaps yield to a fellow countryman.
|
| 361
so he mixed good counsel with his works for the siege. And being sensible that exhortations are frequently more effectual than arms, he persuaded them to surrender the city, now in a manner already taken, and thereby to save themselves, and sent Josephus to speak to them in their own language; for he imagined they might yield to the persuasion of a countryman of their own.
| 361
Knowing that advice is often more effective than arms, he urged them to surrender the city, now that it was almost taken, and thereby save themselves.
He sent Josephus to speak to them in their own language, thinking they might yield to the advice of one from their own nation.
|
| 362
Οὗτος
περιιὼν
τὸ
τεῖχος
καὶ
πειρώμενος
ἔξω
τε
βέλους
εἶναι
καὶ
ἐν
ἐπηκόῳlistening, attentive,
πολλὰ
κατηντιβόλει
φείσασθαι
μὲν
αὑτῶν
καὶ
τοῦ
δήμου,
φείσασθαι
δὲ
τῆς
πατρίδος
καὶ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
μηδὲ
γενέσθαι
πρὸς
ταῦτα
τῶν
ἀλλοφύλων
ἀπαθεστέρους.
|
362
Josephus, going around the wall and trying to stay out of range of missiles but within earshot, pleaded with them at length to spare themselves and the people, and to spare their fatherland and the Temple, and not to be more indifferent toward these things than the foreigners were.
|
| 362
So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves;
| 362
Josephus went around the wall trying to find a place out of reach of their spears and yet within earshot, constantly urging them to save themselves, their country and their temple and not, in this situation, to be more careless of them than foreigners.
|
| 363
ῬωμαίουςRomans
μέν
γε
τοὺς
μὴ
μετέχοντας
ἐντρέπεσθαι
τὰ
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἅγια
καὶ
μέχρι
νῦν
τὰς
χεῖρας
ἐπέχειν,
τοὺς
δ᾽
ἐντραφέντας
αὐτοῖς
κἂν
περισωθῇ
μόνους
ἕξοντας
ὡρμῆσθαι
πρὸς
ἀπώλειαν
αὐτῶν.
|
363
He said the Romans, who had no part in them, respected the sacred things of their enemies and had stayed their hands until now, while those who were brought up in them—and who alone would possess them if they were saved—seemed intent on their destruction.
|
| 363
for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed.
| 363
Even the Romans, not directly related to those things, reverenced their sacred rites and places, though these belonged to the enemy, and had until now avoided meddling with them, while those who were brought up in them, and, if they are saved, will be the people to benefit from them, hurry to have them destroyed.
|
| 364
Ἦ
μὴν
τὰ
καρτερώτερα
μὲν
αὐτῶν
ὁρᾶν
τείχη
πεπτωκότα,
λειπόμενον
δὲ
τὸ
τῶν
ἑαλωκότων
ἀσθενέστερον·
γινώσκειν
δὲ
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἰσχὺν
ἀνυπόστατον
καὶ
τὸ
δουλεύειν
τούτοις
οὐκ
ἀπείρατον
αὐτοῖς.
|
364
Indeed, they could see their strongest walls had fallen, and only the weaker part remained of what had been captured; they knew the Roman power was irresistible and that serving them was not something they hadn’t experienced before.
|
| 364
That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them;
| 364
Had they not seen their strongest walls demolished and that the one wall still remaining was weaker than those already taken? They must know the Roman power is invincible and that they formerly had been subject to them.
|
| 365
Εἰ
γὰρ
δὴ
καὶ
πολεμεῖν
ὑπὲρ
ἐλευθερίας
καλόν,
χρῆναι
τὸ
πρῶτον·
τὸ
δ᾽
ἅπαξ
ὑποπεσόντας
καὶ
μακροῖς
εἴξαντας
χρόνοις
ἔπειτα
ἀποσείεσθαι
τὸν
ζυγὸν
δυσθανατούντων,
οὐ
φιλελευθέρων
εἶναι.
|
365
For if it is noble to fight for liberty, they should have done so at first; but to once fall under subjection and yield for long periods, and then to try to shake off the yoke later, was the act of those courting a miserable death, not of lovers of liberty.
|
| 365
for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty.
| 365
And even admitted that it is right to fight for liberty, it should have been done at an earlier stage, but once people have been under Roman rule and submitted to them for so many long years, to try later on to shake off that yoke was the way to wretched death, not a way to show love of liberty.
|
| 366
Δεῖν
μέντοι
καὶ
δεσπότας
ἀδοξεῖν
ταπεινοτέρους,
οὐχ
οἷς
ὑποχείρια
τὰ
πάντα.
Τί
γὰρ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
διαπεφευγέναι,
πλὴν
εἰ
μή
τι
διὰ
θάλπος
ἢ
κρύος
ἄχρηστον;
|
366
One ought to disdain masters of low status, but not those who hold the whole world in their hands. For what had escaped the Romans, except perhaps places useless due to heat or cold?
|
| 366
Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold?
| 366
Besides, men may well chafe at the dishonour of having to serve ignoble masters, but need not do so to those who have everything under their rule.
For what part of the world has escaped the Romans, unless it be those that are useless for extreme heat, or for extreme cold?
|
| 367
Μεταβῆναι
γὰρ
πρὸς
αὐτοὺς
πάντοθεν
τὴν
τύχην,
καὶ
κατὰ
ἔθνος
τὸν
θεὸν
ἐμπεριάγοντα
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
νῦν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἸταλίαςItaly
εἶναι.
Νόμον
γε
μὴν
ὡρίσθαι
καὶ
παρὰ
θηρσὶν
ἰσχυρότατον
καὶ
παρὰ
ἀνθρώποις,
εἴκειν
τοῖς
δυνατωτέροις
καὶ
τὸ
κρατεῖν
παρ᾽
οἷς
ἀκμὴ
τῶν
ὅπλων
εἶναι.
|
367
Fortune had shifted to them from everywhere, and God, leading the empire around from nation to nation, was now in Italy. A law was established, even among beasts and men, to yield to the stronger, and that sovereignty belongs to those pre-eminent in arms.
|
| 367
And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard
| 367
It was clear on all sides that Fortune had gone over to them, and God, having passed the dominion around the nations, had now settled in Italy.
Moreover, it is a fixed law, among brute beasts as well as among men, to yield to those who are stronger, and to be ruled by those who have defeated the rest in war.
|
| 368
Διὰ
τοῦτο
καὶ
τοὺς
προγόνους
αὐτῶν
καὶ
ταῖς
ψυχαῖς
καὶ
τοῖς
σώμασιν
ἔτι
δὲ
καὶ
ταῖς
ἄλλαις
ἀφορμαῖς
ἀμείνους
ὄντας
εἶξαι
ῬωμαίοιςRomans,
οὐκ
ἂν
εἰ
μὴ
τὸν
θεὸν
ᾔδεσαν
σὺν
αὐτοῖς
τοῦθ᾽
ὑπομείναντας.
|
368
For this reason, their ancestors—who were superior in soul, body, and resources—yielded to the Romans, which they would not have endured had they not known God was with them.
|
| 368
for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them.
| 368
This was why their ancestors, though greater than them in soul and body and also better resourced, submitted to the Romans, which they would not have endured, had they not known that God was with them.
|
| 369
Αὐτοὺς
δὲ
τίνι
καὶ
πεποιθότας
ἀντέχειν,
ἑαλωκυίας
μὲν
ἐκ
πλείστου
τῆς
πόλεως
μέρους,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἔνδον,
εἰ
καὶ
τὰ
τείχη
παρέμενεν,
ἁλώσεως
χεῖρον
διακειμένων;
|
369
On what did the current defenders rely to hold out, when the greatest part of the city was already captured and those within were in a worse state than those already taken, even if the walls still stood?
|
| 369
As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing?
| 369
And now, how could they hold out against them, when most of their city was already taken? Were not those inside it worse off than if they were taken, though their walls are still standing?
|
| 370
Οὐ
γὰρ
λανθάνειν
ῬωμαίουςRomans
τὸν
ἐν
τῇ
πόλει
λιμόν,
ᾧ
νῦν
μὲν
τὸν
δῆμον,
μετ᾽
οὐ
πολὺ
δὲ
διαφθαρήσεσθαι
καὶ
τοὺς
μαχίμους.
|
370
The famine in the city did not escape the Romans—by which the common people were being consumed now, and soon the fighting men would be destroyed as well.
|
| 370
For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too;
| 370
The Romans are aware of the hunger in the city, by which the people are already dying and their fighting men will soon die too.
|
| 371
Εἰ
γὰρ
δὴ
καὶ
παύσαιντο
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τῆς
πολιορκίας
μηδ᾽
ἐπιπίπτοιεν
τῇ
πόλει
ξιφήρεις,
αὐτοῖς
γε
τὸν
ἄμαχον
πόλεμον
ἔνδον
παρακαθῆσθαι
καθ᾽
ἑκάστην
ὥραν
τρεφόμενον,
εἰ
μὴ
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸν
λιμὸν
ἆραι
τὰ
ὅπλα
καὶ
μάχεσθαι
δύνανται
μόνοι
τε
καὶ
παθῶν
ἐπικρατεῖν.
|
371
For even if the Romans ceased the siege and did not fall upon the city with swords, an invincible war sat beside them within, growing every hour, unless they were able to take up arms against famine and fight it alone and master their own sufferings.
|
| 371
for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites.
| 371
And even if the Romans gave up the siege and did not attack the city with sword in hand, the war within was increasing every hour, unless they could defeat the famine, or could put an end to their hunger.
|
| 372
Προσετίθει
δὲ
ὡς
καλὸν
πρὸ
ἀνηκέστου
συμφορᾶς
μεταβαλέσθαι
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
σωτήριον
ἕως
ἔξεστιto be allowed
ῥέψαι·
καὶ
γὰρ
οὐδὲ
μνησικακήσειν
αὐτοῖς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
τῶν
γεγενημένων,
εἰ
μὴ
μέχρι
τέλους
ἀπαυθαδίσαιντο·
φύσει
τε
γὰρ
ἐν
τῷ
κρατεῖν
ἡμέρους
εἶναι
καὶ
πρὸ
τῶν
θυμῶν
θήσεσθαι
τὸ
συμφέρον.
|
372
He added that it was noble to change before an incurable disaster and to turn toward safety while it was possible; for the Romans would not hold a grudge for the past unless they remained stubborn to the end; by nature, they were humane in victory and would put their own interests before their anger.
|
| 372
He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them;
| 372
He added that before their plight became fatal they should change course and take salutary advice while they had the chance.
The Romans would let bygones be bygones, unless they persisted in their rebellion to the end, for they were naturally restrained in victory and preferred what was best over what passion dictated.
|
| 373
Τοῦτο
δ᾽
εἶναι
μήτε
τὴν
πόλιν
ἀνδρῶν
κενὴν
μήτε
τὴν
χώραν
ἔρημον
ἔχειν.
Διὸ
καὶ
νῦν
ΚαίσαραCaesar
βούλεσθαι
δεξιὰν
αὐτοῖς
παρασχεῖν·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἂν
σῶσαί
τινα
βίᾳ
λαβόντα
τὴν
πόλιν,
καὶ
μάλιστα
μηδ᾽
ἐν
ἐσχάταις
συμφοραῖς
ὑπακουσάντων
παρακαλοῦντι.
|
373
This interest was to have neither a city empty of men nor a land made desolate. Therefore, Caesar even now wished to offer them a pledge of safety; for he would save no one if he took the city by force, especially if they refused to listen to his invitations even in their final calamities.
|
| 373
which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save anyone of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses;
| 373
What would they gain by emptying the city of inhabitants, or leaving the country a desert? Therefore Caesar now offered them his pledge for their security, but if he took the city by storm, he would spare none of them after rejecting his offers in their hour of need.
|
| 374
Τοῦ
γε
μὴν
ταχέως
τὸ
τρίτον
τεῖχος
ἁλώσεσθαι
τὰ
προεαλωκότα
πίστιν
εἶναι·
κἂν
ἄρρηκτον
δὲ
ᾖ
τὸ
ἔρυμα,
τὸν
λιμὸν
ὑπὲρ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
αὐτοῖς
μαχεῖσθαι.
|
374
The fact that the previous walls had fallen was proof that the third wall would be taken quickly; and even if the fortification were unbreakable, the famine would fight for the Romans against them.
|
| 374
for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them.
| 374
The ramparts already captured must tell them that the third wall would soon be taken too.
And even if their forts proved too strong to assault, the famine was against them, in favour of the Romans.
|
| 375
Ταῦτα
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
παραινοῦντα
πολλοὶ
μὲν
ἔσκωπτον
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους,
πολλοὶ
δ᾽
ἐβλασφήμουν,
ἔνιοι
δ᾽
ἔβαλλον.
Ὁ
δ᾽
ὡς
ταῖς
φανεραῖς
οὐκ
ἔπειθεto persuade
συμβουλίαις,
ἐπὶ
τὰς
ὁμοφύλους
μετέβαινεν
ἱστορίας
"
ἆ
δειλοί,
|
375
As Josephus gave this advice, many mocked him from the wall, many cursed him, and some threw missiles at him. Since he could not persuade them by open advice, he turned to the histories of their own people.
|
| 375
While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation,
| 375
While Josephus was giving this advice to the Jews, many of them mocked him from the wall and insulted him and some threw spears at him.
Then, unable to persuade them by such plainly good advice, he appealed to the history of their own nation and called aloud,
|
| 376
βοῶν,
καὶ
τῶν
ἰδίων
ἀμνήμονες
συμμάχων,
ὅπλοις
καὶ
χερσὶ
πολεμεῖτε
ῬωμαίοιςRomans;
τίνα
γὰρ
ἄλλον
οὕτως
ἐνικήσαμεν;
|
376
“O miserable people,” he cried, “unmindful of your own true allies! Do you fight the Romans with weapons and hands? For whom else have we ever defeated in that way?
|
| 376
and cried out aloud, “O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means?
| 376
"Miserable wretches, so forgetful of your true allies, that you think to fight the Romans with weapons and your own hands! When did we ever defeat another nation by such means?
|
| 377
πότε
δ᾽
οὐ
θεὸς
ὁ
κτίσας
ἂν
ἀδικῶνται
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἔκδικος;
οὐκ
ἐπιστραφέντες
ὄψεσθε
πόθεν
ὁρμώμενοι
μάχεσθε
καὶ
πηλίκον
ἐμιάνατε
σύμμαχον;
οὐκ
ἀναμνήσεσθε
πατέρων
ἔργα
δαιμόνια,
καὶ
τὸν
ἅγιον
τόνδε
χῶρον
ἡλίκους
ἡμῖν
πάλαι
πολέμους
καθεῖλεν;
|
377
When was it that God, our Creator, did not avenge the Jews if they were wronged? Will you not turn back and see from what source you set out to fight, and how great an Ally you have defiled? Will you not remember the miraculous deeds of your fathers, and how this holy place of old brought down great wars for us?
|
| 377
and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you?
| 377
When did God, Creator of the Jewish people, not avenge them when they were wronged? Will you not look back and consider how it is that you fight so violently and what a Supporter you have treated so profanely? Don't you remember the wonderful things done for your ancestors and this holy place, and how he subdued great enemies under you?
|
| 378
Ἐγὼ
μὲν
φρίττω
τὰ
ἔργα
τοῦ
θεοῦ
λέγων
εἰς
ἀναξίους
ἀκοάς·
ἀκούετε
δ᾽
ὅμως,
ἵνα
γνῶτε
μὴ
μόνον
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
πολεμοῦντες
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῷ
θεῷ.
|
378
I shudder to speak of the works of God to unworthy ears; but listen nonetheless, so you may know that you are not only at war with the Romans, but also with God.
|
| 378
I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself.
| 378
I tremble to declare the works of God to ears unworthy to hear them.
But listen so that you may learn that your war is not only with the Romans, but also with God.
|
| 379
Βασιλεὺς
ὁ
τότε
Νεχαὼς
ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians,
ὁ
δ᾽
αὐτὸς
ἐκαλεῖτο
καὶ
ΦαραώPharaoh,
μυρίᾳ
χειρὶ
καταβὰς
ἥρπασε
ΣάρρανSara
βασιλίδα,
τὴν
μητέρα
τοῦ
γένους
ἡμῶν.
|
379
The king of the Egyptians then, Necho—also called Pharaoh—came down with a vast army and seized Sarah, our princess, the mother of our race.[1]
|
| 379
In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation.
| 379
In ancient times the king of Egypt, Nechao, surnamed Pharaoh, came with a mighty army of soldiers and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation.
|
[1]Gen. 12:15.
| 380
Τί
οὖν
ὁ
ταύτης
ἀνὴρ
ἉβραάμAbraham,
προπάτωρ
δὲ
ἡμέτερος;
ἆρα
τὸν
ὑβριστὴν
ἠμύνατο
τοῖς
ὅπλοις,
καίτοι
ὀκτωκαίδεκα
μὲν
καὶ
τριακοσίους
ὑπάρχους
ἔχων,
δύναμιν
δὲ
ἐφ᾽
ἑκάστῳ
τούτων
ἄπειρον;
ἢ
αὐτοὺς
μὲν
ἐρημίαν
ἡγήσατο
μὴ
συμπαρόντος
θεοῦ,
καθαρὰς
δ᾽
ἀνατείνας
τὰς
χεῖρας
εἰς
ὃν
νῦν
ἐμιάνατε
χῶρον
ὑμεῖς
τὸν
ἀνίκητον
αὐτῷ
βοηθὸν
ἐστρατολόγησεν;
|
380
What did her husband Abraham do, our forefather? Did he avenge the insult with weapons, even though he had three hundred and eighteen officers, each with an immense force? Or did he consider them as nothing without God’s presence, and stretching out pure hands toward this place which you have now defiled, did he enlist the Invincible One as his helper?
|
| 380
What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God’s assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place, which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army.
| 380
What then did her husband, our ancestor Abraham, do? Did he defend himself in arms against this insulter, having under him three hundred and eighteen officers and many more forces under each of them? No! without God's help he reckoned them as nothing, and just spread out his hands toward this holy place, which you have now polluted and got this invincible ally on his side.
|
| 381
Οὐ
μετὰ
μίαν
ἑσπέραν
ἄχραντος
μὲν
ἡ
βασίλισσα
ἀνεπέμφθη
πρὸς
τὸν
ἄνδρα,
προσκυνῶν
δὲ
τὸν
ὑφ᾽
ὑμῶν
αἱμαχθέντα
χῶρον
ὁμοφύλῳ
φόνῳ
καὶ
τρέμων
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ἐν
νυκτὶ
φαντασμάτων
ἔφευγεν
ὁ
ΑἰγύπτιοςEgyptian,
ἀργύρῳ
δὲ
καὶ
χρυσῷ
τοὺς
θεοφιλεῖς
ἙβραίουςHebrews
ἐδωρεῖτο;
|
381
Was not the queen sent back unstained to her husband after a single evening, while the Egyptian, trembling at the night visions, fled—worshipping this place which you have bloodied with the slaughter of your own kin—and gifted the God-beloved Hebrews with silver and gold?
|
| 381
Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God.
| 381
Was not our queen sent back to her husband, undefiled, the next evening, as the Egyptian left, revering this place which you have defiled by shedding on it the blood of your countrymen, trembling at the visions he saw in the night and lavishing silver and gold on the Hebrews, as a people beloved by God.
|
| 382
Εἴπω
τὴν
εἰς
ΑἴγυπτονEgypt
μετοικίαν
τῶν
πατέρων;
οὐ
τυραννούμενοι
καὶ
βασιλεῦσιν
ἀλλοφύλοις
ὑποπεπτωκότες
τετρακοσίοις
ἔτεσι
παρὸν
ὅπλοις
ἀμύνεσθαι
καὶ
χερσὶ
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ἐπέτρεψαν
τῷ
θεῷ;
|
382
Shall I speak of our fathers’ migration to Egypt? When they were tyrannized and subjected to foreign kings for four hundred years, though they could have defended themselves with weapons and hands, did they not entrust themselves to God?
|
| 382
Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God?
| 382
Shall I mention how our fathers came into Egypt, and were tyrannized by foreign kings for four hundred years and might have defended themselves with weapons and struggle, yet did nothing but entrust themselves to God!
|
| 383
Τίς
οὐκ
οἶδεν
τὴν
παντὸς
θηρίου
καταπλησθεῖσαν
ΑἴγυπτονEgypt
καὶ
πάσῃ
φθαρεῖσαν
νόσῳ,
τὴν
ἄκαρπον
[γῆν
]
,
τὸν
ἐπιλείποντα
ΝεῖλονNile,
τὰς
ἐπαλλήλους
δέκα
πληγάς,
τοὺς
διὰ
ταῦτα
μετὰ
φρουρᾶς
προπεμπομένους
πατέρας
ἡμῶν
ἀναιμάκτους
ἀκινδύνους,
οὓς
ὁ
θεὸς
αὑτῷ
νεωκόρους
ἦγεν;
|
383
Who does not know of Egypt filled with every kind of beast and wasted by every disease, the barren land, the failing Nile, the ten successive plagues? And because of these, our fathers were sent forth under guard, bloodless and without danger, whom God led as His own temple-servants.
|
| 383
Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants?
| 383
Who does not know how Egypt was infested by all sorts of beasts and consumed by all sorts of ailments, how their land became fruitless, how the Nile's water failed, how the ten plagues of Egypt followed each other, which led to our fathers' being sent away under escort, with no bloodshed and in safety, because God led them as his devotees?
|
| 384
Ἀλλὰ
τὴν
ὑπὸ
ΣύρωνSyrian
ἁρπαγεῖσαν
ἁγίαν
ἡμῖν
λάρνακα
οὐκ
ἐστέναξε
μὲν
ἡ
Παλαιστίνη
καὶ
ΔαγὼνDagōn
τὸ
ξόανον,
ἐστέναξε
δὲ
πᾶν
τὸ
τῶν
ἁρπασαμένων
ἔθνος,
|
384
And when the holy Ark was seized by the Syrians (Philistines), did not Palestine and the idol Dagon groan, along with the whole nation of the captors?[1]
|
| 384
Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? asdid their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away,
| 384
When the Syrians pillaged our sacred ark, was not Palestine groaning and their idol Dagon and the entire nation that had carried it away,
|
[1]1 Samuel 5
| 385
σηπόμενοι
δὲ
τὰ
κρυπτὰ
τοῦ
σώματος
καὶ
δι᾽
αὐτῶν
τὰ
σπλάγχνα
μετὰ
τῶν
σιτίων
καταφέροντες,
χερσὶ
ταῖς
λῃσαμέναις
ἀνεκόμισαν
κυμβάλων
καὶ
τυμπάνων
ἤχῳ
καὶ
πᾶσι
μειλικτηρίοις
ἱλασκόμενοι
τὸ
ἅγιον;
|
385
Rotting in their secret parts and having their bowels waste away with their food, did they not bring back the Ark with the very hands that plundered it, to the sound of cymbals and drums, appeasing the Holy One with all kinds of propitiations?
|
| 385
how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark.
| 385
afflicted in their private parts and excreting their bowels along with their food, until the hands that stole it were obliged to restore it, and appease God's holy anger with the sound of cymbals and timbrels and other oblations.
|
| 386
ΘεὸςGod
ἦν
ὁ
ταῦτα
πατράσιν
ἡμετέροις
στρατηγῶν,
ὅτι
τὰς
χεῖρας
καὶ
τὰ
ὅπλα
παρέντες
αὐτῷ
κρῖναι
τὸ
ἔργον
ἐπέτρεψαν.
|
386
It was God who was the general for our fathers in these things, because, setting aside hands and weapons, they entrusted the judgment of the matter to Him.
|
| 386
It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs.
| 386
It was God who then led our fathers because without recourse to fighting or weapons, they left him to be the judge in the matter.
|
| 387
Βασιλεὺς
ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians
Σενναχηρεὶμ
ὅτε
πᾶσαν
τὴν
ἈσίανAsian
ἐπισυρόμενος
τήνδε
περιεστρατοπεδεύσατο
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἆρα
χερσὶν
ἀνθρωπίναις
ἔπεσεν;
|
387
When Sennacherib, king of the Assyrians, sweeping through all Asia, encamped around this city, did he fall by human hands?[1]
|
| 387
When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men?
| 387
When the king of Assyria, Sennacherim, brought all Asia with him and surrounded this city with his army, was he defeated by human hands?
|
[1]2 Kings 18
| 388
Οὐχno, not;
αἱ
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ὅπλων
ἠρεμοῦσαι
ἐν
προσευχαῖς
ἦσαν,
ἄγγελος
δὲ
τοῦ
θεοῦ
μιᾷ
νυκτὶ
τὴν
ἄπειρον
στρατιὰν
ἐλυμήνατο,
καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἀναστὰς
ὁ
Ἀσσύριος
ὀκτωκαίδεκα
μυριάδας
ἐπὶ
πεντακισχιλίοις
νεκρῶν
εὗρε,
μετὰ
δὲ
τῶν
καταλειπομένων
ἀνόπλους
καὶ
μὴ
διώκοντας
ἙβραίουςHebrews
ἔφυγεν
|
388
Were not the Jews at rest from weapons and in prayer, while an angel of God in a single night destroyed that immense army? The Assyrian, rising the next day, found one hundred and eighty-five thousand corpses, and fled with the survivors from the unarmed Hebrews who did not even pursue him.
|
| 388
were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them.
| 388
Were their hands not empty of weapons but raised in prayer, when the angel of God destroyed that mighty army in a single night, and rising the next day the Assyrian king found a hundred eighty-five thousand corpses and with the remnant of his army, fled from the unarmed Hebrews, who did not pursue them?
|
| 389
ἴστε
καὶ
τὴν
ἐν
ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon
δουλείαν,
ἔνθα
μετανάστης
ὁ
λαὸς
ὢν
ἔτεσιν
ἑβδομήκοντα
οὐ
πρότερον
εἰς
ἐλευθερίαν
ἀνεχαίτισεν
ἢ
Κῦρον
τοῦτο
χαρίσασθαι
τῷ
θεῷ·
προυπέμφθησαν
γοῦν
ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ,
καὶ
πάλιν
τὸν
αὑτῶν
σύμμαχον
ἐνεωκόρουν.
|
389
You know also of the Babylonian captivity, where the people, being exiles for seventy years, did not recover their liberty until Cyrus granted it as a favor to God; they were sent forth by him and again served as temple-servants for their Ally.[1]
|
| 389
You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple.
| 389
You also know of our slavery in Babylon, where the people were exiled for seventy years and never agitated for freedom until Cyrus granted it, in gratitude to God, for through him they were sent back, to re-establish the worship of their great Ally.
|
[1]Ezra 1
| 390
καθόλου
δ᾽
εἰπεῖν,
οὐκ
ἔστιν
ὅ
τι
κατώρθωσαν
οἱ
πατέρες
ἡμῶν
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
ἢ
δίχα
τούτων
διήμαρτον
ἐπιτρέψαντες
τῷ
θεῷ·
μένοντες
μέν
γε
κατὰ
χώραν
ἐνίκων
ὡς
ἐδόκει
τῷ
κριτῇ,
μαχόμενοι
δὲ
ἔπταισαν
ἀεί.
|
390
In short, there is nothing our fathers ever achieved by weapons, nor did they ever fail when, without them, they entrusted themselves to God. When they stayed still, they conquered as it seemed fit to the Judge; when they fought, they were always defeated.
|
| 390
And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed:
| 390
In a word, on no occasion did our fathers succeed through weapons, or failed to succeed when without them they entrusted their cause to God.
By staying at home they were victorious, as their Judge wished, but in fighting they were always defeated.
|
| 391
Τοῦτο
μέν,
ἡνίκα
βασιλεὺς
ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians
ἐπολιόρκει
ταύτην
τὴν
πόλιν,
συμβαλὼν
ΣεδεκίαςZedekiah
ὁ
ἡμέτερος
βασιλεὺς
παρὰ
τὰς
Ἱερεμίου
προφητείας
αὐτός
τε
ἑάλω
καὶ
τὸ
ἄστυ
μετὰ
τοῦ
ναοῦ
κατασκαπτόμενον
εἶδε·
καίτοι
πόσῳ
μετριώτερος
ὁ
μὲν
βασιλεὺς
ἐκεῖνος
τῶν
ὑμετέρων
ἡγεμόνων
ἦν,
ὁ
δ᾽
ὑπ᾽
αὐτῷ
λαὸς
ὑμῶν.
|
391
For instance, when the king of the Babylonians was besieging this city, our king Zedekiah[1] gave battle contrary to the prophecies of Jeremiah, and he himself was captured and saw the city and the Temple demolished. Yet how much more moderate was that king than your leaders, and the people under him than you?
|
| 391
for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time!
| 391
For example, when the king of Babylon besieged this city and our king Zedekiah opposed him, contrary to the prophecies of Jeremiah, he was taken prisoner and saw the city and the temple demolished.
Yet how much more prudent was that king than your present leaders, and the people he then led than you at this time!
|
[1]2 Kings 24ff
| 392
Βοῶντα
γοῦν
τὸν
ἹερεμίανJeremiah,
ὡς
ἀπέχθοιντο
μὲν
τῷ
θεῷ
διὰ
τὰς
εἰς
αὐτὸν
πλημμελείας,
ἁλώσοιντο
δ᾽
εἰ
μὴ
παραδοῖεν
τὴν
πόλιν,
οὔθ᾽
ὁ
βασιλεὺς
οὔθ᾽
ὁ
δῆμος
ἀνεῖλεν.
|
392
For though Jeremiah cried out that they were hated by God for their transgressions against Him and would be captured if they did not surrender the city, neither the king nor the people killed him.
|
| 392
for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them that they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death;
| 392
For when Jeremiah called out, that God would turn aside from them for their lawlessness and that they would be captured unless they handed over their city, neither the king nor the people put him to death.
|
| 393
Ἀλλ᾽But
ὑμεῖς,
ἵν᾽
ἐάσω
τἄνδον,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἂν
ἑρμηνεῦσαιto interpret
δυναίμην
τὰς
παρανομίας
ὑμῶν
ἀξίως,
ἐμὲ
τὸν
παρακαλοῦντα
πρὸς
σωτηρίαν
ὑμᾶς
βλασφημεῖτε
καὶ
βάλλετε,
παροξυνόμενοι
πρὸς
τὰς
ὑπομνήσεις
τῶν
ἁμαρτημάτων
καὶ
μηδὲ
τοὺς
λόγους
φέροντες
ὧν
τἆργα
δρᾶτε
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν.
|
393
But you—to say nothing of what you do inside, for I could not worthily describe your lawlessness—you curse and throw stones at me who exhorts you to safety, being provoked by the reminder of your sins and not even enduring the words of the deeds you perform daily.
|
| 393
but for you (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves) you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate.
| 393
But now, apart from the harm you have done inside which I cannot adequately describe, you hurl abuse and spears at me for urging you to save yourselves, enraged at being reminded of your sins and unable to bear any mention of your frequent crimes.
|
| 394
Τοῦτο
δ᾽,
ἡνίκα
ἈντιόχουAntiochus
τοῦ
κληθέντος
ἘπιφανοῦςEpiphanes
προσκαθεζομένου
τῇ
πόλει
πολλὰ
πρὸς
τὸ
θεῖον
ἐξυβρικότος,
οἱ
πρόγονοι
μετὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων
προῆλθον,
αὐτοὶ
μὲν
ἀπεσφάγησαν
ἐν
τῇ
μάχῃ,
διηρπάγη
δὲ
τὸ
ἄστυ
τοῖς
πολεμίοις,
ἠρημώθη
δ᾽
ἔτη
τρία
καὶ
μῆνας
ἓξ
τὸ
ἅγιον.
Καὶ
τί
δεῖ
τἆλλα
λέγειν;
|
394
And again, when Antiochus Epiphanes sat before the city and committed many insults against the Divine, our ancestors went forth with weapons and were slaughtered in the battle, the city was plundered by the enemy, and the Sanctuary was made desolate for three years and six months.
|
| 394
For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples?
| 394
Another example: when Antiochus, called Epiphanes, who was guilty of many outrages against God, blockaded this city and our ancestors met him in arms, they were slaughtered in the battle, the city was looted by our enemies and our sanctuary was desolated for three years and six months.
What more need I say?
|
| 395
Ἀλλὰ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
τίς
ἐστρατολόγησε
κατὰ
τοῦ
ἔθνους
οὐχ
ἡ
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων
ἀσέβεια
πόθεν
δ᾽
ἠρξάμεθα
δουλείας
|
395
What need is there to speak of other things? But who enlisted the Romans against our nation? Was it not the impiety of the locals? Where did our servitude begin?
|
| 395
Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence?
| 395
Who has marshalled the Romans against this nation? Was it not the impiety of the inhabitants? What caused us to be enslaved?
|
| 396
ἆρ᾽then, so then
οὐχὶ
ἐκ
στάσεως
τῶν
προγόνων,
ὅτε
ἡ
ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus
καὶ
ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus
μανία
καὶ
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
ἔρις
ΠομπήιονPompey
ἐπήγαγεν
τῇ
πόλει
καὶ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ὑπέταξεν
ὁ
θεὸς
τοὺς
οὐκ
ἀξίους
ἐλευθερίας
|
396
Was it not from the sedition of our ancestors, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus and their strife against one another brought Pompey to the city, and God subjected those unworthy of liberty to the Romans?
|
| 396
Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed?
| 396
Was it not the factionalism of our ancestors, when the madness and rivalries of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus brought Pompey upon this city and when God put under the Romans those who were unworthy of their freedom?
|
| 397
τρισὶ
γοῦν
μησὶ
πολιορκηθέντες
ἑαυτοὺς
παρέδοσαν,
οὔθ᾽
ἁμαρτόντες
εἰς
τὰ
ἅγια
καὶ
τοὺς
νόμους
ἡλίκα
ὑμεῖς
καὶ
πολὺ
μείζοσιν
ἀφορμαῖς
πρὸς
τὸν
πόλεμον
χρώμενοι.
|
397
After being besieged for three months, they surrendered, though they had not sinned against the holy things and the laws as much as you have, and though they had much greater resources for war.
|
| 397
After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have.
| 397
Although they had not sinned as you have against our sanctuary and our laws, and had much greater advantages in the war than you have, they had to surrender after a siege of three months.
|
| 398
Τὸ
δ᾽
ἈντιγόνουAntigonus
τέλος
τοῦ
ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus
παιδὸς
οὐκ
ἴσμεν,
οὗ
βασιλεύοντος
ὁ
θεὸς
ἁλώσει
πάλιν
τὸν
λαὸν
ἤλαυνε
πλημμελοῦντα,
καὶ
ἩρώδηςHerod
μὲν
ὁ
ἈντιπάτρουAntipater
ΣόσσιονSosius,
ΣόσσιοςSosius
δὲ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
στρατιὰν
ἤγαγεν,
περισχεθέντες
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
μῆνας
ἓξ
ἐπολιορκοῦντο,
μέχρι
δίκας
τῶν
ἁμαρτιῶν
δόντες
ἑάλωσαν
καὶ
διηρπάγη
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
ἡ
πόλις
|
398
Do we not know the end of Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus? During whose reign God again drove the people to capture for their sins, and Herod, son of Antipater, brought Sossius, and Sossius brought a Roman army? They were surrounded and besieged for six months, until, paying the penalty for their sins, they were captured and the city was plundered by the enemy.
|
| 398
Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people’s offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy.
| 398
Don't we know how Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, ended up, during whose reign God again caused this people to be taken because of their sins, when Herod, the son of Antipater, brought Sosius upon them and Sosius brought on them the Roman army, and they were surrounded and besieged for six months, until, to punish their sins, they were taken and the city was looted by the enemy?
|
| 399
Οὕτως
οὐδέποτε
τῷ
ἔθνει
τὰ
ὅπλα
δέδοται,
τῷ
δὲ
πολεμεῖσθαι
καὶ
τὸ
ἁλώσεσθαι
πάντως
πρόσεστι.
|
399
Thus, weapons have never been given to our nation; to go to war is certainly to be captured.
|
| 399
Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken;
| 399
So it seems that arms were never meant for our nation, but we are always handed over to be fought against and captured.
|
| 400
Δεῖ
γάρ,
οἶμαι,
τοὺς
χωρίον
ἅγιον
νεμομένους
ἐπιτρέπειν
πάντα
τῷ
θεῷ
δικάζειν
καὶ
καταφρονεῖν
τότε
χειρὸς
ἀνθρωπίνης,
ὅταν
αὐτοὶ
πείθωσι
τὸν
ἄνω
δικαστήν.
|
400
For it is necessary, I think, for those who inhabit a holy place to entrust all judgment to God and to disregard the human hand at the time when they can convince the Judge above.
|
| 400
for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above.
| 400
I guess that whoever lives in this holy place should entrust everything to God and scorn all human help, call on the Judge above.
|
| 401
ὑμῖν
δὲ
τί
τῶν
εὐλογηθέντων
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
νομοθέτου
πέπρακται
τί
δὲ
τῶν
ὑπ᾽
ἐκείνου
κατηραμένων
παραλέλειπται
πόσῳ
δ᾽
ἐστὲ
τῶν
τάχιον
ἁλόντων
ἀσεβέστεροι
|
401
But what have you done of the things blessed by the Lawgiver? What have you left undone of the things he cursed? How much more impious are you than those captured before?
|
| 401
As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken!
| 401
But what have you done that our Legislator's advised? And which of the things he condemned have you not done? How much more impious are you than those he condemns!
|
| 402
Οὐ
τὰ
κρυπτὰ
μὲν
τῶν
ἁμαρτημάτων
ἠδοξήκατε,
κλοπὰς
λέγω
καὶ
ἐνέδρας
καὶ
μοιχείας,
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder
δ᾽
ἐρίζετε
καὶ
φόνοις
καὶ
ξένας
καινοτομεῖτε
κακίας
ὁδούς,
ἐκδοχεῖον
δὲ
πάντων
τὸ
ἱερὸν
γέγονεν
καὶ
χερσὶν
ἐμφυλίοιςkinsfolk
ὁ
θεῖος
μεμίανται
χῶρος,
ὃν
καὶ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
πόρρωθεν
προσεκύνουν,
πολλὰ
τῶν
ἰδίων
ἐθῶν
εἰς
τὸν
ὑμέτερον
παραλύοντες
νόμον.
|
402
Have you not made your secret sins common—I mean thefts, ambushes, and adulteries—while you rival one another in robberies and murders, and invent strange new paths of vice? The Temple has become a receptacle for all, and the Divine place is defiled by the hands of fellow-countrymen—the very place which even the Romans worshipped from afar, setting aside many of their own customs for your law.
|
| 402
You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarreling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law.
| 402
You have not avoided even the most secret of sins—thefts and treachery and adultery.
You rival each other in looting and murders and invent new forms of evil.
Even the temple has a cesspool and God's house is polluted by the hands of people, though revered at a distance by the Romans, who ceded many of their own customs in deference to our law.
|
| 403
Εἶτ᾽
ἐπὶ
τούτοις
τὸν
ἀσεβηθέντα
σύμμαχον
προσδοκᾶτε
πάνυ
γοῦν
ἐστὲ
δίκαιοι
ἱκέται
καὶ
χερσὶ
καθαραῖς
τὸν
βοηθὸν
ὑμῶν
παρακαλεῖτε.
|
403
And after all this, do you expect the God you have insulted to be your ally? Truly, you are righteous suppliants, and you call upon your helper with clean hands!
|
| 403
And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands!
| 403
After all this, do you expect support from the One you have so outraged? Yes, you have a right to beg and call upon his help, so pure are your hands!
|
| 404
τοιαύταις
ὁ
βασιλεὺς
ἡμῶν
ἱκέτευσενto approach as a suppliant
ἐπὶ
τὸν
Ἀσσύριον,
ὅτε
τὸν
μέγαν
ἐκεῖνον
στρατὸν
μιᾷ
νυκτὶ
κατέστρωσεν
ὁ
θεός
ὅμοια
δὲ
τῷ
Ἀσσυρίῳ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δρῶσιν,
ἵνα
καὶ
ἄμυναν
ὑμεῖς
ὁμοίαν
ἐλπίσητε
|
404
Did our king supplicate thus against the Assyrian when God laid low that great army in a single night? Do the Romans act like the Assyrian, so that you may hope for a similar defense?
|
| 404
Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them?
| 404
Was it such hands your king lifted up in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that large army in a single night? Are the Romans as wicked as the king of Assyria, that you may hope to be similarly protected from them?
|
| 405
Οὐχno, not
ὁ
μὲν
χρήματα
παρὰ
τοῦ
βασιλέως
ἡμῶν
λαβὼν
ἐφ᾽
ᾧ
μὴ
πορθήσει
τὴν
πόλιν
κατέβη
παρὰ
τοὺς
ὅρκους
ἐμπρῆσαι
τὸν
ναόν,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
τὸν
συνήθη
δασμὸν
αἰτοῦσιν,
ὃν
οἱ
πατέρες
ἡμῶν
τοῖς
ἐκείνων
πατράσι
παρέσχον
|
405
Did not the Assyrian, having received money from our king on the condition that he would not destroy the city, come down contrary to his oaths to burn the Temple? Whereas the Romans ask only for the customary tribute, which our fathers paid to their fathers.
|
| 405
Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers;
| 405
Did not that king take money from our king on condition not to destroy the city and yet, contrary to his oath, come and burn the temple? But the Romans require no more than the customary tax that our fathers paid to their fathers!
|
| 406
Καὶ
τούτου
τυχόντες
οὔτε
πορθοῦσι
τὴν
πόλιν
οὔτε
ψαύουσι
τῶν
ἁγίων,
διδόασι
δὲ
ὑμῖν
τὰ
ἄλλα,
γενεάς
τ᾽
ἐλευθέρας
καὶ
κτήσεις
τὰς
ἑαυτῶν
νέμεσθαι
καὶ
τοὺς
ἱεροὺς
νόμους
σώζουσι.
|
406
And if they obtain this, they neither destroy the city nor touch the holy things; they grant you everything else: to possess your families in freedom and your own properties, and they preserve the sacred laws.
|
| 406
and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve your holy laws inviolate to you.
| 406
Once they get that, they will neither destroy this city, nor touch our sacred shrine, and besides will grant that your descendants be free, your possessions secure and your holy laws intact.
|
| 407
Μανία
δὴ
τὸν
θεὸν
προσδοκᾶν
ἐπὶ
δικαίοις
οἷος
ἐπ᾽
ἀδίκοις
ἐφάνηto give light, shine.
Καὶ
παραχρῆμα
δὲ
ἀμύνειν
οἶδεν
ὅταν
δέῃ·
τοὺς
γοῦν
ἈσσυρίουςAssyrians
κατὰ
νύκτα
τὴν
πρώτην
παραστρατοπεδευσαμένους
ἔκλασεν·
|
407
It is madness to expect God to appear for the unjust as He did for the just. He knows how to avenge immediately when necessary; He broke the Assyrians on the first night they encamped.
|
| 407
And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp.
| 407
It is madness to expect God to be as kindly to the wicked as the just, since he knows how to take vengeance, for he broke the power of the Assyrians on the very first night they encamped.
|
| 408
ὥστ᾽
εἰ
καὶ
τὴν
ἡμετέραν
γενεὰν
ἐλευθερίας
ἢ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
κολάσεως
ἀξίους
ἔκρινε,
κἂν
παραχρῆμα
καθάπερ
τοῖς
ἈσσυρίοιςAssyrians
ἐνέσκηψεν,
ὅτε
τοῦ
ἔθνους
ἥπτετο
ΠομπήιοςPompeius,
ὅτε
μετ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἀνῄει
ΣόσσιοςSosius,
ὅτε
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐπόρθει
τὴν
ΓαλιλαίανGalilee,
τὰ
τελευταῖα
νῦν,
ὅτε
ἤγγιζε
ΤίτοςTitus
τῇ
πόλει.
|
408
So if He had judged our generation worthy of liberty or the Romans worthy of punishment, He would have struck immediately just as He did the Assyrians—when Pompey first touched the nation, when Sossius came up after him, when Vespasian wasted Galilee, and finally now, when Titus approached the city.
|
| 408
Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to the city;
| 408
If he judged our nation worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he would have instantly punished the Romans, as he did the Assyrians, when Pompey began to molest our nation, or after him when Sosius came against us, or when Vespasian ravaged Galilee, or finally, when Titus approached this city.
|
| 409
Καίτοι
Μάγνος
μὲν
καὶ
ΣόσσιοςSosius
πρὸς
τῷ
μηδὲν
παθεῖν
καὶ
ἀνὰ
κράτος
ἔλαβον
τὴν
πόλιν,
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δ᾽
ἐκ
τοῦ
πρὸς
ἡμᾶς
πολέμου
καὶ
βασιλείας
ἤρξατο·
ΤίτῳTitus
μὲν
γὰρ
καὶ
πηγαὶ
πλουσιώτεραι
ῥέουσιν
αἱ
ξηρανθεῖσαι
πρότερον
ὑμῖν·
|
409
Yet Pompey and Sossius, besides suffering nothing, took the city by force; Vespasian even began his reign from the war against us; and for Titus, the springs that had previously dried up for you now flow more abundantly.
|
| 409
although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before;
| 409
However, Magnus and Sosius not only suffered nothing, but also took the city by force; Vespasian went from the war against you to receive the empire; and the springs that had almost dried up under your rule, run more plentifully since the arrival of Titus.
|
| 410
πρὸ
γοῦν
τῆς
αὐτοῦ
παρουσίας
τήν
τε
Σιλωὰν
ἐπιλείπουσαν
ἴστε
καὶ
τὰς
πρὸ
τοῦ
ἄστεος
ἁπάσας,
ὥστε
πρὸς
ἀμφορέας
ὠνεῖσθαι
τὸ
ὕδωρ·
τὸ
δὲ
νῦν
οὕτως
πληθύουσι
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
ὑμῶν,
ὡς
μὴ
μόνον
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
κτήνεσιν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
κήποις
διαρκεῖν.
|
410
For you know that before his arrival, Siloam and all the springs before the city were failing, so that water was bought by the jar; but now they flow so fully for your enemies that they suffice not only for them and their cattle, but also for gardens.
|
| 410
accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also.
| 410
You know that Siloam, and all the other springs outside the city, yielded so little that water was sold by measure, whereas now they provide your enemies with so much water, not only for themselves and their livestock to drink, but also even to water their gardens.
|
| 411
Τό
γε
μὴν
τέρας
τοῦτο
πεπείραται
καὶ
πρότερον
ἐφ᾽
ἁλώσει
τῆς
πόλεως
γεγενημένον,
ὅτε
ὁ
προειρημένος
ΒαβυλώνιοςBabylonian
ἐπεστράτευσεν,
ὃς
τήν
τε
πόλιν
ἑλὼν
ἐνέπρησε
καὶ
τὸν
ναόν,
οὐδὲν
οἶμαι
τῶν
τότε
ἠσεβηκότων
τηλικοῦτον
ἡλίκα
ὑμεῖς·
|
411
This same omen was experienced before when the city was captured, when the aforementioned Babylonian marched against us, who took the city and burned it and the Temple—though I think no one then had committed such impieties as you have now.
|
| 411
The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are.
| 411
You experienced that same miracle of old, when the aforementioned king of Babylon made war on us and took the city and burned the temple, though I believe the people of that age were not as impious as you.
|
| 412
ὥστε
ἐγὼ
πεφευγέναι
μὲν
ἐκ
τῶν
ἁγίων
οἶμαι
τὸ
θεῖον,
ἑστάναι
δὲ
παρ᾽
οἷς
πολεμεῖτε
νῦν.
|
412
Therefore, I believe the Divine has fled from the Sanctuary and stands now with those against whom you fight.
|
| 412
Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight.
| 412
So I reckon that God has fled from his sanctuary and is on the side of those with whom you fight.
|
| 413
Ἀλλ᾽But
ἀνὴρ
μὲν
ἀγαθὸς
οἰκίαν
ἀσελγῆ
φεύξεται
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐν
αὐτῇ
στυγήσει,
τὸν
δὲ
θεὸν
ἔτι
πείθεσθε
τοῖς
οἰκείοις
κακοῖς
παραμένειν,
ὃς
τά
τε
κρυπτὰ
πάντα
ἐφορᾷ
καὶ
τῶν
σιγωμένων
ἀκούει
|
413
Even a good man will flee a house of debauchery and loathe those in it; and do you still believe God remains with you in your evils—He who sees all secret things and hears even what is silent?
|
| 413
Now, even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private?
| 413
If a good man will leave an impure house and abhor those within it, do you think that in your evildoing God will stay with you, who sees all secret things and hears what is most private?
|
| 414
Τί
δὲ
σιγᾶται
παρ᾽
ὑμῖν
ἢ
τί
κρύπτεται
τί
δ᾽
οὐχὶ
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς
φανερὸν
γέγονε
πομπεύετε
γὰρ
παρανομοῦντες
καὶ
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἐρίζετε,
τίς
χείρων
γένηται,
τῆς
ἀδικίας
ὥσπερ
ἀρετῆς
ἐπίδειξιν
ποιούμενοι.
|
414
What is silent among you, or what is hidden? What has not become manifest even to your enemies? For you make a parade of your lawlessness and daily contend to see who can be worse, making a display of injustice as if it were virtue.
|
| 414
Now, what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue.
| 414
Among you, what crime is kept secret or concealed? What is there that is not open to your very enemies? For you pompously display your lawlessness and rival each other in wickedness, and vaunt your injustice, as if it were virtue.
|
| 415
Καταλείπεται
δὲ
ὅμως
ἔτι
σωτηρίας
ὁδός,
ἐὰν
θέλητε,
καὶ
τὸ
θεῖον
εὐδιάλλακτον
ἐξομολογουμένοις
καὶ
μετανοοῦσιν.
|
415
Nevertheless, a way of safety still remains if you wish it, and the Divine is easily reconciled to those who confess and repent.
|
| 415
However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them.
| 415
But there is still a way of a safety if you wish, and God is soon reconciled to those who confess and repent.
|
| 416
ὦ
σιδήρειοι,
ῥίψατε
τὰς
πανοπλίας,
λάβετε
ἤδη
κατερειπομένης
αἰδῶ
πατρίδος,
ἐπιστράφητε
καὶ
θεάσασθε
τὸ
κάλλος
ἧς
προδίδοτε,
οἷον
ἄστυ,
οἷον
ἱερόν,
ὅσων
ἐθνῶν
δῶρα.
|
416
O men of iron! Cast away your armor! Have some shame for your fatherland, which is already being ruined! Turn back and behold the beauty of what you are betraying—what a city, what a temple, the gifts of so many nations!
|
| 416
O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it.
| 416
Iron hearts as you are, throw down your arms and pity your land on the verge of ruin;
come back, and realize the beauty of what you are going to betray, what a city and temple and the gifts of so many nations!
|
| 417
Ἐπὶ
Ταῦτά
τις
ὁδηγεῖ
φλόγα
Ταῦτά
τις
μηκέτ᾽
εἶναι
θέλει
καὶ
τί
σώζεσθαι
τούτων
ἀξιώτερον,
ἄτεγκτοι
καὶ
λίθων
ἀπαθέστεροι.
|
417
Who would lead a flame against these? Who wishes these to be no more? What is more worthy of being saved than these? O you stubborn ones, more unfeeling than stones!
|
| 417
Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves!
| 417
Who would wish to set the fire? Who would want these things to exist no more? What is more worthy of being preserved, you blockheads, worse than senseless stone!
|
| 418
Καὶ
εἰ
μὴ
ταῦτα
γνησίοις
ὄμμασινeye
βλέπετε,
γενεὰς
γοῦν
ὑμετέρας
οἰκτείρατε,
καὶ
πρὸ
ὀφθαλμῶν
ἑκάστῳ
γενέσθω
τέκνα
καὶ
γυνὴ
καὶ
γονεῖς,
οὓς
ἀναλώσει
μετὰ
μικρὸν
ἢ
λιμὸς
ἢ
πόλεμος.
|
418
And if you do not look at these things with sincere eyes, at least pity your own families; let the children, wife, and parents of each man come before his eyes—those whom famine or war will soon consume.
|
| 418
And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war.
| 418
If you see these things with undiscerning eyes, have pity on your families and set before your eyes your children and wives and parents, who will be consumed bit by bit by famine or war.
|
| 419
Οἶδ᾽
ὅτι
μοι
συγκινδυνεύει
μήτηρ
καὶ
γυνὴ
καὶ
γένος
οὐκ
ἄσημον
καὶ
πάλαι
λαμπρὸς
οἶκος,
καὶ
τάχα
δοκῶ
διὰ
ταῦτα
συμβουλεύειν.
Ἀποκτείνατε
αὐτούς,
λάβετε
μισθὸν
τῆς
ἑαυτῶν
σωτηρίας
τὸ
ἐμὸν
αἷμα·
κἀγὼ
θνήσκειν
ἕτοιμοςprepared,
εἰ
μετ᾽
ἐμὲ
σωφρονεῖν
μέλλετε."
|
419
I know that my own mother, wife, an illustrious family, and an anciently noble house share this danger with me; and perhaps you think I give this advice because of them. Kill them! Take my blood as the price for your own safety! I too am ready to die, if after me you are willing to return to your senses.”
|
| 419
I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death.”
| 419
I know that my mother and wife and my noble, indeed once eminent, family are caught up in this danger—and perhaps you think that is why I give you this advice.
If so, then kill them and take my own blood as your reward, for I am prepared to die if my death would bring you to your senses."
|
Chapter 10
Many try to desert to the Romans,
driven by the famine (Spring/Summer 70 AD)
| 420
Τοιαῦτα
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
μετὰ
δακρύων
ἐμβοῶντος
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
μὲν
οὔτε
ἐνέδοσαν
οὔτ᾽
ἀσφαλῆ
τὴν
μεταβολὴν
ἔκριναν,
ὁ
δὲ
δῆμος
ἐκινήθη
πρὸς
αὐτομολίαν.
|
420
While Josephus was crying out these things with tears, the insurgents neither yielded nor judged a change of heart to be safe; however, the common people were moved to desertion.
|
| 420
As Josephus was speaking thus with a loud voice, the seditious would neither yield to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for them to alter their conduct; but as for the people, they had a great inclination to desert to the Romans;
| 420
Josephus loudly appealed to them in tears, but the rebels neither yielded nor thought it safe to change tack while the people were inclined to give in.
|
| 421
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
τὰς
κτήσεις
ἐλαχίστου
πωλοῦντες,
οἱ
δὲ
τὰ
πολυτελέστερα
τῶν
κειμηλίων,
τοὺς
μὲν
χρυσοῦς,
ὡς
μὴ
φωραθεῖεν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
λῃστῶν,
κατέπινον,
ἔπειτα
πρὸς
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
διαδιδράσκοντες,
ὁπότεwhen
κατενέγκαιεν
εὐπόρουν
πρὸς
ἃ
δέοιντο.
|
421
And some, selling their possessions for a very small price, and others their more costly treasures, would swallow gold coins[1] so they might not be discovered by the bandits; then, escaping to the Romans, when they had evacuated their bowels, they had plenty for their needs.
|
| 421
accordingly, some of them sold what they had, and even the most precious things that had been laid up as treasures by them, for a very small matter, and swallowed down pieces of gold, that they might not be found out by the robbers; and when they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool, and had wherewithal to provide plentifully for themselves;
| 421
Some sold their property at a paltry price and others the most precious things they had saved, or swallowed gold objects, to avoid the brigands finding them, so that when they fled to the Romans, they would have whatever they needed.
|
[1]Later, Roman soldiers disemboweled deserters looking for gold
| 422
Διηφίει
γὰρ
τοὺς
πολλοὺς
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
εἰς
τὴν
χώραν
ὅποιto which place
βούλοιτο
ἕκαστος,
καὶ
τοῦτ᾽
αὐτὸ
μᾶλλον
πρὸς
αὐτομολίαν
παρεκάλει
τῶν
μὲν
εἴσω
κακῶν
στερησομένους,
μὴ
δουλεύσοντας
δὲ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans.
|
422
For Titus allowed most of them through into the countryside wherever each wished; and this very fact encouraged them to desert even more, as they would be freed from the evils within without being enslaved to the Romans.
|
| 422
for Titus let a great number of them go away into the country, whither they pleased. And the main reasons why they were so ready to desert were these: That now they should be freed from those miseries which they had endured in that city, and yet should not be in slavery to the Romans:
| 422
For Titus let many escape wherever they wanted into the country, and they were mainly drawn to desert to escape their hardships and yet not be enslaved by the Romans.
|
| 423
Οἱ
δὲ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
καὶ
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
περιεφύλαττον
τὰς
τούτων
ἐξόδους
πλέον
ἢ
τὰς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
εἰσόδους,
καὶ
σκιάν
τις
ὑπονοίας
παρασχὼν
μόνον
εὐθέως
ἀπεσφάττετο.
|
423
But the factions of John and Simon guarded the exits of these people more closely than they did the entrances of the Romans; and anyone who gave even a shadow of a suspicion [of deserting] was immediately slaughtered.
|
| 423
however, John and Simon, with their factions, did more carefully watch these men’s going out than they did the coming in of the Romans; and if anyone did but afford the least shadow of suspicion of such an intention, his throat was cut immediately.
| 423
But John and Simon's groups blocked the exit of these even more than the entrance of the Romans, and if anyone showed any sign of intending to do this, he immediately had his throat cut.
|
| 424
Τοῖς
γε
μὴν
εὐπόροις
καὶ
τὸ
μένειν
πρὸς
ἀπώλειαν
ἴσον
ἦν·
προφάσει
γὰρ
αὐτομολίας
ἀνῃρεῖτόto take up
τις
διὰ
τὴν
οὐσίαν.
Τῷ
λιμῷ
δ᾽
ἡ
ἀπόνοιαmadness
τῶν
στασιαστῶν
συνήκμαζε,
καὶ
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἀμφότερα
προσεξεκαίετο
τὰ
δεινά.
|
424
To the wealthy, moreover, staying was equal to destruction; for under the pretext of desertion, a man would be done away with for his property. The madness of the insurgents reached its peak along with the famine, and daily both these terrors were further inflamed.
|
| 424
But as for the richer sort, it proved all one to them whether they staid in the city, or attempted to get out of it; for they were equally destroyed in both cases; for every such person was put to death under this pretense, that they were going to desert,—but in reality that the robbers might get what they had. The madness of the seditious did also increase together with their famine, and both those miseries were every day inflamed more and more;
| 424
The wealthy were doomed whether they stayed or not, for they were put to death both for intending to desert and for their property.
The rebels' rage grew with their hunger, and both these horrors flamed hotter each day.
|
| 425
Φανερὸς
μὲν
γὰρ
οὐδαμοῦ
σῖτος
ἦν,
ἐπεισπηδῶντεςto leap in upon
δὲ
διηρεύνων
τὰς
οἰκίας,
ἔπειθ᾽afterward
εὑρόντες
μὲν
ὡς
ἀρνησαμένους
ᾐκίζοντο,
μὴ
εὑρόντες
δ᾽
ὡς
ἐπιμελέστερον
κρύψαντας
ἐβασάνιζον.
|
425
For grain was nowhere visible; bursting in, they searched the houses, then if they found any, they tortured the owners for having denied they had it, and if they found none, they tormented them as having hidden it more carefully.
|
| 425
for there was no corn which anywhere appeared publicly, but the robbers came running into, and searched men’s private houses; and then, if they found any, they tormented them, because they had denied they had any; and if they found none, they tormented them worse, because they supposed they had more carefully concealed it.
| 425
As no food was for sale, they hurried to search the houses, and where any was found, people were tortured for denying it, and even worse where none was found, thinking it had been well concealed.
|
| 426
Τεκμήριον
δὲ
τοῦ
τ᾽
ἔχειν
καὶ
μὴ
τὰ
σώματα
τῶν
ἀθλίων,
ὧν
οἱ
μὲν
ἔτι
συνεστῶτες
εὐπορεῖν
τροφῆς
ἐδόκουν,
οἱ
τηκόμενοι
δὲ
ἤδη
παρωδεύοντο,
καὶ
κτείνειν
ἄλογον
ἐδόκει
τοὺς
ὑπ᾽
ἐνδείας
τεθνηξομένους
αὐτίκα.
|
426
The proof of whether they had food or not was the bodies of the wretched people: those still standing firm were thought to have an abundance of food, while those already wasting away were passed by; it seemed irrational to kill those who would soon die of want.
|
| 426
The indication they made use of whether they had any or not was taken from the bodies of these miserable wretches; which, if they were in good case, they supposed they were in no want at all of food; but if they were wasted away, they walked off without searching any further; nor did they think it proper to kill such as these, because they saw they would very soon die of themselves for want of food.
| 426
Their clue to whether they had any or not was in the physical state of these poor folk, for if they were well, it seemed they had no lack of food, but if they were shrivelled, they passed by, not bothering to kill those who would soon die anyway, from want.
|
| 427
Πολλοὶ
δὲ
λάθρα
τὰς
κτήσεις
ἑνὸς
ἀντηλλάξαντο
μέτρου
πυρῶν
μὲν
εἰ
πλουσιώτεροι
τυγχάνοιεν
ὄντες,
οἱ
δὲ
πενέστεροι
κριθῆς,
ἔπειτα
κατακλείοντες
αὑτοὺς
εἰς
τὰ
μυχαίτατα
τῶν
οἰκιῶν
τινὲς
μὲν
ὑπ᾽
ἄκρας
ἐνδείας
ἀνέργαστον
τὸν
σῖτον
ἤσθιον,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἔπεσσονto bake
ὡς
ἥ
τε
ἀνάγκη
καὶ
τὸ
δέος
παρῄνει.
|
427
Many secretly bartered their possessions for a single measure—of wheat, if they happened to be wealthier, or of barley, if they were poorer; then, shutting themselves up in the most secluded parts of their houses, some ate the grain unground due to extreme want, while others baked it as necessity and fear dictated.
|
| 427
Many there were indeed who sold what they had for one measure; it was of wheat, if they were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they were poorer. When these had so done, they shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten; some did it without grinding it, by reason of the extremity of the want they were in, and others baked bread of it, according as necessity and fear dictated to them:
| 427
Many sold all they had for a single basket-full of wheat, if they were richer, or of barley, if they were poorer.
Then they barricaded themselves within their houses and ate the corn they had got.
Some did so without grinding it, because of the extremity of their need, while others baked it, as necessity or fear dictated.
|
| 428
Καὶ
τράπεζα
μὲν
οὐδαμοῦ
παρετίθετο,
τοῦ
δὲ
πυρὸς
ὑφέλκοντες
ἔτ᾽while, yet, still
ὠμὰ
τὰ
σιτία
διήρπαζον.
|
428
A table was nowhere set; instead, snatching the food from the fire while it was still raw, they tore it to pieces.
|
| 428
a table was nowhere laid for a distinct meal, but they snatched the bread out of the fire, half-baked, and ate it very hastily.
| 428
Nowhere was a table laid but they snatched the bread from the fire, half-baked and ate it quickly.
|
| 429
ἐλεεινὴreceiving mercy, pitiable
δὲ
ἦν
ἡ
τροφὴ
καὶ
δακρύων
ἄξιος
ἡ
θέα,
τῶν
μὲν
δυνατωτέρων
πλεονεκτούντων,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀσθενῶν
ὀδυρομένων.
Πάντων
μὲν
δὴ
παθῶν
ὑπερίσταται
λιμός,
οὐδὲν
δ᾽
οὕτως
ἀπόλλυσιν
ὡς
αἰδῶ·
τὸ
γὰρ
ἄλλως
ἐντροπῆς
ἄξιον
ἐν
τούτῳ
καταφρονεῖται.
|
429
Wretched was the food and worthy of tears was the sight, the stronger taking more than their share and the weak lamenting. Famine overcomes all passions, but it destroys nothing so much as a sense of shame; for what is otherwise worthy of respect is, in this state, treated with contempt.
|
| 429
It was now a miserable case, and a sight that would justly bring tears into our eyes, how men stood as to their food, while the more powerful had more than enough, and the weaker were lamenting (for want of it). But the famine was too hard for all other passions, and it is destructive to nothing so much as to modesty; for what was otherwise worthy of reverence was in this case despised;
| 429
It was a pitiful sight to make one weep, how their food was divided, as the stronger had more than enough and the weaker were in need.
Hunger overcame all other passions and it destroyed nothing so soon as shame, for what was otherwise reverenced was now despised.
|
| 430
Γυναῖκες
γοῦν
ἀνδρῶν
καὶ
παῖδες
πατέρων,
καὶ
τὸ
οἰκτρότατον,
μητέρες
νηπίων
ἐξήρπαζονto snatch away from
ἐξ
αὐτῶν
τῶν
στομάτων
τὰς
τροφάς,
καὶ
τῶν
φιλτάτων
ἐν
χερσὶ
μαραινομένων
οὐκ
ἦν
φειδὼ
τοὺς
τοῦ
ζῆν
ἀφελέσθαι
σταλαγμούς.
|
430
Wives, for instance, snatched food from their husbands, children from their fathers, and—most piteous of all—mothers from the very mouths of their infants; and while their dearest ones were wasting away in their hands, they did not hesitate to take from them the last drops of life.
|
| 430
insomuch that children pulled the very morsels that their fathers were eating out of their very mouths, and what was still more to be pitied, so did the mothers do as to their infants; and when those that were most dear were perishing under their hands, they were not ashamed to take from them the very last drops that might preserve their lives:
| 430
Wives pulled from the mouths of their husbands the food they were eating, and children from their parents, and more pitiful still, so did mothers do to their infants.
When their most beloved were dying in their arms, they did not scruple to take away the drops that might save their lives.
|
| 432
ὁπότεwhen
γὰρ
κατίδοιεν
ἀποκεκλεισμένηνto shut, close
οἰκίαν,
σημεῖον
ἦν
τοῦτο
τοὺς
ἔνδον
προσφέρεσθαι
τροφῆς·
εὐθέως
δ᾽
ἐξαράξαντεςto shatter
τὰς
θύρας
εἰσεπήδων,
καὶ
μόνον
οὐκ
ἐκ
τῶν
φαρύγγων
ἀναθλίβοντες
τὰς
ἀκόλους
ἀνέφερον.
|
432
Whenever they saw a house shut up, this was a sign that those within were taking food; immediately, having smashed the doors, they leaped in and all but squeezed the morsels out of their throats.
|
| 432
for when they saw any house shut up, this was to them a signal that the people within had gotten some food; whereupon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they were eating almost up out of their very throats, and this by force:
| 432
When they saw any house shut up, it was a sign that the people inside had some food; so they quickly broke the doors down and ran in and all but forced them to regurgitate what they were eating.
|
| 433
ἐτύπτοντοto beat, strike
δὲ
γέροντες
ἀντεχόμενοι
τῶν
σιτίων,
καὶ
κόμης
ἐσπαράττοντο
γυναῖκες
συγκαλύπτουσαι
τὰ
ἐν
χερσίν.
Οὐδέ
τις
ἦν
οἶκτος
πολιᾶς
ἢ
νηπίων,
ἀλλὰ
συνεπαίροντες
τὰ
παιδία
τῶν
ψωμῶν
ἐκκρεμάμεναto hang from
κατέσειον
εἰς
ἔδαφος.
|
433
Old men were beaten while clinging to their food, and women were dragged by their hair while hiding what was in their hands. There was no pity for gray hair or for infants, but lifting the children up as they hung onto the morsels, they dashed them to the ground.
|
| 433
the old men, who held their food fast, were beaten; and if the women hid what they had within their hands, their hair was torn for so doing; nor was there any commiseration shown either to the aged or to infants, but they lifted up children from the ground as they hung upon the morsels they had gotten, and shook them down upon the floor.
| 433
Old men, who held on to their food were beaten, and if women hid in their hands what they had, their hair was pulled for doing so.
No pity was shown either to the aged or to infants, but they lifted up children as they clung to the morsels they had and shook them down on the floor.
|
| 434
Τοῖς
δὲ
φθάσασι
τὴν
εἰσδρομὴν
αὐτῶν
καὶ
προκαταπιοῦσι
τὸ
ἁρπαγησόμενονto snatch away, carry off
ὡς
ἀδικηθέντες
ἦσαν
ὠμότεροι.
|
434
Toward those who had anticipated their entrance and swallowed in advance what was to be plundered, they were even more cruel, as if they had been “wronged.”
|
| 434
But still they were more barbarously cruel to those that had prevented their coming in, and had actually swallowed down what they were going to seize upon, as if they had been unjustly defrauded of their right.
| 434
But they were still more brutal to those who blocked their entrance and had swallowed down what they meant to seize, as if this unjustly robbed them of their due.
|
| 435
Δεινὰς
δὲ
βασάνων
ὁδοὺς
ἐπενόουν
πρὸς
ἔρευνανinquiry
τροφῆς,
ὀρόβοιςbitter vetch
μὲν
ἐμφράττοντεςto block passage
τοῖς
ἀθλίοις
τοὺς
τῶν
αἰδοίων
πόρους,
ῥάβδοις
δ᾽
ὀξείαιςkeen, sharp
ἀναπείροντες
τὰς
ἕδρας,
τὰ
φρικτὰ
δὲ
καὶ
ἀκοαῖς
ἔπασχέto suffer
τις
εἰς
ἐξομολόγησιν
ἑνὸς
ἄρτου
καὶ
ἵνα
μηνύσῃ
δράκα
μίαν
κεκρυμμένην
ἀλφίτων.
|
435
They devised terrible methods of torture to search for food: plugging the private passages of the wretched with bitter vetch and impaling their seats with sharp rods; a person suffered things fearful even to hear, just to force a confession of a single loaf of bread or to reveal a single hidden handful of barley.
|
| 435
They also invented terrible methods of torment to discover where any food was, and they were these: to stop up the passages of the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments; and a man was forced to bear what it is terrible even to hear, in order to make him confess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that he might discover a handful of barley-meal that was concealed;
| 435
They invented terrible methods of torture to find where food was kept, including forcibly stopping the passages of the wretches or driving sharp stakes up their anus, so that people had to bear what it is terrible even to mention, to make them confess that he had a single loaf of bread, or to uncover a concealed handful of barley-meal.
|
| 436
Οἱ
βασανισταὶ
δ᾽
οὐκ
ἐπείνωνto be hungry,
καὶ
γὰρ
ἧττον
ἂν
ὠμὸν
ἦν
τὸ
μετ᾽
ἀνάγκης,
γυμνάζοντες
δὲ
τὴν
ἀπόνοιαν
καὶ
προπαρασκευάζοντες
αὑτοῖς
εἰς
τὰς
ἑξῆς
ἡμέρας
ἐφόδιαprovision.
|
436
The torturers themselves were not hungry—for it would have been less cruel if it were out of necessity—but they were exercising their madness and storing up supplies for themselves for the days to come.
|
| 436
and this was done when these tormentors were not themselves hungry; for the thing had been less barbarous had necessity forced them to it; but this was done to keep their madness in exercise, and as making preparation of provisions for themselves for the following days.
| 436
This was done even when the torturers were not themselves hungry, for it would have been less cruel if they were forced to it by necessity; rather it was done to vent their madness and to furnish provisions for themselves for the following days.
|
| 437
Τοῖς
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
φρουρὰν
νύκτωρ
ἐξερπύσασινto crawl out of
ἐπὶ
λαχάνων
συλλογὴν
ἀγρίων
καὶ
πόας
ὑπαντῶντεςto come/go to meet,
ὅτ᾽when
ἤδη
διαπεφευγέναι
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἐδόκουν,
ἀφήρπαζονto tear off
τὰ
κομισθέντα,
|
437
When people crept out at night toward the Roman guard-posts to collect wild vegetables and grass, the insurgents would meet them as they thought they had already escaped the enemy and snatch away what they had brought.
|
| 437
These men went also to meet those that had crept out of the city by night, as far as the Roman guards, to gather some plants and herbs that grew wild; and when those people thought they had got clear of the enemy, they snatched from them what they had brought with them,
| 437
They also went to meet those who slipped out from the city by night, as far as the Roman lines, to gather plants and herbs that grew wild.
When they thought they had got clear of the enemy, they snatched from them what they had brought back.
|
| 438
καὶ
πολλάκις
ἱκετευόντωνto approach as a suppliant
καὶ
τὸ
φρικτὸν
ἐπικαλουμένων
ὄνομα
τοῦ
θεοῦ
μεταδοῦναί
τι
μέρος
αὐτοῖς
ὧν
κινδυνεύσαντες
ἤνεγκαν,
οὐδ᾽
ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything
μετέδοσαν·
ἀγαπητὸν
δ᾽
ἦν
τὸ
μὴ
καὶ
προσαπολέσθαι
σεσυλημένον.
|
438
And though they many times pleaded, calling upon the fearful name of God, to give them a portion of what they had brought at such risk, they granted them nothing; it was a thing to be thankful for if one was only robbed and not killed as well.
|
| 438
even while they had frequently entreated them, and that by calling upon the tremendous name of God, to give them back some part of what they had brought; though these would not give them the least crumb, and they were to be well contented that they were only spoiled, and not slain at the same time.
| 438
Often they implored them, calling upon the name of God, to give them back part of what they had foraged at such risk; but not a crumb would they give them.
Let them be glad just to be robbed and not killed!
|
| 439
Οἱ
μὲν
δὴ
ταπεινότεροι
τοιαῦτα
πρὸς
τῶν
δορυφόρων
ἔπασχον,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἐν
ἀξιώματι
καὶ
πλούτῳ
πρὸς
τοὺς
τυράννους
ἀνήγοντο.
Τούτων
οἱ
μὲν
ἐπιβουλὰς
ψευδεῖς
ἐπικαλούμενοι
διεφθείροντο,
οἱ
δὲ
ὡς
προδιδοῖεν
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τὴν
πόλιν,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἑτοιμότατον
ἦν
μηνυτὴς
ὑπόβλητος
ὡς
αὐτομολεῖν
διεγνωκότων.
|
439
While the lower classes suffered such things from the bodyguards, the men of rank and wealth were brought before the tyrants. Some were destroyed on false accusations of conspiracy, others as if they were betraying the city to the Romans; but the readiest way was to use a plant as an informer to say they had decided to desert.
|
| 439
These were the afflictions which the lower sort of people suffered from these tyrants’ guards; but for the men that were in dignity, and withal were rich, they were carried before the tyrants themselves; some of whom were falsely accused of laying treacherous plots, and so were destroyed; others of them were charged with designs of betraying the city to the Romans; but the readiest way of all was this, to suborn somebody to affirm that they were resolved to desert to the enemy.
| 439
That is how the lowly people suffered from these guards, but dignitaries who were rich were brought personally to the tyrants.
Some were falsely accused of treachery and so were killed, and others accused of planning to betray the city to the Romans, and the easiest way of all was to bribe someone to say that they intended to desert to the enemy.
|
| 440
Ὁ
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
γυμνωθεὶς
πρὸς
ἸωάννηνJohn
ἀνεπέμπετο,
καὶ
τὸν
ὑπὸ
ἸωάννουJohn
σεσυλημένον
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
μετελάμβανεν·
ἀντιπροέπινον
δὲ
ἀλλήλοις
τὸ
αἷμα
τῶν
δημοτῶν
καὶ
τὰ
πτώματα
τῶν
ἀθλίων
διεμερίζοντο.
|
440
He who was stripped by Simon was sent to John, and the one plundered by John was taken over by Simon; they toasted one another in the blood of the citizens and divided the corpses of the wretched.
|
| 440
And he who was utterly despoiled of what he had by Simon was sent back again to John, as of those who had been already plundered by John, Simon got what remained; insomuch that they drank the blood of the populace to one another, and divided the dead bodies of the poor creatures between them;
| 440
A man stripped by Simon of what he had was sent on to John, and Simon got the remnants of those already robbed by John, so that they "drank the blood" of the people and divided between them the bodies of the poor.
|
| 441
Καὶ
τοῦ
μὲν
κρατεῖν
στάσις
ἦν
ἐν
ἀμφοτέροις,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀσεβημάτων
ὁμόνοια·
καὶ
γὰρ
ὁ
μὴ
μεταδοὺς
ἐκ
τῶν
ἀλλοτρίων
κακῶν
θατέρῳ
μονοτρόπως
ἐδόκει
πονηρός,
καὶ
ὁ
μὴ
μεταλαβὼν
ὡς
ἀγαθοῦ
τινος
ἤλγει
τὸν
νοσφισμὸν
τῆς
ὠμότητος.
|
441
As for the mastery of the city, there was a feud between the two leaders, but in their impieties there was a perfect harmony; for he who did not share the spoils of others’ evils with the other was considered wicked, and he who did not receive a share grieved at being excluded from the cruelty as if it were some good thing.
|
| 441
so that although, on account of their ambition after dominion, they contended with each other, yet did they very well agree in their wicked practices; for he that did not communicate what he had got by the miseries of others to the other tyrant seemed to be too little guilty, and in one respect only; and he that did not partake of what was so communicated to him grieved at this, as at the loss of what was a valuable thing, that he had no share in such barbarity.
| 441
Though they were rivals in their lust for power, they were at one in their outrages.
Whichever of them did not share with the other what he had acquired at people's expense was only blamed for not giving him his share in the savagery, as though robbing the other of some good thing.
|
| 442
Καθ᾽
ἕκαστον
μὲν
οὖν
ἐπεξιέναι
τὴν
παρανομίαν
αὐτῶν
ἀδύνατον,
συνελόντα
δὲ
εἰπεῖν,
μήτε
πόλιν
ἄλλην
τοιαῦτα
πεπονθέναι
μήτε
γενεὰν
ἐξ
αἰῶνος
γεγονέναι
κακίας
γονιμωτέραν,
|
442
To recount each of their lawless acts specifically is impossible; but to speak collectively, neither has any other city suffered such things, nor has there ever been a generation from the beginning of time more fertile in wickedness.
|
| 442
It is therefore impossible to go distinctly over every instance of these men’s iniquity. I shall therefore speak my mind here at once briefly:—That neither did any other city ever suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever breed a generation more fruitful in wickedness than this was, from the beginning of the world.
| 442
We cannot detail all the wrongful harm done by these men, but in a word, no other city from the beginning of the world ever had to endure such horrors, nor has any age ever bred a generation so fruitful in wickedness as this.
|
| 443
οἵ
γε
τελευταῖον
καὶ
τὸ
γένος
ἐφαύλιζον
τῶν
ἙβραίωνHebrews,
ὡς
ἧττον
ἀσεβεῖς
δοκοῖεν
πρὸς
ἀλλοτρίους,
ἐξωμολογήσαντο
δ᾽
ὅπερ
ἦσαν
εἶναι
δοῦλοι
καὶ
σύγκλυδες
καὶ
νόθα
τοῦ
ἔθνους
φθάρματα.
|
443
In the end, they even held the Hebrew race in contempt, so that they might appear less impious toward foreigners; they confessed to be what they were: slaves, and a rabble, and the bastard scum of the nation.
|
| 443
Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation,
| 443
In the end they scorned even the Hebrew nation, in order to seem less impious in the eyes of others, showing themselves the slaves, and the bastard scum of our nation.
|
| 444
τὴν
μέν
γε
πόλιν
ἀνέτρεψαν
αὐτοί,
ῬωμαίουςRomans
δ᾽
ἄκοντας
ἠνάγκασαν
ἐπιγραφῆναι
σκυθρωπῷ
κατορθώματι
καὶ
μόνον
οὐχ
εἵλκυσαν
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ναὸν
βραδῦνον
τὸ
πῦρ.
|
444
For they themselves overthrew the city, and forced the Romans, against their will, to be credited with a melancholy success, and all but dragged the fire to the Temple when it was delayed.
|
| 444
while they overthrew the city themselves, and forced the Romans, whether they would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation, by acting gloriously against them, and did almost draw that fire upon the temple, which they seemed to think came too slowly;
| 444
It was they who destroyed the city and made the Romans register such an unhappy victory, and they all but hastened the delayed fire into the temple.
|
| 445
Ἀμέλει
καιόμενον
ἐκ
τῆς
ἄνω
πόλεως
ἀφορῶντες
οὔτ᾽
ἤλγησαν
οὔτ᾽
ἐδάκρυσαν,
ἀλλὰ
ταῦτα
τὰ
πάθη
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
εὑρέθη.
Καὶ
ταῦτα
μὲν
κατὰ
χώραν
ὕστερον
μετ᾽
ἀποδείξεως
τῶν
πραγμάτων
ἐροῦμεν.
|
445
Indeed, as they watched it burning from the Upper City, they neither grieved nor wept, but these emotions were found among the Romans. We shall speak of these things in their place later, with the evidence of the facts.
|
| 445
and, indeed, when they saw that temple burning from the upper city, they were neither troubled at it, nor did they shed any tears on that account, while yet these passions were discovered among the Romans themselves; which circumstances we shall speak of hereafter in their proper place, when we come to treat of such matters.
| 445
When, from the upper city, they saw it burning, they were untroubled and shed no tears, while even the Romans felt emotion about it.
Of these facts we shall later speak more fully in the proper place.
|
Chapter 11
Escapees crucified outside the city.
Jews tear down the siege-bank
| 446
ΤίτῳTitus
δὲ
τὰ
μὲν
χώματα
προύκοπτεν
καίτοι
πολλὰ
κακουμένων
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν,
πέμψας
δ᾽
αὐτὸς
μοῖραν
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἐκέλευσεν
τοὺς
κατὰ
τὰς
φάραγγας
ἐπὶ
συγκομιδῇ
τροφῆς
ἐξιόντας
ἐνεδρεύειν.
|
446
To Titus, the earthworks were progressing, although his soldiers suffered many injuries from the wall; he himself, having sent a detachment of horsemen, ordered them to lie in ambush for those who went out into the ravines to gather food.
|
| 446
So now Titus’s banks were advanced a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had been very much distressed from the wall. He then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered they should lay ambushes for those that went out into the valleys to gather food.
| 446
So now Titus' earthworks had progressed a lot, though his troops had been much harassed from the wall.
He sent a party of cavalry with orders to lie in wait for any who went out into the valleys to gather food.
|
| 447
Ἦσαν
δέ
τινες
καὶ
τῶν
μαχίμων
οὐκέτι
διαρκούμενοι
ταῖς
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder,
τὸ
δὲ
πλέον
ἐκ
τοῦ
δήμου
πένητες,
οὓς
αὐτομολεῖν
ἀπέτρεπε
τὸ
περὶ
τῶν
οἰκείων
δέος·
|
447
There were some among the fighting men who were no longer satisfied by their robberies, but the majority were the poor of the common people, who were deterred from deserting by fear for their families.
|
| 447
Some of these were indeed fighting men, who were not contented with what they got by rapine; but the greater part of them were poor people, who were deterred from deserting by the concern they were under for their own relations;
| 447
Some of these were fighting men, not content with what they got by looting, but most were poor people, deterred from deserting by their concern for their relatives.
|
| 448
οὔτε
γὰρ
λήσεσθαι
τοὺς
στασιαστὰς
ἤλπιζον
μετὰ
γυναικῶν
καὶ
παιδίων
διαδιδράσκοντες
καὶ
καταλιπεῖν
τοῖς
λῃσταῖς
ταῦτα
οὐχ
ὑπέμενον
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν
σφαγησόμενα·
|
448
For they did not hope to escape the notice of the rebels if they fled with wives and children, and they could not bear to leave them behind for the brigands to be slaughtered on their account.
|
| 448
for they could not hope to escape away, together with their wives and children, without the knowledge of the seditious; nor could they think of leaving these relations to be slain by the robbers on their account;
| 448
They could not hope to escape with their wives and children, without the rebels knowing, or leave these relatives to be killed by the brigands on their account,
|
| 449
τολμηροὺς
δὲ
πρὸς
τὰς
ἐξόδους
ὁ
λιμὸς
ἐποίει,
καὶ
κατελείπετο
λανθάνοντας
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἁλίσκεσθαι.
Λαμβανόμενοι
δὲ
κατ᾽
ἀνάγκην
ἠμύνοντο,
καὶ
μετὰ
μάχην
ἱκετεύειν
ἄωρον
ἐδόκει.
Μαστιγούμενοι
δὴ
καὶ
προβασανιζόμενοι
τοῦ
θανάτου
πᾶσαν
αἰκίαν
ἀνεσταυροῦντο
τοῦ
τείχους
ἀντικρύ.
|
449
Hunger, however, made them bold in their excursions, and it remained for them to be captured while trying to evade the enemy. Being caught, they were forced to defend themselves, and after a fight, it seemed too late to beg for mercy. Having been scourged and tortured before death with every kind of agony, they were crucified opposite the wall.
|
| 449
nay, the severity of the famine made them bold in thus going out; so nothing remained but that, when they were concealed from the robbers, they should be taken by the enemy; and when they were going to be taken, they were forced to defend themselves for fear of being punished; as after they had fought, they thought it too late to make any supplications for mercy; so they were first whipped, and then tormented with all sorts of tortures, before they died, and were then crucified before the wall of the city.
| 449
but the severity of the famine made them risk going out, so nothing remained but that of escaping the brigands, they were taken by the enemy.
In the face of capture they had to defend themselves and after fighting they thought it too late to beg for mercy.
So they were whipped and tortured in many ways before dying, being crucified before the wall of the city.
|
| 450
ΤίτῳTitus
μὲν
οὖν
οἰκτρὸν
τὸ
πάθος
κατεφαίνετο
πεντακοσίων
ἑκάστης
ἡμέρας
ἔστι
δὲ
ὅτε
καὶ
πλειόνων
ἁλισκομένων,
οὔτε
δὲ
τοὺς
βίᾳ
ληφθέντας
ἀφεῖναι
ἀσφαλὲς
καὶ
φυλάττειν
τοσούτους
φρουρὰν
τῶν
φυλαξόντων
ἑώρα·
τό
γε
μὴν
πλέον
οὐκ
ἐκώλυεν
τάχ᾽
ἂν
ἐνδοῦναι
πρὸς
τὴν
ὄψιν
ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence
αὐτούς,
εἰ
μὴ
παραδοῖεν,
ὅμοια
πεισομένους.
|
450
To Titus, this suffering appeared pitiable, as five hundred were caught each day, and sometimes even more; yet he saw that it was neither safe to release those taken by force, nor possible to spare so many guards for such a large number of prisoners. Most of all, he did not prevent it because he hoped the sight might make the Jews surrender, fearing they would suffer the same fate if they did not hand over the city.
|
| 450
This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more: yet it did not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way, and to set a guard over so many he saw would be to make such as guarded them useless to him. The main reason why he did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment.
| 450
Their suffering caused Titus to pity them, as they caught up to five hundred every day, and sometimes more, but he did not think it safe to set free those forcibly captured, and he saw that guarding so many prisoners would occupy many of his men.
But mainly he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at the sight of it, fearful of being similarly treated themselves.
|
| 451
Προσήλουν
δὲ
οἱ
στρατιῶται
δι᾽
ὀργὴν
καὶ
μῖσος
τοὺς
ἁλόντας
ἄλλον
ἄλλῳ
σχήματι
πρὸς
χλεύην,
καὶ
διὰ
τὸ
πλῆθος
χώρα
τε
ἐνέλειπε
τοῖς
σταυροῖς
καὶ
σταυροὶ
τοῖς
σώμασιν.
|
451
The soldiers, out of rage and hatred, nailed those they caught in different positions to mock them, and because of the great number, room was lacking for the crosses and crosses were lacking for the bodies.
|
| 451
So the soldiers, out of the wrath and hatred they bore the Jews, nailed those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to the crosses, by way of jest, when their multitude was so great, that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses wanting for the bodies.
| 451
So the soldiers, in their anger and hate for the Jews, nailed to the cross any they caught, in various ways, and joked that there was not enough space for the crosses and not enough crosses for the bodies.
|
| 452
Οἱ
στασιασταὶ
δὲ
τοσοῦτον
ἀπεδέησαν
τοῦ
μεταβαλέσθαι
πρὸς
τὸ
πάθος,
ὥστε
καὶ
τοὐναντίον
αὐτοὶ
σοφίσασθαι
πρὸς
τὸ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος.
|
452
The rebels, however, were so far from changing their minds because of this suffering that they even devised the opposite effect upon the rest of the multitude.
|
| 452
But so far were the seditious from repenting at this sad sight, that, on the contrary, they made the rest of the multitude believe otherwise;
| 452
The rebels were far from repenting this sorry plight, on the contrary, they tried to convince the rest of the people to think otherwise.
|
| 453
Σύροντες
γὰρ
τοὺς
τῶν
αὐτομόλων
οἰκείους
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
καὶ
τῶν
δημοτῶν
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
πίστιν
ὡρμημένους,
οἷα
πάσχουσιν
οἱ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
προσφεύγοντες
ἐπεδείκνυσαν
καὶ
τοὺς
κεκρατημένους
ἱκέτας
ἔλεγον,
οὐκ
αἰχμαλώτους.
|
453
For dragging the relatives of the deserters onto the wall, along with those citizens who were eager to seek terms of peace, they showed them what those who fled to the Romans suffered, asserting that those who had been seized were supplicants, not captives.
|
| 453
for they brought the relations of those that had deserted upon the wall, with such of the populace as were very eager to go over upon the security offered them, and showed them what miseries those underwent who fled to the Romans; and told them that those who were caught were supplicants to them, and not such as were taken prisoners.
| 453
They brought the relatives of those who had deserted up on the wall, with others who wanted to go over upon the guarantee offered them and showed them what was suffered by those who fled to the Romans, and told them that those who were caught had gone as supplicants to them and were not taken as prisoners.
|
| 454
Τοῦτο
πολλοὺς
τῶν
αὐτομολεῖν
ὡρμημένων
μέχρι
τἀληθὲς
ἐγνώσθη
κατέσχεν·
εἰσὶ
δ᾽
οἳ
καὶ
παραχρῆμα
διέδρασαν
ὡς
ἐπὶ
βέβαιον
τιμωρίαν,
ἀνάπαυσιν
ἡγούμενοι
τὸν
ἐκ
τῶν
πολεμίων
θάνατον
ἐν
λιμοῦ
συγκρίσει.
|
454
This restrained many who were eager to desert until the truth became known; yet there were some who immediately fled as if to certain punishment, considering death at the hands of the enemy a rest in comparison to the hunger.
|
| 454
This sight kept many of those within the city who were so eager to desert, till the truth was known; yet did some of them run away immediately as unto certain punishment, esteeming death from their enemies to be a quiet departure, if compared with that by famine.
| 454
This sight kept within the city many who had been eager to desert until the truth was known; and still some fled to certain execution, considering death from the enemy to be a relief, compared with that from famine.
|
| 455
Πολλοὺς
δὲ
καὶ
χειροκοπῆσαι
κελεύσας
ΤίτοςTitus
τῶν
ἑαλωκότων,
ὡς
μὴ
δοκοῖεν
αὐτόμολοι
καὶ
πιστεύοιντο
διὰ
τὴν
συμφοράν,
εἰσέπεμψε
πρὸς
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
καὶ
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn,
|
455
Titus also ordered the hands of many of the captives to be cut off, so they would not be thought of as deserters and might be believed because of their calamity, and sent them in to Simon and John,
|
| 455
So Titus commanded that the hands of many of those that were caught should be cut off, that they might not be thought deserters, and might be credited on account of the calamity they were under, and sent them in to John and Simon,
| 455
So Titus had the hands of many who were caught cut off, so as not to be thought deserters and might be credited due to the disaster they felt and sent them in to John and Simon,
|
| 456
νῦν
γε
ἤδη
παύσασθαι
παραινῶν
καὶ
μὴ
πρὸς
ἀναίρεσιν
τῆς
πόλεως
αὐτὸν
βιάζεσθαι,
κερδῆσαι
δ᾽
ἐκ
τῆς
ἐν
ὑστάτοις
μεταμελείας
τάς
τε
αὐτῶν
ψυχὰς
καὶ
τηλικαύτην
πατρίδα
καὶ
ναὸν
ἀκοινώνητον
ἄλλοις.
|
456
exhorting them now at last to cease and not force him to destroy the city, but to gain, through a last-minute change of heart, their own lives and such a great fatherland and a temple that was not shared with others.
|
| 456
with this exhortation, that they would now at length leave off [their madness], and not force him to destroy the city, whereby they would have those advantages of repentance, even in their utmost distress, that they would preserve their own lives, and so find a city of their own, and that temple which was their peculiar.
| 456
bidding them to finally give up and not force him to destroy the city, for even in this extreme they would reap the benefits of repentance, and save their lives and their city and their unique temple.
|
| 457
Περιιὼν
δὲ
τὰ
χώματα
τοὺς
ἐργαζομένους
ἅμα
κατήπειγεν
ὡς
οὐκ
εἰς
μακρὰν
ἀκολουθήσων
ἔργοις
τῷ
λόγῳ.
|
457
And going around the earthworks, he urged on those working, saying that he would soon follow up his words with deeds.
|
| 457
He then went round about the banks that were cast up, and hastened them, in order to show that his words should in no long time be followed by his deeds.
| 457
He went around about the earthworks that were built and hurried them on, to show that his words would soon be followed by action.
|
| 458
Πρὸς
ταῦτα
αὐτόν
τε
ἐβλασφήμουν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
ΚαίσαραCaesar
καὶ
τὸν
πατέρα
αὐτοῦ,
καὶ
τοῦ
μὲν
θανάτου
καταφρονεῖν
ἐβόων,
ᾑρῆσθαι
γὰρ
αὐτὸν
πρὸ
δουλείας
καλῶς,
ἐργάσεσθαι
δὲ
ὅσα
ἂν
δύνωνται
κακὰ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἕως
ἐμπνέωσι,
πατρίδος
δὲ
οὐ
μέλειν
τῆς
ὡς
αὐτός
φησιν
ἀπολουμένης,
καὶ
ναοῦ
[
ἀπολομένου
]
ἀμείνω
τούτου
τῷ
θεῷ
τὸν
κόσμον
εἶναι.
|
458
In response to this, they reviled both Caesar himself and his father from the wall, and they shouted that they despised death, for they had chosen it honorably over slavery, and that they would do as much evil to the Romans as they could as long as they had breath, caring nothing for the fatherland which he said was to perish, for they said the world was a better temple for God than this one [which was about to perish].
|
| 458
In answer to which the seditious cast reproaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his father also, and cried out, with a loud voice, that they contemned death, and did well in preferring it before slavery; that they would do all the mischief to the Romans they could while they had breath in them; and that for their own city, since they were, as he said, to be destroyed, they had no concern about it, and that the world itself was a better temple to God than this.
| 458
In reply, they called insults from the walls at Caesar and his father and shouted that they despised death and preferred it to slavery and would do as much harm to the Romans as they could while they were still breathing and that they cared no longer for their country since it was, as he said, to be destroyed, and that the world itself was a better place for God than this temple, soon to be destroyed.
|
| 459
Σωθήσεσθαί
γε
μὴν
καὶ
τοῦτον
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
κατοικοῦντος,
ὃν
καὶ
αὐτοὶ
σύμμαχον
ἔχοντες
πᾶσαν
χλευάσειν
ἀπειλὴν
ὑστεροῦσαν
ἔργων·
τὸ
γὰρ
τέλος
εἶναι
τοῦ
θεοῦ.
Τοιαῦτα
ταῖς
λοιδορίαις
ἀναμίσγοντες
ἐκεκράγεσαν.
|
459
They said, however, that even this temple would be saved by Him who dwells within it, and having Him as their ally, they would mock every threat that was not followed by deeds; for the end belonged to God. Mixing such words with insults, they shouted out.
|
| 459
That yet this temple would be preserved by him that inhabited therein, whom they still had for their assistant in this war, and did therefore laugh at all his threatenings, which would come to nothing, because the conclusion of the whole depended upon God only. These words were mixed with reproaches, and with them they made a mighty clamor.
| 459
But it would be saved by Him who dwelt there, whom they still had as their ally in this war, so they laughed at all his threats, which would fail, because the end of the whole matter depended upon God alone.
These shouts were mixed with loud words of mockery.
|
| 460
Ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
καὶ
ὁ
ἘπιφανὴςEpiphanes
ἈντίοχοςAntiochus
παρῆν
ἄλλους
τε
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
συχνοὺς
ἔχων
καὶ
περὶ
αὑτὸν
στῖφος
ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians
καλούμενον,
ἥλικας
πάντας,
ὑψηλούς,
ὀλίγον
ὑπὲρ
ἀντίπαιδας,
τὸν
Μακεδονικὸν
τρόπον
ὡπλισμένους
τε
καὶ
πεπαιδευμένους,
ὅθεν
καὶ
τὴν
ἐπίκλησιν
εἶχον
ὑστεροῦντες
οἱ
πολλοὶ
τοῦ
γένους.
|
460
In the meantime, Antiochus Epiphanes arrived, having with him many other heavy-armed soldiers and a troop around him called “Macedonians,” all of the same age, tall, just past their youth, armed and trained in the Macedonian fashion, from which they took their title, though most of them lacked the lineage.
|
| 460
In the meantime Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation;
| 460
Meanwhile, Antiochus Epiphanes arrived in the city, with him a large retinue of warriors and the so-called Macedonian troop, all of the same age, tall and just out of adolescence, armed and trained in the Macedonian style, from which they took the name, though many of them were unworthy of that nation.
|
| 461
Εὐδαιμονῆσαι
γὰρ
δὴ
μάλιστα
τῶν
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
βασιλέων
τὸν
Κομμαγηνὸν
συνέβη
πρὶν
γεύσασθαι
μεταβολῆς·
ἀπέφηνε
δὲ
κἀκεῖνος
ἐπὶ
γήρως,
ὡς
οὐδένα
χρὴ
λέγειν
πρὸ
θανάτου
μακάριον.
|
461
For indeed, the King of Commagene happened to be the most prosperous of the kings under the Romans before he tasted a change of fortune; but he too proved in his old age that no one should be called blessed before death.
|
| 461
for it had so happened, that the king of Commagene had flourished more than any other kings that were under the power of the Romans, till a change happened in his condition; and when he was become an old man, he declared plainly that we ought not to call any man happy before he is dead.
| 461
In fact, the king of Commagene had flourished under Roman rule more than other kings, until his condition changed, and as an old man, he declared that we ought to call no man happy before he is dead.
|
| 462
Ἀλλ᾽But
ὅ
γε
παῖς
ἀκμάζοντος
αὐτοῦ
τηνικαῦτα
παρὼν
θαυμάζειν
ἔφασκε,
τί
δήποτε
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
κατοκνοῖεν
προσιέναι
τῷ
τείχει·
πολεμιστὴς
δέ
τις
αὐτὸς
ἦν
καὶ
φύσει
παράβολος
κατά
τε
ἀλκὴν
τοσοῦτος,
ὡς
ὀλίγῳ
τὰ
τῆς
τόλμης
διαμαρτάνειν.
|
462
But his son, being then in his prime, said he wondered why the Romans hesitated to approach the wall; he was a warrior himself, naturally adventurous and so strong that his daring was rarely unsuccessful.
|
| 462
But this son of his, who was then come thither before his father was decaying, said that he could not but wonder what made the Romans so tardy in making their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a warlike man, and naturally bold in exposing himself to dangers; he was also so strong a man, that his boldness seldom failed of having success.
| 462
His son, who arrived there before his father's demise, expressed his surprise that the Romans were so slow to assault the wall.
He was a warrior fond of risks and was also so strong that his daring seldom failed.
|
| 463
Μειδιάσαντος
δὲ
τοῦ
ΤίτουTitus
καὶ
"
;
κοινὸς
ὁ
πόνος
"
εἰπόντος,
ὡς
εἶχεν
ὥρμησεν
ὁ
ἈντίοχοςAntiochus
μετὰ
τῶν
ΜακεδόνωνMacedonians
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος.
|
463
Titus smiled and said, “The labor is shared,” and Antiochus, just as he was, rushed with the Macedonians toward the wall.
|
| 463
Upon this Titus smiled, and said he would share the pains of an attack with him. However, Antiochus went as he then was, and with his Macedonians made a sudden assault upon the wall;
| 463
Titus smiled and said he would share the pains of an attack with him, so Antiochus went as he was and assaulted the wall with his Macedonians.
|
| 464
αὐτὸς
μὲν
οὖν
διά
τε
ἰσχὺν
καὶ
κατ᾽
ἐμπειρίαν
ἐφυλάττετο
τὰ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
βέλη
τοξεύων
εἰς
αὐτούς,
τὰ
μειράκια
δὲ
αὐτῷ
συνετρίβη
πάντα
πλὴν
ὀλίγων·
διὰ
γὰρ
αἰδῶ
τῆς
ὑποσχέσεως
προσεφιλονείκει
μαχόμενα·
|
464
He himself, through both strength and experience, guarded against the Jewish missiles while shooting at them, but his young men were all crushed except for a few; for out of shame for their promise, they continued fighting with rivalry.
|
| 464
and, indeed, for his own part, his strength and skill were so great, that he guarded himself from the Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them, while yet the young men with him were almost all sorely galled; for they had so great a regard to the promises that had been made of their courage, that they would needs persevere in their fighting,
| 464
His strength and skill were so great, that he guarded himself from Jewish spears but shot his spears at them, and yet most of his young men were severely mauled, as the promise about their courage made them keep on fighting.
|
| 465
καὶ
τέλος
ἀνεχώρουν
τραυματίαι
πολλοί,
συννοοῦντες
ὅτι
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀληθῶς
ΜακεδόσινMacedonians,
εἰ
μέλλοιεν
κρατεῖν,
δεῖ
τῆς
ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander
τύχης.
|
465
Finally, they retreated, many of them wounded, realizing that even for true Macedonians, if they were to prevail, they would need the luck of Alexander.
|
| 465
and at length many of them retired, but not till they were wounded; and then they perceived that true Macedonians, if they were to be conquerors, must have Alexander’s good fortune also.
| 465
Finally they retreated, many of them wounded, and then they saw that true Macedonians, in order to win, must have the good fortune of Alexander.
|
| 466
Τοῖς
δὲ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἀρξαμένοις
δωδεκάτῃ
μηνὸς
ἈρτεμισίουArtemisium
συνετελέσθη
τὰ
χώματα
μόλις
ἐνάτῃ
καὶ
εἰκάδι
ταῖς
/δεχεπτὰ
συνεχῶς
πονουμένων
ἡμέραις·
|
466
The Romans had begun the earthworks on the twelfth of the month of Artemisius,[1] and they were barely finished on the twenty-ninth, after seventeen days of continuous labor.
|
| 466
Now, as the Romans began to raise their banks on the twelfth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] so had they much ado to finish them by the twenty-ninth day of the same month, after they had labored hard for seventeen days continually.
| 466
The Romans began to raise their earthworks on the twelfth day of the month Artemisius, and with difficulty finished them on the twenty-ninth day of the same month, after working hard for seventeen days.
|
[1]Around May 70 AD
| 467
μέγιστα
γὰρ
ἐχώσθη
τὰ
τέσσαρα,
καὶ
θάτερον
μὲν
τὸ
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἈντωνίανAntonia
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
πέμπτου
τάγματος
ἐβλήθη
κατὰ
μέσον
τῆς
Στρουθίου
καλουμένης
κολυμβήθρας,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἕτερον
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
δωδεκάτου
διεστῶτος
ὅσον
εἰς
πήχεις
εἴκοσι.
|
467
For four very large mounds were raised: one against the Antonia was thrown up by the Fifth Legion near the middle of the pool called Struthius; another by the Twelfth Legion, about twenty cubits[1] away.
|
| 467
For there were now four great banks raised, one of which was at the towerAntonia; this was raised by the fifth legion, over against the middle of that pool which was called Struthius. Another was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the distance of about twenty cubits from the other.
| 467
Now four great earthworks had been raised, one of them at the Antonia tower, made by the fifth legion, just opposite the pool called Struthius, and another by the twelfth legion, about twenty feet from the other.
|
[1]20 cubits = 9 metres (29 ft)
| 468
Τῷ
δεκάτῳ
δὲ
τάγματι
διέχοντι
πολὺ
τούτων
κατὰ
τὸ
βόρειον
κλίμα
τὸ
ἔργον
ἦν
καὶ
κολυμβήθραν
Ἀμύγδαλον
προσαγορευομένηνto call, name·
τούτου
δὲ
τὸ
πεντεκαιδέκατον
ἀπὸ
τριάκοντα
πηχῶν
ἔχου
κατὰ
τὸ
τοῦ
ἀρχιερέως
μνημεῖον.
|
468
The Tenth Legion, which was far from these on the northern side, was working at the pool called Amygdalon; and the Fifteenth Legion, thirty cubits[1] from this one, was at the monument of the High Priest.
|
| 468
But the labors of the tenth legion, which lay a great way off these, were on the north quarter, and at the pool called Amygdalon; as was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty cubits from it, and at the high priest’s monument.
| 468
The works of the tenth legion, far from these, were on the north side, at the pool called Amygdalon, and that of the fifteenth legion was about thirty feet from it, beside the high priest's tomb.
|
[1]30 cubits = 13 metres (44 ft)
| 469
προσαγομένων
δὲ
ἤδη
αὐτῶν
ὁ
μὲν
ἸωάννηςJohn
ἔνδοθεν
ὑπορύξας
τὸ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈντωνίανAntonia
μέχρι
τῶν
χωμάτων
καὶ
διαλαβόντες
σταυροῖς
τοὺς
ὑπονόμους
ἀνακρήμνησιν
τὰ
ἔργα,
πίσσῃ
δὲ
καὶ
ἀσφάλτῳ
διακεχρισμένην
τὴν
ὕλην
εἰσκομίσας
ἐνίησι
πῦρ.
|
469
As the engines were being brought forward, John, having mined the ground from within under the area of the Antonia as far as the earthworks, supported the tunnels with timber beams and filled the space with wood smeared with pitch and bitumen, and set it on fire.
|
| 469
And now, when the engines were brought, John had from within undermined the space that was over against the tower of Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, and had supported the ground over the mine with beams laid across one another, whereby the Roman works stood upon an uncertain foundation. Then did he order such materials to be brought in as were daubed over with pitch and bitumen, and set them on fire;
| 469
When the machines were brought, John had undermined from inside the space opposite the Antonia tower, as far as the earthworks, supporting the ground over the mine with crossbeams so that it was unstable; then he brought in pitch and asphalt and set the fabric on fire.
|
| 470
Καὶ
τῶν
σταυρῶν
ὑποκαέντων
ἥ
τε
διώρυξ
ἐνέδωκεν
ἀθρόα,
καὶ
μετὰ
μεγίστου
ψόφου
κατεσείσθη
τὰ
χώματα
εἰς
αὐτήν.
|
470
When the supports were burned away, the mine collapsed all at once, and with a tremendous crash, the earthworks fell into it.
|
| 470
and as the cross beams that supported the banks were burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden, and the banks were shaken down, and fell into the ditch with a prodigious noise.
| 470
As the beams under the earthworks burned, the ditch suddenly collapsed and the earthworks shook and fell into the ditch with a mighty noise.
|
| 471
Τὸ
μὲν
οὖν
πρῶτον
μετὰ
τοῦ
κονιορτοῦ
καπνὸς
ἠγείρετο
βαθὺς
πνιγομένου
τῷ
πταίσματι
τοῦ
πυρόςfire, fiery,
τῆς
δὲ
θλιβούσης
ὕλης
διαβιβρωσκόμενος
ἤδη
φανερὰ
φλὸξ
ἐρρήγνυτο.
|
471
At first, a thick smoke rose with the dust, the fire being stifled by the collapse, but as the wood that pressed upon it was consumed, a clear flame broke out.
|
| 471
Now at the first there arose a very thick smoke and dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of the bank; but as the suffocated materials were now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake out;
| 471
Thick smoke and dust arose, choking the fire in the fall, but as the collapsed fabric was consumed, flames flared out.
|
| 472
Καὶ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἔκπληξιςconsternation
μὲν
πρὸς
τὸ
αἰφνίδιον,
ἀθυμία
δὲ
πρὸς
τὴν
ἐπίνοιαν
ἐμπίπτει,
καὶ
κρατήσεινto be strong
οἰομένοις
ἤδη
τὸ
συμβὰνto meet, happen
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
μέλλον
ἔψυξε
τὴν
ἐλπίδα·
τὸ
δὲ
ἀμύνειν
ἀχρεῖον
ἐδόκει
πρὸς
τὸ
πῦρ,
καὶ
εἰ
σβεσθείη
τῶν
χωμάτων
καταποθέντων.
|
472
The Romans were struck with consternation at the suddenness and despondency at the ingenuity of it; just as they thought they were about to prevail, the event cooled their hope for the future. To try to fight the fire seemed useless since, even if extinguished, the earthworks were swallowed up.
|
| 472
on which sudden appearance of the flame a consternation fell upon the Romans, and the shrewdness of the contrivance discouraged them; and indeed this accident coming upon them at a time when they thought they had already gained their point, cooled their hopes for the time to come. They also thought it would be to no purpose to take the pains to extinguish the fire, since if it were extinguished, the banks were swallowed up already [and become useless to them].
| 472
The sudden episode panicked the Romans and the shrewd plan dismayed them, and their hopes were cooled by the fact that it happened at a time when they thought they had already won.
They felt it would be a waste of effort to put out the fire, since even if it were extinguished, the earthworks were already ruined.
|
| 473
μετὰ
δ᾽
ἡμέρας
δύο
καὶ
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
ἐπιτίθενται
χώμασιν
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon·
καὶ
γὰρ
δὴ
προσαγαγόντες
ταύτῃ
τὰς
ἑλεπόλεις
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
διέσειον
τὸ
τεῖχος.
|
473
Two days later, Simon and his followers attacked the other earthworks; for the Romans had brought up their battering rams in that area and were shaking the wall.
|
| 473
Two days after this, Simon and his party made an attempt to destroy the other banks; for the Romans had brought their engines to bear there, and began already to make the wall shake.
| 473
Two days later, Simon and his party tried to destroy the other earthworks, for the Romans had brought their machines to bear there and were already shaking the wall.
|
| 474
Τεφθέος
δέ
τις
ἀπὸ
ΓάριςTarichea
πόλεως
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee,
καὶ
Μαγάσσαρος
τῶν
βασιλικῶν
ΜαριάμμηςMariamne
θεράπων,
μεθ᾽
ὧν
Ἀδιαβηνός
τις
υἱὸς
Ναβαταίου,
τοὔνομα
κληθεὶς
ἀπὸ
τῆς
τύχης
καὶ
ἀγίρας,
ὅπερ
σημαίνει
χωλός,
ἁρπάσαντες
λαμπάδας
προεπήδησαν
ἐπὶ
τὰς
μηχανάς.
|
474
A certain Tephtheus from Garis, a city of Galilee, and Magassarus, one of the royal servants of Mariamne, and with them a certain Adiabenian, the son of Nabataeus, called by his luck “Agiras,” which means “lame,” snatched up torches and leaped out toward the machines.
|
| 474
And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne’s servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying “a lame man,” snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines.
| 474
Tephtheus from Garsis, a city of Galilee and Megassarus, one of the king's soldiers and a servant of Mariamne, with a man from Adiabene, the son of Nabateus, named Chagiras because of his unfortunate lameness, snatched up torches and ran at the machines.
|
| 475
Τούτων
τῶν
ἀνδρῶν
οὔτε
τολμηρότεροι
κατὰ
τόνδε
τὸν
πόλεμον
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἐφάνησαν
οὔτε
φοβερώτεροι·
|
475
No men appeared more daring or more terrifying than these from the city during this war.
|
| 475
Nor were there during this war any men that ever sallied out of the city who were their superiors, either in their boldness, or in the terror they struck into their enemies.
| 475
During this war no men ever sallied out from the city more audaciously than they, or caused more fear.
|
| 476
καθάπερ
γὰρ
εἰς
φίλους
ἐκτρέχοντες
οὐ
πολεμίων
στῖφος
οὔτ᾽
ἐμέλλησαν
οὔτ᾽
ἀπέστησανto mislead, rebel,
ἀλλὰ
διὰ
μέσων
ἐνθορόντες
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν
ὑφῆψαν
τὰς
μηχανάς.
|
476
For as if running out to friends and not a mass of enemies, they neither hesitated nor turned back, but leaping through the midst of the foe, they set the machines on fire.
|
| 476
For they ran out upon the Romans, not as if they were enemies, but friends, without fear or delay; nor did they leave their enemies till they had rushed violently through the midst of them, and set their machines on fire.
| 476
They ran out not as if to enemies but to friends, without fear or hesitation, not letting up until they had dashed through the enemy and set their machines on fire,
|
| 477
Βαλλόμενοι
δὲ
καὶ
τοῖς
ξίφεσιν
ἀνωθούμενοι
πάντοθεν
οὐ
πρότερον
ἐκ
τοῦ
κινδύνου
μετεκινήθησαν
ἢ
δράξασθαι
τῶν
ὀργάνων
τὸ
πῦρ.
|
477
Though they were shot at and pushed back by swords on all sides, they did not move from the danger until the fire had gripped the engines.
|
| 477
And though they had darts thrown at them on every side, and were on every side assaulted with their enemies’ swords, yet did they not withdraw themselves out of the dangers they were in, till the fire had caught hold of the instruments;
| 477
and though threatened by spears and swords from every side, they did not flinch from danger until the fire had caught hold of the machines.
|
| 478
Αἰρομένης
δὲ
ἤδη
τῆς
φλογὸς
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τῶν
στρατοπέδων
συνθέοντες
ἐβοήθουν,
ἸουδαῖοιJews
δ᾽
ἐκ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐκώλυον
καὶ
τοῖς
σβεννύειν
πειρωμένοις
συνεπλέκοντο
κατὰ
μηδὲν
τῶν
ἰδίων
φειδόμενοι
σωμάτων.
|
478
The flame now rising, the Romans ran from their camps to help, but the Jews hindered them from the wall and fought with those trying to extinguish it, sparing their own bodies not at all.
|
| 478
but when the flame went up, the Romans came running from their camp to save their engines. Then did the Jews hinder their succors from the wall, and fought with those that endeavored to quench the fire, without any regard to the danger their bodies were in.
| 478
Once the flame went up, the Romans came running from their camp to save their machines, but from the wall the Jews hindered their reinforcements and fought those who tried to quench the fire, with no regard for their own safety.
|
| 479
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
εἷλκον
ἐκ
τοῦ
πυρὸς
τὰς
ἑλεπόλεις
τῶν
ὑπὲρ
αὐτὰς
γέρρων
φλεγομένων,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἸουδαῖοιJews
καὶ
διὰ
τῆς
φλογὸς
ἀντελαμβάνοντο
καὶ
τοῦ
σιδήρου
ζέοντος
δρασσόμενοι
τοὺς
κριοὺς
οὐ
μεθίεσαν·
διέβαινε
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τούτων
ἐπὶ
τὰ
χώματα
τὸ
πῦρ
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀμύνοντας
προελάμβανεν.
|
479
While the Romans were pulling the battering rams out of the fire with their wicker coverings burning, the Jews grabbed them even through the flames and, seizing the glowing iron, they would not let go of the rams. The fire passed from these to the earthworks and overtook those trying to defend them.
|
| 479
So the Romans pulled the engines out of the fire, while the hurdles that covered them were on fire; but the Jews caught hold of the batteringrams through the flame itself, and held them fast, although the iron upon them was become red hot; and now the fire spread itself from the engines to the banks, and prevented those that came to defend them;
| 479
The others pulled the machines from the flames, while the hurdles covering them were burning, but through the flame the Jews took hold of the battering rams and held them fast, although the iron upon them was sizzling.
And the fire spread from the machines to the earthworks, blocking those who came to defend them.
|
| 480
Ἐν
τούτῳ
δ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
κυκλούμενοι
τῇ
φλογὶ
καὶ
τὴν
σωτηρίαν
τῶν
ἔργων
ἀπογνόντες
ἀνεχώρουν
ἐπὶ
τὰ
στρατόπεδα,
|
480
Meanwhile, the Romans, surrounded by the flame and despairing of saving their works, retreated to their camps.
|
| 480
and all this while the Romans were encompassed round about with the flame; and, despairing of saving their works from it, they retired to their camp.
| 480
All the while the Romans were surrounded by the flames, and despairing of saving their works they retreated to their camp.
|
| 481
ἸουδαῖοιJews
δὲ
προσέκειντο
πλείους
ἀεὶ
γινόμενοι
τῶν
ἔνδοθεν
προσβοηθούντων
καὶ
τῷ
κρατεῖν
τεθαρρηκότες
ἀταμιεύτοις
ἐχρῶντο
ταῖς
ὀργαῖς,
προελθόντες
δὲ
μέχρι
τῶν
ἐρυμάτων
ἤδη
συνεπλέκοντο
τοῖς
φρουροῖς.
|
481
The Jews pressed on, their numbers always increasing as others came from within to help, and emboldened by their success, they used their rage without restraint; advancing as far as the Roman fortifications, they were now engaging the guards.
|
| 481
Then did the Jews become still more and more in number by the coming of those that were within the city to their assistance; and as they were very bold upon the good success they had had, their violent assaults were almost irresistible; nay, they proceeded as far as the fortifications of the enemy’s camp, and fought with their guards.
| 481
The Jewish side grew in number when those inside came to their help, and emboldened by their success, their assaults were almost irresistible, so that proceeding as far as the enemy fortifications they fought with their guards.
|
| 482
τάξις
ἐστὶν
ἐκ
διαδοχῆς
ἱσταμένη
πρὸ
τοῦ
στρατοπέδου,
καὶ
δεινὸς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῇ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
νόμος
τὸν
ὑποχωρήσαντα
καθ᾽
ἣν
δήποτ᾽
οὖν
αἰτίαν
θνήσκειν.
|
482
There is a rank that stands in succession before the camp, and the Roman law regarding it is severe: the one who retreats for any reason whatsoever dies.
|
| 482
Now there stood a body of soldiers in array before that camp, which succeeded one another by turns in their armor; and as to those, the law of the Romans was terrible, that he who left his post there, let the occasion be whatsoever it might be, he was to die for it;
| 482
A rank of soldiers was stationed before the camp, succeeding each other in shifts, and the strict Roman law said that whoever left his post for whatever reason must die.
|
| 483
Οὗτοι
τοῦ
μετὰ
κολάσεως
τὸν
μετ᾽
ἀρετῆς
θάνατον
προκρίναντες
ἵστανται,
καὶ
πρὸς
τὴν
τούτων
ἀνάγκην
πολλοὶ
τῶν
τραπέντων
ἐπεστράφησαν
αἰδούμενοι.
|
483
These men, preferring a death with valor to one with punishment, stood their ground; and at their necessity, many of those who had fled turned back out of shame.
|
| 483
so that body of soldiers, preferring rather to die in fighting courageously, than as a punishment for their cowardice, stood firm; and at the necessity these men were in of standing to it, many of the others that had run away, out of shame, turned back again;
| 483
So that troop of soldiers stood firm, preferring to die bravely fighting than to die as punishment for cowardice; and in these men's need, many of the others who had fled returned out of shame.
|
| 484
διαθέντες
δὲ
καὶ
τοὺς
ὀξυβελεῖς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
εἶργον
τὸ
προσγινόμενον
πλῆθος
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως
οὐδὲν
εἰς
ἀσφάλειαν
ἢ
φυλακὴν
τῶν
σωμάτων
προνοουμένους·
συνεπλέκοντο
γὰρ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τοῖς
προστυχοῦσι
καὶ
ταῖς
αἰχμαῖς
ἀφυλάκτως
ἐμπίπτοντες
αὐτοῖς
τοῖς
σώμασι
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
ἔπαιον.
|
484
Setting up their quick-firing engines on the wall, they kept back the multitude coming from the city, who took no thought for their own safety or protection; for the Jews engaged with whoever they met and, falling upon the spears without guard, they struck the enemy with their very bodies.
|
| 484
and when they had set the engines against the wall, they put the multitude from coming more of them out of the city, [which they could the more easily do] because they had made no provision for preserving or guarding their bodies at this time; for the Jews fought now hand to hand with all that came in their way, and, without any caution, fell against the points of their enemies’ spears, and attacked them bodies against bodies; for they were now too hard for the Romans, not so much by their other warlike actions, as by these courageous assaults they made upon them;
| 484
When they had set the machines against the wall, they stopped any others from coming out of the city, as they had no body-armour, as the Jews now fought hand to hand with any they encountered, attacking their spearpoints unprotected, and fighting them hand to hand.
|
| 485
Οὔτε
δὲ
ἔργοις
αὐτοὶ
πλέον
ἢ
τῷ
θαρρεῖν
περιῆσαν
καὶ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τῇ
τόλμῃ
πλέον
εἶκον
ἢ
τῷ
κακοῦσθαι.
|
485
They prevailed not so much by their deeds as by their confidence, and the Romans yielded more to their daring than to the damage they suffered.
|
| 485
and the Romans gave way more to their boldness than they did to the sense of the harm they had received from them.
| 485
They now had the better of the Romans, not so much by fact as in fearlessness, and it was more to their audacity that Romans gave way than to any sense of being harmed by them.
|
| 486
παρῆν
δ᾽
ἤδη
ΤίτοςTitus
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia,
ὅπου
κεχώριστο
κατασκεπτόμενος
τόπον
ἄλλοις
χώμασι,
καὶ
πολλὰ
τοὺς
στρατιώτας
φαυλίσας,
εἰ
κρατοῦντες
τῶν
πολεμίων
τειχῶν
κινδυνεύουσι
τοῖς
ἰδίοις
καὶ
πολιορκουμένων
ὑπομένουσιν
αὐτοὶ
τύχην
ὥσπερ
ἐκ
δεσμωτηρίου
καθ᾽
αὑτῶν
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἀνέντες,
περιῄει
μετὰ
τῶν
ἐπιλέκτων
κατὰ
πλευρὰ
τοὺς
πολεμίους
αὐτός.
|
486
Titus now arrived from the Antonia, where he had gone to scout a place for other earthworks, and having heavily rebuked the soldiers—that while they were masters of the enemy’s walls, they were in danger on their own, and were enduring the fate of the besieged as if they had let the Jews out of prison against themselves—he personally went around the flank of the enemy with his picked men.
|
| 486
And now Titus was come from the tower of Antonia, whither he was gone to look out for a place for raising other banks, and reproached the soldiers greatly for permitting their own walls to be in danger, when they had taken the walls of their enemies, and sustained the fortune of men besieged, while the Jews were allowed to sally out against them, though they were already in a sort of prison.
| 486
Titus had come from the Antonia tower, where he went to look out for a site for other earthworks and severely reprimanded the soldiers for leaving their own earthworks in danger after taking the ramparts of the enemy, looking like men besieged while the Jews, who were already almost prisoners, were let sally out against them; and went with his elite troops around the side of the enemy to attack their flank.
|
| 487
Οἱ
δὲ
κατὰ
στόμα
παιόμενοι
καὶ
πρὸς
τοῦτον
ἐπιστραφέντες
ἐκαρτέρουν.
Μιγείσης
δὲ
τῆς
παρατάξεως
ὁ
μὲν
κονιορτὸς
τῶν
ὀμμάτωνeye,
ἡ
κραυγὴ
δὲ
τῶν
ἀκοῶν
ἐπεκράτει,
καὶ
οὐδετέρῳ
παρῆν
ἔτι
τεκμήρασθαι
τὸ
ἐχθρὸν
ἢ
τὸ
φίλιον.
|
487
Those who were struck in the face turned toward him and held their ground. In the confusion of the battle, dust blinded the eyes and shouting overpowered the ears, and no one could any longer distinguish friend from foe.
|
| 487
He then went round about the enemy with some chosen troops, and fell upon their flank himself; so the Jews, who had been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled about to Titus, and continued the fight. The armies also were now mixed one among another, and the dust that was raised so far hindered them from seeing one another, and the noise that was made so far hindered them from hearing one another, that neither side could discern an enemy from a friend.
| 487
Then the Jews, who had earlier been assaulted from the front, turned toward him and continued the fight.
The armies were now mingled and the rising dust prevented them from seeing each other and the noise stopped them from hearing, so that neither side could distinguish friend from foe.
|
| 488
ἸουδαίωνJews
δὲ
οὐ
τοσοῦτον
ἔτι
κατ᾽
ἀλκὴν
ὅσον
ἀπογνώσει
σωτηρίας
παραμενόντων
καὶ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐτόνωσεν
αἰδὼς
δόξης
τε
καὶ
τῶν
ὅπλων
καὶ
προκινδυνεύοντος
ΚαίσαροςCaesar·
|
488
The Jews remained firm, not so much through strength as through despair of safety, and the Romans were strengthened by shame for their reputation, their arms, and Caesar’s personal danger.
|
| 488
However, the Jews did not flinch, though not so much from their real strength, as from their despair of deliverance. The Romans also would not yield, by reason of the regard they had to glory, and to their reputation in war, and because Caesar himself went into the danger before them;
| 488
The Jews were unyielding, not so much from strength as from despair of survival; and neither would the Romans yield, because of their feeling for glory and reputation in war, and because Caesar himself went into the danger ahead of them.
|
| 489
ὥστε
μοι
δοκοῦσι
τὰ
τελευταῖα
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
θυμῶν
κἂν
ἁρπάσαι
τὸ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
πλῆθος,
εἰ
μὴ
τὴν
ῥοπὴν
τῆς
παρατάξεως
φθάσαντες
ἀνεχώρησαν
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
489
So it seems to me that in the excess of their fury, the Romans might have even seized the Jewish multitude, if the Jews had not anticipated the turn of the battle and retreated into the city.
|
| 489
insomuch that I cannot but think the Romans would in the conclusion have now taken even the whole multitude of the Jews, so very angry were they at them, had these not prevented the upshot of the battle, and retired into the city.
| 489
I think that in their rage the Romans would finally have captured the entire army of the Jews, had they not forestalled them by retreating into the city.
|
| 490
Διεφθαρμένων
δὲ
τῶν
χωμάτων
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μὲν
ἦσαν
ἐν
ἀθυμίαις
τὸν
μακρὸν
κάματον
ἐπὶ
μιᾶς
ὥρας
ἀπολέσαντες·
καὶ
πολλοὶ
μὲν
ταῖς
συνήθεσι
μηχαναῖς
ἀπήλπιζον
ἁλώσεσθαι
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
490
With the earthworks destroyed, the Romans were in despondency, having lost their long labor in a single hour; and many despaired of taking the city by the usual engines.
|
| 490
However, seeing the banks of the Romans were demolished, these Romans were very much cast down upon the loss of what had cost them so long pains, and this in one hour’s time. And many indeed despaired of taking the city with their usual engines of war only.
| 490
But seeing their earthworks demolished, the Romans were dispirited at losing in a single hour what had cost them such labour to erect.
Many of them even despaired that their usual war-machines could take the city.
|
Chapter 12
Titus rings the city with a wall.
Famine starts to destroy the people
| 491
ΤίτοςTitus
δὲ
μετὰ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
ἐβουλεύετο,
καὶ
τοῖς
μὲν
θερμοτέροις
πᾶσαν
ἐδόκει
προσφέρειν
τὴν
δύναμιν
ἀποπειρᾶσθαί
τε
τοῦ
τείχους
βίᾳ·
|
491
Titus, however, held a council with his commanders; and to the more hot-headed, it seemed best to bring their entire force to bear and attempt to take the wall by storm.
|
| 491
And now did Titus consult with his commanders what was to be done. Those that were of the warmest tempers thought he should bring the whole army against the city and storm the wall;
| 491
Titus consulted his officers and those of hottest temper thought he should bring the whole army against the city and storm the wall,
|
| 492
μέχρι
μὲν
γὰρ
νῦν
κατὰ
σπάσμα
ἸουδαίοιςJews
συμπεπλέχθαι,
προσιόντων
δ᾽
ἀθρόων
οὐδὲ
τὴν
ἔφοδον
οἴσειν·
|
492
For they argued that up until now, they had only engaged with the Jews in fragmented skirmishes, but if they advanced in a mass, the Jews would not be able to withstand even their onset;
|
| 492
for that hitherto no more than a part of their army had fought with the Jews; but that in case the entire army was to come at once, they would not be able to sustain their attacks, but would be overwhelmed by their darts.
| 492
since up to now only a part of their army had been fighting the Jews, but if the entire army came at once, they could not withstand their attack, but would succumb to their missiles.
|
| 493
καταχωσθήσεσθαι
γὰρ
ὑπὸ
τῶν
βελῶν.
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἀσφαλεστέρων
οἱ
μὲν
καὶ
τὰ
χώματα
ποιεῖν
πάλιν,
οἱ
δὲ
καὶ
δίχα
τούτων
προσκαθέζεσθαι
μόνον
παραφυλάττοντας
τάς
τε
ἐξόδους
αὐτῶν
καὶ
τὰς
εἰσκομιδὰς
τῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
παρῄνουν
καὶ
τῷ
λιμῷ
καταλείπειν
τὴν
πόλιν,
μηδὲ
συμπλέκεσθαι
κατὰ
χεῖρα
τοῖς
πολεμίοις·
|
493
for they would be overwhelmed by the shower of missiles. But of the more cautious ones, some advised rebuilding the earthworks, while others suggested that even without these, they should simply sit still and blockade the city, merely guarding the exits and the entry of supplies, and thus leave the city to the famine without engaging in hand-to-hand combat with the enemy.
|
| 493
But of those that were for a more cautious management, some were for raising their banks again; and others advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still before the city, to guard against the coming out of the Jews, and against their carrying provisions into the city, and so to leave the enemy to the famine, and this without direct fighting with them;
| 493
Of those favouring a more cautious approach, some wanted more earthworks and others advised to leave those alone, but just to wait outside the city and stop the Jews from coming out and bringing in provisions, and let famine deal with the enemy, without directly fighting them.
|
| 494
ἄμαχον
γὰρ
εἶναι
τὴν
ἀπόγνωσιν
οἷς
εὐχὴ
μὲν
τὸ
σιδήρῳ
πεσεῖν,
ἀπόκειται
δὲ
καὶ
δίχα
τούτου
πάθος
χαλεπώτερον.
|
494
For they argued that the desperation of men was invincible—men whose prayer was to fall by the sword, yet for whom a more grievous fate was in store even without it.
|
| 494
for that despair was not to be conquered, especially as to those who are desirous to die by the sword, while a more terrible misery than that is reserved for them.
| 494
Despair, they said, was unconquerable, for those who want to die by the sword, when a more terrible end is in store for them.
|
| 495
Αὐτῷ
δὲ
τὸ
μὲν
ἀργεῖν
καθόλου
μετὰ
τοσαύτης
δυνάμεως
οὐκ
ἐδόκει
πρέπειν
καὶ
τὸ
μάχεσθαι
περιττὸν
πρὸς
ἀλλήλων
φθαρησομένοις,
|
495
Titus himself did not think it fitting to remain altogether idle with such a large force, yet he saw that fighting those who were destined to destroy one another was superfluous.
|
| 495
However, Titus did not think it fit for so great an army to lie entirely idle, and that yet it was in vain to fight with those that would be destroyed one by another;
| 495
While not thinking it right for such a large army to stay entirely idle, he did not think it right to fight people who would destroy each other.
|
| 496
βάλλεσθαι
δὲ
χώματα
δύσεργον
ἀπέφαινεν
ὕλης
ἀπορίᾳ
καὶ
τὸ
παραφυλάττειν
τὰς
ἐξόδους
δυσεργότερον·
κυκλώσασθαί
τε
γὰρ
τῇ
στρατιᾷ
τὴν
πόλιν
διὰ
μέγεθος
καὶ
δυσχωρίαν
οὐκ
εὐμαρὲς
εἶναι
καὶ
σφαλερὸν
ἄλλως
πρὸς
τὰς
ἐπιθέσεις.
|
496
He pointed out that raising earthworks was difficult due to the lack of timber, and guarding the exits was even more difficult; for to encircle the city with the army was not easy because of its size and the difficult terrain, and it would otherwise be dangerous in the face of attacks.
|
| 496
he also showed them how impracticable it was to cast up any more banks, for want of materials, and to guard against the Jews’ coming out still more impracticable; as also, that to encompass the whole city round with his army was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude, and the difficulty of the situation,
| 496
He pointed out how hard it would be, for lack of materials, to build more earthworks and harder still to prevent the Jews from getting out since it was not easy for the army to surround the whole city because of its size and the difficulty of the locale.
|
| 497
Τῶν
δὲ
φανερῶν
φυλαττομένων
ἀφανεῖς
ἐπινοεῖσθαι
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ὁδοὺς
κατά
τε
ἀνάγκην
καὶ
δι᾽
ἐμπειρίαν·
εἰ
δέ
τι
λάθρα
παρεισκομισθήσοιτο,
τριβὴν
ἔσεσθαι
πλείονα
τῇ
πολιορκίᾳ.
|
497
He feared that if the visible ways were guarded, the Jews would devise secret paths out of necessity and experience; and if anything was smuggled in secretly, it would further prolong the siege.
|
| 497
and on other accounts dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might make out of the city. For although they might guard the known passages out of the place, yet would they, when they found themselves under the greatest distress, contrive secret passages out, as being well acquainted with all such places; and if any provisions were carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby be longer delayed.
| 497
It would also be dangerous, as the Jews might make raids out from the city; for although they were guarding the known exits, the latter in their distress would find secret exits, knowing the place so well, and if provisions were secretly brought in, the siege would last the longer.
|
| 498
Δεδιέναι
τε
μὴ
τὴν
δόξαν
τοῦ
κατορθώματος
αὐτῷ
τὸ
μῆκος
ἐλαττώσῃ
τοῦ
χρόνου·
τούτῳ
μὲν
γὰρ
εἶναι
πᾶν
ἀνύσιμον,
πρὸς
δὲ
τῆς
εὐκλείας
τὸ
τάχος.
|
498
He also feared that the length of time might diminish the glory of his success; for while any result was achievable given enough time, speed was essential for true renown.
|
| 498
He also owned that he was afraid that the length of time thus to be spent would diminish the glory of his success; for though it be true that length of time will perfect every thing, yet that to do what we do in a little time is still necessary to the gaining reputation.
| 498
Yet he feared that delay would lessen their glory, for even if time perfects everything, speed was needed to gain renown.
|
| 499
Δεῖν
γε
μήν,
εἰ
καὶ
τῷ
τάχει
μετ᾽
ἀσφαλείας
βούλοιτο
χρήσασθαι,
περιτειχίζειν
ὅλην
τὴν
πόλιν·
μόνως
γὰρ
οὕτως
ἂν
πάσας
ἀποφράξαι
τὰς
ἐξόδους,
καὶ
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἢ
πρὸς
ἅπαντα
ἀπογνόντας
τὴν
σωτηρίαν
παραδώσειν
τὴν
πόλιν
ἢ
λιμώττοντας
χειρωθήσεσθαι
ῥᾳδίως·
|
499
He concluded that if he wished to combine speed with safety, he must build a wall around the entire city; for only in this way could all the exits be blocked, and the Jews would either surrender the city out of total despair for their safety or be easily subdued by hunger.
|
| 499
That therefore his opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness joined with security, they must build a wall round about the whole city; which was, he thought, the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out any way, and that then they would either entirely despair of saving the city, and so would surrender it up to him, or be still the more easily conquered when the famine had further weakened them;
| 499
So if they aimed at speed along with security, he thought they should build a barrier around the whole city; which was the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out at all.
As a result, they would either despair of saving the city and so surrender it or be more easily conquered when weakened by the famine.
|
| 500
οὐδὲ
γὰρ
ἠρεμήσειν
αὐτὸς
ἄλλως,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῶν
χωμάτων
ἐπιμελήσεσθαι
πάλιν
χρώμενος
τοῖς
κωλύουσιν
ἀτονωτέροις.
|
500
He added that he himself would not remain inactive otherwise, but would also attend to the earthworks again, finding his opponents more weakened.
|
| 500
for that besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at rest afterward, but would take care then to have banks raised again, when those that would oppose them were become weaker.
| 500
Anyway, he would not remain inactive, but would have earthworks raised again, once the opponents were weaker.
|
| 501
Εἰ
δέ
τῷ
μέγα
δοκεῖ
καὶ
δυσήνυτον
τὸ
ἔργον,
χρῆναι
σκοπεῖν,
ὡς
οὔτε
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τι
μικρὸν
ἐνεργεῖν
πρέπει,
καὶ
δίχα
πόνου
κατορθοῦν
τι
τῶν
μεγάλων
οὐδενὶ
ῥᾴδιον.
|
501
If this task seemed great and hard to accomplish to anyone, they should consider that it is not fitting for Romans to perform small deeds, and that it is not easy for anyone to achieve great things without toil.
|
| 501
But that if anyone should think such a work to be too great, and not to be finished without much difficulty, he ought to consider that it is not fit for Romans to undertake any small work, and that none but God himself could with ease accomplish any great thing whatsoever.
| 501
If anyone felt such a work was too great or difficult, let him reflect that Romans would not do things by half and that none but God himself could accomplish any great thing without difficulty.
|
| 502
Τούτοις
πείσας
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
διανέμειν
ἐκέλευσε
τὰς
δυνάμεις
ἐπὶ
τὸ
ἔργον.
Ὁρμὴ
δέ
τις
ἐμπίπτει
δαιμόνιος
τοῖς
στρατιώταις,
καὶ
μερισαμένων
τὸν
περίβολον
οὐ
μόνον
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἦν
ἔρις,
|
502
Having persuaded the commanders with these words, he ordered them to distribute the forces for the work. A certain divine enthusiasm fell upon the soldiers, and once they had divided the circuit, there was a rivalry not only among the legions,
|
| 502
These arguments prevailed with the commanders. So Titus gave orders that the army should be distributed to their several shares of this work; and indeed there now came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury, so that they did not only part the whole wall that was to be built among them, nor did only one legion strive with another, but the lesser divisions of the army did the same;
| 502
This persuaded the officers, so he divided the work between various sections of the army, and a superhuman fury came upon the soldiers so that when they divided up the building of the barrier, there was competition not only between the legions, but also between the smaller squadrons.
|
| 503
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῶν
ἐν
αὐτοῖς
τάξεων
πρὸς
ἀλλήλας,
καὶ
στρατιώτης
μὲν
δεκαδάρχην,
δεκαδάρχης
δ᾽
ἑκατοντάρχην,
οὗτος
δ᾽
ἐσπούδαζεν
ἀρέσασθαι
χιλίαρχον,
τῶν
δὲ
χιλιάρχων
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
ἔτεινεν
ἡ
φιλοτιμία
καὶ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
τὴν
ἅμιλλαν
ἐβράβευε
ΚαῖσαρCaesar·
περιιὼν
γὰρ
αὐτὸς
ἑκάστης
ἡμέρας
πολλάκις
ἐπεσκόπει
τὸ
ἔργον.
|
503
but even among the sub-units within them. The soldier strove to please the decurion, the decurion the centurion, and the centurion the tribune, while the ambition of the tribunes was directed toward the generals; and Caesar himself was the judge of the competition among the generals, for he himself went around many times each day to inspect the work.
|
| 503
insomuch that each soldier was ambitious to please his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune, and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior commanders, while Caesar himself took notice of and rewarded the like contention in those commanders; for he went round about the works many times every day, and took a view of what was done.
| 503
Each soldier aimed to please his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior officers, while Caesar himself observed and rewarded similar rivalry among the officers, for he went around the works many times a day, keeping an eye on what was being done.
|
| 504
Ἀρξάμενος
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians
παρεμβολῆς,
καθ᾽
ἣν
αὐτὸς
ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο,
ἐπὶ
τὴν
κατωτέρω
ΚαινόπολινNew City
ἦγε
τὸ
τεῖχος,
ἔνθεν
διὰ
τοῦ
Κεδρῶνος
ἐπὶ
τὸ
ἐλαιῶν
ὄρος·
|
504
Beginning from the “Camp of the Assyrians,” where he himself was encamped, he led the wall toward the lower New City, and from there across the Kidron to the Mount of Olives.
|
| 504
Titus began the wall from the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was pitched, and drew it down to the lower parts of Cenopolis; thence it went along the valley of Cedron, to the Mount of Olives;
| 504
Starting at the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was pitched the barrier went down to the lower parts of the New City, and from there along the valley of Cedron, to the Mount of Olives.
|
| 505
εἶτ᾽
ἀνακάμπτων
κατὰ
μεσημβρίαν
περιλαμβάνει
τὸ
ὄρος
ἄχρι
τῆς
Περιστερεῶνος
καλουμένης
πέτρας
τόν
τε
ἑξῆς
λόφον,
ὃς
ἐπίκειται
τῇ
κατὰ
τὴν
ΣιλωὰμShilōah, Silōam
φάραγγι,
κἀκεῖθεν
ἐκκλίνας
πρὸς
δύσιν
εἰς
τὴν
τῆς
πηγῆς
κατῄει
Φάραγγα.
|
505
Then, turning back toward the south, he encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon and the next hill, which overlooks the ravine near Siloam, and from there, bending toward the west, he went down into the valley of the Fountain.
|
| 505
it then bent towards the south, and encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon, and that other hill which lies next to it, and is over the valley which reaches to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west, and went down to the valley of the Fountain,
| 505
Then it bent toward the south and surrounded the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon and the other hill next to it, above the valley which reaches to Siloam, from which it bent again to the west, down to the valley of the Fountain.
|
| 506
Μεθ᾽
ἣν
ἀναβαίνων
κατὰ
τὸ
ἈνάνουAnanus
τοῦ
ἀρχιερέως
μνημεῖον
καὶ
διαλαβόντες
τὸ
ὄρος,
ἔνθα
ΠομπήιοςPompeius
ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο,
πρὸς
κλίμα
βόρειον
ἐπέστρεφε,
|
506
After this, ascending by the monument of Ananus the High Priest and taking in the mountain where Pompey had encamped, he turned toward the north;
|
| 506
beyond which it went up again at the monument of Ananus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp,
| 506
After this it ascended at the tomb of Ananus the high priest and took in the mountain where Pompey had formerly encamped, from which it proceeded to the north of the city
|
| 507
καὶ
προελθὼν
μέχρι
κώμης
τινός,
Ἐρεβίνθων
οἶκος
καλεῖται,
καὶ
μετ᾽
ἐκείνην
τὸ
ἩρώδουHerod
μνημεῖον
περισχὼν
κατὰ
ἀνατολὴν
τῷ
ἰδίῳ
στρατοπέδῳ
συνῆπτεν,
ὅθεν
ἤρξατο.
|
507
and proceeding as far as a certain village called “House of Erebinths,” and after that encompassing the monument of Herod on the east, he joined it to his own camp, from where he had started.
|
| 507
it returned back to the north side of the city, and was carried on as far as a certain village called “The House of the Erebinthi;” after which it encompassed Herod’s monument, and there, on the east, was joined to Titus’s own camp, where it began.
| 507
and was continued as far as a village called the House of the Erebinthi, and then went around Herod's tomb and there, on the east, joined up with Titus' camp, where it began.
|
| 508
Τὸ
μὲν
οὖν
τεῖχος
ἑνὸς
δέοντος
τεσσαράκοντα
σταδίων
ἦν,
ἔξωθεν
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
προσῳκοδομήθη
τρισκαίδεκα
φρούρια,
καὶ
τούτων
οἱ
κύκλοι
δέκα
συνηριθμοῦντο
σταδίων.
|
508
The wall itself was forty stadia minus one[1] long, and thirteen forts were built on the outside of it, the combined circumference of which was counted as ten stadia.[2]
|
| 508
Now the length of this wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall without were erected thirteen places to keep garrison in, whose circumferences, put together, amounted to ten furlongs;
| 508
The length of this barrier was forty furlongs, minus one.
Outside this barrier were built thirteen garrison posts, whose circumferences added up to ten furlongs.
|
[1]40-1 = 39 stadia = 7.2 km (4.5 miles). Josephus wants to be very accurate on the distance especially in light of the next verse where he claims that it was completed in only three days.
10 stadia = 1.9 km (1.1 miles)
| 509
τρισὶ
δ᾽
ᾠκοδομήθη
τὸ
πᾶν
ἡμέραις,
ὡς
τὸ
μὲν
ἔργον
μηνῶν
[εἶναι
]
ἄξιον,
τὸ
τάχος
δ᾽
ἡττᾶσθαι
πίστεως.
|
509
The whole work was completed in three days—an achievement worthy of months, yet the speed of it surpassed belief.
|
| 509
the whole was completed in three days; so that what would naturally have required some months was done in so short an interval as is incredible.
| 509
All of this was completed in three days, so that what would naturally have required some months was done in an incredibly short period.
|
| 510
περικλείσας
δὲ
τῷ
τείχει
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
δύναμιν
τοῖς
φρουρίοις
ἐγκαταστήσας
τὴν
μὲν
πρώτην
φυλακὴν
τῆς
νυκτὸς
περιιὼν
αὐτὸς
ἐπεσκέπτετο,
τὴν
δευτέραν
δ᾽
ἐπέτρεψεν
ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander,
τὴν
τρίτην
δ᾽
ἔλαχον
οἱ
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἡγεμόνες.
|
510
Having enclosed the city with the wall and stationed forces in the forts, Titus himself went around to inspect the first watch of the night; the second he entrusted to Alexander, and the third was allotted to the commanders of the legions.
|
| 510
When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into proper places, he went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch.
| 510
When he had surrounded the city with this barrier and set the garrisons, he went around the barrier at the first watch of the night to see how the watch was kept; the second watch he assigned to Alexander and the legion officers took the third watch.
|
| 511
Διεκληροῦντο
δ᾽
οἱ
φύλακες
τοὺς
ὕπνους,
καὶ
δι᾽
ὅλης
νυκτὸς
περιῄεσαν
κατὰ
διαστήματα
τῶν
φρουρίων.
|
511
The guards took turns sleeping, and throughout the whole night, they patrolled the intervals between the forts.
|
| 511
They also cast lots among themselves who should be upon the watch in the nighttime, and who should go all night long round the spaces that were interposed between the garrisons.
| 511
They also cast lots to determine who should be on sentry duty at night to patrol the spaces in between the garrisons.
|
| 512
ἸουδαίοιςJews
δὲ
μετὰ
τῶν
ἐξόδων
ἀπεκόπηto cut off
πᾶσα
σωτηρίας
ἐλπίς,
καὶ
βαθύνας
αὑτὸν
ὁ
λιμὸς
κατ᾽
οἴκους
καὶ
γενεὰς
τὸν
δῆμον
ἐπεβόσκετοto graze.
|
512
For the Jews, every hope of safety was cut off along with the exits, and the famine, deepening its hold, devoured the people by houses and families.
|
| 512
So all hope of escaping was now cut off from the Jews, together with their liberty of going out of the city. Then did the famine widen its progress, and devoured the people by whole houses and families;
| 512
When all escape routes for the Jews were sealed off, and their freedom to leave the city was at an end, famine took hold and devoured the people by entire houses and families.
|
| 513
Καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
τέγη
πεπλήρωτο
γυναικῶν
καὶ
βρεφῶν
λελυμένων,
οἱ
στενωποὶ
δὲ
γερόντων
νεκρῶν,
παῖδες
δὲ
καὶ
νεανίαι
διοιδοῦντες
ὥσπερ
εἴδωλα
κατὰ
τὰς
ἀγορὰς
ἀνειλοῦντοto roll up
καὶ
κατέπιπτον
ὅπῃ
τινὰ
τὸ
πάθος
καταλαμβάνοι.
|
513
The roofs were filled with women and infants perishing, and the alleys with the corpses of old men; children and youths, swollen like ghosts, wandered through the marketplaces and collapsed wherever the agony overtook them.
|
| 513
the upper rooms were full of women and children that were dying by famine, and the lanes of the city were full of the dead bodies of the aged; the children also and the young men wandered about the marketplaces like shadows, all swelled with the famine, and fell down dead, wheresoever their misery seized them.
| 513
The rooftops were full of women and children dying of hunger and the lanes of the city were full of the corpses of old people, and children and youths wandered like shadows about the market-places, swollen with hunger and falling down dead wherever doom overtook them.
|
| 514
Θάπτειν
δὲ
τοὺς
προσήκοντας
οὔτε
ἴσχυον
οἱ
κάμνοντες
καὶ
τὸ
διευτονοῦν
ὤκνει
διά
τε
πλῆθος
τῶν
νεκρῶν
καὶ
διὰ
τὸ
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ἄδηλον·
πολλοὶ
γοῦν
τοῖς
ὑπ᾽
αὐτῶν
θαπτομένοις
ἐπαπέθνησκον,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τὰς
θήκας
πρὶν
ἐπιστῆναιto set up
τὸ
χρεὼν
προῆλθον.
|
514
The sick lacked the strength to bury their relatives, and those who were still strong hesitated because of the multitude of the dead and the uncertainty of their own fate; indeed, many died upon those they were burying, and many went to their coffins before the fatal hour arrived.
|
| 514
As for burying them, those that were sick themselves were not able to do it; and those that were hearty and well were deterred from doing it by the great multitude of those dead bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how soon they should die themselves; for many died as they were burying others, and many went to their coffins before that fatal hour was come.
| 514
Those who were sick were unable to bury anyone, and those who were fit and well were deterred from doing so by the sheer number of corpses and their uncertainty about how soon they would die themselves, for many died while burying others and went into their graves before their appointed hour had come.
|
| 515
Οὔτε
δὲ
θρῆνος
ἐν
ταῖς
συμφοραῖς
οὔτ᾽
ὀλοφυρμὸςa lamentation
ἦν,
ἀλλ᾽
ὁ
λιμὸς
ἤλεγχεto disgrace
τὰ
πάθη,
ξηροῖς
δὲ
τοῖς
ὄμμασι
καὶ
σεσηρόσι
τοῖς
στόμασιν
οἱ
δυσθανατοῦντες
ἐφεώρων
τοὺς
φθάσαντας
ἀναπαύσασθαι,
βαθεῖα
δὲ
περιεῖχεν
τὴν
πόλιν
σιγὴ
καὶ
νὺξ
θανάτου
γέμουσα
καὶ
τούτων
οἱ
λῃσταὶ
χαλεπώτεροι.
|
515
There was neither wailing nor lamentation amidst these calamities, but the famine suppressed the emotions; with dry eyes and grinning mouths,[1] those who were dying a slow death looked upon those who had found rest before them. A deep silence and a night full of death gripped the city, and the brigands were more cruel than these.
|
| 515
Nor was there any lamentations made under these calamities, nor were heard any mournful complaints; but the famine confounded all natural passions; for those who were just going to die looked upon those that were gone to their rest before them with dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence also, and a kind of deadly night, had seized upon the city; while yet the robbers were still more terrible than these miseries were themselves;
| 515
No laments or complaints were made amid this disaster, for hunger calmed all passion, and people who were about to die looked dry-eyed and gaping at those who had ended before them.
Deep silence and a night of death gripped the city, but the brigands were even worse than before.
|
[1]The Grinning Mouths is a haunting medical description of the “Risus Sardonicus” or the facial contortions caused by extreme starvation and dehydration.
| 516
τυμβωρυχοῦντες
γοῦν
τὰς
οἰκίας
ἐσύλωνto spoil, strip, plunder
τοὺς
νεκροὺς
καὶ
τὰ
καλύμματα
τῶν
σωμάτων
περισπῶντες
μετὰ
γέλωτος
ἐξῄεσανto be allowed, be possible,
τάς
τε
ἀκμὰς
τῶν
ξιφῶν
ἐδοκίμαζον
ἐν
τοῖς
πτώμασιν,
καί
τινας
τῶν
ἐρριμμένωνto throw, cast
ἔτι
ζῶντας
διήλαυνον
ἐπὶ
πείρᾳ
τοῦ
σιδήρου·
|
516
Breaking into houses like tomb-robbers, they plundered the dead and stripped the coverings from the bodies, and went out with laughter; they tested the edges of their swords on the corpses, and even ran through some of those lying there who were still alive to test the steel.
|
| 516
for they brake open those houses which were no other than graves of dead bodies, and plundered them of what they had; and carrying off the coverings of their bodies, went out laughing, and tried the points of their swords in their dead bodies; and, in order to prove what metal they were made of they thrust some of those through that still lay alive upon the ground;
| 516
They broke into houses which were hardly more than tombs and looted them of everything, and went out laughing, carrying off their clothing, and testing their sword-points on the corpses.
To prove themselves they thrust through some who lay on the ground, still alive,
|
| 518
Οἱ
δὲ
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
ἐκ
τοῦ
δημοσίου
θησαυροῦ
τοὺς
νεκροὺς
θάπτειν
ἐκέλευον
τὴν
ὀσμὴνsmell, odour
οὐ
φέροντες,
ἔπειθ᾽afterward
ὡς
οὐ
διήρκουν
ἀπὸ
τῶν
τειχῶν
ἔρριπτον
εἰς
τὰς
φάραγγας.
|
518
At first, the rebels ordered the dead to be buried at public expense, being unable to bear the stench; afterward, when they could no longer manage this, they threw them from the walls into the ravines.
|
| 518
Now the seditious at first gave orders that the dead should be buried out of the public treasury, as not enduring the stench of their dead bodies. But afterwards, when they could not do that, they had them cast down from the walls into the valleys beneath.
| 518
Unable to endure the stench of the corpses, the rebels first had the dead to be buried out of the public treasury, but later, when this was impossible, had them thrown down from the ramparts into the valleys beneath.
|
| 519
Περιιὼν
δὲ
ταύτας
ὁ
ΤίτοςTitus
ὡς
ἐθεάσατο
πεπλησμένας
τῶν
νεκρῶν
καὶ
βαθὺν
ἰχῶρα
μυδώντων
ὑπορρέονταto flow under
τῶν
σωμάτων,
ἐστέναξέ
τε
καὶ
τὰς
χεῖρας
ἀνατείνας
κατεμαρτύρατο
τὸν
θεόνGod,
ὡς
οὐκ
εἴη
τὸ
ἔργον
αὐτοῦ.
|
519
When Titus, going around these ravines, saw them full of the dead and a thick gore oozing from the rotting bodies, he groaned and, lifting up his hands, called God to witness that this was not his doing.
|
| 519
However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing;
| 519
When on his rounds Titus saw the valleys full of corpses with putrefaction running from them, he groaned and raised his hands to heaven, calling on God to witness that this wretched state of the city was not his doing.
|
| 520
Τὰ
μὲν
δὴ
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
εἶχεν
οὕτως,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
μηδενὸς
ἔτι
τῶν
στασιαστῶν
ἐκτρέχοντος,
ἤδη
γὰρ
καὶ
τούτων
ἀθυμία
καὶ
λιμὸς
ἐφήπτετο,
ἐπ᾽
εὐθυμίαις
ἦσαν
σίτου
τε
ἀφθονίανfree from envy
καὶ
τῶν
ἄλλων
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
ἐκ
τῆς
ΣυρίαςSyria
καὶ
τῶν
πλησίον
ἐπαρχιῶν
ἔχοντες·
|
520
Such was the state of things within the city; meanwhile, the Romans—since none of the rebels now dared to sally out, for despondency and hunger were now touching even them—were in good spirits, having an abundance of corn and other supplies from Syria and the neighboring provinces.
|
| 520
and such was the sad case of the city itself. But the Romans were very joyful, since none of the seditious could now make sallies out of the city, because they were themselves disconsolate, and the famine already touched them also. These Romans besides had great plenty of corn and other necessaries out of Syria, and out of the neighboring provinces;
| 520
But with the city in that state the Romans were relieved that none of the rebels could sally out, being in the grip of despondency and hunger, while the troops had plenty of corn and other essentials from Syria and the neighbouring provinces.
|
| 521
ἱστάμενοι
δὲ
πολλοὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
πλησίον
καὶ
πολὺ
πλῆθος
τῶν·
ἐδωδίμων
ἐπιδεικνύμενοι
τῷ
κατὰ
σφᾶς
κόρῳ
τὸν
λιμὸν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἐξέκαιονto flare out.
|
521
Many of them stood near the wall and displayed a great quantity of food, inflaming the hunger of the enemy with their own abundance.
|
| 521
many of whom would stand near to the wall of the city, and show the people what great quantities of provisions they had, and so make the enemy more sensible of their famine, by the great plenty, even to satiety, which they had themselves.
| 521
Many of them would stand near the wall of the city, showing the people how much provisions they had and by their abundance make the enemy more aware of their hunger.
|
| 522
Πρὸς
δὲ
τὸ
πάθος
τῶν
στασιαστῶν
μηδὲν
ἐνδιδόντων
ΤίτοςTitus
οἰκτείρων
τὰ
λείψανα
τοῦ
δήμου
καὶ
σπουδάζων
τὸ
γοῦν
περιὸν
ἐξαρπάσαι,
πάλιν
ἤρχετο
χωμάτων
χαλεπῶς
αὐτῷ
τῆς
ὕλης
ποριζομένης·
|
522
But since the rebels yielded nothing to this suffering, Titus, pitying the remnants of the people and anxious to save at least what was left, began the earthworks again, though timber was procured with difficulty.
|
| 522
However, when the seditious still showed no inclination of yielding, Titus, out of his commiseration of the people that remained, and out of his earnest desire of rescuing what was still left out of these miseries, began to raise his banks again, although materials for them were hard to be come at;
| 522
But as the rebels still showed no sign of yielding, Titus, out of pity for the remnants of the people and wishing to rescue the survivors from their woes, began to raise his earthworks again, although materials for them were scarce,
|
| 523
ἡ
μὲν
γὰρ
περὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
πᾶσα
τοῖς
προτέροις
ἔργοις
ἐκέκοπτο,
συνεφόρουν
δὲ
ἄλλην
ἀπ᾽
ἐνενήκοντα
σταδίων
οἱ
στρατιῶται.
Καὶ
πρὸς
μόνης
ὕψουν
τῆς
ἈντωνίαςAntonia
κατὰ
μέρη
τέσσαρα
πολὺ
μείζονα
τῶν
προτέρων
χώματα.
|
523
For all the wood around the city had been cut down for the previous works, and the soldiers brought more from a distance of ninety stadia.[1] Four very large mounds were raised, much larger than the previous ones, but only against the Antonia.
|
| 523
for all the trees that were about the city had been already cut down for the making of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers bring with them other materials from the distance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised banks in four parts, much greater than the former, though this was done only at the tower of Antonia.
| 523
since all the trees around the city had been already cut down for the earlier ones.
The soldiers brought other materials from ninety furlongs off and raised earthworks in four sections, larger than before, but only at the Antonia tower.
|
[1]90 stadia = 16.7 km (10 miles)
| 524
Περιιὼν
δὲ
ὁ
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
τὰ
τάγματα
καὶ
κατεπείγων
τὸ
ἔργον
ἐπεδείκνυ
τοῖς
λῃσταῖς,
ὡς
ἐν
χερσὶν
εἴησαν
αὐτοῦ.
|
524
Caesar went around the legions and urged on the work, showing the brigands that they were in his hands.
|
| 524
So Caesar went his rounds through the legions, and hastened on the works, and showed the robbers that they were now in his hands.
| 524
Caesar went his rounds through the legions and hurried on the work, showing the brigands that they were now in his hands.
|
| 525
μόνοις
δὲ
ἐκείνοις
ἄρα
κακῶν
ἀπολώλειto destroy, kill
μεταμέλεια,
καὶ
τὰς
ψυχὰς
χωρίσαντες
ἀπὸ
τῶν
σωμάτων
ἀμφοτέροις
ὡς
ἀλλοτρίοις
ἐχρῶντο.
|
525
But it seems that in those men alone, repentance for their crimes had perished; and having separated their souls from their bodies, they treated both as if they belonged to others.
|
| 525
But these men, and these only, were incapable of repenting of the wickednesses they had been guilty of; and separating their souls from their bodies, they used them both as if they belonged to other folks, and not to themselves.
| 525
But they were unable to repent of their wrongs and isolating their souls from their bodies, treated both as belonging to someone else.
|
| 526
Οὔτε
γὰρ
πάθος
αὐτῶν
ἡμέρου
τὴν
ψυχὴν
οὔτ᾽
ἀλγηδὼν
ἥπτετο
τοῦ
σώματος,
οἵ
γε
καὶ
νεκρὸν
τὸν
δῆμον
ὥσπερ
κύνες
ἐσπάραττον
καὶ
τὰ
δεσμωτήρια
τῶν
ἀρρώστων
ἐνεπίμπλασαν.
|
526
For no emotion softened their souls, nor did any pain touch their bodies, since they tore the dead people apart like dogs and filled the prisons with the sick.
|
| 526
For no gentle affection could touch their souls, nor could any pain affect their bodies, since they could still tear the dead bodies of the people as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those that were sick.
| 526
No gentle feeling touched their souls, nor did pain affect their bodies, and like dogs they still tore at the stricken people and filled the prisons with the sick.
|
Chapter 13
Great slaughters and sacrileges in Jerusalem
| 527
ΣίμωνSimon
γοῦν
οὐδὲ
Ματθίαν,
δι᾽
ὃν
κατέσχε
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἀβασάνιστον
ἀνεῖλε·
ΒοηθοῦBoethus
παῖς
ἦν
οὗτος
ἐκ
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων
ἐν
τοῖς
μάλιστα
τῷ
δήμῳ
πιστὸς
καὶ
τίμιος·
|
527
Simon, at any rate, did not even allow Matthias—on whose account he had gained possession of the city—to die without torture. This man was the son of Boethus, from the high-priestly families, and was among those most trusted and honored by the people.
|
| 527
Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them;
| 527
Simon would not allow Matthias, through whom he had gained possession of the city, to be executed without torture.
This Matthias, son of Boethus and of high-priestly stock, was highly trusted and esteemed by the people.
|
| 528
ὃς
ὑπὸ
τοῖς
ζηλωταῖς
κακουμένου
τοῦ
πλήθους,
οἷς
ἤδη
καὶ
ἸωάννηςJohn
προσῆν,
πείθει
τὸν
δῆμον
εἰσαφεῖναι
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
βοηθόν,
οὐδὲν
οὔτε
προσυνθέμενος
οὔτε
προσδοκήσας
φαῦλον
ἐξ
αὐτοῦ.
|
528
When the multitude was being mistreated by the Zealots, whom John had already joined, he [Matthias] persuaded the people to admit Simon as a helper, having neither pre-arranged nor expected anything evil from him.
|
| 528
he, when the multitude were distressed by the zealots, among whom John was numbered, persuaded the people to admit this Simon to come in to assist them, while he had made no terms with him, nor expected anything that was evil from him.
| 528
When the crowd was being harassed by the Zealots, including John, he had persuaded them to let Simon come in to help them, without settling conditions and expecting no harm from him.
|
| 529
Παρελθὼν
δ᾽
ἐκεῖνος
ὡς
ἐκράτησε
τῆς
πόλεως,
ἐχθρὸν
ἐν
ἴσῳ
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
ἡγεῖτο
καὶ
τὸν
ὑπὲρ
αὐτοῦ
σύμβουλον
ὡς
ἂν
ἐξ
ἁπλότητος
γεγενημένον.
|
529
But once Simon had entered and gained mastery over the city, he regarded the very man who had advised in his favor as an enemy just like the rest, as if that advice had been given out of mere simplicity.
|
| 529
But when Simon was come in, and had gotten the city under his power, he esteemed him that had advised them to admit him as his enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity only;
| 529
But when Simon entered and had the city in his power, he treated the one who had advised them to admit him as his enemy like the rest, regarding that advice as mere foolishness.
|
| 530
ἀχθένταto lead
δὲ
τηνικαῦτα
καὶ
κατηγορούμενον
τὰ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
φρονεῖν
κατακρίνει
μὲν
θανάτῳ
μηδ᾽
ἀπολογίας
ἀξιώσαςto think worthy
σὺν
τρισὶν
υἱοῖς·
ὁ
γὰρ
τέταρτος
ἔφθη
διαδρὰς
πρὸς
ΤίτονTitus·
ἱκετεύοντα
δὲ
ἀναιρεθῆναι
πρὸ
τῶν
τέκνων
καὶ
ταύτην
αἰτούμενον
τὴν
χάριν
ἀνθ᾽
ὧν
ἀνοίξειεν
αὐτῷ
τὴν
πόλιν,
τελευταῖον
ἀνελεῖν
ἐκέλευσεν.
|
530
Having brought him forward at that time and accused him of favoring the Roman cause, he condemned him to death along with three of his sons, not even deeming him worthy of a defense; for the fourth son had managed to escape to Titus. When Matthias begged to be slain before his children, asking this as a favor in return for having opened the city to him, Simon ordered that he be killed last.
|
| 530
so he had him then brought before him, and condemned to die for being on the side of the Romans, without giving him leave to make his defense. He condemned also his three sons to die with him; for as to the fourth, he prevented him by running away to Titus before. And when he begged for this, that he might be slain before his sons, and that as a favor, on account that he had procured the gates of the city to be opened to him, he gave order that he should be slain the last of them all;
| 530
He had him summoned and condemned him to die for being on the side of the Romans, without letting him make any defence, and condemned three of his sons to die with him, the fourth had the foresight to escape earlier to Titus.
Though he begged to be killed before his sons, as a favour for having had the gates of the city opened to him, he ordered him killed last of them all.
|
| 531
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
ἐν
ὄψει
φονευθεῖσιν
ἐπεσφάγη
τοῖς
παισὶν
ἄντικρυς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
προαχθείς·
οὕτω
γὰρ
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
ἈνάνῳAnanus
τῷ
ΒαγαδάτουBamadus
προσέταξεν,
ὃς
ἦν
ὠμότατος
αὐτῷ
τῶν
δορυφόρων,
ἐπειρωνευόμενος,
εἴ
τι
βοηθήσουσιν
αὐτῷ
πρὸς
οὓς
ἐξελθεῖν
εἵλετο·
θάπτειν
τ᾽
ἀπεῖπε
τὰ
σώματα.
|
531
Accordingly, he was slaughtered over his children, who had been murdered before his eyes, after being led out in full view of the Romans; for so Simon had commanded Ananus, the son of Bagadates, who was the most cruel of his bodyguards—mockingly asking if those to whom he had chosen to desert would now provide him any help. He then forbade the burial of the bodies.
|
| 531
so he was not slain till he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and that by being produced over against the Romans; for such a charge had Simon given to Ananus, the son of Bamadus, who was the most barbarous of all his guards. He also jested upon him, and told him that he might now see whether those to whom he intended to go over would send him any succors or not; but still he forbade their dead bodies should be buried.
| 531
Therefore he was kept until he had seen his sons killed before his eyes, in full view of the Romans, for that was the command Simon had given to Ananus, son of Bamadus, the most cruel of all his guards.
He also jested upon him saying that he could see now whether those to whom he intended to desert would send him any help, and he forbade their corpses to be buried.
|
| 532
μετὰ
τούτους
ἱερεύς
τις
ἈνανίαςAnanias
υἱὸς
Μασβάλου
τῶν
ἐπισήμωνsplendid
καὶ
ὁ
γραμματεὺς
τῆς
βουλῆς
Ἀριστεύς,
γένος
ἐξ
ἈμμαοῦςEmmaus,
καὶ
σὺν
τούτοις
πεντεκαίδεκα
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
δήμου
λαμπρῶν
ἀναιροῦνται.
|
532
After these, a certain priest, Ananias son of Masbalus, one of the distinguished men, and Aristeus, the secretary of the council and a native of Emmaus, were killed, and with them fifteen of the eminent men from among the people.
|
| 532
After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Ananias, the son of Masambulus, a person of eminency, as also Aristeus, the scribe of the sanhedrin, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain.
| 532
After these murders, they also killed a distinguished priest named Ananias, son of Masambalus, and Aristens from Emmaus, the scribe of the Sanhedrin, and with them fifteen men of note among the people.
|
| 533
Τὸν
δὲ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
πατέρα
συγκλείσαντες
ἐφύλαττον,
κηρύττουσι
δὲ
μηδένα
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
μήτε
συνομιλεῖν
μήτε
ἐπὶ
ταὐτὸ
συναθροίζεσθαι
δέει
προδοσίας,
καὶ
τοὺς
συνολοφυρομένους
πρὸ
ἐξετάσεως
ἀνῄρουν.
|
533
They shut up and guarded the father of Josephus, and they made a proclamation that no one in the city should either converse with others or gather together in the same place for fear of treachery; and they put to death those who even lamented together before any investigation was made.
|
| 533
They also kept Josephus’s father in prison, and made public proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should either speak to him himself, or go into his company among others, for fear he should betray them. They also slew such as joined in lamenting these men, without any further examination.
| 533
They also kept Josephus' father in prison and issued a proclamation forbidding any in the city to hold meetings or gatherings, for fear of treason, and killed without further examination whoever met to protest.
|
| 534
Ταῦτα
ὁρῶν
ἸούδηςJudes
τις
υἱὸς
ἸούδουJudas,
τῶν
ὑπάρχων
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
εἷς
ὢν
καὶ
πεπιστευμένος
ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
πύργον
φυλάττειν,
τάχα
μέν
τι
καὶ
οἴκτῳ
τῶν
ὠμῶς
ἀπολλυμένων,
τὸ
δὲ
πλέον
αὑτοῦ
προνοίᾳ,
|
534
Seeing these things, a certain Judas, son of Judas, who was one of Simon’s subordinates and had been entrusted by him to guard a tower—perhaps moved somewhat by pity for those being cruelly destroyed, but more so by concern for his own safety—called together the ten most trustworthy men under him.
|
| 534
Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who was one of Simon’s under officers, and a person intrusted by him to keep one of the towers, saw this procedure of Simon, he called together ten of those under him, that were most faithful to him (perhaps this was done partly out of pity to those that had so barbarously been put to death, but principally in order to provide for his own safety) and spoke thus to them:
| 534
When Jude, son of Judas, one of Simon's officers in charge of one of the towers, saw this, he called together ten of his most loyal subordinates, partly, perhaps, out of pity for those who had been so cruelly put to death, but mainly to provide for his own safety.
|
| 536
Οὐχno, not
ὁ
μὲν
λιμὸς
ἤδη
καθ᾽
ἡμῶν,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
παρὰ
μικρὸν
ἔνδον,
ΣίμωνSimon
δὲ
καὶ
πρὸς
εὐεργέτας
ἄπιστος,
καὶ
δέος
μὲν
ἤδη
παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ
κολάσεως,
ἡ
δὲ
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
δεξιὰ
βέβαιος
|
536
Is not the famine already against us? Are not the Romans almost inside? Is not Simon unfaithful even to his benefactors? While we have fear of punishment from him, the pledged word of the Romans is reliable.
|
| 536
Is not the famine already come against us? Are not the Romans in a manner gotten within the city? Is not Simon become unfaithful to his benefactors? and is there not reason to fear he will very soon bring us to the like punishment, while the security the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender up this wall, and save ourselves and the city.
| 536
Are we not already in famine and with the Romans half into the city? Was Simon not treacherous to his benefactors? Must we not fear that he will soon treat us in the same way, whereas the guarantee the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender this wall and save both ourselves and the city.
|
| 537
φέρε,
παραδόντες
τὸ
τεῖχος
σώσωμεν
ἑαυτοὺς
καὶ
τὴν
πόλιν.
Πείσεται
δὲ
οὐδὲν
δεινὸν
ΣίμωνSimon,
ἐὰν
ἀπεγνωκὼς
ἑαυτὸν
τάχιον
δῷ
|
537
Come, let us surrender the wall and save ourselves and the city. Simon will suffer nothing terrible if he, having despaired of himself, pays the penalty all the sooner.”
|
| 537
Nor will Simon be very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliverance, he be brought to justice a little sooner than he thinks on.”
| 537
It will be little harm to Simon, with no chance of survival anyway, to be brought to justice sooner than expected."
|
| 538
δίκην.
Τούτοις
τῶν
δέκα
πεισθέντων
ὑπὸ
τὴν
ἕω
τοὺς
λοιποὺς
τῶν
ὑποτεταγμένων
ἄλλον
ἀλλαχόσε
διέπεμπεν,
ὡς
μὴ
φωραθείη
τι
τῶν
βεβουλευμένων,
αὐτὸς
δὲ
περὶ
τρίτην
ὥραν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
πύργου
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐκάλει.
|
538
When these ten were persuaded, he sent the rest of the men under him in different directions toward dawn, so that nothing of the plan might be detected; but he himself, about the third hour, called out to the Romans from the tower.
|
| 538
Now these ten were prevailed upon by those arguments; so he sent the rest of those that were under him, some one way, and some another, that no discovery might be made of what they had resolved upon. Accordingly, he called to the Romans from the tower about the third hour;
| 538
The ten agreed to this, so in the morning he sent the rest of his subordinates off in all directions, so no one would know of their plan, and about the third hour he called out from the tower to the Romans.
|
| 539
Τῶν
δὲ
οἱ
μὲν
ὑπερηφάνουν,
οἱ
δὲ
ἠπίστουν,
οἱ
πολλοὶ
δὲ
ὤκνουν
ὡς
μετὰ
μικρὸν
ἀκινδύνως
ληψόμενοι
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
539
Of the Romans, some treated the offer with contempt and others were skeptical, but the majority hesitated, believing they would soon take the city without any risk at all.
|
| 539
but they, some of them out of pride, despised what he said, and others of them did not believe him to be in earnest, though the greatest number delayed the matter, as believing they should get possession of the city in a little time, without any hazard.
| 539
Some of them scorned him, others distrusted him, though most held off in the belief that they would soon capture the city without any risk.
|
| 540
Ἐν
ὅσῳas great as
δὲ
ΤίτοςTitus
μεθ᾽
ὁπλιτῶν
παρῄει
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος,
ἔφθη
γνοὺς
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon,
καὶ
μετὰ
τάχους
τόν
τε
πύργον
προκαταλαμβάνει
καὶ
τοὺς
ἄνδρας
συλλαβὼν
ἐν
ὄψει
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀναιρεῖ
καὶ
πρὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
λωβησάμενος
ἔρριψε
τὰ
σώματα.
|
540
While Titus was coming toward the wall with his heavy-armed troops, Simon got word of the plan first; he quickly seized the tower, arrested the men, and having mutilated them in the sight of the Romans, he killed them and threw their bodies down from the wall.
|
| 540
But when Titus was just coming thither with his armed men, Simon was acquainted with the matter before he came, and presently took the tower into his own custody, before it was surrendered, and seized upon these men, and put them to death in the sight of the Romans themselves; and when he had mangled their dead bodies, he threw them down before the wall of the city.
| 540
But when Titus approached the wall with his troops, Simon learned of the offer before he arrived and seized the tower before it could be surrendered and took the men and executed them within sight of the Romans, and threw their mangled corpses over the wall.
|
| 541
Κἀν
τούτῳ
περιιὼν
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἀνίει
παρακαλῶν,
βάλλεται
τὴν
κεφαλὴν
λίθῳ
καὶ
παραχρῆμα
πίπτει
καρωθείς.
Ἐκδρομὴ
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τὸ
πτῶμα
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
γίνεται,
κἂν
ἔφθη
συρεὶς
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
εἰ
μὴ
ταχέως
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
ἔπεμψε
τοὺς
ὑπερασπίζοντας.
|
541
Meanwhile, Josephus, as he was going around—for he never ceased his exhortations—was struck on the head with a stone and immediately fell down stunned. A rush was made by the Jews toward the fallen body, and he would have been dragged into the city had Caesar not quickly sent men to shield him.
|
| 541
In the meantime, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately;
| 541
Meanwhile, going around the city, for he had not ceased imploring them
[to surrender
]
,
Josephus was wounded on the head by a stone and fell down senseless.
Some Jews rushed at his body and would have dragged him into the city, if Caesar had not immediately sent men to protect him.
|
| 542
Μαχομένων
δὲ
τούτων
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
μὲν
αἴρεται
βραχύ
τι
τῶν
πραττομένωνto do
ἐπαίων,
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
δ᾽
ὡς
ἀνελόντες
ὃν
ἐπεθύμουν
μάλιστα
μετὰ
χαρᾶς
ἀνεβόων.
|
542
While these were fighting, Josephus was carried away, only slightly aware of what was happening; but the rebels, believing they had killed the man they most desired to destroy, shouted out with joy.
|
| 542
and as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing.
| 542
While these were fighting, Josephus was carried off, barely aware of what was happening, while the rebels shouted with joy, thinking they had killed the man they wanted rid of.
|
| 543
Διαγγέλλεταί
τε
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
καὶ
τὸ
καταλειπόμενον
πλῆθος
ἐπέσχεν
ἀθυμία
πεπεισμένους
οἴχεσθαι
τῷ
ὄντι
δι᾽
ὃν
αὐτομολεῖν
ἐθάρρουν.
|
543
The news spread into the city, and the remaining multitude was gripped by despondency, being convinced that the man through whom they took courage to desert was truly gone.
|
| 543
This accident was told in the city, and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans.
| 543
As this was reported in the city the rest of the people were downcast at the thought that the man who encouraged them to desert really was dead.
|
| 544
Ἀκούσασα
δὲ
ἡ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
μήτηρ
ἐν
τῷ
δεσμωτηρίῳ
τεθνάναι
τὸν
υἱόν,
πρὸς
μὲν
τοὺς
φύλακας
ἀπὸ
ἸωταπάτωνJotapata
τοῦτο
ἔφη
πεπεῖσθαι·
καὶ
γὰρ
οὐδὲ
ζῶντος
ἀπολαύειν·
|
544
When the mother of Josephus heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to her guards that she had been convinced of this since the fall of Jotapata; for indeed, she had not enjoyed his life while he was living.
|
| 544
But when Josephus’s mother heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to those that watched about her, That she had always been of opinion, since the siege of Jotapata, [that he would be slain,] and she should never enjoy him alive any more.
| 544
Hearing in prison that her son was dead, Josephus' mother told her warders that she had known it since Jotapata and that even while he was alive she had not got much joy from him.
|
| 545
ἰδίᾳ
δὲ
ὀλοφυρομένη
πρὸς
τὰς
θεραπαινίδας
τοῦτον
εἰληφέναι
τῆς
εὐτεκνίας
ἔλεγε
καρπὸν
τὸ
μηδὲ
θάψαι
τὸν
υἱόν,
ὑφ᾽
οὗ
ταφήσεσθαι
προσεδόκησεν.
|
545
But mourning privately with her maidservants, she said that the only fruit she received from her fine childbearing was that she would not even bury the son by whom she had expected to be buried.
|
| 545
She also made great lamentation privately to the maidservants that were about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so extraordinary a person as this son into the world; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself.
| 545
But in private she lamented to her maids that this was all the good she got for bringing into the world such an extraordinary child, to be unable even to bury the son whom she had expected to bury her.
|
| 546
Ἀλλὰ
γὰρ
οὔτε
ταύτην
ἐπὶ
πλέον
ὠδύνα
τὸ
ψεῦδος
οὔτε
τοὺς
λῃστὰς
ἔθαλπε·
ταχέως
γὰρ
ἐκ
τῆς
πληγῆς
ἀνήνεγκεν
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus,
καὶ
προελθὼν
τοὺς
μὲν
οὐκ
εἰς
μακρὰν
ἐβόα
δίκας
αὐτῷ
δώσειν
τοῦ
τραύματος,
τὸν
δὲ
δῆμον
ἐπὶ
πίστιν
πάλιν
προυκαλεῖτο.
|
546
However, this falsehood did not grieve her for long, nor did it comfort the brigands; for Josephus quickly recovered from the blow and, coming forward, he shouted to the rebels that they would soon pay the penalty for his wound, while again calling upon the people to trust the Romans.
|
| 546
However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor afford merriment to the robbers, long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and came out, and cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhortation to the people to come out upon the security that would be given them.
| 546
In fact, this rumour did not long give grief to his mother or solace to the brigands, for Josephus quickly recovered from his wound and came and shouted that they would be punished soon for wounding him.
He again urged the people to accept his guarantee;
|
| 547
ΘάρσοςTharsus
δὲ
τῷ
λαῷ
καὶ
τοῖς
στασιασταῖς
ἔκπληξιςconsternation
ἐμπίπτει
πρὸς
τὴν
ὄψιν
αὐτοῦ.
|
547
Courage fell upon the people, but consternation seized the rebels at the sight of him.
|
| 547
This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious.
| 547
and the sight of him heartened the people and stupefied the rebels.
|
| 548
Τῶν
δ᾽
αὐτομόλων
οἱ
μὲν
ὑπ᾽
ἀνάγκης
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐπήδων
ταχέως,
οἱ
δὲ
προιόντες
ὡς
ἐπὶ
μάχῃ
μετὰ
χερμάδων
ἔπειτα
πρὸς
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἔφευγον.
Συνείπετο
δὲ
τούτοις
τύχη
τῶν
εἴσω
χαλεπωτέρα,
καὶ
τοῦ
παρὰ
σφίσι
λιμοῦ
συντονώτερον
εὕρισκον
πρὸς
ὄλεθρον
τὸν
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
κόρον.
|
548
Of the deserters, some in their necessity jumped quickly from the wall, while others, going out as if for battle with stones, then fled to the Romans. But a fate more cruel than that inside the city followed them, for they found that the satiety among the Romans was a more rapid path to destruction than the famine among themselves.
|
| 548
Hereupon some of the deserters, having no other way, leaped down from the wall immediately, while others of them went out of the city with stones, as if they would fight them; but thereupon they fled away to the Romans. But here a worse fate accompanied these than what they had found within the city; and they met with a quicker dispatch from the too great abundance they had among the Romans, than they could have done from the famine among the Jews;
| 548
Then some deserters, having no other exit, quickly jumped down from the wall while others of them brought stones out of the city, as if to fight, but then fled to the Romans.
But they met a worse fate than what they had left, and died sooner from the over-abundance they found among the Romans than they would have from the famine among the Jews.
|
| 549
Παρεγίνοντο
μὲν
γὰρ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἐνδείας
πεφυσημένοι
καὶ
ὥσπερ
ὑδρωπιῶντες,
ἔπειτα
ἀθρόως
κενοῖς
ὑπερεμπιπλάμενοι
τοῖς
σώμασιν
ἐρρήγνυντο
πλὴν
τῶν
δι᾽
ἐμπειρίαν
ταμιευσαμένων
τὰς
ὀρέξεις
καὶ
κατ᾽
ὀλίγον
προσθέντων
τροφὴν
ἀπειθισμένῳ
τῷ
σώματι
φέρειν.
|
549
For they arrived swollen from want and appearing as if they had dropsy; then, suddenly overfilling their empty bodies, they would burst—except for those who, through experience, rationed their appetites and added food in small amounts to a body no longer accustomed to bearing it.
|
| 549
for when they came first to the Romans, they were puffed up by the famine, and swelled like men in a dropsy; after which they all on the sudden overfilled those bodies that were before empty, and so burst asunder, excepting such only as were skillful enough to restrain their appetites, and by degrees took in their food into bodies unaccustomed thereto.
| 549
For they arrived swollen by hunger, like in a dropsy, and then suddenly overfilled those bodies that had been empty and so burst asunder, apart from those wise enough to check their appetites and to take in food by degrees into their emaciated bodies.
|
| 550
Καὶ
τοὺς
οὕτω
δὲ
σωζομένους
ἑτέρα
πληγὴ
μετελάμβανε·
τῶν
γὰρ
παρὰ
τοῖς
ΣύροιςSyrians
τις
αὐτομόλων
φωρᾶται
τῶν
τῆς
γαστέρας
λυμάτων
χρυσοῦς
ἐκλέγων·
καταπίνοντες
δέ,
ὡς
ἔφαμεν,
αὐτοὺς
προῄεσαν,
ἐπειδὴ
διηρεύνων
πάντας
οἱ
στασιασταί,
καὶ
πολὺ
πλῆθος
ἦν
ἐν
τῇ
πόλει
χρυσοῦ·
δώδεκα
γοῦν
ἈττικῶνAttic
ὠνοῦντο
πρότερον
ἰσχύοντας
πέντε
καὶ
εἴκοσιν.
|
550
But even those who were saved in this way were met by another disaster. One of the deserters among the Syrians was caught picking gold pieces out of his excrement; for as we said, they used to swallow them before coming out, because the rebels searched everyone and there was a great deal of gold in the city—at least, they used to buy twenty-five Attic drachmae for what had previously cost twelve.
|
| 550
Yet did another plague seize upon those that were thus preserved; for there was found among the Syrian deserters a certain person who was caught gathering pieces of gold out of the excrements of the Jews’ bellies; for the deserters used to swallow such pieces of gold, as we told you before, when they came out, and for these did the seditious search them all; for there was a great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch that as much was now sold [in the Roman camp] for twelve Attic [drams], as was sold before for twenty-five.
| 550
But the survivors suffered another blow, when a Syrian deserter was caught collecting pieces of gold from the excrement from the Jews' bellies, for the deserters used to swallow such pieces of gold, as we said, when they came out and the rebels searched them for these, for the city had so much gold that a coin was now sold for twelve Attic coins that would previously sell for twenty-five.
|
| 551
Ἀλλά
τοι
τῆς
ἐπινοίας
ἐλεγχθείσης
δι᾽
ἑνὸς
ἀναπίμπλαται
μὲν
φήμης
τὰ
στρατόπεδα,
ὡς
μεστοὶ
χρυσίου
παρεῖεν
οἱ
αὐτόμολοι,
τὸ
δὲ
τῶν
ἈράβωνArabian
πλῆθος
καὶ
οἱ
ΣύροιSyrians
τοὺς
ἱκέτας
ἀνατέμνοντες
ἠρεύνων
τὰς
γαστέρας.
|
551
But when the trick was discovered in the case of one man, a rumor spread through the camps that the deserters had arrived full of gold; so the multitude of Arabs and Syrians cut open the suppliants and searched their bellies.
|
| 551
But when this contrivance was discovered in one instance, the fame of it filled their several camps, that the deserters came to them full of gold. So the multitude of the Arabians, with the Syrians, cut up those that came as supplicants, and searched their bellies.
| 551
When an example of this came the light, rumour ran around the camps that the deserters were coming to them full of gold, so that many Arab and Syrians gutted the supplicants to search their bellies.
|
| 552
Καὶ
τούτου
τοῦ
πάθους
οὐδὲν
ἔμοιγε
δοκεῖ
συμβῆναι
ἸουδαίοιςJews
χαλεπώτερον·
μιᾷ
γοῦν
ἀνεσχίσθησαν
νυκτὶ
πρὸς
δισχιλίους.
|
552
To me, at least, no calamity that befell the Jews seems more cruel than this; in a single night, as many as two thousand were ripped open.
|
| 552
Nor does it seem to me that any misery befell the Jews that was more terrible than this, since in one night’s time about two thousand of these deserters were thus dissected.
| 552
I think no greater calamity than this befell the Jews, for about two thousand deserters were hacked to pieces that night.
|
| 553
Καὶ
γνοὺς
τὴν
παρανομίαν
ΤίτοςTitus
ὀλίγου
μὲν
ἐδέησε
τὸ
ἱππικὸν
περιστήσας
κατακοντίσαι
τοὺς
αἰτίους,
εἰ
μὴ
πολὺ
πλῆθος
ἐνείχετο
καὶ
τῶν
ἀνῃρημένων
πολλαπλασίους
ἦσαν
οἱ
κολασθησόμενοι.
|
553
When Titus learned of this lawless act, he was on the point of surrounding the culprits with his cavalry and striking them down with javelins, but the number of those involved was too great—those to be punished were many times more than those who had been murdered.
|
| 553
When Titus came to the knowledge of this wicked practice, he had like to have surrounded those that had been guilty of it with his horse, and have shot them dead; and he had done it, had not their number been so very great, and those that were liable to this punishment would have been manifold more than those whom they had slain.
| 553
When Titus became aware of this outrage, he felt like having the perpetrators surrounded by his cavalry and shot dead, and would have done so if they were not so many, even more than the number of those they had killed.
|
| 554
Συγκαλέσας
δὲ
τοὺς
τῶν
συμμάχων
ἡγεμόνας
καὶ
τοὺς
τῶν
ταγμάτων,
συνδιεβάλλοντο
γὰρ
καὶ
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
τινές,
πρὸς
ἑκατέρους
ἀγανακτεῖν
ἔλεγεν,
|
554
Calling together the commanders of the allies and those of the legions—for some of the Roman soldiers were also being accused—he told both groups that he was outraged.
|
| 554
However, he called together the commanders of the auxiliary troops he had with him, as well as the commanders of the Roman legions (for some of his own soldiers had been also guilty herein, as he had been informed)
| 554
He did however, gather the officers of his allied troops and of the Roman legions, for he had heard that some of his own soldiers were also guilty in it, and spoke furiously to each of them.
|
| 555
εἰ
τῶν
μὲν
σὺν
αὐτῷ
στρατευομένων
τινὲς
τοιαῦτα
δρῶσιν
κέρδους
ἕνεκεν
ἀδήλου,
μηδὲ
τὰ
ὅπλα
σφῶν
αὐτῶν
αἰδούμενοι
πεποιημένα
ἀργύρου
τε
καὶ
χρυσοῦ,
|
555
[He was outraged] that some of those campaigning with him should do such things for the sake of an uncertain gain, not even respecting their own weapons, which were made of silver and gold.
|
| 555
and had great indignation against both sorts of them, and said to them, “What! have any of my own soldiers done such things as this out of the uncertain hope of gain, without regarding their own weapons, which are made of silver and gold?
| 555
Had any of his own soldiers done such things as this for the sake of uncertain gain, disregarding their own weapons, which are made of silver and gold?
|
| 556
τοῖς
δὲ
ἌραψιArabs
καὶ
[τοῖς
]
ΣύροιςSyrians,
εἰ
πρῶτον
μὲν
ἐν
ἀλλοτρίῳ
πολέμῳ
τοῖς
πάθεσιν
αὐτεξουσίως
χρῶνται,
ἔπειτα
τῇ
περὶ
φόνους
ὠμότητι
καὶ
τῷ
πρὸς
ἸουδαίουςJews
μίσει
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐπιγράφουσι·
καὶ
γὰρ
νῦν
ἐνίους
αὐτῷ
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
συναπολαύειν
τῆς
κακοδοξίας.
|
556
He spoke to the Arabs and Syrians about how they first exercised their passions lawlessly in someone else’s war, and then attributed their cruelty in murder and their hatred for the Jews to the Romans; for even now, some of his own soldiers were sharing in this ill-repute.
|
| 556
Moreover, do the Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to govern themselves as they please, and to indulge their appetites in a foreign war, and then, out of their barbarity in murdering men, and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it ascribed to the Romans?”—for this infamous practice was said to be spread among some of his own soldiers also.
| 556
He chided the Arabs and Syrians for indulging their appetites in a foreign war and then get the Romans to join in their murderous savagery and hatred for the Jews, since this infamy seemed to have spread to some of his own soldiers.
|
| 557
Τούτοις
μὲν
οὖν
διηπείλησε
θάνατον,
εἴ
τις
εὑρεθείη
πάλιν
τὸ
αὐτὸ
τολμῶν,
τοῖς
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἐπέστελλεν
ἐρευνήσαντας
τοὺς
ὑπόπτους
ἀνάγειν
ἐπ᾽
αὐτόν.
|
557
He threatened these men with death if anyone were found daring to do the same again, and he instructed the legionary commanders to search out the suspects and bring them to him.
|
| 557
Titus then threatened that he would put such men to death, if any of them were discovered to be so insolent as to do so again; moreover, he gave it in charge to the legions, that they should make a search after such as were suspected, and should bring them to him.
| 557
He threatened to put to death any of them who dared to do so again and directed the legions to search for those who were suspected and bring them to him.
|
| 558
κατεφρόνει
δ᾽,
ὡς
ἔοικε,
φιλοχρηματία
πάσης
κολάσεως,
καὶ
δεινὸς
ἐμπέφυκεν
ἀνθρώποις
τοῦ
κερδαίνειν
ἔρως,
οὐδέν
τε
οὕτως
πάθος
πλεονεξία
παραβάλλεται.
|
558
But it seems that the love of money holds all punishment in contempt, and a terrible passion for gain is innate in men; no other emotion is as reckless as greed.
|
| 558
But it appeared that the love of money was too hard for all their dread of punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is natural to men, and no passion is so venturesome as covetousness;
| 558
But it seems that greed overcomes all penalties and the desire for profit is natural to humans and none of our passions is as daring as avarice.
|
| 559
Ἢ
ταῦτα
μὲν
ἄλλως
καὶ
μέτρον
ἔχει
καὶ
φόβοις
ὑποτάσσεται,
θεὸς
δὲ
ἦν
ὁ
τοῦ
λαοῦ
παντὸς
κατακρίνας
καὶ
πᾶσαν
αὐτοῖς
σωτηρίας
ὁδὸν
εἰς
ἀπώλειαν
ἀποστρέφων.
|
559
Perhaps these things are otherwise and have a limit and are subject to fear; but it was God who had condemned the entire people and was turning every path of safety into destruction.
|
| 559
otherwise such passions have certain bounds, and are subordinate to fear. But in reality it was God who condemned the whole nation, and turned every course that was taken for their preservation to their destruction.
| 559
While in other matters passion can be reined in and subdued to fear, in this case it was God who had condemned the whole nation and turned every avenue of safety to their destruction.
|
| 560
Ὃ
γοῦν
μετ᾽
ἀπειλῆς
ἀπεῖπεν
ὁ
ΚαῖσαρCaesar
λάθρα
κατὰ
τῶν
αὐτομόλων
ἐτολμᾶτο,
καὶ
τοὺς
διαδιδράσκοντας
πρὶν
πᾶσιν
ὀφθῆναι
προαπαντῶντες
ἔσφαττον
οἱ
βάρβαροι,
περισκοπούμενοι
δὲ
μή
τις
ἐπίδοι
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
ἀνέσχιζον
κἀκ
τῶν
σπλάγχνων
τὸ
μιαρὸν
κέρδος
εἷλκον.
|
560
For what Caesar had forbidden with threats was still dared in secret against the deserters; the barbarians would run out and slaughter those fleeing before they could be seen by everyone, and looking around to make sure no Roman saw them, they would rip them open and pull the filthy gain from their entrails.
|
| 560
This, therefore, which was forbidden by Caesar under such a threatening, was ventured upon privately against the deserters, and these barbarians would go out still, and meet those that ran away before any saw them, and looking about them to see that no Roman spied them, they dissected them, and pulled this polluted money out of their bowels;
| 560
What was forbidden by Caesar's threats was secretly risked against the deserters and these barbarians kept going out unseen, to meet the fugitives.
Looking about to see that no Roman was watching, they still cut them open and dragged this polluted money out of their bowels.
|
| 561
Ὀλίγοις
δ᾽
ἐνευρίσκετο,
καὶ
τοὺς
πολλοὺς
παρανήλισκεν
ἐλπὶς
μόνη.
Τοῦτο
μὲν
δὴ
τὸ
πάθος
πολλοὺς
τῶν
αὐτομόλων
ἐπανήγαγενto bring up.
|
561
It was found in only a few, yet the mere hope of it caused the destruction of the many. This disaster, indeed, drove many of the deserters back [into the city].
|
| 561
which money was still found in a few of them, while yet a great many were destroyed by the bare hope there was of thus getting by them, which miserable treatment made many that were deserting to return back again into the city.
| 561
Though it was found in just a few, the hope of it caused many to lose their lives, and this barbarity turned back many would-be deserters.
|
| 562
ἸωάννηςJohn
δ᾽
ὡς
ἐπέλειπον
αἱ
ἁρπαγαὶ
παρὰ
τοῦ
δήμου,
πρὸς
ἱεροσυλίαν
ἐτρέπετο,
καὶ
πολλὰ
μὲν
ἐκ
τῶν
ἀναθημάτων
κατεχώνευε
τοῦ
ναοῦ,
πολλὰ
δὲ
τῶν
πρὸς
τὰς
λειτουργίας
ἀναγκαίων
σκεύη,
κρατῆρας
καὶ
πίνακας
καὶ
τραπέζας·
ἀπέσχετοto keep off
δ᾽
οὐδὲ
τῶν
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ΣεβαστοῦAugustus
καὶ
τῆς
γυναικὸς
αὐτοῦ
πεμφθέντων
ἀκρατοφόρων.
|
562
John, when plundering from the people failed him, turned to sacrilege; he melted down many of the offerings from the Temple and many of the vessels necessary for the sacred services—bowls, platters, and tables. He did not even abstain from the vessels for unmixed wine sent by Augustus and his wife [Livia].
|
| 562
But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils, which had been given to the temple; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouringvessels that were sent them by Augustus and his wife;
| 562
When John could no longer plunder the people, he turned to sacrilege and melted down many of the sacred vessels donated to the temple, and many items needed by those who ministered to holy things, the cauldrons, the dishes and the tables, not even sparing the pouring vessels sent by Augustus and his wife.
|
| 563
Οἱ
μέν
γε
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
βασιλεῖς
ἐτίμησάν
τε
καὶ
προσεκόσμησαν
τὸ
ἱερὸν
ἀεί,
τότε
δὲ
ὁ
ἸουδαῖοςJew
καὶ
τὰ
τῶν
ἀλλοφύλων
κατέσπα.
|
563
For while the Roman emperors had always honored and adorned the sanctuary, this Jew now even tore down the gifts of foreigners.
|
| 563
for the Roman emperors did ever both honor and adorn this temple; whereas this man, who was a Jew, seized upon what were the donations of foreigners,
| 563
For the Roman emperors always honoured and adorned this temple, while this man, a Jew, seized the donations of foreigners
|
| 564
Πρὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
συνόντας
ἔλεγεν,
ὡς
δεῖ
μετ᾽
ἀδείας
καταχρήσασθαι
τοῖς
θείοις
ὑπὲρ
τοῦ
θείου
καὶ
τοὺς
τῷ
ναῷ
στρατευομένους
ἐξ
αὐτοῦ
τρέφεσθαι.
|
564
He told his associates that they ought to use divine things for the sake of the Divine without fear, and that those who fought for the Temple should be fed by it.
|
| 564
and said to those that were with him, that it was proper for them to use Divine things, while they were fighting for the Divinity, without fear, and that such whose warfare is for the temple should live of the temple;
| 564
and told his companions not to fear to use divine vessels while fighting for the Divinity, since those who soldier for the temple should live off it.
|
| 565
Διὰ
τοῦτο
καὶ
τὸν
ἱερὸν
οἶνον
καὶ
τὸ
ἔλαιον,
ὃ
τοῖς
ὁλοκαυτώμασιν
οἱ
ἱερεῖς
ἐφύλαττον
[
ἐπιχεῖν
]
,
ἐκκενώσας,
ἦν
δ᾽
ἐν
τῷ
ἔνδον
ἱερῷ,
διένεμε
τῷ
πλήθει,
κἀκεῖνοι
δίχα
φρίκης
ἠλείφοντο
καὶ
ἔπινον
[ἐξ
αὐτῶν
]
.
|
565
Because of this, he also emptied the sacred wine and the oil, which the priests kept to pour upon the burnt offerings—and it was in the inner temple—and distributed it to the multitude, who then anointed themselves and drank from it without a shudder.
|
| 565
on which account he emptied the vessels of that sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept to be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which lay in the inner court of the temple, and distributed it among the multitude, who, in their anointing themselves and drinking, used [each of them] above an hin of them.
| 565
Therefore from the inner court of the temple he took the sacred wine and oil which the priests kept for pouring on the burned-offerings, and distributed it among the people, who each used more than a hin of it for anointing and drinking.
|
| 566
Οὐκ
ἂν
ὑποστειλαίμηνto withdraw
εἰπεῖν
ἅ
μοι
κελεύει
τὸ
πάθος·
οἶμαι
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
βραδυνόντων
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἀλιτηρίους
ἢ
καταποθῆναι
ἂν
ὑπὸ
χάσματος
ἢ
κατακλυσθῆναι
τὴν
πόλιν
ἢ
τοὺς
τῆς
Σοδομηνῆς
μεταλαβεῖν
κεραυνούς·
πολὺ
γὰρ
τῶν
ταῦτα
παθόντων
ἤνεγκε
γενεὰν
ἀθεωτέραν·
τῇ
γοῦν
τούτων
ἀπονοίᾳ
πᾶς
ὁ
λαὸς
συναπώλετο.
|
566
I will not shrink from saying what my grief commands: I believe that if the Romans had delayed in coming against these scoundrels, the city would either have been swallowed up by a chasm, or overwhelmed by a flood, or have shared the thunderbolts of Sodom; for it produced a generation far more godless than those who suffered such things. At any rate, by the madness of these men, the whole people perished together.
|
| 566
And here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the concern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom perished by, for it had brought forth a generation of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments; for by their madness it was that all the people came to be destroyed.
| 566
I really must say what I feel about this, for even if the Romans had delayed in coming against these criminals, I think the city would have been destroyed either by the ground opening up and swallowing them, or by being flooded by water, or by thunder such as destroyed the area around Sodom, for it had brought forth a more godless generation of men than those who suffered those punishments, and it was by their madness that all the people came to be killed.
|
| 567
Καὶ
τί
δεῖ
κατὰ
μέρος
ἐκδιηγεῖσθαι
τὰς
συμφοράς
ἀλλὰ
πρὸς
ΤίτονTitus
ἐν
ταύταις
ταῖς
ἡμέραις
Μαννέος
ὁ
Λαζάρου
φυγὼν
διὰ
μιᾶς
ἔλεγεν
ἐκκεκομίσθαι
πύλης,
ἣν
αὐτὸς
ἐπεπίστευτο,
μυριάδας
ἕνδεκα
νεκρῶν
ἐπὶ
πεντακισχιλίοις
ὀκτακοσίοις
ὀγδοήκοντα,
ἀφ᾽
ἧς
αὐτοῖς
ἡμέρας
παρεστρατοπεδεύσατο
τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῃ
ΞανθικοῦXanthicus
μηνὸς
ἄχρι
ΠανέμουPanemus
νουμηνίας.
|
567
And why is it necessary to relate the calamities in detail? To Titus, during those days, a certain Mannaeus, son of Lazarus, fled and said that through the one gate he had been entrusted to guard, there had been carried out one hundred and fifteen thousand, eight hundred and eighty corpses, from the day he [Titus] encamped near them—the fourteenth of the month Xanthicus—until the first day of Panemus.[1]
|
| 567
And, indeed, why do I relate these particular calamities? while Manneus, the son of Lazarus, came running to Titus at this very time, and told him that there had been carried out through that one gate, which was entrusted to his care, no fewer than a hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, in the interval between the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when the Romans pitched their camp by the city, and the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
| 567
But why focus on individual disasters, since Manneus, son of Lazarus, escaped to Titus at that time and reported how through the one gate where he had charge, no less than a hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty corpses had been carried out between the fourteenth of Xanthieus, when the Romans encamped near the city and the first day of the month Panemus.
|
[1]14th of Xanthicus to 1st of Panemus (April to July 70 AD).
| 568
Τοῦτο
δ᾽
ἦν
πλῆθος
ἀπόρωνto be at loss, be in doubt·
καὶ
οὐδὲ
αὐτὸς
ἐφεστώς,
ἀλλὰ
δημοσίᾳ
μισθὸν
διδοὺς
ἐξ
ἀνάγκης
ἠρίθμει.
Τοὺς
δὲ
λοιποὺς
οἱ
προσήκοντες
ἔθαπτον·
ταφὴ
δ᾽
ἦν
τὸ
προκομίσαντας
ἐκ
τοῦ
ἄστεος
ῥῖψαι.
|
568
This was the number of the poor; and he himself was not in charge, but being paid by the public funds to count them, he was forced to do so. The others were buried by their relatives; though “burial” meant merely carrying them out of the city and throwing them away.
|
| 568
This was itself a prodigious multitude; and though this man was not himself set as a governor at that gate, yet was he appointed to pay the public stipend for carrying these bodies out, and so was obliged of necessity to number them, while the rest were buried by their relations; though all their burial was but this, to bring them away, and cast them out of the city.
| 568
These were the bodies of the poor, and though this man was not actually in command of that gate, he was appointed to pay the public stipend for carrying out the bodies and so had to count them, while others were buried by their relatives; though all the burial they got was to be thrown outside the city.
|
| 569
μετὰ
δὲ
τοῦτον
διαδράντες
πολλοὶ
τῶν
ἐπισήμωνsplendid
τὰς
πάσας
τῶν
ἀπόρωνto be at loss, be in doubt
νεκρῶν
ἀπήγγελλον
μυριάδας
ἑξήκοντα
διὰ
τῶν
πυλῶν
ἐκριφῆναι,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἄλλων
ἀνεξερεύνητον
εἶναι
τὸν
ἀριθμόν.
|
569
After him, many of the distinguished men who escaped reported that in total, six hundred thousand corpses[1] of the poor had been thrown out through the gates, while the number of the others could not be determined.
|
| 569
After this man there ran away to Titus many of the eminent citizens, and told him the entire number of the poor that were dead, and that no fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown out at the gates, though still the number of the rest could not be discovered;
| 569
After him many prominent citizens escaped to Titus and told him that no less than six hundred thousand corpses of the poor had been thrown out at the gates, and no one could tell the number of the rest.
|
[1]Josephus records 115,880 dead from one gate and a total of 600,000 poor dead. While historians often debate the literal accuracy of Josephus’s numbers, they reflect a staggering mortality rate that matches the biological reality of a city under total blockade during the summer months in a pre-modern setting.
| 570
Μηκέτι
δ᾽
εὐτονούντων
τοὺς
πτωχοὺς
ἐκφέρειν
[ἔλεγον
]
συσσωρεύοντας
εἰς
τοὺς
μεγίστους
οἴκους
τὰ
πτώματα
ἀποκλείειν.
|
570
They said that when they no longer had the strength to carry out the poor, they piled the corpses into the largest houses and shut them up.
|
| 570
and they told him further, that when they were no longer able to carry out the dead bodies of the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in very large houses, and shut them up therein;
| 570
They added that when they could no longer carry out the corpses of the poor, they laid them in heaps in the larger houses and closed them up.
|
| 571
Καὶ
τοῦ
μὲν
σίτου
τὸ
μέτρον
πραθῆναι
ταλάντου,
μετὰ
ταῦτα
δ᾽
ὡς
οὐδὲ
ποηλογεῖν
ἔθ᾽
οἷόν
τ᾽
ἦν
περιτειχισθείσης
τῆς
πόλεως,
προελθεῖν
τινας
εἰς
τοσοῦτον
ἀνάγκης,
ὥστε
τὰς
ἀμάρας
ἐρευνῶντας
καὶ
παλαιὸν
ὄνθον
βοῶν
προσφέρεσθαι
τὰ
ἐκ
τούτων
σκύβαλα,
καὶ
τὸ
μηδ᾽
ὄψει
φορητὸν
πάλαι
τότε
γενέσθαι
τροφήν.
|
571
The price of a measure of wheat had risen to a talent;[1] and later, when it was no longer possible to gather herbs because the city was walled in, some were driven to such necessity that they searched the sewers and old cattle dung and ate the refuse found there; and what was once not even tolerable to look at then became food.[2]
|
| 571
as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold for a talent; and that when, a while afterward, it was not possible to gather herbs, by reason the city was all walled about, some persons were driven to that terrible distress as to search the common sewers and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there; and what they of old could not endure so much as to see they now used for food.
| 571
A measure of wheat was being sold for a talent, and later, when it was impossible to gather herbs, as the city was all surrounded, some were driven to such distress that they searched the sewers and old dunghills of livestock and ate the dung they found there, and what previously they could not even look at they now used for food.
|
[1]If a labourer’s wage for day was one denari, a talent was roughly 6,000 denarii.
[2]They searched sewers and dung for food, a horrifying fulfillment of biblical curses (e.g., Deuteronomy 28:53–57).
| 572
Ταῦτα
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μὲν
ἀκούοντες
ἠλέησαν,
οἱ
στασιασταὶ
δὲ
καὶ
βλέποντες
οὐ
μετενόουν,
ἀλλ᾽
ἠνείχοντο
μέχρις
αὐτῶν
προελθεῖν·
πεπήρωντο
γὰρ
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
χρεών,
ὃ
τῇ
τε
πόλει
καὶ
αὐτοῖς
ἤδη
παρῆν.
|
572
When the Romans heard these things, they were moved to pity; but the rebels, though they saw them, did not repent, but allowed these things to come upon themselves; for they were blinded by the fate that was already present for both the city and themselves.
|
| 572
When the Romans barely heard all this, they commiserated their case; while the seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, but suffered the same distress to come upon themselves; for they were blinded by that fate which was already coming upon the city, and upon themselves also.
| 572
When the Romans merely heard all this, they had pity on their plight, but the rebels, who also saw it, did not repent but let the same plight come upon themselves, blinded by the fate which was now coming upon the city and upon themselves.
|