Jews' situation worsens.
Attack on Jerusalem,67--68 AD
| Chapter 1 | Siege and capture of Gamala. Vespasian's prudence and good order. |
| Chapter 2 | Surrender of Gischala; while John flies away from it to Jerusalem. |
| Chapter 3 | John of Gischala. Zealots and Ananus; fighting within Jerusalem. |
| Chapter 4 | Idumaeans come to help the Zealots, besieged within Jerusalem. |
| Chapter 5 | Harshness of the Idumaeans, who slaughter the priests, and go home. |
| Chapter 6 | The Zealots kill many citizens; Vespasian holds back the Romans. |
| Chapter 7 | Tyranny of John and misdeeds of the Zealots at Masada. Fall of Gadara. |
| Chapter 8 | Vespasian hastens to finish the war. Jericho and the Dead Sea. |
| Chapter 9 | Nero's death. Vespasian's change of plan. Simon of Gerasa. |
| Chapter 10 | Soldiers proclaim Vespasian emperor. Josephus is set free. |
| Chapter 11 | Vespasian hurries to Rome; Titus returns to Jerusalem. |
| Translation Format |
| Greek: Benedikt Niese's edition (Berlin, 1885-1895) | English: John Barach, Canada, 2025 |
| English: William Whiston, 1737 | English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016 |
Chapter 1
Siege and capture of Gamala (67 AD).
Vespasian's prudence and good order.
| 1
Ὅσοι
δὲ
μετὰ
τὴν
ἸωταπάτωνJotapata
ἅλωσιν
ΓαλιλαῖοιGalileans
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀφεστήκεσαν,
οὗτοι
τῶν
ἐν
ΤαριχέαιςTaricheans
ἡττηθέντων
προσεχώρουν,
καὶ
παρέλαβον
πάντα
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τὰ
φρούρια
καὶ
τὰς
πόλεις
πλὴν
ΓισχάλωνGischala
καὶ
τῶν
τὸ
ἸταβύριονItaburion
ὄρος
κατειληφότων.
|
1
All those Galilaeans who had revolted from the Romans after the fall of Jotapata now joined the side of those defeated at Tarichaeae; and the Romans took over all the fortresses and cities, except for Gischala and those who had occupied Mount Tabor.[1]
|
| 1
Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheae, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor;
| 1
All those Galileans who had continued in revolt against the Romans after the taking of Jotapata, surrendered to them after the defeat of Tarichea.
The Romans took all the fortresses and cities, except Gischala and the group occupying Mount Itaburion.
|
[1]Mount Tabor (Itabyrion): A distinctive dome-shaped mountain in the Galilee.
| 2
συνέστη
δὲ
τούτοις
καὶ
ΓάμαλαGamala
πόλις
ΤαριχεῶνTarichea
ἄντικρυς
ὑπὲρ
τὴν
λίμνην
κειμένη.
τῆς
δ᾽
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
λήξεως
αὕτη
τε
ἦν
καὶ
ΣωγάνηSogana
καὶ
ΣελεύκειαSeleucia,
καὶ
αἱ
μὲν
[ἐκ]
τῆς
ΓαυλανίτιδοςGaulanitis
ἀμφότεραι·
τοῦ
γὰρ
ἄνω
καλουμένου
ΓαυλανᾶGaulan
μέρος
ἦν
ἡ
ΣωγάνηSogana,
τοῦ
κάτω
δ᾽
ἡ
ΓάμαλαGamala·
ΣελεύκειαSeleucia
δὲ
πρὸς
τῇ
ΣεμεχωνιτῶνSemechonitis
λίμνῃ.
|
2
Along with these, the city of Gamala also stood firm, situated opposite Tarichaeae across the lake. This city, along with Sogane and Seleucia, belonged to the district of Agrippa; both these latter were in Gaulanitis (Sogane being part of what is called Upper Gaulanitis, and Gamala of the Lower), while Seleucia was by Lake Semechonitis.
|
| 2
Gamala also, which is a city ever against Taricheae, but on the other side of the lake, conspired with them. This city lay upon the borders of Agrippa’s kingdom, as also did Sogana and Seleucia. And these were both parts of Galuanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala of the Lower;
| 2
Gamala too, a city opposite Tarichea on the other side of the lake, held out against them.
This city was part of Agrippa's kingdom, as were Sogana and Seleucia.
They were parts of Gaulanitis, for Sogana belonged to the upper, and Gamala to the lower Gaulan.
|
| 3
ταύτῃ
τριάκοντα
μὲν
εὖρος,
ἑξήκοντα
δὲ
μῆκος
στάδιοι·
διατείνει
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
τὰ
ἕλη
μέχρι
ΔάφνηςDaphne
χωρίου
τά
τε
ἄλλα
τρυφεροῦ
καὶ
πηγὰς
ἔχοντος,
αἳ
τρέφουσαι
τὸν
μικρὸν
καλούμενον
ἸόρδανονJordan
ὑπὸ
τὸν
τῆς
χρυσῆς
βοὸς
νεὼ
προπέμπουσι
τῷ
μεγάλῳ.
|
3
This lake is thirty stadia in width and sixty[1] in length; its marshes extend as far as the place called Daphne, a region fertile in other respects and containing springs which, feeding what is called the Little Jordan, send it forth to the Great Jordan under the temple of the golden calf.[2]
|
| 3
while Seleucia was situated at the lake Semechonitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne, which in other respects is a delicious place, and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf, where it is sent into Great Jordan.
| 3
Seleucia was beside lake Semechonitis, which is thirty furlongs wide and sixty long.
Its marshes reach as far as Daphne, a delightful place with springs that supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf, where it goes on into the main river.
|
[1]30 x 60 stadia = 5.6 x 11 km (3.4 x 7 miles)
[2]The Temple of the Golden Calf: A reference to the ancient cult site at Dan (Tel Dan), established by Jeroboam I.
| 4
τοὺς
μὲν
οὖν
ἐπὶ
ΣωγάνηνSogane
καὶ
ΣελεύκειανSeleucia
ὑπὸ
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
τῆς
ἀποστάσεωςa revolt
δεξιαῖς
ἈγρίππαςAgrippa
προσηγάγετο,
ΓάμαλαGamala
δ᾽
οὐ
προσεχώρει
πεποιθυῖα
τῇ
δυσχωρίᾳ
πλέον
τῶν
ἸωταπάτωνJotapata.
|
4
Agrippa, therefore, brought over Sogane and Seleucia by treaties at the beginning of the revolt; but Gamala did not surrender, trusting in the difficulty of its terrain even more than Jotapata had.
|
| 4
Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans; yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata,
| 4
Sogana and Seleucia had, at the very beginning of the revolt, united with Agrippa, but Gamala did not join them, trusting in the natural difficulty of its location, which was even greater than that of Jotapata.
|
| 5
τραχὺς
γὰρ
αὐχὴν
ἀφ᾽
ὑψηλοῦ
κατατείνων
ὄρους
μέσον
ἐπαίρει
τένοντα,
μηκύνεται
δὲ
ἐκ
τῆς
ὑπεροχῆς
εἰς
τοὔμπροσθεν
ἐκκλίνων
ὅσον
κατόπιν,
ὡς
εἰκάζεσθαι
καμήλῳ
τὸ
σχῆμα,
παρ᾽
ἣν
ὠνόμασται
τὸ
τρανὸν
τῆς
κλήσεως
οὐκ
ἐξακριβούντων
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων.
|
5
For a rugged neck of land, extending from a high mountain, supports a central ridge, which rises from the elevation and inclines forward as much as it does backward, so that its shape resembles a camel; from which it takes its name, though the natives do not pronounce the name with exact precision.
|
| 5
for it was situated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle: where it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it accurately.
| 5
It was on the rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of high neck in the middle, then extending downward in both directions, so that it is shaped like a camel, from which it takes its name, although the local people do not pronounce it correctly.
|
| 6
κατὰ
πλευρὰ
μὲν
δὴ
καὶ
πρόσωπον
εἰς
φάραγγας
ἀβάτους
περισχίζεται,
τὸ
κατ᾽
οὐρὰν
δὲ
ὀλίγον
ἀναφεύγει
τῆς
δυσχωρίας,
ὅθεν
ἀπήρτηται
τοῦ
ὄρους·
καὶ
τοῦτο
δ᾽
ἐπικαρσίᾳ
παρακόψαντες
τάφρῳ
δύσβατον
οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι
κατεσκεύασαν.
|
6
On its sides and in front, it is broken into impassable ravines, but at the rear, it rises slightly from the difficult terrain where it is attached to the mountain. This part the inhabitants made difficult to cross by cutting a transverse ditch.
|
| 6
Both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also.
| 6
Both on the side and to the front there are inaccessible clefts ending in deep valleys, though the rear portion, where it is joined to the mountain, is rather easier to ascend, and there the inhabitants have cut a trench to make it harder to enter.
|
| 7
πρὸς
ὀρθίῳ
δὲ
τῇ
λαγόνι
δεδομημέναι
πεπύκνωντο
δεινῶς
ἐπ᾽
ἀλλήλαις
αἱ
οἰκίαι,
κρημνιζομένῃ
τε
ἡ
πόλις
ἐοικυῖα
κατέτρεχεν
εἰς
ἑαυτὴν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ὀξύτητος.
|
7
The houses were built on the steep slope and were packed closely together one upon another; the city appeared to be hanging and falling upon itself because of its extreme steepness.
|
| 7
On its acclivity, which is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top.
| 7
On the side of the mountain, houses are built very close to each other, and the city is so extremely steep that it looks ready to collapse upon itself.
|
| 8
καὶ
πρὸς
μεσημβρίαν
μὲν
ἔκλινεν,
ὁ
νότιος
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
ὄχθος
εἰς
ἄπειρον
ὕψος
ἀνατείνων
ἄκρα
τῆς
πόλεως
ἦν,
ἀτείχιστος
δὲ
ὑπὲρ
αὐτὴν
κρημνὸς
εἰς
τὴν
βαθυτάτην
κατατείνων
Φάραγγα·
πηγὴ
δ᾽
ἐντὸς
τοῦ
τείχους,
ἐφ᾽
ἣν
τὸ
ἄστυ
κατέληγεν.
|
8
It inclined toward the south, and its southern height, rising to an immense altitude, served as a citadel for the city; above it was an unfortified precipice extending into the deepest ravine. There was a spring within the wall where the city ended.
|
| 8
It is exposed to the south, and its southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature of a citadel to the city; and above that was a precipice, not walled about, but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.
| 8
It faced south and its southern heights served as a citadel to the city, and above it was an unwalled precipice leading onto the deepest ravine.
There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the edge of the city.
|
| 9
Οὕτως
οὖσαν
φύσει
δυσμήχανον
τὴν
πόλιν
τειχίζων
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἐποίησεν
ὀχυρωτέραν
ὑπονόμοις
τε
καὶ
διώρυξιν.
|
9
Josephus, while walling the city, which was thus naturally difficult to take, made it even stronger with mines and trenches.
|
| 9
As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and mines under ground.
| 9
Though nature itself had made this city hard to capture, Josephus had fortified it further, building a wall around it and by mines and trenches.
|
| 10
οἱ
δ᾽
ἐν
αὐτῇ
φύσει
μὲν
τοῦ
χωρίου
θαρραλεώτεροι
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸωταπάτηνJotapata
ἦσαν,
πολὺ
δ᾽
ἐλάττους
μάχιμοι,
καὶ
τῷ
τόπῳ
πεποιθότες
οὐδὲ
πλείονας
ὑπελάμβανον
πεπλήρωτο
γὰρ
ἡ
πόλις
διὰ
τὴν
ὀχυρότητα
συμφυγόντων·
παρὸ
καὶ
τοῖς
ὑπ᾽
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
προπεμφθεῖσιν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πολιορκίαν
ἀντεῖχεν
ἐπὶ
μῆνας
ἑπτά.
|
10
Those within it were by nature more courageous than those at Jotapata because of the location, but they were far fewer in fighting men; yet they trusted the place so much that they did not even require more men, for the city was filled with people who had fled there for its strength. Consequently, they held out for seven months against those sent by Agrippa to besiege them.
|
| 10
The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety, on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together.
| 10
The inhabitants were even more confident in the nature of their site than were those of Jotapata, though it had much fewer fighting men, and they felt so sure of their location that they would take no more.
The city was full of refugees, due to its strength, and so for seven months they had been able to resist the force sent by Agrippa to besiege it.
|
| 11
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δ᾽
ἄρας
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈμμαθοῦςEmmaus,
ἔνθα
πρὸ
τῆς
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias
ἐστρατοπεδεύκει·
μεθερμηνευομένη
δ᾽
ἈμμαθοῦςEmmaus
θερμὰ
λέγοιτ᾽
ἄν,
ἔστι
γὰρ
ἐν
αὐτῇ
πηγὴ
θερμῶν
ὑδάτων
πρὸς
ἄκεσιν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary·
ἀφικνεῖται
πρὸς
τὴν
ΓάμαλανGamala.
|
11
Vespasian, having set out from Ammathus, where he had camped before Tiberias (Ammathus may be interpreted as “Warm Baths,” for there is a spring of warm water there useful for healing), arrived at Gamala.
|
| 11
But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his camp before the city Tiberias (now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be rendered “a warm bath,” for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing) and came to Gamala;
| 11
Vespasian moved from near Tiberias, where he had been camped at Ammathus (
the name means a "warm bath
," for it contains a healing hot-water spring, ) and came to Gamala.
|
| 12
καὶ
πᾶσαν
μὲν
κυκλώσασθαι
φυλακῇ
τὴν
πόλιν
οὐχ
οἷός
τε
ἦν
οὕτως
διακειμένην,
πρὸς
δὲ
τοῖς
δυνατοῖς
φρουροὺς
καθίστησι
καὶ
τὸ
ὑπερκείμενον
ὄρος
καταλαμβάνεται.
|
12
He was unable to surround the entire city with a guard because of its situation, but he stationed guards at possible points and occupied the mountain overhanging it.
|
| 12
yet was its situation such that he was not able to encompass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon the mountain which was over it.
| 12
Its situation made it impossible to completely surround it with soldiers, but where the terrain allowed, he set men to guard it and captured the mountain overlooking it.
|
| 13
τειχισαμένων
δὲ
ὥσπερ
ἔθος
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ὑπὲρ
αὐτοῦ
στρατόπεδα
χωμάτων
ἤρχετο
κατ᾽
οὐράν,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
κατ᾽
ἀνατολὰς
αὐτῷ
μέρος,
ᾗπερ
ὁ
ἀνωτάτω
τῆς
πόλεως
πύργος
ἦν,
ἐφ᾽
οὗ
τὸ
πέμπτον
καὶ
δέκατον
τάγμα,
καὶ
τὸ
πέμπτον
μὲν
κατὰ
μέσην
ἐξειργάζετο
τὴν
πόλιν,
τὰς
δὲ
διώρυγας
ἀνεπλήρου
καὶ
τὰς
φάραγγας
τὸ
δέκατον.
|
13
After the legions had fortified their camps according to custom, he began the construction of earthworks at the rear. The part toward the east, where the highest tower of the city was, was assigned to the Fifteenth Legion; the Fifth Legion worked toward the middle of the city, and the Tenth filled up the trenches and ravines.
|
| 13
And as the legions, according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp; while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and the valleys.
| 13
While the legions were fortifying their camp upon the heights in their usual way, he set to building earthworks at the bottom.
The fifteenth legion built them the eastern side, below the highest tower of the city, and the fifth legion worked opposite the middle of the city, and the tenth legion was filling up the trenches and ravines.
|
| 14
κἀν
τούτῳ
προσελθόντα
τοῖς
τείχεσιν
ἈγρίππανAgrippa
τὸν
βασιλέα
καὶ
περὶ
παραδόσεως
τοῖς
ἐφεστῶσι
πειρώμενον
διαλέγεσθαι
βάλλει
τις
τῶν
σφενδονητῶν
κατὰ
τὸν
δεξιὸν
ἀγκῶνα
λίθῳ.
|
14
During this time, King Agrippa approached the walls and tried to speak with those on the battlements about a surrender, but one of the slingers struck him on the right elbow with a stone.
|
| 14
Now at this time it was that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavoring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the slingers;
| 14
At this stage, king Agrippa approached the ramparts and was trying to speak to the defenders about a surrender, he was struck on the right elbow by a stone from one of the slingers.
|
| 15
καὶ
ὁ
μὲν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
οἰκείων
θᾶττον
περιεσχέθη,
ῬωμαίουςRomans
δὲ
ἐπήγειρεν
εἰς
τὴν
πολιορκίαν
ὀργή
τε
περὶ
τοῦ
βασιλέως
καὶ
περὶ
σφῶν
αὐτῶν
δέος·
|
15
He was immediately surrounded by his followers; but the Romans were incited to the siege both by anger on the King’s behalf and by fear for themselves.
|
| 15
he was then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans were excited to set about the siege, by their indignation on the king’s account, and by their fear on their own account,
| 15
At once he was surrounded by his troops, but the Romans were roused to set about the siege by anger on the king's behalf and by concern for their own safety.
|
| 16
οὐ
γὰρ
ἀπολείψειν
ὠμότητος
ὑπερβολὴν
κατ᾽
ἀλλοφύλων
καὶ
πολεμίων
τοὺς
πρὸς
ὁμόφυλονof the same race
καὶ
τῶν
συμφερόντων
αὐτοῖς
σύμβουλον
οὕτως
ἀγριωθέντας.
|
16
For they thought that men who were so savage toward a kinsman and one who advised them for their own benefit would never refrain from the height of cruelty toward foreigners and enemies.
|
| 16
as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies, who were so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage.
| 16
They figured that those who would savagely attack a fellow-countryman for advising them for their own good would stop at no extreme of savagery against foreign enemies.
|
| 17
Συντελεσθέντων
οὖν
τῶν
χωμάτων
θᾶττον
πλήθει
χειρῶν
καὶ
τῶν
πραττομένωνto do
ἔθει
προσῆγον
τὰς
μηχανάς.
|
17
The earthworks being completed quickly by the multitude of hands and the experience of the work, they brought up the engines.
|
| 17
Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines;
| 17
The earthworks were soon completed, due to the many hands accustomed to such work, and they brought the machines into position.
|
| 18
οἱ
δὲ
περὶ
τὸν
ΧάρηταChares
καὶ
ἸώσηπονJoseph,
οὗτοι
γὰρ
ἦσαν
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
δυνατώτατοι,
καίπερ
καταπεπληγότας
τοὺς
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
τάττουσιν,
ἐπειδὴ
μέχρι
πολλοῦ
πρὸς
τὴν
πολιορκίαν
ἀνθέξειν
οὐχ
ὑπελάμβανον
ὕδατι
καὶ
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
ἐπιτηδείοις
μὴ
διαρκούμενοι.
|
18
Chares and Joseph, who were the most powerful men in the city, drew up their heavy-armed men, though they were terrified; for they did not believe they could hold out long against the siege, as they were lacking water and other necessities.
|
| 18
but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries.
| 18
Then the leaders of the city, Chares and Joseph, paraded their troops, who were already afraid that the city could not hold out for long, due to lack of water and other essentials.
|
| 19
παρακροτήσαντες
δ᾽
ὅμως
ἐξήγαγον
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος,
καὶ
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
μὲν
ἀπημύναντο
τοὺς
προσάγοντας
τὰς
μηχανάς,
βαλλόμενοι
δὲ
τοῖς
καταπελτικοῖς
καὶ
τοῖς
πετροβόλοις
ἀνεχώρουν
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
19
Nevertheless, they encouraged them and led them to the wall; for a short time they warded off those bringing up the engines, but being struck by the catapults and stone-throwers, they retreated into the city.
|
| 19
However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city;
| 19
But their officers encouraged them and brought them out on the wall and for a while they kept at bay those who were bringing up the machines, but when the catapults and stone-launchers fired at them, they retreated into the city.
|
| 20
καὶ
προσάγοντες
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τριχόθεν
τοὺς
κριοὺς
διασείουσι
μὲν
τὸ
τεῖχος,
ὑπὲρ
δὲ
τῶν
ἐρειφθέντων
εἰσχεόμενοι
μετὰ
πολλοῦ
σαλπίγγων
ἤχου
καὶ
κτύπου
τῶν
ὅπλων
αὐτοί
τ᾽
ἐπαλαλάζοντες
συνερρήγνυντο
τοῖς
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
20
The Romans then brought up the rams from three sides and shook the wall; pouring in through the breaches with a great sound of trumpets and clashing of arms, and shouting their battle-cry, they clashed with those in the city.
|
| 20
then did the Romans bring battering rams to three several places, and made the wall shake [and fall]. They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of armor, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city;
| 20
Then the Romans used battering rams at three several places and penetrated the wall and poured in through the breaches with trumpet-blasts and the clash of armour and battle-cries and attacked the city's defenders.
|
| 21
οἱ
δὲ
τέως
μὲν
κατὰ
τὰς
πρώτας
εἰσόδους
ἐνιστάμενοι
προσωτέρω
χωρεῖν
ἐκώλυον
καὶ
καρτερῶς
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἀνεῖργονto keep back, restrain·
|
21
The defenders for a time stood their ground at the first entrances and prevented them from advancing further, stoutly repelling the Romans.
|
| 21
but these men fell upon the Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and prevented their going any further, and with great courage beat them back;
| 21
These resisted them for some time at their first entrance, blocking them from going any further and bravely beating back the Romans.
|
| 22
βιαζόμενοι
δὲ
ὑπὸ
πολλῶν
καὶ
πάντοθεν
τρέπονται
πρὸς
τὰ
ὑψηλὰ
τῆς
πόλεως
καὶ
προσκειμένοις
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
ἐξ
ὑποστροφῆς
ἐπιπεσόντες
συνώθουν
εἰς
τὸ
κάταντες
καὶ
τῇ
στενότητι
καὶ
δυσχωρίᾳ
θλιβομένους
ἀνῄρουν.
|
22
But being forced back by numbers from every side, they turned toward the high parts of the city, and falling upon the pursuing enemies from above, they pushed them down into the steep places and killed them as they were crushed by the narrowness and difficulty of the path.
|
| 22
and the Romans were so overpowered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city. Whereupon the people turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them;
| 22
Soon, overpowered by numbers attacking them on every side, they had to flee to the upper parts of the city, where, rounding on the enemy, they thrust them down the slopes and, while they were hampered by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, killed them.
|
| 23
οἱ
δὲ
μήτε
τοὺς
κατὰ
κορυφὴν
ἀμύνασθαι
δυνάμενοι
μήτε
διεκπαίειν
τῶν
σφετέρων
πρόσω
βιαζομένων
ἐπὶ
τὰς
οἰκίας
τῶν
πολεμίων,
πρόσγειοι
γὰρ
ἦσαν,
ἀνέφευγον.
|
23
The Romans, unable either to repel those above them or to force their way through their own men pressing forward, fled onto the roofs of the enemy’s houses, which were close to the ground.
|
| 23
and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward, they were compelled to fly into their enemies’ houses, which were low;
| 23
The besiegers, unable to beat back those who were above them, or to evade the pressure of their own men forcing their way upward, had to take refuge on the low roofs of their enemies' houses.
|
| 24
αἱ
δὲ
ταχέως
κατηρείποντο
πληρούμεναι
καὶ
τὸ
βάρος
μὴ
στέγουσαι,
κατέσειε
δὲ
πολλὰς
μία
τῶν
ὑπ᾽
αὐτῆς
πεσοῦσα
καὶ
πάλιν
ἐκεῖναι
τὰς
ὑπ᾽
αὐτάς.
|
24
These houses, being full and unable to bear the weight, quickly collapsed; and one falling shook down many of those below it, and they in turn those under them.
|
| 24
but these houses being thus full, of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell, it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were under them.
| 24
But these were so overloaded that they suddenly collapsed, and when one house fell, it brought down many of those beneath it, as did these to those that were lower down.
|
| 25
τοῦτο
πλείστους
διέφθειρε
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin·
ὑπὸ
γὰρ
ἀμηχανίας
καίτοι
συνιζανούσας
ὁρῶντες
ἐπεπήδων
ταῖς
στέγαις,
καὶ
πολλοὶ
μὲν
κατεχώννυντο
τοῖς
ἐρειπίοις,
πολλοὶ
δ᾽
ὑποφεύγοντες
μέρη
τοῦ
σώματος
κατελαμβάνοντο,
πλείστους
δὲ
ὁ
κονιορτὸς
ἄγχων
ἀνῄρει.
|
25
This destroyed vast numbers of Romans; for in their desperation, though they saw the roofs sinking, they still leapt upon them. Many were buried in the ruins, many were caught by parts of their bodies while trying to flee, and many were suffocated by the dust.
|
| 25
By this means a vast number of the Romans perished; for they were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins.
| 25
In this way very many of the Romans died.
Although they saw the houses collapsing, they had no alternative but to leap on their roofs, so that many were buried in the ruins and many of those who got out from under them lost some of their limbs, but more suffocated from the dust.
|
| 26
συνεργίαν
θεοῦ
τοῦτο
ΓαμαλεῖςGamala
ὑπελάμβανον
καὶ
τῆς
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ἀμελοῦντες
βλάβης
ἐπέκειντο,
πρός
τε
τὰ
στέγη
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἀνωθοῦντες
καί
τοι
κατολισθάνοντας
ἐν
ὀξέσι
τοῖς
στενωποῖς
καὶ
ἀεὶ
τοὺς
πίπτοντας
ὕπερθεν
βάλλοντες
ἔκτεινον.
|
26
The people of Gamala thought this was divine assistance and, regardless of their own losses, they pressed on, pushing the enemies onto the roofs and killing those who slipped in the narrow streets and always striking those who fell from above.
|
| 26
The people of Gamala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw their stones or darts at them, and slew them.
| 26
The people of Gamala thought God was helping them and pressed forward and, without regard to their own safety, forced the enemy to the rooftops and killed them with stones or spears as they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets.
|
| 27
καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
ἐρείπια
χερμάδων
πλέα
ἦν
αὐτοῖς,
σίδηρον
δὲ
παρεῖχον
οἱ
τῶν
πολεμίων
νεκροί·
παρασπῶντες
γὰρ
τὰ
τῶν
πεσόντων
ξίφη
κατὰ
τῶν
δυσθανατούντων
ἐχρῶντο.
|
27
The ruins provided them with plenty of stones, and the bodies of the enemies provided iron; for they snatched the swords of the fallen and used them against those who were dying a hard death.
|
| 27
Now the very ruins afforded them stones enough; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemies’ side afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to dispatch such as were only half dead;
| 27
The very ruins gave them stones enough, and the enemy dead provided enough iron weapons, for they used the swords of the fallen to dispatch the people who were not quite dead.
|
| 28
πολλοὶ
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
πιπτόντων
ἤδη
τῶν
δωμάτων
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
βάλλοντες
ἔθνησκον.
|
28
Many, as the houses were already falling, threw themselves off and died.
|
| 28
nay, there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves, and died after that manner;
| 28
Many indeed, jumping down from the tops of collapsing houses, died in the fall.
|
| 29
ἦν
δ᾽
οὐδὲ
τραπέντων
ἡ
φυγὴ
ῥᾴδιος·
κατὰ
γὰρ
ἄγνοιαν
τῶν
ὁδῶν
καὶ
παχύτητα
τοῦ
κονιορτοῦ
μηδὲ
ἀλλήλους
ἐπιγινώσκοντες
ἀνειλοῦντοto roll up
καὶ
περὶ
σφᾶς
Ἔπιπτον.
|
29
Flight was not easy even for those who turned back; for through ignorance of the roads and the thickness of the dust, they did not recognize each other and became entangled and fell over one another.
|
| 29
nor indeed was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd.
| 29
Even those who turned back found it hard to escape, since they were so unfamiliar with the streets and the dust was so thick that they could not recognize each other and were killed in that way.
|
| 30
Οἱ
μὲν
οὖν
μόλις
εὑρίσκοντες
τὰς
ἐξόδους
ἀνεχώρησαν
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως·
|
30
Those who with difficulty found the exits retreated from the city.
|
| 30
Those therefore that were able to find the ways out of the city retired.
| 30
Those who could find the exits barely managed to retreat from the city.
|
| 31
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δ᾽
ἀεὶ
προσμένων
τοῖς
πονουμένοις,
δεινὸν
γάρ
τι
πάθος
αὐτὸν
εἰσῄει
κατερειπομένην
ὁρῶντα
περὶ
τῷ
στρατῷ
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἐν
λήθῃ
τοῦ
κατ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἀσφαλοῦς
γενόμενος
λανθάνει
κατὰ
μικρὸν
ἀνωτάτω
τῆς
πόλεως
προελθών,
ἔνθα
μέσοις
ἐγκαταλείπεται
τοῖς
κινδύνοις
μετ᾽
ὀλίγων
παντελῶς·
|
31
Vespasian, who always stayed close to those in distress—for he was deeply moved seeing the city collapsing around his army—forgot his own safety and gradually, without realizing it, reached the highest part of the city, where he was left in the midst of dangers with only a very few men.
|
| 31
But now Vespasian always staid among those that were hard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army, and forgot to take care of his own preservation. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dangers, having only a very few with him;
| 31
Vespasian always stayed among those in difficulties, for he was deeply grieved to see the ruins of the city falling upon his army and forgot to look after his own safety.
He went up gradually toward the highest parts of the city before he was aware and was left in a dangerous situation, with only very few companions.
|
| 32
οὐδὲ
γὰρ
ὁ
παῖς
αὐτῷ
ΤίτοςTitus
τότε
συμπαρῆν
τηνικαῦτα
πρὸς
ΜουκιανὸνMucianus
εἰς
ΣυρίανSyria
ἀπεσταλμένος.
|
32
For even his son Titus was not present then, having been sent to Syria to Mucianus.[1]
|
| 32
for even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus.
| 32
Even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been sent into Syria to Mucianus.
|
[1]Mucianus: Gaius Licinius Mucianus (Governor of Syria)
| 33
τραπῆναι
μὲν
οὖν
οὔτε
ἀσφαλὲς
οὔτε
πρέπον
ἡγήσατο,
μνησθεὶς
δὲ
τῶν
ἀπὸ
νεότητος
αὐτῷ
πεπονημένων
καὶ
τῆς
ἰδίας
ἀρετῆς,
ὥσπερ
ἔνθους
γενόμενος,
συνασπίζει
μὲν
τοὺς
ἅμ᾽
αὐτῷ
τά
τε
σώματα
καὶ
τὰς
πανοπλίας,
|
33
He thought it neither safe nor honorable to turn back, and remembering his labors from his youth and his own virtue, as if inspired, he and his companions joined shields to cover their bodies and armor.
|
| 33
However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armor,
| 33
However, he thought it neither safe nor honourable to take flight, but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth and collecting his courage, as if moved by a divine fury he covered himself and his men with their shields and forming a shell over their bodies and their armour, he held back the enemy attacks, when they ran down from the top of the city.
|
| 34
ὑφίσταται
δὲ
κατὰ
κορυφὴν
ἐπιρρέοντα
τὸν
πόλεμον
καὶ
οὔτε
ἀνδρῶν
πλῆθος
οὔτε
βελῶν
ὑποπτήξας
ἐπέμενε,
μέχρι
δαιμόνιον
τὸ
παράστημα
τῆς
ψυχῆς
συννοήσαντες
οἱ
πολέμιοι
ταῖς
ὁρμαῖς
ἐνέδοσαν.
|
34
He withstood the tide of war flowing down from above and, without flinching at the number of men or the missiles, he held his ground until the enemy, struck by his superhuman spirit, gave way in their attacks.
|
| 34
and bore up against the enemy’s attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that was within him, and remitted of their attacks;
| 34
Showing no fear of their number or their spears, he endured all, until the enemy observed the divine courage in him and ceased their attacks.
|
| 35
ἀτονώτερον
δὲ
προσκειμένων
αὐτὸς
ὑπὸ
πόδα
ἀνεχώρει
νῶτα
μὴ
δεικνὺς
ἕως
ἔξω
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐγένετο.
|
35
As they pressed on less vigorously, he retreated step by step, not showing his back, until he was outside the wall.
|
| 35
and when they pressed less zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them till he was gotten out of the walls of the city.
| 35
Then when they pressed less hotly upon him, he retreated, without turning his back to them until he had left behind the ramparts of the city.
|
| 36
πλεῖστοι
μὲν
οὖν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
κατὰ
ταύτην
ἔπεσον
τὴν
μάχην,
ἐν
οἷς
ὁ
δεκαδάρχης
ΑἰβούτιοςEbutius,
ἀνὴρ
οὐ
μόνον
ἐφ᾽
ἧς
ἔπεσε
παρατάξεως,
ἀλλὰ
πανταχοῦ
καὶ
πρότερον
γενναιότατος
φανεὶς
καὶ
πλεῖστα
κακὰ
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἐργασάμενος.
|
36
A great number of Romans fell in this battle, among them the decurion Aebutius, a man who had shown himself most noble not only in this action but everywhere before, and had done much damage to the Jews.
|
| 36
Now a great number of the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but everywhere, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews.
| 36
Many of the Romans fell in this battle, among them Ebutius, the decurion, who had done great harm to the Jews, and whose courage was seen not only in this battle where he fell, but also in many earlier ones.
|
| 37
ἑκατοντάρχης
δέ
τις,
ΓάλλοςGallus
ὀνόματι,
μετὰ
στρατιωτῶν
δέκα
περισχεθεὶς
ἐν
τῇ
ταραχῇ
κατέδυ
μὲν
εἴς
τινος
οἰκίαν,
|
37
A certain centurion, named Gallus, being surrounded in the confusion with ten soldiers, hid himself in a certain house.
|
| 37
But there was a centurion whose name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being encompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person,
| 37
A centurion named Gallus, when they were surrounded during this action, along with ten other soldiers secretly crept into somebody's house.
|
| 38
τῶν
δ᾽
ἐν
αὐτῇ
διαλαλούντων
παρὰ
δεῖπνον
ὅσα
κατὰ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἢ
περὶ
σφῶν
ὁ
δῆμος
ἐβουλεύετο
κατακροασάμενος,
ἦν
δὲ
αὐτός
τε
καὶ
οἱ
σὺν
αὐτῷ
ΣύροιSyrians,
νύκτωρ
ἐπανίσταται
καὶ
πάντας
ἀποσφάξας
μετὰ
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
εἰς
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
διασώζεται.
|
38
Hearing the people inside talking at dinner about what the populace planned against the Romans and for themselves—he and his men were Syrians—he rose up in the night, slaughtered them all, and escaped with his soldiers to the Romans.
|
| 38
where he heard them talking at supper, what the people intended to do against the Romans, or about themselves (for both the man himself and those with him were Syrians). So he got up in the nighttime, and cut all their throats, and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans.
| 38
There he heard them say at supper what they meant to do against the Romans, or to his own people, for he himself and his companions were Syrians.
So he got up in the night time and cut all their throats and escaped, with his soldiers, to the Romans.
|
| 39
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δ᾽
ἀθυμοῦσαν
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἀνοίᾳ
πταισμάτων
καὶ
διότι
τέως
οὐδαμοῦ
τηλικαύτῃ
συμφορᾷ
κέχρηντο,
τό
γε
μὴν
πλέον
αἰδουμένους
ἐπὶ
τῷ
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
μόνον
τοῖς
κινδύνοις
ἐγκαταλιπεῖν
παρεμυθεῖτο,
|
39
Vespasian, seeing the army despondent at the folly of their failures and because they had never before suffered such a calamity, and being especially ashamed at having left their general alone in danger, consoled them.
|
| 39
And now Vespasian comforted his army, which was much dejected by reflecting on their ill success, and because they had never before fallen into such a calamity, and besides this, because they were greatly ashamed that they had left their general alone in great dangers.
| 39
Vespasian consoled his army, who were downcast at this setback, having never before suffered such a disaster and feeling very ashamed to have left their general alone in such danger.
|
| 40
περὶ
μὲν
τοῦ
καθ᾽
αὑτὸν
ὑποστελλόμενος,
ὡς
μηδὲ
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
μέμφεσθαι
δοκοίη,
δεῖν
δὲ
τὰ
κοινὰ
λέγων
ἀνδρείως
φέρειν
τὴν
τοῦ
πολέμου
φύσιν
ἐννοοῦντας,
ὡς
οὐδαμοῦ
τὸ
νικᾶν
ἀναιμωτὶ
περιγίνεται,
δαπανᾷ
δ᾽
ἡ
τύχη
τι
καὶ
παρίσταται.
|
40
He spoke modestly about himself, so as not to seem to find fault with anyone, but said they must bear the nature of war bravely, considering that victory is never won without blood, and that Fortune is a fluctuating thing.
|
| 40
As to what concerned himself, he avoided to say anything, that he might by no means seem to complain of it; but he said that “we ought to bear manfully what usually falls out in war, and this, by considering what the nature of war is, and how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed on our own side; for there stands about us that fortune which is of its own nature mutable;
| 40
About himself he said nothing, so as not to seem to complain about it, but he said, "We should bear manfully what happens to all, knowing the nature of war and how we cannot triumph without some bloodshed, amid the changes of fortune.
|
| 41
τοσαύτας
μέντοι
μυριάδας
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἀνελόντας
αὐτοὺς
ὀλίγην
τῷ
δαίμονι
δεδωκέναι
συμβολήν.
|
41
He said that since they had slain so many tens of thousands of Jews, they had paid only a small contribution to the deity (as a sacrifice for their success).
|
| 41
that while they had killed so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had now paid their small share of the reckoning to fate;
| 41
While we have killed many thousands of the Jews, we have paid our own small share of the reckoning to fate.
|
| 42
εἶναι
δ᾽
ὥσπερ
ἀπειροκάλων
τὸ
λίαν
ἐπαίρεσθαι
ταῖς
εὐπραγίαις,
οὕτως
ἀνάνδρων
τὸ
καταπτήσσειν
ἐν
τοῖς
πταίσμασιν·
ὀξεῖα
γὰρ
ἐν
ἀμφοτέροις
ἡ
μεταβολή,
κἀκεῖνος
ἄριστος
ὁ
κἀν
τοῖς
εὐτυχήμασιν
νήφων,
ἵνα
μένῃ
καὶ
δι᾽
εὐθυμίας
ἀναπαλαίων
τὰ
σφάλματα.
|
42
He said that as it is the mark of the vulgar to be over-elated by success, so it is the mark of the cowardly to be dejected by failure; for change is swift in both cases, and he is best who remains sober in prosperity so that he may stay cheerful while recovering from disasters.
|
| 42
and as it is the part of weak people to be too much puffed up with good success, so is it the part of cowards to be too much affrighted at that which is ill; for the change from the one to the other is sudden on both sides; and he is the best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may continue in that temper, and cheerfully recover what had been lost formerly;
| 42
Just as weak people are too puffed up by success, so is it typical of cowards to be too fearful when things go wrong, since the change from one to the other is sudden on both sides.
The best warrior is he who keeps a sober mind under troubles, and who continues in that temper to cheerfully recover what was formerly lost.
|
| 43
τὰ
μέντοι
συμβεβηκότα
νῦν
οὔτε
μαλακισθέντων
ὑμῶν
οὔτε
παρὰ
τὴν
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἀρετὴν
γέγονεν,
ἀλλὰ
κἀκείνοις
τοῦ
πλεονεκτῆσαι
καὶ
τοῦ
διαμαρτεῖν
ἡμῖν
αἴτιον
ἡ
δυσχωρία.
|
43
“The events that have just occurred were not due to any cowardice on your part, nor to the superior valor of the Jews; rather, the cause of their advantage and our failure was the difficulty of the terrain.
|
| 43
and as for what had now happened, it was neither owing to their own effeminacy, nor to the valor of the Jews, but the difficulty of the place was the occasion of their advantage, and of our disappointment.
| 43
What happened just now was neither due to our weakness or to the bravery of the Jews, but to the difficulty of the place, which helped them and thwarted us.
|
| 44
καθ᾽
ἣν
ἄν
τις
ὑμῶν
μέμψαιτο
τῆς
ὁρμῆς
τὸ
ἀταμίευτον·
ἀναφυγόντων
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ὑψηλὰ
τῶν
πολεμίων
αὑτοὺς
ὑποστέλλειν
ἐχρῆν,
καὶ
μὴ
κατὰ
κορυφὴν
ἱσταμένοις
τοῖς
κινδύνοις
ἕπεσθαι,
κρατοῦντας
δὲ
τῆς
κάτω
πόλεως
κατ᾽
ὀλίγον
προκαλεῖσθαι
τοὺς
ἀναφεύγοντας
εἰς
ἀσφαλῆ
καὶ
ἑδραίαν
μάχην.
νυνὶ
δὲ
ἀκρατῶς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
νίκην
ἐπειγόμενοι
τῆς
ἀσφαλείας
ἠμελήσατε.
|
44
In this regard, one might find fault with the unbridled nature of your onset. For when the enemy fled to the heights, you ought to have restrained yourselves and not followed them where danger stood poised over your heads. Instead, having secured the lower city, you should have gradually provoked those who had fled to come down into a safe and steady battle. But now, in your unrestrained haste for victory, you neglected your safety.
|
| 44
Upon reflecting on which matter one might blame your zeal as perfectly ungovernable; for when the enemy had retired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained yourselves, and not, by presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon your having obtained the lower parts of the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to a safe and settled battle; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon victory, you took no care of your own safety.
| 44
Reflecting on it, one might blame your zeal as unbridled, for when the enemy had retreated to their highest citadel, you should have refrained from showing yourselves at the top of the city, exposed to danger.
Instead, once you took the lower parts of the city, you should have goaded those who had retreated up there to a safer, pitched battle.
But rushing so quickly for a victory, you took no care of your safety.
|
| 45
τὸ
δ᾽
ἀπερίσκεπτον
ἐν
πολέμῳ
καὶ
τῆς
ὁρμῆς
μανιῶδες
οὐ
πρὸς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
οἳ
πάντα
ἐμπειρίᾳ
καὶ
τάξει
κατορθοῦμεν,
ἀλλὰ
βαρβαρικόν,
καὶ
ᾧ
μάλιστα
ἸουδαῖοιJews
κρατοῦνται.
|
45
Such lack of foresight in war and such mad impetuosity is not characteristic of Romans, who achieve everything through experience and discipline; it is a barbarian trait, and one by which the Jews are most often defeated.
|
| 45
But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by.
| 45
A reckless spirit and mad zeal in war is not the Roman way, for we do all our efforts by skill and good order.
Behaviour like that is the part of barbarians and is what the Jews mainly rely on.
|
| 46
χρὴ
τοίνυν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
αὑτῶν
ἀρετὴν
ἀναδραμεῖν
καὶ
θυμοῦσθαι
μᾶλλον
ἢ
προσαθυμεῖν
τῷ
παρ᾽
ἀξίαν
πταίσματι.
|
46
It is necessary, then, to return to your own innate valor and to be angry rather than dejected by this undeserved setback.
|
| 46
We ought therefore to return to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky misfortune,
| 46
We ought then to return to our own strengths and from now on draw anger rather than dejection from this unlucky mishap.
|
| 47
τὴν
δ᾽
ἀρίστηνbest
ἕκαστος
ἐκ
τῆς
ἰδίας
χειρὸς
ἐπιζητείτω
παραμυθίαν·
οὕτω
γὰρ
τοῖς
τε
ἀπολωλόσι
τιμωρήσεσθε
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀνελόντας
ἀμυνεῖσθε.
|
47
Let each man seek the best consolation from his own right hand; for in this way you will avenge those who have perished and punish those who slew them.
|
| 47
and let everyone seek for his own consolation from his own hand; for by this means he will avenge those that have been destroyed, and punish those that have killed them.
| 47
Let each man draw courage from the work of his own hand, for by this he will avenge those who were killed and punish those who killed them.
|
| 48
πειράσομαι
δ᾽
ἐγώ,
καθάπερ
νῦν,
ἐπὶ
πάσης
μάχης
προάγειν
τε
ὑμῶν
εἰς
τοὺς
πολεμίους
καὶ
τελευταῖος
ἀποχωρεῖν. "
|
48
I myself will endeavor, as I have just done, to lead you into battle against the enemy and to be the last to retreat.”
|
| 48
For myself, I will endeavor, as I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagement, and to be the last that retires from it.”
| 48
For myself, I will try, as I have now done, to go ahead of you against your enemies in every attack and to be the last to retreat from it. "
|
| 49
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
τοιαῦτα
λέγων
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἀνελάμβανενto take up,
τοῖς
δὲ
ΓαμαλεῦσινGamala
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
μὲν
θαρρῆσαι
τῷ
κατορθώματι
παρέστη
παραλόγως
τε
συμβάντι
καὶ
μεγάλως,
|
49
By speaking in this manner, he restored the spirit of the army. To the people of Gamala, however, the success brought only a brief moment of confidence, as it had happened so unexpectedly and significantly.
|
| 49
So Vespasian encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people of Gamala, it happened that they took courage for a little while, upon such great and unaccountable success as they had had.
| 49
By this speech Vespasian encouraged his army, while the people of Gamala took courage for a little while from the great and unaccountable success they had achieved.
|
| 50
λογιζόμενοι
δ᾽
ὕστερον
ἀφῃρῆσθαι
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
καὶ
δεξιᾶς
ἐλπίδας
τό
τε
μὴ
δύνασθαι
διαφεύγειν
ἐννοοῦντες,
ἤδη
γὰρ
ἐπέλιπε
τὰ
ἐπιτήδεια,
δεινῶς
ἠθύμουν
καὶ
ταῖς
ψυχαῖς
ἀναπεπτώκεσαν.
|
50
But later, when they realized they had cut themselves off from any hope of peace and reflected that they could not escape—for their supplies had already failed—they became terribly dejected and their spirits sank.
|
| 50
But when they considered with themselves that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation, and reflecting upon it that they could not get away, and that their provisions began already to be short, they were exceedingly cast down, and their courage failed them;
| 50
Then, realizing that they had now no hope of surrendering on terms and reflecting that they could not escape and with their provisions already growing short, they were dejected and their courage failed them.
|
| 51
οὐ
μὴν
εἰς
τὸ
δυνατὸν
ἠμέλουν
σωτηρίας,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὰ
παραρρηχθέντα
τοῦ
τείχους
οἱ
γενναιότατοι
καὶ
τὰ
μένοντα
περισχόντες
ἐφύλασσον
οἱ
λοιποί.
|
51
Nevertheless, they did not neglect their safety as far as they were able; the most courageous guarded the breaches in the wall, while the rest guarded what remained standing.
|
| 51
yet did they not neglect what might be for their preservation, so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those parts of the wall that were beaten down, while the more infirm did the same to the rest of the wall that still remained round the city.
| 51
Still they did not neglect what might help them survive, so far as they could, and the bravest among them guarded those parts of the wall that were knocked down, while the more infirm did the same on the rest of the wall that still remained around the city.
|
| 52
τῶν
δὲ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐπιρρωννύντων
τὰ
χώματα
καὶ
πάλιν
πειρωμένων
προσβολῆς
οἱ
πολλοὶ
διεδίδρασκον
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως
κατά
τε
δυσβάτων
φαράγγων,
ᾗπερ
οὐκ
ἔκειντο
φυλακαί,
καὶ
διὰ
τῶν
ὑπονόμων.
|
52
But as the Romans were strengthening the earthworks and attempting another assault, many fled from the city through the impassable ravines where no guards were stationed, or through the underground mines.
|
| 52
And as the Romans raised their banks, and attempted to get into the city a second time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys, where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns;
| 52
As the Romans raised their earthworks and started to invade a second time, many fled from the city through tortuous valleys, where no guards were placed, and through subterranean caves.
|
| 53
ὅσοι
γε
μὴν
δέει
τοῦ
ληφθῆναι
παρέμενον,
[ἐν
]
ἐνδείᾳ
διεφθείροντο·
πανταχόθεν
γὰρ
τροφὴ
τοῖς
μάχεσθαι
δυναμένοις
συνηθροίζετο.
|
53
Those who remained out of fear of being captured perished from hunger; for what food there was had been collected and reserved for those able to fight.
|
| 53
while those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason staid in the city, perished for want of food; for what food they had was brought together from all quarters, and reserved for the fighting men.
| 53
Those who were afraid of being caught and for that reason stayed in the city, died for lack of food, for whatever food they had anywhere was brought together and reserved for the fighting men.
|
| 54
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ἐν
τοιούτοις
πάθεσι
διεκαρτέρουν,
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
πάρεργον
ἐποιεῖτο
τῆς
πολιορκίας
τοὺς
τὸ
ἸταβύριονItaburion
κατειληφόταςto seize
ὄρος,
ὅ
ἐστι
τοῦ
μεγάλου
πεδίου
καὶ
ΣκυθοπόλεωςScythopolis
μέσον·
|
54
While they endured such sufferings, Vespasian made a side-expedition during the siege against those who had occupied Mount Tabor, which lies between the Great Plain and Scythopolis.
|
| 54
And these were the hard circumstances that the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis,
| 54
While the people of Gamala held out in these dire straits, Vespasian went about other work during this siege, to subdue those who had captured Mount Itaburion, a place half way between the great plain and Scythopolis.
|
| 55
οὗ
τὸ
μὲν
ὕψος
ἐπὶ
τριάκοντα
σταδίους
ἀνίσχει,
μόλις
προσβατὸν
κατὰ
τὸ
προσάρκτιον
κλίμα,
πεδίον
δ᾽
ἐστὶν
ἡ
κορυφὴ
σταδίων
ἓξ
καὶ
εἴκοσι,
πᾶν
τετειχισμένον.
|
55
The height of this mountain rises to thirty stadia[1] and is barely accessible on its northern side; the summit is a plain of twenty-six stadia,[2] entirely surrounded by a wall.
|
| 55
whose top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall.
| 55
Its top is thirty furlongs high and it can hardly be ascended on the north side.
On top is a plateau of twenty-six furlongs, all surrounded with a wall.
|
[1]30 stadia = 5.6 km (3.4 miles)
[2]26 stadia = 4.8 km (3 miles)
| 56
ἤγειρε
δὲ
τοσοῦτον
ὄντα
τὸν
περίβολον
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἐν
τεσσαράκοντα
ἡμέραις
τῇ
τε
ἄλλῃ
χορηγούμενος
ὕλῃ
κάτωθεν
καὶ
ὕδατι·
καὶ
γὰρ
τοῖς
ἐποίκοις
μόνον
ἦν
ὄμβριον.
|
56
Josephus had built this extensive wall in forty days, being supplied with materials and water from below, for the inhabitants had only rainwater.
|
| 56
Now, Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days’ time, and furnished it with other materials, and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water.
| 56
Josephus had built this long wall in forty days and furnished it with other materials and with water from below, for the inhabitants used only rain water.
|
| 57
πολλοῦ
οὖν
πλήθους
ἐπὶ
τοῦτο
συνειλεγμένου
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ΠλάκιδονPlacidus
σὺν
ἱππεῦσιν
ἑξακοσίοις
πέμπει.
|
57
Since a great multitude had gathered there, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen.
|
| 57
As therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither.
| 57
As a multitude had assembled upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus there with six hundred cavalry.
|
| 58
τούτῳ
τὸ
μὲν
προσβαίνειν
ἀμήχανον
ἦν,
ἐλπίδι
δὲ
δεξιῶν
καὶ
παρακλήσεως
πρὸς
εἰρήνην
τοὺς
πολλοὺς
προεκαλεῖτο.
|
58
It was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, so he invited the multitude to come down with the hope of terms and an invitation to peace.
|
| 58
Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them.
| 58
Unable to ascend the mountain, he invited the crowd to make peace, offering his guarantee for their security and promising to speak on their behalf.
|
| 59
κατῄεσαν
δὲ
ἀντεπιβουλεύοντες·
ὅ
τε
γὰρ
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
ὡμίλει
πραιότερον
σπουδάζων
αὐτοὺς
ἐν
τῷ
πεδίῳ
λαβεῖν,
κἀκεῖνοι
κατῄεσαν
ὡς
πειθόμενοι
δῆθεν,
ἵνα
ἀφυλάκτῳ
προσπέσωσιν.
|
59
They came down, but with a counter-plot in mind. For Placidus spoke mildly, eager to catch them in the plain, while they came down as if obeying him, but actually intending to fall upon him while he was off his guard.
|
| 59
Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them, when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with his proposals, but it was in order to fall upon him when he was not aware of it:
| 59
So they came down, but with another plan in mind.
Placidus spoke to them mildly, intending to capture them once he got them into the plain.
They came down, as if accepting his proposals, though intending to attack him unawares.
|
| 60
ἐνίκα
μέντοι
τὸ
ΠλακίδουPlacidus
πανοῦργον·
ἀρξαμένωνto be first
γὰρ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
μάχης
φυγὴν
ὑπεκρίνετο
καὶ
διώκοντας
ἑλκύσας
ἐπὶ
πολὺ
τοῦ
πεδίου
τοὺς
ἱππεῖς
ἐπιστρέφει,
τρεψάμενος
δὲ
πλείστους
μὲν
αὐτῶν
ἀναιρεῖ,
τὸ
δὲ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
ὑποτεμόμενος
εἴργει
τῆς
ἀνόδου.
|
60
However, the cunning of Placidus prevailed. For when the Jews began the battle, he feigned flight and, having drawn them far into the plain, he turned his horsemen upon them. He routed them, killing most of them, and cutting off the rest, prevented their return to the mountain.
|
| 60
however, Placidus’s stratagem was too hard for theirs; for when the Jews began to fight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in pursuit of the Romans, he enticed them a great way along the plain, and then made his horsemen turn back; whereupon he beat them, and slew a great number of them, and cut off the retreat of the rest of the multitude, and hindered their return.
| 60
But Placidus' ploy defeated theirs, for when the Jews started the battle he pretended to take flight and enticed them far into the plain in pursuit, and then made his cavalry turn around and routed them, killing many blocking the retreat of the rest of the others.
|
| 61
καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
τὸ
ἸταβύριονItaburion
καταλιπόντες
ἐπὶ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἔφευγον,
οἱ
δὲ
ἐπιχώριοι
πίστεις
λαβόντες,
ἐπιλελοίπει
δ᾽
αὐτοὺς
ὕδωρ,
τό
τε
ὄρος
καὶ
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ΠλακίδῳPlacidus
παρέδοσαν.
|
61
Those who survived abandoned Mount Tabor and fled toward Jerusalem, while the locals, having been promised security and being out of water, surrendered the mountain and themselves to Placidus.
|
| 61
So they left Tabor, and fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the country came to terms with him, for their water failed them, and so they delivered up the mountain and themselves to Placidus.
| 61
So they left Itaburion and fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the district surrendered to him when their water ran short, and so they handed over the mountain and themselves to Placidus.
|
| 62
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ΓαμάλαςGamala
οἱ
παραβολώτεροι
μὲν
φεύγοντες
διελάνθανον,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἀσθενεῖς
διεφθείροντο
λιμῷ·
|
62
At Gamala, the more daring were escaping secretly, while the weak were perishing from famine.
|
| 62
But of the people of Gamala, those that were of the bolder sort fled away and hid themselves, while the more infirm perished by famine;
| 62
The more enterprising people in Gamala fled and hid themselves, while the weaker died of hunger.
|
| 63
τὸ
μάχιμον
δ᾽
ἀντεῖχεν
τῇ
πολιορκίᾳ,
μέχρι
δευτέρᾳ
καὶ
εἰκάδι
μηνὸς
ὙπερβερεταίουHyperberetmus
τρεῖς
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
πέμπτου
καὶ
δεκάτου
τάγματος
στρατιῶται
περὶ
τὴν
ἑωθινὴν
φυλακὴν
ὑποδύντες
τὸν
προύχοντα
κατὰ
τούτους
πύργον
ὑπορύσσουσιν
ἡσυχῆ.
|
63
The fighting men, however, continued to hold out against the siege until the twenty-second day of the month Hyperberetaios.[1] Then, three soldiers of the Fifteenth Legion, during the morning watch, crawled up and silently undermined the high tower that stood opposite them.
|
| 63
but the men of war sustained the siege till the twoandtwentieth day of the month Hyperberetaeus [Tisri,] when three soldiers of the fifteenth legion, about the morning watch, got under a high tower that was near them, and undermined it, without making any noise;
| 63
Their warriors withstood the siege until the twenty-second day of the month Hyperberetus, when about the morning watch three soldiers of the fifteenth legion got beneath a high tower near them and secretly undermined it.
|
[1]Hyperberetaios: A Macedonian month corresponding roughly to September/October.
| 64
τοῖς
δ᾽
ὑπὲρ
αὐτοῦ
φύλαξιν
οὔτε
προσιόντων
αἴσθησις,
νὺξ
γὰρ
ἦν,
οὔτε
προσελθόντων
ἐγένετο.
οἱ
δὲ
στρατιῶται
φειδόμενοι
τοῦ
ψόφου
καὶ
πέντε
τοὺς
κραταιοτάτους
ἐκκυλίσαντες
λίθους
ὑποπηδῶσι.
|
64
The guards above did not perceive them, either as they approached or after they arrived, for it was night. The soldiers, avoiding any noise, rolled away the five strongest stones and then jumped back.
|
| 64
nor when they either came to it, which was in the nighttime, nor when they were under it, did those that guarded it perceive them. These soldiers then upon their coming avoided making a noise, and when they had rolled away five of its strongest stones, they went away hastily;
| 64
Undetected by the sentries either at their approach, for it was night, or when they reached it, the soldiers noiselessly rolled away five of its strongest stones and hurried off.
|
| 65
κατηρείπετο
δὲ
ὁ
πύργος
ἐξαίφνης
μετὰ
μεγίστου
ψόφου,
καὶ
συγκατακρημνίζονται
μὲν
οἱ
φύλακες
αὐτῷ,
θορυβηθέντες
δὲ
οἱ
κατὰ
τὰς
ἄλλας
φυλακὰς
ἔφευγον·
|
65
The tower suddenly collapsed with a tremendous crash, and the guards fell headlong with it. Those at the other guard posts were thrown into a panic and fled.
|
| 65
whereupon the tower fell down on a sudden, with a very great noise, and its guard fell headlong with it; so that those that kept guard at other places were under such disturbance, that they ran away;
| 65
Suddenly the tower fell down with a loud noise and its sentries fell headlong with it and the sentries at other places fled in alarm.
|
| 66
καὶ
πολλοὺς
διεκπαίειν
τολμῶντας
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
διέφθειραν,
ἐν
οἷς
καὶ
ἸώσηπόνJoseph
τις
ὑπὲρ
τὸ
παρερρηγμένον
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐκδιδράσκοντα
βαλὼν
ἀναιρεῖ.
|
66
The Romans slew many who dared to break through, and among them, a man struck and killed Joseph as he was escaping through a breach in the wall.
|
| 66
the Romans also slew many of those that ventured to oppose them, among whom was Joseph, who was slain by a dart, as he was running away over that part of the wall that was broken down:
| 66
The Romans killed many of those who ventured to oppose them, and a spear-thrower killed Joseph, as he was escaping over a broken part of the wall.
|
| 67
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀνὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
διασεισθέντων
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ψόφου
διαδρομή
τε
ἦν
καὶ
πτόα
πολλὴ
καθάπερ
εἰσπεπαικότων
πάντων
τῶν
πολεμίων.
|
67
Those throughout the city, shaken by the noise, ran about in great terror, as if all the enemy had already burst in.
|
| 67
but as those that were in the city were greatly affrighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither, and a great consternation fell upon them, as though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon them.
| 67
The townspeople were so alarmed by the noise that they ran quaking hither and thither, as though all the enemy had broken in at once.
|
| 68
ἔνθα
καὶ
ΧάρηςChares
κατακείμενος
καὶ
νοσηλευόμενος
ἐκλείπει
πολλοῦ
δέους
συνεργήσαντος
εἰς
θάνατον
τῇ
νόσῳ.
|
68
At that moment, Chares, who was bedridden and under medical care, passed away, his death hastened by the extreme terror added to his illness.
|
| 68
Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and under the physician’s hands, gave up the ghost, the fear he was in greatly contributing to make his distemper fatal to him.
| 68
At that point, Chares, a sick man under the doctor's care, gave up the ghost, his death brought on by fear.
|
| 69
ῬωμαῖοίRomans
γε
μὴν
μεμνημένοι
τοῦ
προτέρου
πταίσματος
οὐκ
εἰσέβαλλον
ἕως
τρίτῃ
καὶ
εἰκάδι
τοῦ
προειρημένου
μηνός.
|
69
The Romans, however, remembering their former failure, did not enter the city until the twenty-third of the aforementioned month.
|
| 69
But the Romans so well remembered their former ill success, that they did not enter the city till the three and twentieth day of the forementioned month.
| 69
But the Romans so well remembered their former setback that they did not enter the city until the twenty-third day of the month.
|
| 70
ΤίτοςTitus
δέ,
ἤδη
γὰρ
παρῆν,
ὀργῇ
τῆς
πληγῆς
ἣν
παρ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἐπλήγησαν
ἀπόντα
ῬωμαῖοιRomans,
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἐπιλέξας
διακοσίους,
πρὸς
οἷς
πεζοὺς,
Εἰσέρχεται
τὴν
πόλιν
ἡσυχῆ.
|
70
Then Titus,[1] who had now returned, being enraged at the blow the Romans had suffered while he was away, took two hundred chosen horsemen and some infantry and entered the city silently.
|
| 70
At which time Titus, who was now returned, out of the indignation he had at the destruction the Romans had undergone while he was absent, took two hundred chosen horsemen and some footmen with him, and entered without noise into the city.
| 70
Titus, who had returned, furious at the losses the Romans had suffered in his absence, took two hundred chosen cavalry and some infantry with him and quietly entered the city.
|
[1]Vespasian: Vespasian: Titus Flavius Vespasianus.
Titus: Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianun (the future Emperor)
| 71
καὶ
παρελθόντος
οἱ
μὲν
φύλακες
αἰσθόμενοι
μετὰ
βοῆς
ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ὅπλα,
δήλης
δὲ
τῆς
εἰσβολῆς
ταχέως
καὶ
τοῖς
εἴσω
γενομένης,
οἱ
μὲν
ἁρπάζοντες
τὰ
τέκνα
καὶ
γυναῖκας
ἐπισυρόμενοι
πρὸς
τὴν
ἄκραν
ἀνέφευγον
μετὰ
κωκυτοῦ
καὶ
βοῆς,
οἱ
δὲ
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus
ὑπαντιάζοντες
ἀδιαλείπτως
Ἔπιπτον·
|
71
When he had passed through, the guards noticed him and rushed to arms with a shout. As the news of the invasion spread to those inside, some snatched up their children and wives and fled toward the citadel with wailing and cries, while others who met Titus face-to-face fell without ceasing.
|
| 71
Now, as the watch perceived that he was coming, they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as that his entrance was presently known to those that were in the city, some of them caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them, and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually;
| 71
The sentries saw him coming, and shouted and took up arms, and as his entrance was soon known to those inside the city, some took their children and their wives and fled with them weeping and crying to the citadel, while others faced up to Titus and were killed.
|
| 72
ὅσοι
δὲ
ἀπεκωλύθησαν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
κορυφὴν
ἀναδραμεῖν
ὑπ᾽
ἀμηχανίας
εἰς
τὰς
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
φρουρὰς
ἐξέπιπτον.
ἄπειρος
δ᾽
ἦν
πανταχοῦ
φονευομένων
ὁ
στόνος,
καὶ
τὸ
αἷμα
πᾶσαν
ἐπέκλυζε
τὴν
πόλιν
κατὰ
πρανοῦς
χεόμενον.
|
72
Those who were prevented from running up to the summit fell in their desperation into the Roman guards. The groans of those being slaughtered everywhere were beyond measure, and blood flooded the whole city as it ran down the slopes.
|
| 72
but so many of them as were hindered from running up to the citadel, not knowing what in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those that were killed were prodigiously great everywhere, and blood ran down over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper.
| 72
Any who were unable to escape to the citadel, at a loss what to do, fell to the Roman guards, while the groans of the dying were loudly heard everywhere and blood ran down all the slopes of the city.
|
| 73
πρὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
ἀναφεύγοντας
εἰς
τὴν
ἄκραν
ἐπεβοήθει
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
πᾶσαν
εἰσαγαγὼν
τὴν
δύναμιν.
|
73
Vespasian brought in his entire force to assist against those who had fled to the citadel.
|
| 73
But then Vespasian himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel, and brought his whole army with him;
| 73
Then Vespasian came with his whole army to help him against those who had fled to the citadel.
|
| 75
ἐνταῦθα
τοὺς
προσβαίνοντας
οἱ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τοῖς
τε
ἄλλοις
βέλεσι
καὶ
πέτρας
κατακυλινδοῦντες
ἐκάκουν·
αὐτοὶ
δὲ
δι᾽
ὕψος
ἦσαν
δυσέφικτοι
βέλει.
|
75
From there, the Jews harassed those climbing up with missiles and by rolling down stones; they themselves were hard to reach with missiles because of their height.
|
| 75
whereby the Jews cut off those that came up to them, and did much mischief to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon them, while they were themselves so high that the enemy’s darts could hardly reach them.
| 75
The Jews within with their spears and by rolling down large stones on them did much harm to those who were coming up, while they themselves were so high up that the enemy missiles could hardly reach them.
|
| 76
γίνεται
δὲ
πρὸς
ἀπώλειαν
αὐτῶν
ἄντικρυς
θύελλα
δαιμόνιος,
ἣ
τὰ
μὲν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἔφερεν
εἰς
αὐτοὺς
βέλη,
τὰ
δὲ
αὐτῶν
ἀνέστρεφεν
καὶ
πλάγια
παρέσυρεν.
|
76
But then, a divine storm arose directly against them, which carried the Roman missiles toward them and turned their own missiles back or swept them aside.
|
| 76
However, there arose such a Divine storm against them as was instrumental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon them, and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away from them;
| 76
But to seal their destruction a demonic storm blew up in their faces which drove the Roman missiles up to them and blew back at them and deflected their own.
|
| 77
οὔτε
δὲ
τοῖς
ὑποκρήμνοις
ἐφίστασθαι
διὰ
τὴν
βίαν
ἐδύναντο
τοῦ
πνεύματος
μηδὲν
ἑδραῖον
ἔχοντες,
οὔτε
τοὺς
προσβαίνοντας
καθορᾶν.
|
77
Because of the violence of the wind, they could neither stand on the edge of the precipices, having no firm footing, nor see those who were climbing up.
|
| 77
nor could the Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by reason of the violence of the wind, having nothing that was stable to stand upon, nor could they see those that were ascending up to them;
| 77
So violent was the wind that the Jews could not stand upon their parapets, having no firm foothold, nor could they see their attackers.
|
| 78
ἐπαναβαίνουσι
δὲ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans,
καὶ
περισχόντες
οὓς
μὲν
ἀμυνομένους
ἔφθανον,
οὓς
δὲ
χεῖρας
προίσχοντας·
ἐτόνου
δὲ
τὸν
θυμὸν
αὐτοῖς
ἐπὶ
πάντας
ἡ
μνήμη
τῶν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
πρώτης
εἰσβολῆς
ἀπολωλότων.
|
78
The Romans ascended and surrounded them; some they slew as they defended themselves, others as they held out their hands in surrender. Their memory of those lost in the first invasion sharpened their rage against everyone.
|
| 78
so the Romans got up and surrounded them, and some they slew before they could defend themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance of those that were slain at their former entrance into the city increased their rage against them now;
| 78
Thus the Romans got up and surrounded them and killed some as they resisted and others as they were surrendering, and the memory of those who died in the first assault whetted their rage against them all.
|
| 79
ἀπογινώσκοντες
δὲ
τὴν
σωτηρίαν
πανταχόθεν
οἱ
πολλοὶ
περισχόμενοι
τέκνα
καὶ
γυναῖκας
αὑτούς
τε
κατεκρήμνιζον
εἰς
τὴν
Φάραγγα·
βαθυτάτη
δ᾽
αὕτη
κατὰ
τὴν
ἄκραν
ὑπορώρυκτο.
|
79
Despairing of their safety and surrounded on all sides, the multitude threw their wives, their children, and themselves headlong into the ravine, which had been dug out to a great depth below the citadel.
|
| 79
a great number also of those that were surrounded on every side, and despaired of escaping, threw their children and their wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath, which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth;
| 79
Surrounded on every side and despairing of escape, many threw their children, their wives and themselves down the precipices, into the valley beneath the citadel, which had been hollowed to a great depth.
|
| 80
συνέβη
δὲ
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ὀργὴν
τῆς
εἰς
ἑαυτοὺς
ἀπονοίας
τῶν
ἁλόντων
πρᾳοτέραν
φανῆναι·
τετρακισχίλιοι
μέν
γε
ὑπὸ
τούτων
ἐσφάγησαν,
οἱ
δὲ
ῥίψαντες
ἑαυτοὺς
ὑπὲρ
πεντακισχιλίους
εὑρέθησαν.
|
80
It happened that the rage of the Romans appeared milder than the desperation of the captives toward themselves; four thousand were slain by the Romans, but those who threw themselves over the edge were found to be more than five thousand.
|
| 80
but so it happened, that the anger of the Romans appeared not to be so extravagant as was the madness of those that were now taken, while the Romans slew but four thousand, whereas the number of those that had thrown themselves down was found to be five thousand:
| 80
In the event, this made the rage of the Romans appeared milder than the frenzy of those who took their own lives, for the Romans killed only four thousand, while those who threw themselves down were numbered at over five thousand.
|
| 81
διεσώθη
δὲ
πλὴν
δύο
γυναικῶν
οὐδείς·
τῆς
ΦιλίππουPhilip
δὲ
ἦσαν
ἀδελφῆς
θυγατέρες
αὗται,
αὐτὸς
δὲ
ὁ
ΦίλιπποςPhilip
ἸακίμουJacimus
τινὸς
ἀνδρὸς
ἐπισήμου,
τετραρχήσαντος
ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa
τῷ
βασιλεῖ.
|
81
No one survived except for two women; these were the daughters of the sister of Philip, the son of a certain distinguished man named Jacimus, who had been a general under King Agrippa.
|
| 81
nor did anyone escape except two women, who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa’s army;
| 81
No one escaped except two women, daughters of Philip who was himself the son of an eminent man called Jacimus, a general of king Agrippa's army.
|
| 82
διεσώθησαν
δὲ
τὰς
παρὰ
τὴν
ἅλωσιν
ὀργὰς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
λαθοῦσαι·
τότε
γὰρ
οὐδὲ
νηπίων
ἐφείδοντο,
πολλὰ
δ᾽
ἑκάστοτε
ἁρπάζοντες
ἐσφενδόνων
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἄκρας.
|
82
They survived because they remained hidden from the rage of the Romans during the capture; for at that time, the Romans did not even spare infants, but would snatch up many at a time and hurl them from the citadel.
|
| 82
and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the sight of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so much as the infants, of which many were flung down by them from the citadel.
| 82
They escaped because when the city was taken they lay concealed from the rage of the Romans, for otherwise they spared not even the infants, of many of whom they flung down from the citadel.
|
| 83
ΓάμαλαGamala
μὲν
οὕτως
ἑάλω
τρίτῃ
καὶ
εἰκάδι
μηνὸς
ὙπερβερεταίουHyperberetmus
τῆς
ἀποστάσεωςa revolt
ἀρξαμένηςto be first
ΓορπιαίουGorpieus
μηνὸς
τετάρτῃ
καὶ
εἰκάδι.
|
83
Thus was Gamala taken on the twenty-third day of the month Hyperberetaios, having begun its revolt on the twenty-fourth day of the month Gorpiaios.”
|
| 83
And thus was Galama taken on the three and twentieth day of the month Hyperberetaeus [Tieri], whereas the city had first revolted on the four and twentieth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul].
| 83
So was Gamala taken on the twenty third day of the month Hyperberetus, whereas the city had first rebelled on the twenty-fourth day of the month Gorpieus.
|
Chapter 2
Surrender of Gischala;
while John flies away from it to Jerusalem.
| 84
Μόνη
δὲ
ΓίσχαλαGischala
πολίχνη
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee
ἀχείρωτος
κατελείπετο,
τοῦ
μὲν
πλήθους
εἰρηνικὰ
φρονοῦντος,
καὶ
γὰρ
ἦσαν
τὸ
πλέον
γεωργοὶ
καὶ
ταῖς
ἀπὸ
τῶν
καρπῶν
ἐλπίσιν
ἀεὶ
προσανέχοντες,
παρεισεφθαρμένου
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
οὐκ
ὀλίγου
λῃστρικοῦ
τάγματος,
ᾧ
τινες
καὶ
τοῦ
πολιτικοῦ
συνενόσουν.
|
84
Gischala was the only small town in Galilee left unsubdued. The inhabitants were inclined toward peace, for they were mostly farmers whose hopes were always centered on their harvests. However, a large gang of bandits had crept in among them, and some of the local citizens had become infected with their disease.
|
| 84
Now, no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper.
| 84
No place in Galilee remained untaken except the small city of Gischala, whose people were eager for peace.
They were generally farmers, devoted to cultivating the fruits of the earth, but many vile brigands had crept in among them, and some of the citizens were infected with the ailment.
|
| 85
ἐνῆγε
δὲ
τούτους
εἰς
τὴν
ἀπόστασινa revolt
καὶ
συνεκρότει
ΛηΐουLevi
τινὸς
υἱὸς
ἸωάννηςJohn,
γόης
ἀνὴρ
καὶ
ποικιλώτατος
τὸ
ἦθος,
πρόχειρος
μὲν
ἐλπίσαι
μεγάλα,
δεινὸς
δὲ
τῶν
ἐλπισθέντων
περιγενέσθαι
παντί
τε
ὢν
δῆλος
ἀγαπᾶν
τὸν
πόλεμον
εἰς
δυναστείας
ἐπίθεσιν.
|
85
The man who incited these people to revolt and organized them was John, the son of Levi. He was a charlatan and a man of very versatile character, quick to hope for great things and clever at achieving what he hoped for. It was clear to everyone that he loved war as a means to seize power.
|
| 85
It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to everybody that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority;
| 85
They were drawn and urged into this rebellion by John, the son of Levi, a cunning knave of variable temperament, rash in projecting great things but adept at achieving his ambitions, known by all as fond of war to win authority
|
| 86
ὑπὸ
τούτῳ
τὸ
στασιῶδες
ἐν
τοῖς
ΓισχάλοιςGischala
ἐτέτακτο,
δι᾽
οὓς
τυχὸν
καὶ
πρεσβευσάμενον
περὶ
παραδόσεως
τὸ
δημοτικὸν
ἐν
πολέμου
μοίρᾳ
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἔφοδον
ἐξεδέχετο.
|
86
Under his leadership, the seditious element in Gischala was organized; because of them, the common people—who perhaps would have sent an embassy for surrender—now awaited the Roman assault in a state of war.
|
| 86
and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors in order to surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array.
| 86
The rebels among the Gischalans joined him, so that the people, who seemed ready to send envoys to arrange a surrender, now waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array.
|
| 87
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ἐπὶ
μὲν
τούτους
ΤίτονTitus
ἐκπέμπει
σὺν
χιλίοις
ἱππεῦσιν,
τὸ
δέκατον
δὲ
τάγμα
ἀπαίρει
εἰς
ΣκυθόπολινScythopolis.
|
87
Vespasian (Titus Flavius Vespasianus) sent Titus (Titus Flavius Vespasianus) against them with a thousand horsemen, while the Tenth Legion departed for Scythopolis.
|
| 87
Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis,
| 87
Vespasian sent Titus against them with a thousand cavalry, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis.
|
| 88
αὐτὸς
δὲ
σὺν
δυσὶ
τοῖς
λοιποῖς
ἐπανῆλθεν
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea,
τοῦ
τε
συνεχοῦς
καμάτου
διδοὺς
ἀνάπαυσιν
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
δι᾽
εὐθηνίαν
τῶν
πόλεων
τά
τε
σώματα
καὶ
τὸ
πρόθυμον
ὑποθρέψειν
οἰόμενος
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
μέλλοντας
ἀγῶνας·
|
88
But he himself, along with the remaining two, returned to Caesarea, giving them a rest from their continuous toil and believing that, because of the prosperity of the cities, he would nourish both their bodies and their morale for the struggles to come.
|
| 88
while he returned to Caesarea with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through afterwards;
| 88
He himself returned to Caesarea with the two other legions to let them rest after their long and hard campaign and let the comforts in those cities prepare them in body and spirit for the struggles to be faced later.
|
| 89
οὐ
γὰρ
ὀλίγον
αὐτῷ
πόνον
ἑώρα
περὶ
τοῖς
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
λειπόμενον,
ἅτε
δὴ
βασιλείου
μὲν
οὔσης
τῆς
πόλεως
καὶ
προανεχούσης
ὅλου
τοῦ
ἔθνους,
συρρεόντων
δὲ
εἰς
αὐτὴν
τῶν
ἐκ
τοῦ
πολέμου
διαδιδρασκόντων.
|
89
For he saw that no small labor remained for him at Jerusalem, as it was the royal city and the capital of the whole nation, and those fleeing from the war were streaming into it.
|
| 89
for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither.
| 89
He foresaw much difficulty in taking Jerusalem, as it was the royal city, the capital of the whole nation, and because the refugees from the war in other places had flocked there.
|
| 90
τό
γε
μὴν
φύσει
τε
ὀχυρὸν
αὐτῆς
καὶ
διὰ
κατασκευὴν
τειχῶν
ἀγωνίαν
οὐ
τὴν
τυχοῦσαν
ἐνεποίει·
τὰ
δὲ
φρονήματα
τῶν
ἀνδρῶν
καὶ
τὰς
τόλμας
δυσμεταχειρίστους
καὶ
δίχα
τειχῶν
ὑπελάμβανεν.
|
90
Indeed, its natural strength and the construction of its walls inspired no ordinary anxiety; moreover, he perceived that the pride and daring of the men would be difficult to handle, even apart from walls.
|
| 90
It was also naturally strong, and the walls that were built round it made him not a little concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed the men that were in it to be so courageous and bold, that even without the consideration of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them;
| 90
Its location was naturally strong and the ramparts built around it gave him not a little anxiety, and he reckoned its resolute and courageous defenders would be hard to subdue, even apart from the walls.
|
| 91
διὸ
δὴ
τοὺς
στρατιώτας
καθάπερ
ἀθλητὰς
προήσκει
τῶν
ἀγώνων.
|
91
For this reason, he trained his soldiers like athletes before their contests.
|
| 91
for which reason he took care of and exercised his soldiers beforehand for the work, as they do wrestlers before they begin their undertaking.
| 91
So he carefully prepared his soldiers like athletes for a contest.
|
| 92
ΤίτῳTitus
δὲ
προσιππασαμένῳ
τοῖς
ΓισχάλοιςGischala
εὐπετὲς
μὲν
ἦν
ἐξ
ἐφόδου
τὴν
πόλιν
ἑλεῖν,
εἰδὼς
δέ,
εἰ
βίᾳ
ληφθείη,
διαφθαρησόμενον
ὑπὸ
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
ἀνέδην
τὸ
πλῆθος,
ἦν
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
κόρος
ἤδη
φόνων
καὶ
δι᾽
οἴκτου
τὸ
πλέον
ἀκρίτως
συναπολλύμενον
τοῖς
αἰτίοις,
ἐβούλετο
μᾶλλον
ὁμολογίαις
παραστήσασθαι
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
92
When Titus rode up to Gischala, he saw it would be easy to take the city by assault. However, he knew that if it were taken by force, the multitude would be indiscriminately slaughtered by the soldiers. He was already weary of bloodshed and felt pity for the masses who would perish alongside the guilty; therefore, he preferred to bring the city to terms by treaty.
|
| 92
Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms.
| 92
As he rode toward Gischala, Titus found it would be easy to capture the city at the first attack, but also knew that if he took it by force, the people would be killed without mercy by the soldiers.
He was already sated with bloodshed, pitying the majority who would die indiscriminately along with the guilty, and would prefer the city to be surrendered to him on terms.
|
| 93
καὶ
δὴ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἀνδρῶν
καταγέμοντος,
οἳ
τὸ
πλέον
ἦσαν
ἐκ
τοῦ
διεφθαρμένος
τάγματος,
θαυμάζειν
ἔφη
πρὸς
αὐτούς,
τίνι
πεποιθότες
πάσης
ἑαλωκυίας
πόλεως
μόνοι
τὰ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ὅπλα
μένουσιν,
|
93
While the wall was crowded with men, most of whom were from the corrupt gang, he told them he wondered what they relied on, that they alone remained in arms against the Romans when every other city had fallen.
|
| 93
Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them,—That he could not but wonder what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans, after every other city was taken by them,
| 93
When he saw the wall packed with the corrupt rebels, he told them he wondered what hope they had, staying to fight the Romans on their own,
|
| 94
ἑωρακότες
μὲν
ὀχυρωτέρας
πολλῷ
πόλεις
ὑπὸ
μίαν
προσβολὴν
κατεστραμμέναςto turn down, trample on,
ἐν
ἀσφαλείᾳ
δὲ
τῶν
ἰδίων
κτημάτων
ἀπολαύοντας
ὅσοι
ταῖς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
δεξιαῖς
ἐπίστευσαν,
ἃς
καὶ
νῦν
προτείνειν
αὐτοῖς
μηδὲν
μνησικακῶν
τῆς
αὐθαδείας.
|
94
He noted that they had seen far stronger cities overthrown by a single assault, while those who trusted the right hand of the Romans enjoyed their possessions in safety—a hand he now extended to them, bearing no grudge for their previous arrogance.
|
| 94
especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have entrusted themselves to the security of the Romans’ right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety;
| 94
seeing they had captured every other city, and that cities better fortified than theirs had been destroyed by a single attack, while those who trusted in the Romans' guarantee, which he now offered to them despite their former insolence, could safely keep their property.
|
| 95
εἶναι
γὰρ
συγγνωστὸν
ἐλευθερίας
ἐλπίδα,
μηκέτι
μέντοι
τὴν
ἐν
τοῖς
ἀδυνάτοις
ἐπιμονήν·
|
95
For he said a hope for liberty was pardonable, but persistence in the impossible was not.
|
| 95
for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable;
| 95
The hope of recovering freedom was pardonable, but to continue in an impossible opposition was not.
|
| 96
εἰ
γὰρ
οὐ
πεισθήσονται
λόγοις
φιλανθρώποις
καὶ
δεξιαῖς
πίστεως,
πειράσειν
αὐτοὺς
ἀφειδῆ
τὰ
ὅπλα,
καὶ
ὅσον
οὐδέπω
†
γνωσθήσεσθαι
πιεζόμενον
τοῖς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
μηχανήμασιν
τὸ
τεῖχος,
ᾧ
πεποιθότες
ἐπιδείκνυνται
μόνοι
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee,
ὅτι
εἰσὶν
αὐθάδεις
αἰχμάλωτοι.
|
96
If they would not listen to his humane words and offers of good faith, they would experience the unsparing power of his arms; they would soon learn that their wall—in which they trusted while showing themselves to be the only “arrogant captives” in Galilee—would be crushed by the Roman siege engines.
|
| 96
for that if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines; in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives.
| 96
If they would not accept such a humane offer and guarantee of safety, they would get a taste of pitiless armour and find that their wall was only a trifle in face of the Roman machines.
If they depended on it they would be the only Galileans to show the arrogance of prisoners.
|
| 97
Πρὸς
ταῦτα
τῶν
μὲν
δημοτικῶν
οὐ
μόνον
οὐκ
ἀποκρίνεσθαί
τινι
μετῆν,
ἀλλ᾽
οὐδ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἀναβῆναι·
προδιείληπτο
γὰρ
ἅπαν
τοῖς
λῃστρικοῖς,
καὶ
φύλακες
τῶν
πυλῶν
ἦσαν,
ὡς
μή
τινες
ἢ
προέλθοιεν
ἐπὶ
τὰς
σπονδὰς
ἢ
δέξαιντό
τινας
τῶν
ἱππέων
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν·
|
97
To this, none of the common people could respond, nor could they even climb the wall; for the bandits had occupied everything, and guards were placed at the gates to prevent anyone from going out for a treaty or letting the horsemen into the city.
|
| 97
Now none of the populace durst not only make a reply, but durst not so much as get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by the robbers, who were also the guard at the gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from going out, in order to propose terms of submission, and from receiving any of the horsemen into the city.
| 97
None of the people dared to reply, or even to ascend the wall, for it was all taken up by the brigands, who were also on guard at the gates, to prevent any of the others from going out and offering terms of surrender or letting any of the cavalry into the city.
|
| 98
ὁ
δ᾽
ἸωάννηςJohn
αὐτός
τε
ἀγαπᾶν
ἔφη
τὰς
προκλήσεις
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀπειθοῦντας
ἢ
πείσειν
ἢ
συναναγκάσειν·
|
98
John himself replied that he welcomed the proposals and would either persuade or force those who disagreed.
|
| 98
But John returned Titus this answer: That for himself he was content to hearken to his proposals, and that he would either persuade or force those that refused them.
| 98
John said he himself was content to hear his proposals and that he would persuade or force any who rejected them,
|
| 99
δεῖν
μέντοι
τὴν
ἡμέραν
αὐτὸν
ἐκείνην,
ἑβδομὰς
γὰρ
ἦν,
χαρίσασθαι
τῷ
ἸουδαίωνJews
νόμῳ,
καθ᾽
ἣν
ὥσπερ
ὅπλα
κινεῖν
αὐτοῖς,
οὕτω
καὶ
τὸ
συντίθεσθαι
περὶ
εἰρήνης
ἀθέμιτον.
|
99
However, he said they must grant him that day, for it was the Sabbath (the seventh day), on which it was unlawful for them not only to move arms but even to negotiate peace.
|
| 99
Yet he said that Titus ought to have such regard to the Jewish law, as to grant them leave to celebrate that day, which was the seventh day of the week, on which it was unlawful not only to remove their arms, but even to treat of peace also;
| 99
but that Titus should respect the Jewish law and let them celebrate the seventh day of the week, when it was unlawful not only to remove their armour, but also even to negotiate about peace.
|
| 100
οὐκ
ἀγνοεῖν
δὲ
οὐδὲ
ῬωμαίουςRomans,
ὡς
ἀργὴ
πάντων
αὐτοῖς
ἐστιν
ἡ
τῆς
ἑβδομάδος
περίοδος,
ἔν
τε
τῷ
παραβαίνειν
αὐτὴν
οὐχ
ἧττον
ἀσεβεῖν
τῶν
βιασθέντων
τὸν
βιασάμενον.
φέρειν
δ᾽
ἐκείνῳ
μὲν
οὐδεμίαν
βλάβην
τὰ
τῆς
ὑπερθέσεως·
|
100
He said the Romans were not ignorant that the cycle of the seventh day is a day of rest for them, and that in violating it, the one who compels is no less impious than the one compelled. This delay would cause Titus no harm.
|
| 100
and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the seventh day was among them a cessation from all labors; and that he who should compel them to transgress the law about that day would be equally guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it:
| 100
Even the Romans realized how among them the seventh day involved resting from all work, and that whoever tried to make them break the sabbath law would be as guilty as those forced to transgress it.
|
| 101
τί
γὰρ
ἄν
τις
ἐν
νυκτὶ
βουλεύσαιτο
δρασμοῦ
πλέον
ἐξὸν
περιστρατοπεδεύσαντα
παραφυλάξαι;
|
101
For what could anyone plan in a single night except flight? Which could be prevented by Titus camping around the city and guarding it.
|
| 101
and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should anybody think of doing anything in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them;
| 101
The delay could do him no harm, for why would one plan anything for that night, unless to escape, which he could prevent by camping around them.
|
| 102
μέγα
δὲ
κέρδος
αὐτοῖς
τὸ
μηδὲν
παραβῆναι
τῶν
πατρίων
ἐθῶν.
πρέπει
δὲ
τῷ
παρὰ
προσδοκίαν
εἰρήνην
χαριζομένῳ
τοῖς
σωζομένοις
τηρεῖν
καὶ
τοὺς
νόμους. "
|
102
It would be a great gain for them not to violate any ancestral customs; and it was fitting for one granting an unexpected peace to respect the laws of those being saved.
|
| 102
and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable.
| 102
But it would be a great favour not to make them transgress their ancestral laws, and it would be right for him, who so surprisingly was offering them peace, to preserve the laws of those he was sparing.
|
| 103
τοιούτοις
ἐσοφίζετο
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus,
οὐ
τοσοῦτον
τῆς
ἑβδομάδος
στοχαζόμενος,
ὅσον
τῆς
αὑτοῦ
σωτηρίας·
ἐδεδοίκει
δὲ
ἐγκαταληφθῆναι
παραχρῆμα
τῆς
πόλεως
ἁλούσης
ἐν
νυκτὶ
καὶ
φυγῇ
τὰς
ἐλπίδας
ἔχων
τοῦ
βίου.
|
103
With such trickery he deceived Titus, not caring so much about the Sabbath as about his own safety; for he feared he would be captured immediately if the city fell and placed his hopes for life in flight during the night.
|
| 103
Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein.
| 103
In this way he tricked Titus, not so much for the sake of the sabbath as for his own safety, fearing to be soon deserted if the city were taken and seeing his only hope of survival in escaping that night.
|
| 104
θεοῦ
δ᾽
ἦν
ἔργον
ἄρα
τοῦ
σώζοντος
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
ἐπὶ
τὸν
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ὄλεθρον
τὸ
μὴ
μόνον
πεισθῆναι
ΤίτονTitus
τῇ
σκήψει
τῆς
ὑπερθέσεως,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
πορρωτέρω
στρατοπεδεύσασθαι
πρὸς
ΚυδασοῖςCydessa·
|
104
It was the work of God, who was preserving John for the destruction of Jerusalem, that Titus was not only persuaded by the pretext of the delay but also encamped further from the city at Cydasa.
|
| 104
Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa.
| 104
This was God's doing, who spared John to be the cause of Jerusalem's destruction, and that by this appeal Titus was persuaded to delay and encamp at Cydessa, farther from the city.
|
| 105
μεσόγειος
δέ
ἐστι
ΤυρίωνTyrians
κώμη
καρτερά,
διὰ
μίσους
ἀεὶ
καὶ
πολέμου
ΓαλιλαίοιςGalileans,
ἔχουσα
πλῆθός
τε
οἰκητόρων
καὶ
τὴν
ὀχυρότητα
τῆς
πρὸς
τὸ
ἔθνος
διαφορᾶς
ἐφόδιαprovision.
|
105
This was a strong inland village of the Tyrians, always in a state of hatred and war with the Galilaeans, possessing a large population and the strength that came from their long-standing feud with the nation.
|
| 105
This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation.
| 105
This was a strong village of the Tyrians, on the Mediterranean, which had always hated and made war against the Galileans, a well fortified place of large population, which made it a suitable place for the enemies of our nation.
|
| 106
Νυκτὸς
δ᾽
ὁ
ἸωάννηςJohn
ὡς
οὐδεμίαν
περὶ
τῇ
πόλει
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἑώρα
φυλακήν,
τὸν
καιρὸν
ἁρπασάμενος
οὐ
μόνον
τοὺς
περὶ
αὐτὸν
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῶν
ἀργοτέρων
συχνοὺς
ἅμα
ταῖς
γενεαῖς
ἀναλαβὼν
ἐπὶ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἔφευγε.
|
106
At night, when John (John, son of Levi) saw that there was no Roman guard around the city, he seized the opportunity and fled toward Jerusalem, taking with him not only the armed men around him but also a large number of the non-combatants together with their families.
|
| 106
Now, in the nighttime, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that were about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem.
| 106
During the night, when John saw that there was no Roman guard around the city, he seized the opportunity and fled to Jerusalem, taking with him not only his own warriors but also a large number of those who had little to do, and their families.
|
| 107
μέχρι
μὲν
οὖν
εἴκοσι
σταδίων
οἷόν
τε
ἦν
συνεξαγαγεῖν
γυναικῶν
καὶ
παιδίων
ὄχλον
ἀνθρώπῳ
κατασπερχομένῳ
τοῖς
ὑπὲρ
αἰχμαλωσίας
καὶ
τοῦ
ζῆν
φόβοις,
περαιτέρω
δὲ
προκόπτοντος
ἀπελείποντοto leave,
καὶ
δειναὶ
τῶν
ἐωμένων
ἦσαν
ὀλοφύρσεις·
|
107
For about twenty stadia,[1] he managed to lead along the crowd of women and children, though he was urged on by fears of captivity and for his own life; but as they pushed further on, these followers began to fall behind, and terrible were the lamentations of those being left behind.
|
| 107
And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations;
| 107
Although he was hurrying to escape and in fear of captivity or of losing his life, for the first twenty furlongs he brought along with him a crowd of women and children, but as he proceeded on his journey he left them.
|
[1]20 stadia = 3.7 km (2.3 miles)
| 108
ὅσον
γὰρ
ἕκαστος
τῶν
οἰκείων
ἐγίνετο
πορρωτέρω,
τοσοῦτον
ἐγγὺς
ὑπελάμβανεν
εἶναι
τῶν
πολεμίων,
παρεῖναί
τε
ἤδη
τοὺς
αἰχμαλωτισομένους
δοκοῦντες
ἐπτόηντο,
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸν
ἀλλήλων
ἐκ
τοῦ
δρόμου
ψόφον
ἐπεστρέφοντο
καθάπερ
ἤδη
παρόντων
οὓς
ἔφευγον·
|
108
For the further each person was from their own kin, the closer they imagined the enemy to be. Thinking that those who would enslave them were already upon them, they were struck with panic; at the sound of one another’s running, they would turn around as if their pursuers were already present.
|
| 108
for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them.
| 108
Those he left behind lamented, for the farther each of them had come from his own people, the nearer they felt they were to the enemy, and were terrified at the thought that their captors were near at hand they kept turning around at the noise they themselves made in their flight, as if those from whom they fled were already upon them.
|
| 109
ἀνοδίαις
τ᾽
ἐνέπιπτον
οἱ
πολλοί,
καὶ
περὶ
τὴν
λεωφόρον
ἡ
τῶν
φθανόντων
ἔρις
συνέτριβεν
τοὺς
πολλούς.
|
109
Many fell into pathless wastes, and the struggle of those trying to get ahead of others on the highway crushed many to death.
|
| 109
Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them.
| 109
Many lost their way and the bustling of those trying to pass knocked others down.
|
| 110
οἰκτρὸς
δὲ
γυναικῶν
καὶ
παιδίων
ὄλεθρος
ἦν,
καί
τινες
πρὸς
ἀνακλήσεις
ἀνδρῶν
τε
καὶ
συγγενῶν
ἐθάρσησαν
μετὰ
κωκυτῶν
ἱκετεύουσαι
περιμένειν.
|
110
The destruction of women and children was piteous; some grew bold enough to call out to their husbands and relatives with wailing cries, imploring them to wait.
|
| 110
And indeed there was a miserable destruction made of the women and children; while some of them took courage to call their husbands and kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the bitterest lamentations, to stay for them;
| 110
This caused terrible losses among the women and children, some of them dared to call out to their husbands and relatives with bitter cries to wait for them;
|
| 111
ἀλλ᾽
ἐνίκα
τὸ
ἸωάννουJohn
παρακέλευσμα
σώζειν
ἑαυτοὺς
ἐμβοῶντος
καὶ
καταφεύγειν
ἔνθα
καὶ
περὶ
τῶν
ἀπολειπομένων
ἀμυνοῦνται
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἂν
ἁρπαγῶσι.
τὸ
μὲν
οὖν
τῶν
διαδιδρασκόντων
πλῆθος
ὡς
ἕκαστος
ἰσχύος
εἶχεν
ἢ
τάχους
ἐσκέδαστο.
|
111
But John’s exhortation prevailed; he shouted to them to save themselves and flee to a place where, if the Romans captured those left behind, they might take revenge. Thus the multitude of fugitives scattered, each according to their strength or speed.
|
| 111
but John’s exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that ran thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another.
| 111
but John's shouted exhortation to save themselves and escape, prevailed.
He said that if the Romans captured those who fell behind, they would take revenge on them, so this fleeing crowd scattered, as each was able, according to their strength and speed.
|
| 112
ΤίτοςTitus
δὲ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἐπὶ
τὰς
συνθήκας
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
παρῆν.
|
112
When day broke, Titus[1] arrived at the wall to finalize the treaty.
|
| 112
Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement;
| 112
At daybreak Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement.
|
[1]Titus Flavius Vespasianus
| 113
ἀνοίγει
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
τὰς
πύλας
ὁ
δῆμος,
καὶ
μετὰ
τῶν
γενεῶν
προελθόντες
ἀνευφήμουν
ὡς
ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes
καὶ
φρουρᾶς
ἐλευθερώσαντα
τὴν
πόλιν·
|
113
The people opened the gates to him and came out with their families, acclaiming him as a benefactor and the liberator of the city from its garrison.
|
| 113
whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody;
| 113
The people opened the gates and came out to him, with their children and wives, shouting joyfully to him as their benefactor who had saved the city from bondage.
|
| 114
ἐδήλουν
γὰρ
ἅμα
τὴν
τοῦ
ἸωάννουJohn
φυγὴν
καὶ
παρεκάλουν
φείσασθαί
τε
αὐτῶν
καὶ
παρελθόντα
τοὺς
ὑπολειπομένους
τῶν
νεωτεριζόντων
κολάσαι.
|
114
They informed him of John’s flight and entreated him to spare them, and to enter and punish the remaining revolutionaries.
|
| 114
they also informed him of John’s flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment.
| 114
They told him of John's flight and implored him to spare them and to come in and punish the rest of the rebels.
Without regard to the prayers of the people, he sent part of his cavalry to pursue John, but they could not overtake him, for he reached Jerusalem before them.
|
| 115
ὁ
δὲ
τὰς
τοῦ
δήμου
δεήσεις
ἐν
δευτέρῳ
θέμενος
μοῖραν
ἔπεμπε
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἸωάννηνJohn
διώξουσαν,
οἳ
τὸν
μὲν
οὐ
καταλαμβάνουσιν,
ἔφθη
γὰρ
εἰς
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
διαφυγών,
τῶν
δὲ
συναπαράντων
ἀποκτείνουσι
μὲν
εἰς
ἑξακισχιλίους,
γύναια
δὲ
καὶ
παιδία
τρισχιλίων
ὀλίγον
ἀποδέοντα
περιελάσαντες
ἀνήγαγον.
|
115
Titus, considering the people’s petitions a secondary matter, sent a detachment of horsemen to pursue John. They did not catch him, for he had already escaped into Jerusalem; however, they killed about six thousand of those who had fled with him, and they brought back nearly three thousand women and children whom they had rounded up.
|
| 115
But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand.
| 115
They killed six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned and brought with them almost three thousand.
|
| 116
ὁ
δὲ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἤχθετο
μὲν
ἐπὶ
τῷ
μὴ
παραχρῆμα
τιμωρήσασθαιto avenge, punish
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
τῆς
ἀπάτης,
ἱκανὸν
δὲ
ἀστοχήσαντι
τῷ
θυμῷ
παραμύθιον
ἔχων
τὸ
πλῆθος
τῶν
αἰχμαλώτων
καὶ
τοὺς
διεφθαρμένους
εἰσῄει
τε
ἀνευφημούμενος
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
|
116
Titus was vexed at not being able to punish John immediately for his deception, but he found sufficient consolation for his frustrated anger in the number of captives and those slain. He entered the city amidst acclamations.
|
| 116
However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John.
| 116
Titus was annoyed that he was unable to punish John immediately for tricking him, but he had captives and victims enough to satisfy his anger; so he entered the city amid of shouts of acclaim.
|
| 117
καὶ
τοῖς
στρατιώταις
ὀλίγον
τοῦ
τείχους
παρασπάσαι
κελεύσας
νόμῳ
καταλήψεως
ἀπειλαῖς
μᾶλλον
ἢ
κολάσει
τοὺς
ταράσσοντας
τὴν
πόλιν
ἀνέστελλε·
|
117
After ordering the soldiers to pull down a small portion of the wall as a sign of capture, he restrained the agitators in the city with threats rather than actual punishment.
|
| 117
So he entered the city in the midst ofacclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions;
| 117
Then he ordered the soldiers to pull down a portion of the wall as a sign of capture, and curbed the disturbers of the city by threats rather than by executions,
|
| 118
πολλοὺς
γὰρ
ἂν
καὶ
διὰ
τὰ
οἰκεῖα
μίση
καὶ
διαφορὰς
ἰδίας
ἐνδείξασθαι
τοὺς
ἀναιτίους,
εἰ
διακρίνοι
τοὺς
τιμωρίας
ἀξίους·
ἄμεινον
δ᾽
εἶναι
μετέωρον
ἐν
φόβῳ
τὸν
αἴτιον
καταλιπεῖν
ἤ
τινα
τῶν
οὐκ
ἀξίων
αὐτῷ
συναπολεῖν·
|
118
For he thought that if he tried to pick out those deserving of punishment, many would point out innocent people due to private hatreds and personal differences; he believed it better to leave the guilty in a state of suspense and fear than to involve any of the innocent in their destruction.
|
| 118
for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fearsthan to destroy with him anyone that did not deserve it;
| 118
knowing that if he tried to distinguish the guilty from the rest, many innocent people would be accused due to domestic rows and quarrels, and that it was better to let a guilty man alone with his fears, than to kill with him one who did not deserve it.
|
| 119
τὸν
μὲν
γὰρ
ἴσως
καὶ
σωφρονῆσαι
δέει
κολάσεως
τὴν
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
παρῳχηκόσι
συγγνώμην
αἰδούμενον,
ἀδιόρθωτον
δὲ
τὴν
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
παραναλωθεῖσι
τιμωρίαν
εἶναι.
|
119
For a man might perhaps learn wisdom through the fear of punishment, out of respect for the pardon granted for his past offenses; but a punishment once inflicted on those who perished by mistake is beyond remedy.
|
| 119
for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved.
| 119
Such a man, if forgiven, might even learn wisdom from his fear of punishment and be ashamed of his past offences, while people once put to death could never be brought back.
|
| 120
φρουρᾷ
μέντοι
τὴν
πόλιν
ἠσφαλίσατο,
δι᾽
ἧς
τούς
τε
νεωτερίζοντας
ἐφέξειν
καὶ
τοὺς
εἰρηνικὰ
φρονοῦντας
θαρραλεωτέρους
ἐγκαταλείψειν
ἔμελλεν.
ΓαλιλαίαGalilee
μὲν
οὖν
οὕτως
ἑάλω
πᾶσα,
πολλοῖς
ἱδρῶσι
προγυμνάσασα
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem.
|
120
However, he secured the city with a garrison, through which he intended to check the revolutionaries and leave those inclined toward peace feeling more secure. In this way, all of Galilee was subdued, having provided the Romans with a strenuous training for the siege of Jerusalem.
|
| 120
However, he placed a garrison in the city for its security, by which means he should restrain those that were for innovations, and should leave those that were peaceably disposed in greater security. And thus was all Galilee taken, but this not till after it had cost the Romans much pains before it could be taken by them.
| 120
However, he secured the city with a garrison, to restrain the rebels and provide greater security for the people who were peaceably disposed.
So all of Galilee was taken, at the cost of great effort to the Romans, training them for their assault on Jerusalem.
|
Chapter 3
John of Gischala.
Zealots and Ananus; fighting within Jerusalem.
| 121
Πρὸς
δὲ
τὴν
εἴσοδον
τοῦ
ἸωάννουJohn
ὁ
πᾶς
δῆμος
ἐξεκέχυτο,
καὶ
περὶ
ἕκαστον
τῶν
συμπεφευγότων
μυρίος
ὅμιλος
συνηθροισμένοι
τὰς
ἔξωθεν
συμφορὰς
ἀνεπυνθάνοντο.
|
121
At the entry of John, the entire population poured out, and a countless crowd gathered around each of the fugitives, inquiring about the disasters that had occurred outside.
|
| 121
Now, upon John’s entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad,
| 121
At John's arrival [in Jerusalem], the whole population was stirred up and each of the fugitives who had fled with him was thronged by thousands to ask about events outside.
|
| 122
τῶν
δὲ
τὸ
μὲν
ἆσθμα
θερμὸν
ἔτι
κοπτόμενον
ἐδήλου
τὴν
ἀνάγκην,
ἠλαζονεύοντο
δὲ
κἀν
κακοῖς,
οὐ
πεφευγέναι
ῬωμαίουςRomans
φάσκοντες,
ἀλλ᾽
ἥκειν
πολεμήσοντες
αὐτοὺς
ἐξ
ἀσφαλοῦς·
|
122
The fugitives’ still-labored breathing and exhaustion revealed their plight; yet, even in their misfortune, they spoke boastfully, claiming they had not fled the Romans but had come to fight them from a position of safety.
|
| 122
when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard;
| 122
Their hot and laboured breathing showed their distress, but despite being in poor shape they talked big, claiming not to have fled to escape the Romans, but to have come in order to fight them from a safer base.
|
| 123
ἀλογίστων
γὰρ
εἶναι
καὶ
ἀχρήστων
παραβόλως
προκινδυνεύειν
περὶ
ΓίσχαλαGischala
καὶ
πολίχνας
ἀσθενεῖς,
δέον
τὰ
ὅπλα
καὶ
τὰς
ἀκμὰς
ταμιεύεσθαι
τῇ
μητροπόλει
καὶ
συμφυλάσσειν.
|
123
For they said it was the part of the senseless and the useless to risk their lives recklessly for Gischala and other weak little towns, when they ought to reserve their arms and their vigor for the mother city and join in its defense.
|
| 123
for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis.
| 123
It would be foolish and fruitless to run such risks about Gischala and weaker cities, when they should keep their weapons and their zeal for their metropolis.
|
| 124
ἔνθα
δὴ
παρεδήλουν
τὴν
ἅλωσιν
τῶν
ΓισχάλωνGischala,
καὶ
τὴν
λεγομένην
εὐσχημόνως
ὑποχώρησιν
αὐτῶν
οἱ
πολλοὶ
δρασμὸν
ἐνενόουν.
|
124
Thus they indirectly admitted the fall of Gischala; yet what they called a “graceful withdrawal” was recognized by the majority of the people as a flight.
|
| 124
But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than a flight;
| 124
But when they told them of the taking of Gischala and their fighting retreat, as they pretended, from that place, many understood it to have been a flight.
|
| 125
ὡς
μέντοι
τὰ
περὶ
τοὺς
αἰχμαλωτισθέντας
ἠκούσθη,
σύγχυσις
οὐ
μετρία
κατέσχε
τὸν
δῆμον,
καὶ
μεγάλα
τῆς
ἑαυτῶν
ἁλώσεως
συνελογίζοντο
τὰ
τεκμήρια.
|
125
However, when news of the fate of the captives was heard, a great confusion seized the people, and they saw in it clear omens of their own impending capture.
|
| 125
and especially when the people were told of those that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also.
| 125
This was especially so when the people heard about those who were captured, and they were greatly shaken by the thought that the signs all clearly pointed to their own capture too.
|
| 126
ἸωάννηςJohn
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
μὲν
τοῖς
καταληφθεῖσιν
ἧττον
ἠρυθρία,
περιιὼν
δ᾽
ἑκάστους
ἐπὶ
τὸν
πόλεμον
ἐνῆγεν
ταῖς
ἐλπίσιν,
τὰ
μὲν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀσθενῆ
κατασκευάζων,
τὴν
δ᾽
οἰκείαν
δύναμιν
ἐξαίρων,
|
126
John, for his part, showed little shame for those left behind; instead, he went about among the people, inciting them to war by feeding their hopes, representing the Roman power as weak and exalting their own.
|
| 126
But for John, he was very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power.
| 126
John himself, unashamed about those he had left behind, went around among the various groups persuading them to fight, raising their hopes by saying that the Romans were in a poor state and talking up their own strength.
|
| 127
καὶ
κατειρωνευόμενος
τῆς
τῶν
ἀπείρων
ἀγνοίας,
ὡς
οὐδ᾽
ἂν
πτερὰ
λαβόντες
ὑπερβαῖέν
ποτε
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τὸ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
τεῖχος
οἱ
περὶ
ταῖς
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee
κώμαις
κακοπαθοῦντες
καὶ
πρὸς
τοῖς
ἐκεῖ
τείχεσι
κατατρίψαντες
τὰς
μηχανάς.
|
127
He mockingly ridiculed the ignorance of the inexperienced, saying that the Romans—who had struggled so painfully against the villages of Galilee and worn out their engines against their walls—could never scale the walls of Jerusalem even if they took wing.
|
| 127
He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls.
| 127
He ridiculed the ignorance of the inexperienced and said that the Romans, even if they had wings, could not get over Jerusalem's wall, if they found it so hard to take the Galilean villages and had splintered their war machines against their walls.
|
| 128
Τούτοις
τὸ
πολὺ
τῶν
νέων
προσδιεφθείρετο
καὶ
πρὸς
[μὲν
]
τὸν
πόλεμον
ἦρτο,
τῶν
δὲ
σωφρονούντων
καὶ
γηραιῶν
οὐκ
ἦν
ὅστις
οὐ
τὰ
μέλλοντα
προορώμενος
ὡς
ἤδη
τῆς
πόλεως
οἰχομένης
ἐπένθει.
|
128
By these words, the majority of the youth were corrupted and incited for war; but among the prudent and the elderly, there was no one who did not foresee the future and mourn the city as if it were already lost.
|
| 128
These harangues of John’s corrupted a great part of the young men, and puffed them up for the war; but as to the more prudent part, and those in years, there was not a man of them but foresaw what was coming, and made lamentation on that account, as if the city was already undone;
| 128
With such speeches John corrupted many of the young men and puffed them up for the war, but all of the more prudent and the elders foresaw what was coming and grieved about it, as if the city was already ruined.
|
| 129
ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
δῆμος
ἦν
ἐν
τοιαύτῃ
συγχύσει,
προδιέστη
δὲ
τὸ
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
πλῆθος
τῆς
ἐν
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
στάσεως.
|
129
While the city was in such turmoil, the population in the countryside was already divided by the same factionalism that would plague Jerusalem.
|
| 129
and in this confusion were the people. But then it must be observed, that the multitude that came out of the country were at discord before the Jerusalem sedition began;
| 129
The people were in utter confusion, but we should note that even before the rebellion began in Jerusalem, it had already taken hold in the rest of the country.
|
| 130
ὁ
μὲν
γὰρ
ΤίτοςTitus
ἀπὸ
ΓισχάλωνGischala
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea,
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ἀπὸ
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
εἰς
ἸάμνειανJamneia
καὶ
ἌζωτονAzotus
ἀφικόμενος
παρίσταταί
τε
αὐτὰς
καὶ
φρουροὺς
ἐγκαταστήσας
ὑπέστρεψε
πολὺ
πλῆθος
ἐπαγόμενος
τῶν
ἐπὶ
δεξιᾷ
προσκεχωρηκότων.
|
130
Titus went from Gischala to Caesarea, while Vespasian moved from Caesarea to Jamnia and Azotus. Having subdued these towns and stationed garrisons there, he returned, bringing with him a great multitude who had surrendered under treaty.
|
| 130
for Titus went from Gischala to Caesarea, and Vespasian from Caesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their preservation.
| 130
For when Titus went from Gischala to Cesates, Vespasian moved from Caesarea to Jamnia and Azotus and took them both, garrisoned them and returned along with many who had surrendered to him under treaty.
|
| 131
ἐκινεῖτο
δ᾽
ἐν
ἑκάστῃ
πόλει
ταραχὴ
καὶ
πόλεμος
ἐμφύλιοςkinsfolk,
ὅσον
τε
ἀπὸ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀνέπνεον
εἰς
ἀλλήλους
τὰς
χεῖρας
ἐπέστρεφον.
ἦν
δὲ
τῶν
ἐρώντων
τοῦ
πολέμου
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἐπιθυμοῦντας
εἰρήνης
ἔρις
χαλεπή.
|
131
In every city, commotion and civil war broke out; as soon as they had a respite from the Romans, they turned their hands against one another. There was a fierce struggle between those who craved war and those who desired peace.
|
| 131
There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were fond of war, and those that were desirous of peace.
| 131
Disorder and civil strife raged in every town, and whenever the Romans gave them a breathing space they turned against each other, in a bitter struggle between those who wanted war and those who wanted peace.
|
| 132
καὶ
πρῶτον
μὲν
ἐν
οἰκίαις
ἥπτετο
τῶν
ὁμονοούντων
πάλαι
τὸ
φιλόνεικον,
ἔπειτα
ἀφηνιάζοντες
ἀλλήλων
οἱ
φίλτατοι
[λαοὶ
]
καὶ
συνιὼν
ἕκαστος
πρὸς
τοὺς
τὰ
αὐτὰ
προαιρουμένους
ἤδη
κατὰ
πλῆθος
ἀντετάσσοντο.
|
132
First, this spirit of contention broke out in individual houses among those long at peace; then, the closest friends began to break away from one another, each man joining those who shared his views, until they began to draw up in opposing masses.
|
| 132
At the first this quarrelsome temper caught hold of private families, who could not agree among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one another brake through all restraints with regard to each other, and everyone associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition one to another;
| 132
This rivalry began in the homes, with people who had been in harmony now falling out, and those who had been the dearest of friends severing all connection with each other, and ranging themselves into groups, each associating only with those of his own opinion.
|
| 133
καὶ
στάσις
μὲν
ἦν
πανταχοῦ,
τὸ
νεωτερίζον
δὲ
καὶ
τῶν
ὅπλων
ἐπιθυμοῦν
ἐπεκράτει
νεότητι
καὶ
τόλμῃ
γηραιῶν
καὶ
σωφρόνων.
|
133
Sedition was everywhere. The revolutionary party and those eager for arms, through their youth and daring, prevailed over the elderly and the prudent.
|
| 133
so that seditions arose everywhere, while those that were for innovations, and were desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too hard for the aged and prudent men.
| 133
Factions arose everywhere, with those who were for change and eager for war winning out, by their youth and audacity, over the older and more prudent.
|
| 134
ἐτράποντο
δὲ
πρῶτον
μὲν
εἰς
ἁρπαγὰς
ἕκαστοι
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων,
ἔπειτα
συντασσόμενοι
κατὰ
λόχους
ἐπὶ
λῃστείαν
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν,
ὡς
ὠμότητος
καὶ
παρανομίας
ἕνεκεν
αὐτοῖς
μηδὲν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
τοὺς
ὁμοφύλους
διαφέρειν
καὶ
πολὺ
τοῖς
πορθουμένοις
κουφοτέραν
δοκεῖν
τὴν
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἅλωσιν.
|
134
They turned first to plundering their neighbors, then formed themselves into bands to pillage the countryside. In their cruelty and lawlessness, they were no different from the Romans in the eyes of their own countrymen; indeed, those being plundered thought capture by the Romans would be a far lighter fate.
|
| 134
And, in the first place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.
| 134
From the start, each group took to looting its neighbours.
Then they gathered in bands, to rob the people of the district, so that those of the same nation did no less savagery and harm than the Romans, and some saw it as much better to be taken by the Romans than by one of their own nation.
|
| 135
Οἱ
φρουροὶ
δὲ
τῶν
πόλεων
τὰ
μὲν
ὄκνῳ
τοῦ
κακοπαθεῖν,
τὰ
δὲ
μίσει
τοῦ
ἔθνους
οὐδὲν
ἢ
μικρὰ
προσήμυνον
τοῖς
κακουμένοις,
μέχρι
κόρῳ
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
ἁρπαγῶν
ἀθροισθέντες
οἱ
τῶν
πανταχοῦ
συνταγμάτων
ἀρχιλῃσταὶ
καὶ
γενόμενοι
πονηρίας
στῖφος
εἰς
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
παρεισφθείρονται,
|
135
The garrisons of the cities, partly out of reluctance to take trouble and partly out of hatred for the nation, did little or nothing to protect the victims, until the chief bandits from all these various bands, gorged with their local pillaging, banded together into a single gang of villains and crept into Jerusalem.
|
| 135
Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to take such trouble upon them, and partly out of the hatred they bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing towards relieving the miserable, till the captains of these troops of robbers, being satiated with rapines in the country, got all together from all parts, and became a band of wickedness, and all together crept into Jerusalem,
| 135
The garrisons of the cities, partly from reluctance to risk harm to themselves and partly out of hatred for the nation, did little or nothing to protect those who were oppressed, but finally the arch-brigand and their troops, sated with looting in the country, joined forces and as one single villainous gang slipped into Jerusalem.
|
| 136
πόλιν
ἀστρατήγητον
καὶ
πατρίῳ
μὲν
ἔθει
πᾶν
ἀπαρατηρήτως
δεχομένην
τὸ
ὁμόφυλονof the same race,
τότε
δ᾽
οἰομένων
ἁπάντων
τοὺς
ἐπιχεομένους
πάντας
ἀπ᾽
εὐνοίας
ἥκειν
συμμάχους.
|
136
The city was leaderless and, by ancient custom, welcomed all of its own nation without scrutiny—all the more so then, as everyone assumed that those pouring in came out of goodwill as allies.
|
| 136
which was now become a city without a governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received without distinction all that belonged to their nation; and these they then received, because all men supposed that those who came so fast into the city came out of kindness, and for their assistance,
| 136
It had become a city without a ruler and by ancient custom it unquestioningly welcomed all of their nation, and so they welcomed these, with everyone thinking that those who now poured into the city did so as allies to help it.
|
| 137
ὃ
δὴ
καὶ
δίχα
τῆς
στάσεως
ὕστερον
ἐβάπτισεν
τὴν
πόλιν·
πλήθει
γὰρ
ἀχρήστῳ
καὶ
ἀργῷ
προεξαναλώθη
τὰ
τοῖς
μαχίμοις
διαρκεῖν
δυνάμενα,
καὶ
πρὸς
τῷ
πολέμῳ
στάσιν
τε
ἑαυτοῖς
καὶ
λιμὸν
ἐπικατεσκεύασαν.
|
137
It was this very thing—aside from the factional strife—that later “drowned” the city. For this useless and idle multitude consumed the supplies that might have sustained the fighting men, and in addition to the war, they brought upon themselves both sedition and famine.
|
| 137
although these very men, besides the seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct cause of the city’s destruction also; for as they were an unprofitable and a useless multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand which might otherwise have been sufficient for the fighting men. Moreover, besides the bringing on of the war, they were the occasions of sedition and famine therein.
| 137
But it was this which, apart from the revolt itself, turned out to be the direct cause of the city's destruction.
This idle and useless crowd quickly used up the provisions that might otherwise have provided for the city's defenders.
So, besides stirring up the war, they also caused rebellion and famine during it.
|
| 138
Ἄλλοι
τε
ἀπὸ
τῆς
χώρας
λῃσταὶ
παρελθόντες
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
τοὺς
ἔνδον
προσλαβόντες
χαλεπωτέρους
οὐδὲν
ἔτι
τῶν
δεινῶν
παρίεσαν·
|
138
Other bandits from the countryside also entered the city and, joining forces with the even more wicked elements within, omitted no form of atrocity.
|
| 138
There were besides these other robbers that came out of the country, and came into the city, and joining to them those that were worse than themselves, omitted no kind of barbarity;
| 138
More brigands came in from the country to the city to join forces with those inside, who were even worse, and now they refrained from no kind of savagery.
|
| 139
οἵ
γε
οὐ
μόνον
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder
καὶ
λωποδυσίαις
τὴν
τόλμαν
ἐμέτρουν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
μέχρι
φόνων
ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw,
οὐ
νυκτὸς
ἢ
λαθραίως
ἢ
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
τυχόντας,
ἀλλὰ
φανερῶς
καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
καὶ
τῶν
ἐπισημοτάτων
καταρχόμενοι.
|
139
They did not measure their daring merely by robberies and muggings, but went so far as to commit murders—not at night or in secret, but openly and in broad daylight, starting with the most eminent citizens.
|
| 139
for they did not measure their courage by their rapines and plunderings only, but proceeded as far as murdering men; and this not in the nighttime or privately, or with regard to ordinary men, but did it openly in the daytime, and began with the most eminent persons in the city;
| 139
Their daring reached not just to thievery and looting but they proceeded to murder, and not just ordinary citizens, or secretly by night, but publicly in daylight, beginning with the foremost citizens.
|
| 140
πρῶτον
μὲν
γὰρ
ἈντίπανAntipas,
ἄνδρα
τοῦ
βασιλικοῦ
γένους
καὶ
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
δυνατωτάτων,
ὡς
καὶ
τοὺς
δημοσίους
θησαυροὺς
πεπιστεῦσθαι,
συλλαβόντες
εἷρξαν·
|
140
First, they seized and imprisoned Antipas, a man of royal lineage and one of the most powerful in the city, so much so that he was entrusted with the public treasuries.
|
| 140
for the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one of the royal lineage, and the most potent man in the whole city, insomuch that the public treasures were committed to his care;
| 140
The first was Antipas, who was of royal blood and the most powerful man in the city, in charge of the public treasury; they took him and put in prison.
|
| 141
ἐπὶ
τούτῳ
ΛηουίανLevias
τινὰ
τῶν
ἐπισήμωνsplendid
καὶ
ΣυφὰνSophas
υἱὸν
ἈρεγέτουRaguel, Aregetes,
βασιλικὸν
δ᾽
ἦν
καὶ
τούτων
τὸ
γένος,
πρὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
προύχειν
δοκοῦντας.
|
141
After him, they seized Levias, one of the nobles, and Syphas the son of Aregetes—both of royal blood—along with others who were prominent throughout the country.
|
| 141
him they took and confined; as they did in the next place to Levias, a person of great note, with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both of which were of royal lineage also. And besides these, they did the same to the principal men of the country.
| 141
They did the same to Levias, a person of great note, and Sophas, son of Raguel, both of them of royal lineage too, and they did likewise with the country's leading citizens.
|
| 142
δεινὴ
δὲ
κατάπληξις
εἶχε
τὸν
δῆμον,
καὶ
καθάπερ
κατειλημμένης
τῆς
πόλεως
πολέμῳ
τὴν
καθ᾽
αὑτὸν
ἕκαστος
σωτηρίαν
ἠγάπα.
|
142
A terrible dread seized the people; as if the city had already been taken in war, each man was satisfied if he could only ensure his own safety.
|
| 142
This caused a terrible consternation among the people, and everyone contented himself with taking care of his own safety, as they would do if the city had been taken in war.
| 142
Panic now seized the people as though the city had been captured in war, and each thought of nothing but his own safety.
|
| 143
Τοῖς
δ᾽
οὐκ
ἀπέχρη
τὰ
δεσμὰ
τῶν
συνειλημμένων,
οὐδὲ
ἀσφαλὲς
ᾤοντο
τὸ
μέχρι
πολλοῦ
δυνατοὺς
ἄνδρας
οὕτω
φυλάσσειν·
|
143
But the bandits were not satisfied with imprisoning those they had seized, nor did they think it safe to keep such powerful men in custody for long.
|
| 143
But these were not satisfied with the bonds into which they had put the men forementioned; nor did they think it safe for them to keep them thus in custody long,
| 143
The brigands were not satisfied just to have their captives in chains, not thinking it safe to keep them long in custody.
|
| 144
ἱκανοὺς
μὲν
γὰρ
εἶναι
καὶ
τοὺς
οἴκους
αὐτῶν
πρὸς
ἄμυναν
οὐκ
ὀλιγάνδρους
ὄντας,
οὐ
μὴν
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὸν
δῆμον
ἐπαναστήσεσθαι
τάχα
κινηθέντα
πρὸς
τὴν
παρανομίαν.
|
144
For they knew that their families were numerous enough to take revenge, and they feared the people might be moved to rise up against their lawlessness.
|
| 144
since they were men very powerful, and had numerous families of their own that were able to avenge them. Nay, they thought the very people would perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against them; it was therefore resolved to have them slain.
| 144
Such powerful men would have large families to avenge them, and anyway they feared that even the people might rise against them, stirred by these crimes.
|
| 145
δόξαν
οὖν
ἀναιρεῖν
αὐτοὺς
ἸωάννηνJohn
τινὰ
πέμπουσιν
τὸν
ἐξ
αὐτῶν
εἰς
φόνους
προχειρότατον·
Δορκάδος
οὗτος
ἐκαλεῖτο
παῖς
κατὰ
τὴν
ἐπιχώριον
γλῶσσαν·
ᾧ
δέκα
συνελθόντες
εἰς
τὴν
εἱρκτὴν
ξιφήρεις
ἀποσφάττουσιν
τοὺς
συνειλημμένους.
|
145
They decided to kill them and sent a certain John, the one among them most ready for murder. In the local tongue, he was called “the son of Dorcas.”[1] He, with ten others, entered the prison with drawn swords and slaughtered those in custody.
|
| 145
Accordingly, they sent one John, who was the most bloody-minded of them all, to do that execution: this man was also called “the son of Dorcas,” in the language of our country. Ten more men went along with him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and so they cut the throats of those that were in custody there.
| 145
So they decided to execute them, and sent their most adept assassin to carry it out.
This man was John, in our native language nicknamed "the son of Dorcas." Ten others went with him to the prison with swords drawn, and cut the throats of the prisoners.
|
[1]In Aramaic, "Dorcas" is Tabitha (meaning gazelle or deer), so he is likely John bar Tabitha.
| 146
παρανομήματι
δ᾽
ἐν
τηλικούτῳ
μεγάλως
ἀπεψεύδοντο
καὶ
προφάσεις
[
ἀνέπλαττον
]
·
διαλεχθῆναι
γὰρ
αὐτοὺς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
περὶ
παραδόσεως
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem,
καὶ
προδότας
ἀνῃρηκέναι
τῆς
κοινῆς
ἐλευθερίας
ἔφασκονto say, affirm,
καθόλου
τ᾽
ἐπηλαζονεύοντο
τοῖς
τολμήμασιν
ὡς
εὐεργέται
καὶ
σωτῆρες
τῆς
πόλεως
γεγενημένοι.
|
146
To justify such a great crime, they concocted false pretexts, claiming that these men had spoken with the Romans about surrendering Jerusalem. They asserted they had slain traitors to the common liberty and even boasted of their deeds as if they were benefactors and saviors of the city.
|
| 146
The grand lying pretence these men made for so flagrant an enormity was this, that these men had had conferences with the Romans for a surrender of Jerusalem to them; and so they said they had slain only such as were traitors to their common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew the more insolent upon this bold prank of theirs, as though they had been the benefactors and saviors of the city.
| 146
Their lying excuse for this flagrant crime was that the victims had parlayed with the Romans about surrendering Jerusalem, so they claimed they were killed as traitors to the liberty of all.
They even boasted of this daring deed, as making them the benefactors and saviours of the city.
|
| 147
Συνέβη
δὲ
εἰς
τοσοῦτον
τὸν
μὲν
δῆμον
ταπεινότητος
καὶ
δέους,
ἐκείνους
δὲ
ἀπονοίας
προελθεῖν,
ὡς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτοῖς
εἶναι
καὶ
τὰς
χειροτονίας
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων.
|
147
The people were reduced to such a state of humility and fear, and the bandits reached such a height of madness, that the bandits even took it upon themselves to appoint the high priests.
|
| 147
Now, the people were come to that degree of meanness and fear, and these robbers to that degree of madness, that these last took upon them to appoint high priests.
| 147
The people were in such craven fear and these brigands had reached such a state of madness, that the latter took it on themselves to appoint high priests.
|
| 148
ἄκυρα
γοῦν
τὰ
γένη
ποιήσαντες,
ἐξ
ὧν
κατὰ
διαδοχὰς
οἱ
ἀρχιερεῖς
ἀπεδείκνυντο,
καθίστασαν
ἀσήμους
καὶ
ἀγενεῖς,
ἵν᾽
ἔχοιεν
συνεργοὺς
τῶν
ἀσεβημάτων·
|
148
They set aside the families from which high priests were traditionally appointed by succession and began to appoint obscure and low-born men, so that they might have accomplices in their impieties.
|
| 148
So when they had disannulled the succession, according to those families out of which the high priests used to be made, they ordained certain unknown and ignoble persons for that office, that they might have their assistance in their wicked undertakings;
| 148
Cancelling the succession of the families from which the high priests used to be drawn, they appointed unknown commoners to that office, to have them as allies in their wicked doings.
|
| 149
τοῖς
γὰρ
παρ᾽
ἀξίαν
ἐπιτυχοῦσι
τῆς
ἀνωτάτω
τιμῆς
ὑπακούειν
ἦν
ἀνάγκη
τοῖς
παρασχοῦσι.
|
149
For those who obtained the highest honor without deserving it were forced to obey those who had bestowed it upon them.
|
| 149
for such as obtained this highest of all honors, without any desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed it on them.
| 149
Those who with no merit gained this highest of all honours were forced to serve those who bestowed it on them.
|
| 150
συνέκρουον
δὲ
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐν
τέλει
ποικίλαις
ἐπινοίαιςthought
καὶ
λογοποιίαις,
καιρὸν
ἑαυτοῖς
ἐν
ταῖς
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
τῶν
κωλυόντων
φιλονεικίαις
ποιούμενοι,
μέχρι
τῶν
εἰς
ἀνθρώπους
ὑπερεμπλησθέντες
ἀδικημάτων
ἐπὶ
τὸ
θεῖον
μετήνεγκαν
τὴν
ὕβριν
καὶ
μεμιασμένοις
τοῖς
ποσὶ
παρῄεσαν
εἰς
τὸ
ἅγιον.
|
150
They also sowed discord among the leaders by various tricks and rumors, finding their opportunity in the feuds between those who might have stopped them—until, having filled the cup of their crimes against men to the brim, they turned their insolence against the Deity and entered the Sanctuary with defiled feet.
|
| 150
They also set the principal men at variance one with another, by several sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained the opportunity of doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of those who might have obstructed their measures; till at length, when they were satiated with the unjust actions they had done towards men, they transferred their contumelious behavior to God himself, and came into the sanctuary with polluted feet.
| 150
They also set the leaders at variance with each other by various devices and ruses, and so were able to do what they pleased, due to the in-fighting of those who might have reined them in, until finally, sated with their misbehaviour toward men, they turned their hubris on the Deity and came with polluted feet into the sanctuary.
|
| 151
Ἐπανισταμένου
τε
αὐτοῖς
ἤδη
τοῦ
πλήθους,
ἐνῆγε
γὰρ
ὁ
γεραίτατος
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων
ἌνανοςAnanus,
ἀνὴρ
σωφρονέστατος
καὶ
τάχα
ἂν
διασώσας
τὴν
πόλιν,
εἰ
τὰς
τῶν
ἐπιβούλων
χεῖρας
ἐξέφυγεν,
οἱ
δὲ
τὸν
νεὼν
τοῦ
θεοῦ
φρούριον
αὑτοῖς
καὶ
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
δήμου
ταραχῶν
ποιοῦνται
καταφυγήν,
καὶ
τυραννεῖον
ἦν
αὐτοῖς
τὸ
ἅγιον.
|
151
But now the people were rising against them; for Ananus (Ananus ben Ananus), the most senior of the high priests, was inciting them—a man of great prudence who might perhaps have saved the city had he escaped the hands of the conspirators. But the rebels made the Temple of God their stronghold and a place of refuge from the popular uprisings, and the Sanctuary became their seat of tyranny.
|
| 151
And now the multitude were going to rise against them already; for Ananus, the ancientest of the high priests, persuaded them to it. He was a very prudent man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but have escaped the hands of those that plotted against him. These men made the temple of God a stronghold for them, and a place whither they might resort, in order to avoid the troubles they feared from the people; the sanctuary was now become a refuge, and a shop of tyranny.
| 151
The populace was ready to rise against them, roused by Ananus, the oldest of the high priests.
He was a very prudent man and might perhaps have saved the city if only he could have escaped the hands of those scheming against him.
These men made the temple of God their stronghold and place of refuge, to avoid the troubles they feared from the people, so the sanctuary had now become a den and centre of tyranny.
|
| 152
παρεκίρνατο
δὲ
τοῖς
δεινοῖς
εἰρωνεία,
τὸ
τῶν
ἐνεργουμένων
ἀλγεινότερον·
|
152
To these horrors was added a mocking irony, which was more painful than the deeds themselves.
|
| 152
They also mixed jesting among the miseries they introduced, which was more intolerable than what they did;
| 152
They also mixed irony with their injuries, which was even more intolerable than their actions.
|
| 153
ἀποπειρώμενοι
γὰρ
τῆς
τοῦ
δήμου
καταπλήξεως
καὶ
τὴν
αὑτῶν
δοκιμάζοντες
ἰσχὺν
κληρωτοὺς
ἐπεχείρησαν
ποιεῖν
τοὺς
ἀρχιερεῖς
οὔσης,
ὡς
ἔφαμεν,
κατὰ
γένος
αὐτῶν
τῆς
διαδοχῆς.
|
153
For to test the people’s panic and to prove their own power, they attempted to appoint the high priests by lot, although, as we have said, the succession was hereditary.
|
| 153
for in order to try what surprise the people would be under, and how far their own power extended, they undertook to dispose of the high priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said already, it was to descend by succession in a family.
| 153
To test the people's subjection and to show their own power, they decided to cast lots for assigning the high priesthood, which, as already said, was meant to descend by succession within a family.
|
| 154
ἦν
δὲ
πρόσχημα
μὲν
τῆς
ἐπιβουλῆς
ἔθος
ἀρχαῖον,
ἐπειδὴ
καὶ
πάλαι
κληρωτὴν
ἔφασανto affirm, say
εἶναι
τὴν
ἀρχιερωσύνην,
τὸ
δὲ
ἀληθὲς
τοῦ
βεβαιοτέρου
[νόμου
]
κατάλυσις
καὶ
τέχνη
πρὸς
δυναστείαν
τὰς
ἀρχὰς
δι᾽
αὑτῶν
καθισταμένοις.
|
154
The pretext for this plot was an “ancient custom,” for they claimed that in the old days the high priesthood was determined by lot; but the truth was the destruction of the established law and a trick to seize power for themselves by appointing the officials personally.
|
| 154
The pretense they made for this strange attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that of old it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was no better than a dissolution of an undeniable law, and a cunning contrivance to seize upon the government, derived from those that presumed to appoint governors as they themselves pleased.
| 154
To justify it they claimed an ancient precedent for deciding by lot, but in truth it undermined a firm law and was a ruse to seize authority, by presuming to appoint officers just as they pleased.
|
| 155
Καὶ
δὴ
μεταπεμψάμενοι
μίαν
τῶν
ἀρχιερατικῶν
φυλήν,
ἘνιάχινEniachin
καλεῖται,
διεκλήρουν
ἀρχιερέα,
λαγχάνει
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τύχης
ὁ
μάλιστα
διαδείξας
αὐτῶν
τὴν
παρανομίαν,
ΦαννίPhannias
τις
ὄνομα,
υἱὸς
ΣαμουήλουSamuel
κώμης
ἈφθίαςAphtha,
ἀνὴρ
οὐ
μόνον
οὐκ
ἐξ
ἀρχιερέων,
ἀλλ᾽
οὐδ᾽
ἐπιστάμενος
σαφῶς
τί
ποτ᾽
ἦν
ἀρχιερωσύνη
δι᾽
ἀγροικίαν.
|
155
Indeed, they sent for one of the high-priestly clans—it is called Eniachin—and cast lots for a high priest. By chance, the lot fell upon the man who most clearly revealed their lawlessness: a man named Phanni,[1] the son of Samuel, from the village of Aphthia. He was not only not from a line of high priests, but because of his rustic ignorance, he did not even clearly know what the high priesthood was.
|
| 155
Hereupon they sent for one of the pontifical tribes, which is called Eniachim, and cast lots which of it should be the high priest. By fortune the lot so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the plainest manner, for it fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He was a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but that did not well know what the high priesthood was, such a mere rustic was he!
| 155
After this they sent for one of the priestly tribes, called Eniachin, and cast lots for a high priest.
By chance the lot fell so as to most plainly prove their abuse, for it chose a man called Phannias, son of Samuel, of the village of Aphtha, a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but also who did not rightly know what the high priesthood was!
|
[1]Phannias ben Samuel
| 156
ἀπὸ
γοῦν
τῆς
χώρας
αὐτὸν
ἄκοντα
σύραντες
ὥσπερ
ἐπὶ
σκηνῆς
ἀλλοτρίῳ
κατεκόσμουν
προσωπείῳ
τήν
τ᾽
ἐσθῆτα
περιτιθέντες
τὴν
ἱερὰν
καὶ
τὸ
τί
δεῖ
ποιεῖν
ἐπὶ
καιροῦ
διδάσκοντες.
|
156
They dragged him from the countryside against his will and, as if on a stage, dressed him in a foreign mask, putting the sacred robes upon him and teaching him what to do as the occasion required.
|
| 156
did they hail this man, without his own consent, out of the country, as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and adorned him with a counterfeit face; they also put upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion instructed him what he was to do.
| 156
Against his will they hauled this man from the country and dressed him as if for a role upon the stage, putting on him the sacred vestments and telling him everything he was to do.
|
| 157
χλεύη
δ᾽
ἦν
ἐκείνοις
καὶ
παιδιὰ
τὸ
τηλικοῦτον
ἀσέβημα,
τοῖς
δ᾽
ἄλλοις
ἱερεῦσιν
ἐπιθεωμένοις
πόρρωθεν
παιζόμενον
τὸν
νόμον
δακρύειν
ἐπῄει
καὶ
κατέστενον
τὴν
τῶν
ἱερῶν
τιμῶν
κατάλυσιν.
|
157
To the rebels, such an enormous impiety was a joke and a game, but the other priests, watching from a distance this mockery of the law, began to weep and groan at the degradation of the sacred honors.
|
| 157
This horrid piece of wickedness was sport and pastime with them, but occasioned the other priests, who at a distance saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely lament the dissolution of such a sacred dignity.
| 157
This terrible impiety was a joke and a game for them, but it made the other priests, who had to stand aside and see their law made fun of, and to weep and groan at the ruin of that sacred dignity.
|
| 158
Ταύτην
τὴν
τόλμαν
αὐτῶν
οὐκ
ἤνεγκεν
ὁ
δῆμος,
ἀλλ᾽
ὥσπερ
ἐπὶ
τυραννίδος
κατάλυσιν
ὥρμηντο
πάντες·
|
158
The people could not endure this audacity; they all rushed forward as if to overthrow a tyranny.
|
| 158
And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure, but did all together run zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny;
| 158
Unable to bear the insolence of this any longer the people were united in wanting to destroy that tyranny.
|
| 159
καὶ
γὰρ
οἱ
προύχειν
αὐτῶν
δοκοῦντες,
ΓωρίωνGorian
τε
υἱὸς
ἸωσήπουJoseph
καὶ
ὁ
ΓαμαλιήλουGamaliel
ΣυμεώνSimeon,
παρεκρότουν
ἔν
τε
ταῖς
ἐκκλησίαις
ἀθρόους
καὶ
κατ᾽
ἰδίαν
περιιόντες
ἕκαστον
ἤδη
ποτὲ
τίσασθαι
τοὺς
λυμεῶνας
τῆς
ἐλευθερίας
καὶ
καθᾶραι
τῶν
μιαιφόνων
τὸ
ἅγιον,
|
159
For their leaders—Gorion the son of Josephus and Simeon the son of Gamaliel—exhorted them, both in public assemblies and by visiting individuals privately, to finally punish these destroyers of liberty and to cleanse the Sanctuary of these murderers.
|
| 159
and indeed they were Gorian the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel, who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it.
| 159
In this they were encouraged by Gorion, son of Josephus, and Symeon, son of Gamaliel, who went among them whether in groups or individually, urging them to bear it no longer, but to punish these blights on their freedom and cleanse the temple of its bloody polluters.
|
| 160
οἵ
τε
δοκιμώτατοι
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων,
ΓαμάλαGamala
μὲν
υἱὸς
ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua
ἈνάνουAnanus
δὲ
ἌνανοςAnanus,
πολλὰ
τὸν
δῆμον
εἰς
νωθείαν
κατονειδίζοντες
ἐν
ταῖς
συνόδοις
ἐπήγειρον
τοῖς
ζηλωταῖς·
|
160
The most esteemed of the high priests—Joshua the son of Gamala and Ananus the son of Ananus—also upbraided the people in their meetings for their lethargy and incited them against the Zealots.
|
| 160
The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamala, and Ananus the son of Ananus when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots;
| 160
The best esteemed of the high priests, Joshua the son of Gamalas and Ananus the son of Ananus, also bitterly reprimanded the people at their assemblies, for their sloth, and roused them against the Zealots.
|
| 161
τοῦτο
γὰρ
αὑτοὺς
ἐκάλεσαν
ὡς
ἐπ᾽
ἀγαθοῖς
ἐπιτηδεύμασιν
ἀλλ᾽
οὐχὶ
ζηλώσαντες
τὰ
κάκιστα
τῶν
ἔργων
[καὶ
]
ὑπερβαλλόμενοι.
|
161
For that is what they called themselves, as if they were “zealous” for good practices rather than being zealots for the worst of deeds, in which they surpassed all others.
|
| 161
for that was the name they went by, as if they were zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example of others.
| 161
This was the name they went by, as though they were zealous for good works and not rather zealous for the worst actions and unparallelled in doing them!
|
| 162
Καὶ
δὴ
συνελθόντος
τοῦ
πλήθους
εἰς
ἐκκλησίαν
καὶ
πάντων
ἀγανακτούντων
μὲν
ἐπὶ
τῇ
καταλήψει
τῶν
ἁγίων
ταῖς
τε
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder
καὶ
τοῖς
πεφονευμένοις,
οὔπω
δὲ
πρὸς
τὴν
ἄμυναν
ὡρμημένων
τῷ
δυσεπιχειρήτους,
ὅπερ
ἦν,
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
ὑπολαμβάνειν,
καταστὰς
ἐν
μέσοις
ὁ
ἌνανοςAnanus
καὶ
πολλάκις
εἰς
τὸν
ναὸν
ἀπιδὼν
ἐμπλήσας
τε
τοὺς
ὀφθαλμοὺς
δακρύων
"
ἦ
καλόν
γε,
|
162
When the multitude had gathered in an assembly, everyone was indignant at the seizure of the Sanctuary, the robberies, and the murders; yet they had not yet moved to defend themselves because they assumed the Zealots would be difficult to attack—as indeed they were. Then Ananus[1] stood in their midst, and looking frequently at the Temple with his eyes full of tears, he said:
|
| 162
And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly, and every one was in indignation at these men’s seizing upon the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon them (the reason of which was this, that they imagined it to be a difficult thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was), Ananus stood in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at the temple, and having a flood of tears in his eyes,
| 162
The people had gathered to a meeting and every one was raging at these men's seizing the sanctuary, their looting, and their murders.
But they had not yet begun to attack them, for they rightly thought it would be difficult to suppress these Zealots.
Ananus stood up and addressed them, with many a glance at the temple and with his eyes full of tears.
|
[1]Ananus ben Ananus (Ananus II): He is famous in history for having ordered the execution of James, the brother of Jesus (Christ), in 62 AD. Here, Josephus portrays him as the tragic hero of Jerusalem in late 67 or early 68 AD.
| 163
εἶπεν,
ἦν
ἐμοὶ
τεθνάναι
πρὶν
ἐπιδεῖν
τὸν
οἶκον
τοῦ
θεοῦ
τοσούτοις
ἄγεσι
καταγέμοντα
καὶ
τὰς
ἀβάτους
καὶ
ἁγίας
χώρας
ποσὶ
μιαιφόνων
στενοχωρουμένας.
|
163
“Truly, it would have been better for me to die before seeing the house of God filled with such abominations, and the sacred, forbidden places trodden by the feet of murderers.
|
| 163
he said, “Certainly it had been good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full of so many abominations, or these sacred places, that ought not to be trodden upon at random, filled with the feet of these blood-shedding villains;
| 163
"How I wish I had died before seeing the house of God so polluted, or these sacred places, that ought not to be walked in at random, trodden by the feet of these bloodstained villains.
|
| 164
ἀλλὰ
περικείμενος
τὴν
ἀρχιερατικὴν
ἐσθῆτα
καὶ
τὸ
τιμιώτατον
καλούμενος
τῶν
σεβασμίων
ὀνομάτων,
ζῶ
καὶ
φιλοψυχῶ,
μηδ᾽
ὑπὲρ
τοὐμοῦ
γήρως
ὑπομένων
εὐκλεῆ
θάνατον
†
εἰ
δεῖ
μὴ
μόνος
εἰμὶ
καὶ
καθάπερ
ἐν
ἐρημίᾳ
τὴν
ἐμαυτοῦ
ψυχὴν
ἐπιδώσω
μόνην
ὑπὲρ
τοῦ
θεοῦ.
|
164
Yet, wearing the high-priestly robes and being called by the most honored of venerable names, I live and cling to life, not even enduring a noble death in my old age. If I must, I will go forth alone and, as if in a desert, surrender my soul for the sake of God.
|
| 164
yet do I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name [of high priest], still live, and am but too fond of living, and cannot endure to undergo a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the only person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I would give up my life, and that alone for God’s sake;
| 164
But in fact I, who wore the vestments of the high priesthood and was called by that most venerable name, am still alive and am all too fond of life and cannot bear the martyr's death which would be the glory of my old age.
If the only person concerned were myself, and I lived as it were in a desert, I would gladly give up my life for God's sake.
|
| 165
τί
γὰρ
καὶ
δεῖ
ζῆν
ἐν
δήμῳ
συμφορῶν
ἀναισθητοῦντι
καὶ
παρ᾽
οἷς
ἀπόλωλεν
ἡ
τῶν
ἐν
χερσὶ
παθῶν
ἀντίληψις;
ἁρπαζόμενοι
γοῦν
ἀνέχεσθε
καὶ
τυπτόμενοι
σιωπᾶτε,
καὶ
τοῖς
φονευομένοις
οὐδ᾽
ἐπιστένει
τις
ἀναφανδόν.
|
165
For why should one live among a people who have lost the sense of their own calamities, and among whom the very will to resist present suffering has perished? You are plundered and you endure it; you are beaten and you remain silent; over the murdered, no one even sighs openly.
|
| 165
for to what purpose is it to live among a people insensible of their calamities, and where there is no notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them? for when you are seized upon, you bear it! and when you are beaten, you are silent! and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send out a groan openly!
| 165
Why should one go on living among a people unaware of their wrongs and with no idea of a remedy for their ills? For when you are captured, you bear it! When you are beaten, you are silent! When people are murdered, no one dares even to utter a groan!
|
| 166
ὢ
τῆς
πικρᾶς
τυραννίδος.
τί
[δὲ
]
μέμφομαι
τοὺς
τυράννους;
μὴ
γὰρ
οὐκ
ἐτράφησαν
ὑφ᾽
ὑμῶν
καὶ
τῆς
ὑμετέρας
ἀνεξικακίας;
|
166
O, what a bitter tyranny! But why do I blame the tyrants? Were they not nurtured by you and your own forbearance?
|
| 166
O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that have nourished them?
| 166
What a bitter tyranny we bear! But why complain about the tyrants? Was it not you and your patience with them that nourished them?
|
| 167
μὴ
γὰρ
οὐχ
ὑμεῖς
περιιδόντες
τοὺς
πρώτους
συνισταμένους,
ἔτι
δ᾽
ἦσαν
ὀλίγοι,
πλείους
ἐποιήσατε
τῇ
σιωπῇ
καὶ
καθοπλιζομένων
ἠρεμοῦντες
καθ᾽
ἑαυτῶν
ἐπεστρέψατε
τὰ
ὅπλα,
|
167
Did you not overlook them when they first organized—when they were still few? Did you not increase their number by your silence? By remaining still while they armed themselves, you turned their weapons against your own selves!
|
| 167
Was it not you that overlooked those that first of all got together, for they were then but a few, and by your silence made them grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they took arms, in effect armed them against yourselves?
| 167
Was it not you who ignored them when they first gathered, just a few of them, and by your silence let them grow into many, and by letting them take arms, in effect armed them against yourselves?
|
| 168
δέον
τὰς
πρώτας
αὐτῶν
ἐπικόπτειν
ὁρμάς,
ὅτε
λοιδορίαις
καθήπτοντο
τῶν
συγγενῶν,
ὑμεῖς
δὲ
ἀμελήσαντες
ἐφ᾽
ἁρπαγὰς
παρωξύνατε
τοὺς
ἀλιτηρίους,
καὶ
πορθουμένων
οἴκων
λόγος
ἦν
οὐδείς·
τοιγαροῦν
αὐτοὺς
ἥρπαζον
τοὺς
δεσπότας,
καὶ
συρομένοις
διὰ
μέσης
τῆς
πόλεως
οὐδεὶς
ἐπήμυνεν.
|
168
You should have cut off their first impulses when they were attacking your kinsmen with insults; but you neglected it and thus provoked these wretches to plunder. When houses were being ransacked, no word was said; therefore, they went on to seize the masters themselves, and as they were dragged through the center of the city, no one came to their aid.
|
| 168
You ought to have then prevented their first attempts, when they fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches to plunder men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said a word, which was the occasion why they carried off the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn through the midst of the city, nobody came to their assistance.
| 168
You should have nipped them in the bud when they started harming your relatives, but by neglecting them at the time, you encouraged these wretches to plunder people.
When houses were robbed, no one said a word, which was why they killed the owners of those houses, and as they were dragged through the middle of the city, no one came to their help.
|
| 169
οἱ
δὲ
καὶ
δεσμοῖς
ᾐκίσαντο
τοὺς
ὑφ᾽
ὑμῶν
προδοθέντας,
ἐῶto permit; to be
λέγειν
πόσους
καὶ
ποδαπούς·
ἀλλ᾽
ἀκαταιτιάτοις
ἀκρίτοις
οὐδεὶς
ἐβοήθησε
τοῖς
δεδεμένοις.
|
169
They tortured with chains those whom you betrayed—I refrain from saying how many or of what kind they were—but no one helped those bound men who had been neither accused nor judged.
|
| 169
They then proceeded to put those whom you had betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not say how many and of what characters those men were whom they thus served; but certainly they were such as were accused by none, and condemned by none; and, since nobody succored them when they were put into bonds,
| 169
They proceeded to put in chains those whom you betrayed into their hands.
I cannot say how many they were treated like this, or what they had done, but that they were people accused by none and condemned by none, and no one helped them when they were put in chains.
|
| 170
ἀκόλουθον
ἦν
ἐπιδεῖν
τοὺς
αὐτοὺς
φονευομένους.
ἐπείδομεν
καὶ
τοῦτο
καθάπερ
ἐξ
ἀγέλης
ζῴων
ἀλόγων
ἑλκομένου
τοῦ
κρατιστεύοντος
ἀεὶ
θύματος,
οὐδὲ
φωνήν
τις
ἀφῆκενto send forth
οὐχ
ὅπως
ἐκίνησε
τὴν
δεξιάν.
|
170
The logical consequence was to watch these same men murdered. We have seen this too; as if from a herd of irrational animals, the best victim was always dragged away for slaughter, yet no one uttered a sound, let alone moved a hand.
|
| 170
the consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand for their preservation.
| 170
The result was that they were killed, like the best animals of a herd being taken away for sacrifice, with no one saying one word, or raising a hand to save them.
|
| 171
φέρετε
δὴ
[τοίνυν],
φέρετε
πατούμενα
βλέποντες
τὰ
ἅγια
καὶ
πάντας
ὑποθέντες
αὐτοὶ
τοῖς
ἀνοσίοις
τοὺς
τῶν
τολμημάτων
βαθμοὺς
μὴ
βαρύνεσθε
τὴν
ὑπεροχήν·
καὶ
γὰρ
νῦν
πάντως
ἂν
ἐπὶ
μεῖζον
προύκοψαν,
εἴ
τι
τῶν
ἁγίων
καταλῦσαι
μεῖζον
εἶχον.
|
171
Bear it then! Bear to see the Sanctuary trampled! Since you yourselves have built the steps for these profane men to climb to their daring heights, do not be surprised by their supremacy. For by now they would have surely advanced to something even greater, if they had anything greater than the Sanctuary to destroy.
|
| 171
Will you bear, therefore,—will you bear to see your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees of insolence? Will not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even by this time they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been able to overthrow anything greater than the sanctuary.
| 171
Go on then, let your sanctuary be trampled! Since you have built the steps for these profane wretches to climb, let them mount to the highest level of all! They would have gone even higher, if it were possible to destroy anything greater than the Temple.
|
| 172
κεκράτηται
μὲν
οὖν
τὸ
ὀχυρώτατον
τῆς
πόλεως·
λεγέσθω
γὰρ
νῦν
τὸ
ἱερὸν
ὡς
ἄκρα
τις
ἢ
φρούριον·
ἔχοντες
δ᾽
ἐπιτετειχισμένην
τυραννίδα
τοσαύτην
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
ὑπὲρ
κορυφὴν
βλέποντες,
τί
βουλεύεσθε
καὶ
τίσι
τὰς
γνώμας
προσθάλπετε;
|
172
The strongest part of the city has been captured; let the Temple now be called a ‘citadel’ or a ‘fortress.’ While you have such a tyranny built over you and you see your enemies above your heads, what do you plan, and with what thoughts do you comfort yourselves?
|
| 172
They have seized upon the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you have tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over your heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to support your minds withal?
| 172
What they have captured is the strongest place in the whole city.
Call it a temple if you wish, but now it is like a citadel or fortress.
Now that you have such tyranny walled in and see your enemies above you, what plans do you have and who do you think will support you?
|
| 173
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἄρα
περιμενεῖτε,
ἵν᾽
ἡμῶν
βοηθήσωσι
τοῖς
ἁγίοις;
ἔχει
μὲν
οὕτως
τὰ
πράγματα
τῇ
πόλει,
καὶ
πρὸς
τοσοῦτον
ἥκομεν
συμφορῶν,
ἵνα
ἡμᾶς
ἐλεήσωσι
καὶ
πολέμιοι.
|
173
Will you wait for the Romans to help our sacred places? Is this the state of our city’s affairs? Have we come to such a point of disaster that even our enemies must pity us?
|
| 173
Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they may protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass? and are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are expected to pity us?
| 173
Do you expect the Romans to rescue our holy places? Has the city come to this and have matters come so low that our enemies are expected to pity us?
|
| 174
οὐκ
ἐξαναστήσεσθε,
ὦ
τλημονέστατοι,
καὶ
πρὸς
τὰς
πληγὰς
ἐπιστραφέντες,
ὃ
κἀπὶ
τῶν
θηρίων
ἔστιν
ἰδεῖν,
τοὺς
τύπτοντας
ἀμυνεῖσθε;
οὐκ
ἀναμνήσεσθε
τῶν
ἰδίων
ἕκαστος
συμφορῶν
οὐδὲ
ἃ
πεπόνθατε
πρὸ
ὀφθαλμῶν
θέμενοι
τὰς
ψυχὰς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς
θήξετε
πρὸς
τὴν
ἄμυναν;
|
174
Will you not rise, O most wretched men? Will you not turn against these blows and, as even wild beasts do, avenge yourselves on those who strike you? Will you not each remember your own calamities, and placing before your eyes what you have suffered, sharpen your souls for revenge?
|
| 174
O wretched creatures! will not you rise up and turn upon those that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts themselves, that they will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will you not call to mind, every one of you, the calamities you yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes what afflictions you yourselves have undergone? and will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge?
| 174
Most pitiable of men, will you not rise and turn on those who strike you? Look at the wild beasts how they take revenge on those who strike them.
Will you not remember, all of you, what you have suffered, and keep it before your eyes? Will such things not sharpen your souls to revenge?
|
| 175
ἀπόλωλεν
ἄρα
παρ᾽
ὑμῖν
τὸ
τιμιώτατον
τῶν
παθῶν
καὶ
φυσικώτατον,
ἐλευθερίας
ἐπιθυμία,
φιλόδουλοι
δὲ
καὶ
φιλοδέσποτοι
γεγόναμεν
ὥσπερ
ἐκ
προγόνων
τὸ
ὑποτάσσεσθαι
παραλαβόντες.
|
175
Has that most honorable and natural of feelings—the desire for liberty—perished among you? Have we become lovers of slavery and lovers of masters, as if we had inherited subjection from our ancestors?
|
| 175
Is therefore that most honorable and most natural of our passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly we are in love with slavery, and in love with those that lord it over us, as if we had received that principle of subjection from our ancestors;
| 175
Have you lost the most honourable and natural of our passions, the desire for freedom? We seem to love slavery and those who lord it over us, as if we had inherited from our ancestors a spirit of submission.
|
| 176
ἀλλ᾽
ἐκεῖνοί
γε
πολλοὺς
καὶ
μεγάλους
ὑπὲρ
τῆς
αὐτονομίας
πολέμους
διήνεγκαν
καὶ
οὔτε
τῆς
ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians
οὔτε
τῆς
ΜήδωνMedes
δυναστείας
ἡττήθησαν
ὑπὲρ
τοῦ
μὴ
ποιεῖν
τὸ
κελευόμενον.
|
176
But they endured many great wars for the sake of autonomy, and were never conquered by the power of the Egyptians or the Medes, so as not to do what they were commanded.
|
| 176
yet did they undergo many and great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that still they did what they thought fit, notwithstanding their commands to the contrary.
| 176
Yet they endured many great wars for the sake of liberty, and were never so overcome by the power of the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that still they did what they thought right, despite all efforts to stop them.
|
| 177
καὶ
τί
δεῖ
τὰ
τῶν
προγόνων
λέγειν;
ἀλλ᾽
ὁ
νῦν
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
πόλεμος,
ἐῶto permit; to be
διελέγχειν
πότερον
λυσιτελὴς
ὢν
καὶ
σύμφορος
ἢ
τοὐναντίον,
τίνα
δ᾽
οὖν
ἔχει
πρόφασιν;
|
177
But why speak of ancestors? This current war against the Romans—I will not argue now whether it is profitable and useful or the opposite—but what is its pretext?
|
| 177
And what occasion is there now for a war with the Romans? [I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous and profitable war or not]. What pretense is there for it?
| 177
But why speak of our ancestors? We are now at war with the Romans, and I will not speak of whether it is expedient or not, but what is its purpose?
|
| 178
οὐ
τὴν
ἐλευθερίαν;
εἶτα
τοὺς
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
δεσπότας
μὴ
φέροντες
τῶν
ὁμοφύλωνof the same race
τυράννων
ἀνεξόμεθα;
|
178
Is it not liberty? If, then, we cannot bear the masters of the world, shall we endure tyrants of our own race?
|
| 178
Is it not that we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country?
| 178
Is it to win our freedom? But can we refuse to have the lords of the world rule over us and still bear with tyrants of our own country?
|
| 179
καίτοι
τὸ
μὲν
τοῖς
ἔξωθεν
ὑπακούειν
ἀνενέγκαι
τις
ἂν
εἰς
τὴν
ἅπαξ
ἡττήσασαν
τύχην,
τὸ
δὲ
τοῖς
οἰκείοις
εἴκειν
πονηροῖς
ἀγεννῶν
ἐστι
καὶ
προαιρουμένων.
|
179
To obey a foreigner might be attributed to a single stroke of bad luck in war, but to yield to the wicked among one’s own people is the mark of those who are both ignoble and willing slaves.
|
| 179
Although I must say that submission to foreigners may be borne, because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked people of our own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent.
| 179
Submission to foreigners might somehow be borne, as fortune has already doomed us to it, but submission to criminals of our own nation is cowardice and comes by our own consent.
|
| 180
ἐπειδὴ
δὲ
ἅπαξ
ἐμνήσθην
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
οὐκ
ἀποκρύψομαι
πρὸς
ὑμᾶς
εἰπεῖν
ὃ
μεταξὺ
τῶν
λόγων
ἐμπεσὸν
ἐπέστρεψε
τὴν
διάνοιαν,
ὅτι
κἂν
ἁλῶμεν
ὑπ᾽
ἐκείνοις,
ἀπείη
δὲ
ἡ
πεῖρα
τοῦ
λόγου,
χαλεπώτερον
οὐδὲν
παθεῖν
ἔχομεν
ὧν
ἡμᾶς
διατεθείκασιν
οὗτοι.
|
180
Since I have mentioned the Romans, I will not hide from you what occurred to me as I spoke: even if we were to be captured by them (may the trial of that word be far from us!), we could suffer nothing worse than what these men have already done to us.
|
| 180
However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me considerably;—it is this, that though we should be taken by them (God forbid the event should be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought upon us.
| 180
Now that I have mentioned the Romans, I will not conceal a thought that, even as I speak, affects me deeply.
If we are taken by them, (which God forbid!) it will hardly be worse than what these others have already done to us.
|
| 181
πῶς
δὲ
οὐ
δακρύων
ἄξιον
ἐκείνων
μὲν
ἐν
τῷ
ἱερῷ
καὶ
ἀναθήματα
βλέπειν,
τῶν
δὲ
ὁμοφύλωνof the same race
τὰ
σκῦλα
σεσυληκότων
καὶ
ἀνελόντων
τὴν
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
εὐγένειαν,
καὶ
πεφονευμένους
ἄνδρας
ὧν
ἀπέσχοντοto keep off, keep away, abstain
ἂν
κἀκεῖνοι
κρατήσαντες;
|
181
Is it not worth weeping to see Roman offerings in the Temple, while our own countrymen have plundered the spoils, destroyed the nobility of the capital, and murdered men whom even the conquerors would have spared?
|
| 181
How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the Roman donations in our temple, while we withal see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering our men, from which enormities those Romans themselves would have abstained?
| 181
How can we avoid tears, looking at the Roman donations in our temple, while we also see men of our own nation despoiling it and looting our glorious city and slaughtering our folk, crimes from which even the Romans would refrain?
|
| 182
καὶ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
μὲν
μηδέποτε
ὑπερβῆναι
τὸν
ὅρον
τῶν
βεβήλων
μηδὲ
παραβῆναί
τι
τῶν
ἱερῶν
ἐθῶν,
πεφρικέναι
δὲ
πόρρωθεν
ὁρῶντας
τοὺς
τῶν
ἁγίων
περιβόλους,
|
182
The Romans never overstepped the boundary into the profane areas, nor violated any of our sacred customs; they trembled with awe when they saw the enclosures of the Sanctuary from afar.
|
| 182
to see those Romans never going beyond the bounds allotted to profane persons, nor venturing to break in upon any of our sacred customs; nay, having a horror on their minds when they view at a distance those sacred walls;
| 182
We see those Romans never going beyond the bounds allowed to outsiders, nor venturing to break any of our sacred customs, indeed showing reverence when they view those sacred walls at a distance,
|
| 183
γενηθέντας
δέ
τινας
ἐν
τῇδε
τῇ
χώρᾳ
καὶ
τραφέντας
ὑπὸ
τοῖς
ἡμετέροις
ἔθεσι
καὶ
ἸουδαίουςJews
καλουμένους
ἐμπεριπατεῖν
μέσοις
τοῖς
ἁγίοις
θερμὰς
ἔτι
τὰς
χεῖρας
ἐξ
ὁμοφύλωνof the same race
ἔχοντας
φόνων;
|
183
But some born in this land, raised under our customs, and called Jews, walk in the midst of the Sanctuary with hands still warm with the blood of their own kin!
|
| 183
while some that have been born in this very country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk about in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their hands are still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen.
| 183
while some who were born in this country and brought up in our customs and call themselves Jews, walk in the holy places, with their hands still warm with the murder of their own countrymen.
|
| 184
εἶτά
τις
δέδοικεν
τὸν
ἔξωθεν
πόλεμον
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐν
συγκρίσει
πολλῷ
τῶν
οἰκείων
ἡμῖν
μετριωτέρους;
καὶ
γὰρ
ἄν,
εἰ
ἐτύμους
δεῖ
τοῖς
πράγμασι
τὰς
κλήσεις
ἐφαρμόζειν,
τάχα
ἂν
εὕροι
τις
ῬωμαίουςRomans
μὲν
ἡμῖν
βεβαιωτὰς
τῶν
νόμων,
πολεμίους
δὲ
τοὺς
ἔνδον.
|
184
Does anyone then fear the war from without and those who, by comparison, are much more moderate toward us than our own people? If we must apply the true names to the facts, one might find that the Romans are the upholders of our laws, while the enemies are those within.
|
| 184
Besides, can anyone be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For truly, if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is probable one may hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters of our laws, and those within ourselves the subverters of them.
| 184
After that should we be afraid of a war with a people more measured in judgment than our own?
To put matters plainly, the Romans are likely to turn out to support our laws while some of our own have subverted them.
|
| 185
ἀλλ᾽
ὅτι
μὲν
ἐξώλεις
οἱ
ἐπίβουλοι
τῆς
ἐλευθερίας,
καὶ
πρὸς
ἃ
δεδράκασιν
οὐκ
ἄν
τις
ἐπινοήσειεν
δίκην
ἀξίαν
κατ᾽
αὐτῶν,
οἶμαι
πάντας
ἥκειν
πεπεισμένους
οἴκοθεν
καὶ
πρὸ
τῶν
ἐμῶν
λόγων
παρωξύνθαι
τοῖς
ἔργοις
ἐπ᾽
αὐτούς,
ἃ
πεπόνθατε.
|
185
But I believe you all came here already convinced that these conspirators against liberty are pests, and that no punishment could be devised that is equal to their deeds. I know you were provoked by what you have suffered even before my words.
|
| 185
And now I am persuaded that every one of you here comes satisfied before I speak that these overthrowers of our liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody can so much as devise a punishment that they have not deserved by what they have done, and that you are all provoked against them by those their wicked actions, whence you have suffered so greatly.
| 185
I feel sure that everyone here already knows that these destroyers of our freedom should be killed and that there is hardly a penalty they have not deserved for what they have done and that all of you are angry with their actions, which have caused you such suffering.
|
| 186
καταπλήσσονται
δ᾽
ἴσως
οἱ
πολλοὶ
τό
τε
πλῆθος
αὐτῶν
καὶ
τὴν
τόλμαν,
ἔτι
δὲ
καὶ
τὴν
ἐκ
τοῦ
τόπου
πλεονεξίαν.
|
186
Perhaps many of you are terrified by their number, their daring, and the advantage they have in their position.
|
| 186
But perhaps many of you are affrighted at the multitude of those zealots, and at their audaciousness, as well as at the advantage they have over us in their being higher in place than we are;
| 186
But perhaps some of you fear their number and their audacity, plus the advantage of their location.
|
| 187
ταῦτα
δ᾽
ὥσπερ
συνέστη
διὰ
τὴν
ὑμετέραν
ἀμέλειαν,
καὶ
νῦν
αὐξηθήσεται
πλέον
ὑπερθεμένων·
καὶ
γὰρ
τὸ
πλῆθος
αὐτοῖς
ἐπιτρέφεται
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
παντὸς
πονηροῦ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ὁμοίους
αὐτομολοῦντος,
|
187
But these things arose through your negligence and will now grow even more if you delay. Their number increases daily as every scoundrel deserts to his own kind.
|
| 187
for these circumstances, as they have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they become still greater by being still longer neglected; for their multitude is every day augmented, by every ill man’s running away to those that are like to themselves,
| 187
These factors, caused by your neglect, will grow greater still, if further ignored.
Their numbers are growing every day, for every rascal takes refuge with those like himself.
|
| 188
καὶ
τὴν
τόλμαν
ἐξάπτει
μέχρι
νῦν
μηδὲν
ἐμπόδιον,
τῷ
τε
τόπῳ
καθύπερθεν
ὄντες
χρήσαιντο
καὶ
μετὰ
παρασκευῆς,
ἂν
ἡμεῖς
χρόνον
δῶμεν.
|
188
Their daring is fueled because they have met no obstacle so far; and they will use their position on the heights and make preparations if we give them time.
|
| 188
and their audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for their higher place, they will make use of it for engines also, if we give them time to do so;
| 188
Their audacity grows as they meet with no obstacle to their plans, and they will avail of their higher location for war-machines too, if we give them time to do so.
|
| 189
πιστεύσατε
δὲ
ὡς,
ἐὰν
προσβαίνωμεν
ἐπ᾽
αὐτούς,
ἔσονται
τῇ
συνειδήσει
ταπεινότεροι,
καὶ
τὸ
πλεονέκτημα
τοῦ
ὕψους
ὁ
λογισμὸς
ἀπολεῖ.
|
189
Believe me, if we march against them, their consciences will make them lowly, and the advantage of height will be lost to their reason.
|
| 189
but be assured of this, that if we go up to fight them, they will be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they have in the height of their situation they will lose by the opposition of their reason;
| 189
But be assured that if we go up against them, their own consciences will humble them and the benefit of their situation will be offset by the conflict in their mind.
|
| 190
τάχα
τὸ
θεῖον
ὑβρισμένον
ἀναστρέψει
κατ᾽
αὐτῶν
τὰ
βαλλόμενα,
καὶ
τοῖς
σφετέροις
διαφθαρήσονται
βέλεσιν
οἱ
δυσσεβεῖς.
μόνον
ὀφθῶμεν
αὐτοῖς,
καὶ
καταλέλυνται.
|
190
Perhaps the Deity, being insulted, will turn their own missiles back upon them, and the impious will be destroyed by their own weapons. Let us only show ourselves to them, and they are finished.
|
| 190
perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them, will make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these impious wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our appearance before them, and they will come to nothing.
| 190
Perhaps too, the divinity they have insulted will make what they throw at us return on themselves and these blasphemers will be killed by their own spears.
Let us just make an appearance and they will come to nothing.
|
| 191
καλὸν
δέ,
κἂν
προσῇ
τις
κίνδυνος,
ἀποθνήσκειν
πρὸς
τοῖς
ἱεροῖς
πυλῶσι
καὶ
τὴν
ψυχὴν
εἰ
καὶ
μὴ
πρὸ
παίδων
ἢ
γυναικῶν,
ἀλλ᾽
ὑπὲρ
τοῦ
θεοῦ
καὶ
τῶν
ἁγίων
προέσθαι.
|
191
Even if there is danger, it is a noble thing to die at the gates of the Temple and to surrender one’s soul—if not for children or wives, then for God and the Sanctuary.
|
| 191
However, it is a right thing, if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before these holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of our children and wives, yet for God’s sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary.
| 191
At any rate, if there is danger in the attempt, it is good to die before these holy gates and to give our lives, if not for the sake of our children and wives, at least for the sake of God and his sanctuary.
|
| 192
προστήσομαι
δ᾽
ἐγὼ
γνώμῃ
τε
καὶ
χειρί,
καὶ
οὔτε
ἐπίνοιά
τις
ὑμῖν
λείψει
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
ἐξ
ἡμῶν
οὔτε
τοῦ
σώματος
ὄψεσθε
φειδόμενον. "
|
192
I will lead you with both my counsel and my hand; you will lack no plan for safety from us, nor will you see me sparing my own body.”
|
| 192
I will assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you see that I will be sparing of my body neither.”
| 192
I will help you with advice and deed, and no insight of ours will be withheld from you, and you will see that I will not fear to risk even my own physical safety."
|
| 193
Τούτοις
ὁ
ἌνανοςAnanus
παρακροτεῖ
τὸ
πλῆθος
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ζηλωτάς,
οὐκ
ἀγνοῶν
μὲν
ὡς
εἶεν
ἤδη
δυσκατάλυτοι
πλήθει
τε
καὶ
νεότητι
καὶ
παραστήματι
ψυχῆς,
τὸ
πλέον
δὲ
συνειδήσει
τῶν
εἰργασμένων·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἐνδώσειν
αὐτοὺς
εἰς
ἐσχάτην
συγγνώμην
ἐφ᾽
οἷς
ἔδρασαν
ἐλπίσαντας·
|
193
With these words, Ananus stirred the multitude against the Zealots. He was not unaware that they would be difficult to overcome due to their numbers, their youth, and their spirited determination, but most of all because of their consciousness of their own crimes; for they did not hope for any final pardon for what they had done.
|
| 193
By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them, because of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their souls; but chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done, since they would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the last for those their enormities.
| 193
Ananus incited the people against the Zealots in this way, though he knew how difficult it would be to scatter them, with their numbers and their youth and their spirit of courage, but mainly because of what they had already done, since they would not yield, having no hope of eventual pardon for their crimes.
|
| 194
ὅμως
δὲ
πᾶν
ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything
παθεῖν
προῃρεῖτο
μᾶλλον
ἢ
περιιδεῖν
ἐν
τοιαύτῃ
τὰ
πράγματα
συγχύσει.
|
194
Nevertheless, he preferred to suffer anything rather than allow affairs to remain in such confusion.
|
| 194
However, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever sufferings might come upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were in such great confusion.
| 194
But he was resolved to suffer whatever might come to him, rather than neglect matters, now that they were in such turmoil.
|
| 195
τὸ
δὲ
πλῆθος
ἄγειν
αὐτοὺς
ἐβόα
καθ᾽
ὧν
παρεκάλει,
καὶ
προκινδυνεύειν
ἕκαστος
ἦν
ἑτοιμότατος.
|
195
The multitude cried out for him to lead them against those he had denounced, and every man was most ready to face the danger.
|
| 195
So the multitude cried out to him, to lead them on against those whom he had described in his exhortation to them, and every one of them was most readily disposed to run any hazard whatsoever on that account.
| 195
So the people called on him to lead them up against those about whom he had spoken, each of them ready to be the first into danger.
|
| 196
Ἐν
ὅσῳas great as
δὲ
ὁ
ἌνανοςAnanus
κατέλεγέ
τε
καὶ
συνέτασσε
τοὺς
ἐπιτηδείους
πρὸς
μάχην,
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
πυνθανόμενοι
τὴν
ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack,
παρῆσαν
γὰρ
οἱ
ἀγγέλλοντες
αὐτοῖς
πάντα
τὰ
παρὰ
τοῦ
δήμου,
παροξύνονται
κἀκ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
προπηδῶντες
ἀθρόοι
τε
καὶ
κατὰ
λόχους
οὐδενὸς
ἐφείδοντο
τῶν
προστυγχανόντων.
|
196
While Ananus was enlisting and organizing those fit for battle, the Zealots learned of the attempt—for messengers reported everything to them from the people’s side. They were provoked to fury and, leaping out of the Temple in a mass and in separate companies, they spared no one they encountered.
|
| 196
Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the zealots got information of his undertaking (for there were some who went to them, and told them all that the people were doing) and were irritated at it, and leaping out of the temple in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom they met with.
| 196
While Ananus was choosing and putting his chosen men into battle order, the Zealots got wind of it, for some went and told them all that the people were doing.
Angry with hearing it, they rushed in droves from the temple and spared none whom they met.
|
| 197
ἀθροίζεται
δὲ
ὑπ᾽
ἈνάνουAnanus
ταχέως
τὸ
δημοτικόν,
πλήθει
μὲν
ὑπερέχον,
ὅπλοις
δὲ
καὶ
τῷ
μὴ
συγκεκροτῆσθαι
λειπόμενον
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν.
|
197
The people’s force was quickly assembled by Ananus; they were superior in numbers but inferior to the Zealots in weaponry and military training.
|
| 197
Upon this Ananus got the populace together on the sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because they had not been regularly put into array for fighting;
| 197
Ananus quickly rallied his citizens but though they outnumbered the Zealots, they had fewer weapons, and were untrained for war.
|
| 198
τὸ
πρόθυμον
δὲ
παρ᾽
ἑκατέροις
ἀνεπλήρου
τὰ
λείποντα,
τῶν
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀνειληφότων
ὀργὴν
ἰσχυροτέραν
τῶν
ὅπλων,
τῶν
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
τόλμαν
παντὸς
πλήθους
ὑπερέχουσαν·
|
198
The enthusiasm on both sides made up for what was lacking: the citizens brought a rage stronger than weapons, while those from the Temple possessed a daring that surpassed any numerical advantage.
|
| 198
but the alacrity that everybody showed supplied all their defects on both sides, the citizens taking up so great a passion as was stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of courage from the temple more forcible than any multitude whatsoever;
| 198
Zeal supplied for what was lacking on both sides.
The citizens were driven by a passion stronger than weapons and from the temple drew a courage more forcible than numbers.
|
| 199
καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ἀοίκητον
ὑπολαμβάνοντες
αὑτοῖς
τὴν
πόλιν
εἰ
μὴ
τοὺς
λῃστὰς
ἐκκόψειαν
αὐτῆς,
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
δὲ
εἰ
μὴ
κρατοῖεν
οὐκ
ἔστιν
ἧστινος
ὑστερήσειν
τιμωρίας,
|
199
The citizens believed the city would be uninhabitable for them unless they cut out these bandits; the Zealots believed that unless they conquered, there was no form of punishment they would escape.
|
| 199
and indeed these citizens thought it was not possible for them to dwell in the city, unless they could cut off the robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so bad but it would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted by their passions;
| 199
They thought it impossible to live in the city unless the brigands were got rid of, while the Zealots thought that unless they prevailed, the most fearful punishments would be inflicted on them.
|
| 200
συνερρήγνυντο
στρατηγούμενοι
τοῖς
πάθεσι,
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
πρὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
λίθοις
βάλλοντες
ἀλλήλους
καὶ
πόρρωθεν
διακοντιζόμενοι,
κατὰ
δὲ
τὰς
τροπὰς
οἱ
κρατοῦντες
ἐχρῶντο
τοῖς
ξίφεσι·
καὶ
πολὺς
ἦν
ἑκατέρων
φόνος,
τραυματίαι
τε
ἐγίνοντο
συχνοί.
|
200
Driven by their passions, they collided. At first, they threw stones at one another throughout the city and in front of the Temple and hurled javelins from a distance; but when one side turned, the victors used their swords. There was much slaughter on both sides and many were wounded.
|
| 200
and at the first they only cast stones at each other in the city, and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a distance; but when either of them were too hard for the other, they made use of their swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number were wounded.
| 200
So there was a heated conflict, beginning with throwing stones at each other in the city and outside the temple; then they threw their javelins from a distance, but when this was decisive for neither side, they drew their swords, and there was slaughter on both sides and many were wounded.
|
| 201
καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
δήμου
διεκόμιζον
εἰς
τὰς
οἰκίας
οἱ
προσήκοντες,
ὁ
δὲ
βληθεὶς
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
εἰς
τὸ
ἱερὸν
ἀνῄει
καθαιμάσσων
τὸ
θεῖον
ἔδαφος·
καὶ
μόνον
ἄν
τις
εἴποι
τὸ
ἐκείνων
αἷμα
μιᾶναι
τὰ
ἅγια.
|
201
The wounded of the people’s party were carried to their houses by their relatives, but any Zealot who was hit retreated into the Temple, staining the sacred floor with blood; one might say that their blood alone defiled the Sanctuary.
|
| 201
As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations carried them out to their own houses; but when any of the zealots were wounded, he went up into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor with his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone that polluted our sanctuary.
| 201
If any of the citizens was killed, their relatives brought the bodies home, but when a Zealot was wounded, he went back to the temple and defiled that sacred floor with his blood; so one may say it was their blood alone, which polluted our sanctuary.
|
| 202
κατὰ
μὲν
οὖν
τὰς
συμβολὰς
ἐκτρέχοντες
ἀεὶ
περιῆσαν
οἱ
λῃστρικοί,
τεθυμωμένοι
δὲ
οἱ
δημοτικοὶ
καὶ
πλείους
ἀεὶ
γινόμενοι,
κακίζοντες
τοὺς
ἐνδιδόντας
καὶ
μὴ
διδόντες
τοῖς
τρεπομένοις
ἀναχώρησινa retreat; to go back
οἱ
κατόπιν
βιαζόμενοι,
πᾶν
μὲν
ἐπιστρέφουσι
τὸ
σφέτερον
εἰς
τοὺς
ὑπεναντίους·
|
202
In these skirmishes, the bandit faction always prevailed in their sallies. However, the citizens grew enraged and increased in number; those in the rear, forcing their way forward, would not allow those in front to retreat and rebuked those who gave way. Thus, they turned their entire mass against their opponents.
|
| 202
Now in these conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the temple, and were too hard for their enemies; but the populace grew very angry, and became more and more numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and those behind would not afford room to those that were going off, but forced them on again, till at length they made their whole body to turn against their adversaries,
| 202
In these conflicts the brigands kept sallying out from the temple, while the enraged citizens, now grown more numerous, chided those who gave way and those behind would not give room to those who were in flight, but forced them on again, until finally they turned their whole force against their opponents.
|
| 203
κἀκείνων
μηκέτ᾽
ἀντεχόντων
τῇ
βίᾳ,
κατὰ
μικρὸν
δ᾽
ἀναχωρούντων
εἰς
τὸ
ἱερὸν
συνεισπίπτουσιν
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus.
|
203
The Zealots could no longer withstand the pressure; as they retreated little by little into the Temple, Ananus and his followers burst in with them.
|
| 203
and the robbers could no longer oppose them, but were forced gradually to retire into the temple; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the same time together with them.
| 203
Now the brigands could no longer stand up to the pressure, but were gradually forced back into the temple, with Ananus and his party rushing in with them.
|
| 205
τῷ
δ᾽
ἈνάνῳAnanus
προσβαλεῖν
μὲν
οὐκ
ἐδόκει
τοῖς
ἱεροῖς
πυλῶσιν
ἄλλως
τε
κἀκείνων
βαλλόντων
ἄνωθεν,
ἀθέμιτον
δ᾽
ἡγεῖτο,
κἂν
κρατήσῃ,
μὴ
προηγνευκὸς
εἰσαγαγεῖν
τὸ
πλῆθος·
|
205
Ananus did not think it right to assault the sacred gates, especially since the enemy was hurlng missiles from above; he also considered it a violation of the Law to introduce the multitude into the inner court before they had been purified, even if he were victorious.
|
| 205
Now Ananus did not think fit to make any attack against the holy gates, although the other threw their stones and darts at them from above. He also deemed it unlawful to introduce the multitude into that court before they were purified;
| 205
Ananus did not want to attack the holy gates, although the others threw stones and spears at them from above.
He also deemed it unlawful to bring in the unpurified throng,
|
| 206
διακληρώσας
δ᾽
ἐκ
πάντων
εἰς
ἑξακισχιλίους
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
καθίστησιν
ἐπὶ
ταῖς
στοαῖς
φρουρούς·
|
206
He chose by lot six thousand armed men from the whole number and stationed them as guards in the porticoes (colonnades).
|
| 206
he therefore chose out of them all by lot six thousand armed men, and placed them as guards in the cloisters;
| 206
so six thousand warriors were chosen by lot from them all, and posted to guard the porticoes.
|
| 207
διεδέχοντο
δὲ
ἄλλοι
τούτους,
καὶ
παντὶ
μὲν
ἀνάγκη
παρεῖναι
πρὸς
τὴν
φυλακὴν
ἐκ
περιόδου,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
τῶν
ἐν
ἀξιώμασινsomthing worthy
ἐφεθέντες
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἄρχειν
δοκούντων
μισθούμενοι
πενιχροτέρους
ἀνθ᾽
ἑαυτῶν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
φρουρὰν
ἔπεμπον.
|
207
These were relieved by others in turn, and everyone was required to take part in the watch by rotation. However, many of the prominent men, being permitted by those in charge, hired poorer men to stand guard in their place.
|
| 207
so there was a succession of such guards one after another, and every one was forced to attend in his course; although many of the chief of the city were dismissed by those that then took on them the government, upon their hiring some of the poorer sort, and sending them to keep the guard in their stead.
| 207
These were to act as sentries in rotation, and every one had to take guard duty in his turn; but the officers allowed many persons of rank to pay some of the poorer folk to stand watch in their place.
|
| 208
Γίνεται
δὲ
τούτοις
πᾶσιν
ὀλέθρου
παραίτιος
ἸωάννηςJohn,
ὃν
ἔφαμεν
ἀπὸ
ΓισχάλωνGischala
διαδρᾶναι,
δολιώτατος
ἀνὴρ
καὶ
δεινὸν
ἔρωταto ask
τυραννίδος
ἐν
τῇ
ψυχῇ
περιφέρων,
ὃς
πόρρωθεν
ἐπεβούλευε
τοῖς
πράγμασιν.
|
208
The man partially responsible for the destruction of all these people was John, whom we mentioned had escaped from Gischala. He was a most crafty man with a terrible lust for tyranny in his soul, and he had long been plotting against the state.
|
| 208
Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and was the occasion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft, and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a distance was the adviser in these actions;
| 208
John who, as we said, fled from Gischala, caused all these to be killed.
He was a man of great craft, with a great lust for tyranny, who for a long time had conspired to take charge of things.
|
| 209
καὶ
δὴ
τότε
τὰ
τοῦ
δήμου
φρονεῖν
ὑποκρινόμενος
συμπεριῄει
μὲν
τῷ
ἈνάνῳAnanus
βουλευομένῳ
σὺν
τοῖς
δυνατοῖς
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
καὶ
νύκτωρ
ἐπιόντι
τὰς
φυλακάς,
διήγγελλε
δὲ
τὰ
ἀπόρρητα
τοῖς
ζηλωταῖς,
καὶ
πᾶν
σκέμμα
τοῦ
δήμου
πρὶν
καλῶς
βουλευθῆναι
παρὰ
τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς
ἐγινώσκετο
δι᾽
αὐτοῦ.
|
209
At that time, pretending to share the people’s views, he accompanied Ananus when he consulted with the powerful men by day and when he visited the guards by night. But he betrayed their secrets to the Zealots; every plan of the people was known to the enemy through him before it could be properly resolved.
|
| 209
and indeed at this time he pretended to be of the people’s opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he consulted the great men every day, and in the nighttime also when he went round the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the zealots, and everything that the people deliberated about was by his means known to their enemies, even before it had been well agreed upon by themselves.
| 209
At this time he claimed to share the people's view and went around every day with Ananus when he consulted the officers and in the night-time when he went around the sentries.
But he told their secrets to the Zealots and every plan of the citizens was known to the enemy, even before it was decided.
|
| 211
ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw
δ᾽
εἰς
τοὐναντίον
αὐτῷ
τὸ
φιλότιμον·
διὰ
γὰρ
τὰς
ἀλόγους
κολακείας
μᾶλλον
ὑπωπτεύετο,
καὶ
τὸ
πανταχοῦ
παρεῖναι
μὴ
καλούμενον
ἔμφασιν
προδοσίας
τῶν
ἀπορρήτωνforbidden
παρεῖχε.
|
211
But his very ambition worked against him; because of his irrational flattery, he was suspected all the more, and his constant presence everywhere without being invited gave the impression that he was betraying secrets.
|
| 211
yet did this overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly, that he was but the more suspected; and his constant attendance everywhere, even when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected of betraying their secrets to the enemy;
| 211
However this turned against him, for his unbounded flattery aroused their suspicion, and his constant uninvited presence everywhere made him strongly suspect of being a traitor.
|
| 213
ἀποσκευάσασθαι
μὲν
οὖν
αὐτὸν
οὐκ
ἦν
ῥᾴδιον
ὄντα
δυνατὸν
ἐκ
πονηρίας
καὶ
ἄλλως
οὐ
τῶν
ἀσήμωνunmarked
ὑπεζωσμένον
τε
πολλοὺς
τῶν
συνεδρευόντων
τοῖς
ὅπλοις,
ἐδόκει
δὲ
αὐτὸν
ὅρκοις
πιστώσασθαι
πρὸς
εὔνοιαν.
|
213
Yet it was not easy to get rid of him, for he was powerful due to his wickedness and was backed by many of the armed men in the council. Therefore, they decided to bind him to loyalty with oaths.
|
| 213
yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was he grown by his wicked practices. He was also supported by many of those eminent men, who were to be consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable to oblige him to give them assurance of his goodwill upon oath;
| 213
It was not easy to be rid of a man who had grown so powerful by his wickedness, as he had the support of many of the general assembly, so they obliged him to assure them on oath of his goodwill.
|
| 214
ὤμνυε
δ᾽
ὁ
ἸωάννηςJohn
ἑτοίμως
εὐνοήσειν
τε
τῷ
δήμῳ
καὶ
μήτε
βουλήν
τινα
μήτε
πρᾶξιν
προδώσειν
τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς,
συγκαταλύσειν
δὲ
τοὺς
ἐπιτιθεμένους
καὶ
χειρὶ
καὶ
γνώμῃ.
|
214
John readily swore that he would be loyal to the people, that he would not betray any counsel or action to the enemy, and that he would help suppress the attackers with both his hand and his advice.
|
| 214
accordingly John took such an oath readily, that he would be on the people’s side, and would not betray any of their counsels or practices to their enemies, and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them, and that both by his hand and his advice.
| 214
John willingly took this oath that he was on the people's side and would not betray any of their plans or actions, but would help both in act and by advice, against the enemy.
|
| 215
οἱ
δὲ
περὶ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
πιστεύσαντες
τοῖς
ὅρκοις
ἤδη
χωρὶς
ὑπονοίας
εἰς
τὰς
συμβουλίας
αὐτὸν
παρελάμβανον,
καὶ
δὴ
καὶ
πρεσβευτὴν
εἰσπέμπουσι
πρὸς
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
περὶ
διαλύσεων·
ἦν
γὰρ
αὐτοῖς
σπουδὴ
τὸ
παρ᾽
αὐτοῖς
μὴ
μιᾶναι
τὸ
ἱερὸν
μηδέ
τινα
τῶν
ὁμοφύλωνof the same race
ἐν
αὐτῷ
πεσεῖν.
|
215
Ananus and his followers, trusting these oaths, admitted him to their deliberations without further suspicion. Indeed, they even sent him as an envoy to the Zealots to discuss a peace treaty, for they were anxious not to defile the Temple or have any of their countrymen fall within it.
|
| 215
So Ananus and his party believed his oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without further suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of accommodation; for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much as they possibly could, and that no one of their nation should be slain therein.
| 215
The Ananus party believed his oath and welcomed him at their meetings without further suspicion, even to the extent of sending him as their envoy to the Zealots in the temple, with proposals for a truce.
They wanted as much as possible to avoid polluting the temple and that none of their nation should be killed within it.
|
| 216
Ὁ
δ᾽
ὥσπερ
τοῖς
ζηλωταῖς
ὑπὲρ
εὐνοίας
ὀμόσας
καὶ
οὐ
κατ᾽
αὐτῶν,
παρελθὼν
εἴσω
καὶ
καταστὰς
εἰς
μέσους
πολλάκις
μὲν
ἔφη
κινδυνεῦσαι
δι᾽
αὐτούς,
ἵνα
μηδὲν
ἀγνοήσωσι
τῶν
ἀπορρήτωνforbidden,
ὅσα
κατ᾽
αὐτῶν
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
ἐβουλεύσαντο·
|
216
But John, as if he had sworn his oaths for the Zealots and not against them, went inside. Standing in their midst, he claimed he had often risked his life for them so they would not be ignorant of any secret plans Ananus and his party made against them.
|
| 216
But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots, and for confirmation of his goodwill to them, and not against them, went into the temple, and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows: That he had run many hazards on their account, and in order to let them know of everything that was secretly contrived against them by Ananus and his party;
| 216
But as if his allegiance was sworn to the Zealots and not against them, he went into the temple and stood up and declared that he had taken many risks for them, to let them know all that was secretly planned against them by Ananus and his party;
|
| 217
νῦν
δὲ
τὸν
μέγιστον
ἀναρριπτεῖν
κίνδυνον
σὺν
πᾶσιν
αὐτοῖς,
εἰ
μή
τις
προσγένοιτο
βοήθεια
δαιμόνιος.
|
217
He told them they were now facing the greatest danger, and so were they all, unless some divine help arrived.
|
| 217
but that both he and they should be cast into the most imminent danger, unless some providential assistance were afforded them;
| 217
but now both he and they were in grave danger, unless they were helped by some supernatural force.
|
| 218
οὐ
γὰρ
ἔτι
μέλλειν
ἌνανονAnanus,
ἀλλὰ
πείσαντα
μὲν
τὸν
δῆμον
πεπομφέναι
πρέσβεις
πρὸς
ΟὐεσπασιανόνVespasian,
ἵν᾽
ἐλθὼν
κατὰ
τάχος
παραλάβῃ
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἁγνείαν
δὲ
παρηγγελκέναι
κατ᾽
αὐτῶν
εἰς
τὴν
ἑξῆς
ἡμέραν,
ἵν᾽
ἢ
κατὰ
θρησκείαν
εἰσελθόντες
ἢ
καὶ
βιασάμενοι
συμμίξωσιν
αὐτοῖς.
|
218
For he said Ananus was no longer delaying; he had persuaded the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian (Titus Flavius Vespasianus) to come and take the city immediately. Furthermore, he claimed Ananus had ordered a “purification” for the next day so the people could enter under the guise of worship or by force to attack them.
|
| 218
for that Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and take the city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there;
| 218
"Ananus has waited no longer but has persuaded the people to send envoys to Vespasian, inviting him to come soon and take the city.
He has decreed a purification for tomorrow to gain entrance to the temple on a ceremonial pretext, or else they will force their way in and fight you hand to hand.
|
| 219
οὐχ
ὁρᾶν
δὲ
μέχρι
τίνος
ἢ
τὴν
φρουρὰν
οἴσουσιν
ἢ
παρατάξονται
πρὸς
τοσούτους.
προσετίθει
δ᾽
ὡς
αὐτὸς
εἰσπεμφθείη
κατὰ
θεοῦ
πρόνοιαν
ὡς
πρεσβευτὴς
περὶ
διαλύσεων·
τὸν
γὰρ
ἌνανονAnanus
ταύτας
αὐτοῖς
προτείνειν,
ὅπως
ἀνυποπτοτέροις
ἐπέλθῃ.
|
219
He said he did not see how they could endure the siege or face such a multitude. He added that he himself had been sent by “divine providence”[1] as an envoy for a treaty, but that Ananus only offered these terms to attack them when they were off their guard.
|
| 219
that he did not see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many enemies. He added further, that it was by the providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Ananus did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when they were unarmed;
| 219
It is not clear how long you can hold out here, or keep up against so many enemies. " He added that it was by God's providence he had been sent to them to resolve the issue, because Ananus was only making the offer in order to catch them unarmed.
|
[1]While John uses religious language to manipulate the Zealots, Josephus regards John as entirely godless.
| 220
δεῖν
οὖν
ἢ
τῷ
λόγῳ
τοῦ
ζῆν
τοὺς
φρουροῦντας
ἱκετεύειν
ἢ
πορίζεσθαί
τινα
παρὰ
τῶν
ἔξωθεν
ἐπικουρίανsupplication, help·
|
220
He told them they must either beg their guards for their lives or procure some outside assistance.
|
| 220
that they ought to choose one of these two methods: either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves;
| 220
To save their lives they must choose either to ask for mercy from those now penning them in, or find help from elsewhere.
|
| 221
τοὺς
δὲ
θαλπομένους
ἐλπίδι
συγγνώμης
εἰ
κρατηθεῖεν,
ἐπιλελῆσθαι
τῶν
ἰδίων
τολμημάτων
ἢ
νομίζειν
ἅμα
τῷ
μετανοεῖν
τοὺς
δεδρακότας
εὐθέως
ὀφείλειν
διηλλάχθαι
καὶ
τοὺς
παθόντας.
|
221
He said those who were comforted by the hope of pardon if they were conquered had forgotten their own crimes, or thought that as soon as the doers repented, the victims were bound to be reconciled.
|
| 221
that if they fostered themselves with the hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had forgotten what desperate things they had done, or could suppose, that as soon as the actors repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently reconciled to them;
| 221
If they held any hopes of pardon as prisoners, they must have forgotten the atrocities they had committed, or imagined that the moment they repented their actions, those who had suffered from them would be reconciled with them.
|
| 222
ἀλλὰ
τῶν
μὲν
ἀδικησάντων
διὰ
μίσους
πολλάκις
γίνεσθαι
καὶ
τὴν
μεταμέλειαν,
τοῖς
ἀδικηθεῖσι
δὲ
τὰς
ὀργὰς
ἐπ᾽
ἐξουσίας
χαλεπωτέρας·
|
222
On the contrary, he argued, the repentance of wrongdoers often leads to hatred, while the anger of the wronged becomes more severe when they have the power to act.
|
| 222
while those that have done injuries, though they pretend to repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors;
| 222
The repentance of people who have done harm, is often hated all the more by those who have suffered, and once they get the power into their hands, they are very severe on those who caused it.
|
| 223
ἐφεδρεύειν
δέ
γε
ἐκείνοις
φίλους
καὶ
συγγενεῖς
τῶν
ἀπολωλότων
καὶ
δῆμον
τοσοῦτον
ὑπὲρ
καταλύσεως
νόμων
καὶ
δικαστηρίων
τεθυμωμένον,
ὅπου
κἂν
ᾖ
τι
μέρος
τὸ
ἐλεοῦν,
ὑπὸ
πλείονος
ἂν
αὐτὸ
τοῦ
διαγανακτοῦντος
ἀφανισθῆναι.
|
223
He warned them that the friends and relatives of the slain were waiting, and a whole population was enraged over the destruction of their laws and courts; even if some small part felt pity, it would be overwhelmed by the majority who were incited to fury.
|
| 223
that the friends and kindred of those that had been destroyed would always be laying plots against them; and that a large body of people were very angry on account of their gross breaches of their laws, and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch that although some part might commiserate them, those would be quite overborne by the majority.
| 223
The friends and relatives of the people they had killed would always be plotting against them, and many were furious about their destruction of the laws and tribunals, so that even if some pitied them, they would be shouted down by the majority.
|
Chapter 4
Idumaeans come to help the Zealots,
besieged within Jerusalem.
| 224
Τοιαῦτα
μὲν
ἐποίκιλλεν
ἀθρόως
δεδισσόμενος,
καὶ
τὴν
ἔξωθεν
βοήθειαν
ἀναφανδὸνvisibly, openly
μὲν
οὐκ
ἐθάρρει
λέγειν,
ᾐνίσσετο
δὲ
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans·
ἵνα
δὲ
καὶ
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
ἰδίᾳ
παροξύνῃ,
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
εἴς
τε
ὠμότητα
διέβαλλε
καὶ
ἀπειλεῖν
ἐκείνοις
ἐξαιρέτως
ἔλεγεν.
|
224
John embroidered his speech with such terrors to alarm the Zealots. While he did not dare mention outside help openly, he hinted at the Idumaeans. To incite the Zealot leaders specifically, he slandered Ananus for cruelty and claimed he particularly threatened them.
|
| 224
Now, by this crafty speech, John made the zealots afraid; yet durst he not directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert way only intimated at the Idumeans. But now, that he might particularly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that he was about a piece of barbarity, and did in a special manner threaten them.
| 224
By this crafty speech, John made them afraid, without daring to name directly what outside help he meant, but covertly hinting at the Idumaeans.
To particularly irritate the officers of the Zealots, he claimed that Ananus was about a piece of savagery which in a special way threatened them.
|
| 225
ἦσαν
δὲ
ἘλεάζαροςEleazar
μὲν
υἱὸς
Γίωνος,
ὃς
δὴ
καὶ
πιθανώτατος
ἐδόκει
τῶν
ἐν
αὐτοῖς
νοῆσαί
τε
τὰ
δέοντα
καὶ
τὰ
νοηθέντα
πρᾶξαι,
ΖαχαρίαςZachariah
δέ
τις
υἱὸς
Ἀμφικάλλει,
γένος
ἐκ
τῶν
ἱερέων
ἑκάτερος.
|
225
The leaders of the Zealots were Eleazar, the son of Gion—who seemed the most capable among them at both conceiving necessary plans and executing them—and a certain Zechariah, the son of Amphicalle. Both were of priestly descent.
|
| 225
These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most plausible man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done, and in the execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacharias, the son of Phalek; both of whom derived their families from the priests.
| 225
These officers were Eleazar, son of Simon, who of them all made the most plausible impression, both in planning what should be done and carrying the decisions into effect, and Zacharias, son of Amphicalleus, both of them of priestly stock.
|
| 226
οὗτοι
πρὸς
ταῖς
κοιναῖς
τὰς
ἰδίας
καθ᾽
ἑαυτῶν
ἀπειλὰς
ἀκούσαντες,
ἔτι
δ᾽
ὡς
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
δυναστείαν
αὑτοῖς
περιποιούμενοι
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐπικαλοῖντο,
καὶ
γὰρ
τοῦτο
ἸωάννηςJohn
προσεψεύσατο,
μέχρι
πολλοῦ
μὲν
ἠποροῦντο,
τί
χρὴ
πράττειν
εἰς
ὀξὺν
οὕτως
καιρὸν
συνεωσμένους·
|
226
When these men heard the specific threats against them, and the lie that Ananus and his party were inviting the Romans to seize power—for this was John’s additional falsehood—they were for a long time at a loss as to what to do in such a pressing crisis.
|
| 226
Now, when these two men had heard, not only the common threatenings which belonged to them all, but those peculiarly leveled against themselves; and besides, how Ananus and his party, in order to secure their own dominion, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John’s lie; they hesitated a great while what they should do, considering the shortness of the time by which they were straitened;
| 226
These two heard about not only the general threats affecting them all, but also the particular charges against themselves, and how Ananus and his party, in order to secure their own power, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John's lie.
For a long time they hesitated about what to do, considering the shortness of the time available to them,
|
| 227
παρεσκευάσθαι
μὲν
γὰρ
τὸν
δῆμον
ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try
αὐτοῖς
οὐκ
εἰς
μακράν,
αὐτῶν
δὲ
τὸ
σύντομον
τῆς
ἐπιβουλῆς
ὑποτετμῆσθαι
τὰς
ἔξωθεν
ἐπικουρίας·
πάντα
γὰρ
ἂν
φθῆναι
παθεῖν
πρὶν
καὶ
πυθέσθαι
τινὰ
τῶν
συμμάχων.
|
227
For they knew the people were prepared to attack them soon, and the suddenness of the plot cut off their hopes for outside help; they feared they would suffer everything before their allies even learned of the danger.
|
| 227
because the people were prepared to attack them very soon, and because the suddenness of the plot laid against them had almost cut off all their hopes of getting any foreign assistance; for they might be under the height of their afflictions before any of their confederates could be informed of it.
| 227
for the people were ready to attack them.
The sudden plot against them had almost entirely precluded them from getting any help from outside, and they might be overwhelmed before any of their allies heard of it.
|
| 228
ἔδοξε
δ᾽
ὅμως
ἐπικαλεῖσθαι
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans,
καὶ
γράψαντες
ἐπιστολὴν
σύντομον,
ὡς
ἌνανοςAnanus
μὲν
προδιδοίη
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τὴν
μητρόπολιν
ἐξαπατήσας
τὸν
δῆμον,
αὐτοὶ
δ᾽
ὑπὲρ
τῆς
ἐλευθερίας
ἀποστάντες
ἐν
τῷ
ἱερῷ
φρουροῖντο,
|
228
Nevertheless, it was decided to summon the Idumaeans. They wrote a brief letter stating that Ananus had deceived the people and was betraying the capital to the Romans, while they themselves, having revolted for the sake of liberty, were being besieged in the Temple.
|
| 228
However, it was resolved to call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short letter to this effect: That Ananus had imposed on the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans; that they themselves had revolted from the rest, and were in custody in the temple, on account of the preservation of their liberty;
| 228
So they decided to call in the Idumaeans, and wrote them this short letter:
1) That Ananus had imposed on the people and was betraying their city to the Romans;
2) that they themselves had rebelled from the rest and were now trapped in the temple, for standing up for liberty;
|
| 229
ὀλίγος
δ᾽
ἔτι
χρόνος
αὐτοῖς
βραβεύοι
τὴν
σωτηρίαν,
εἰ
δὲ
μὴ
βοηθήσουσιν
ἐκεῖνοι
κατὰ
τάχος,
αὐτοὶ
μὲν
ὑπ᾽
ἈνάνῳAnanus
τε
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς,
ἡ
πόλις
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
φθάσει
γενομένη.
τὰ
δὲ
πολλὰ
τοῖς
ἀγγέλοις
ἐνετέλλοντο
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἄρχοντας
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
διαλέγεσθαι.
|
229
They said only a short time remained for their safety; if the Idumaeans did not help immediately, the Zealots would fall to Ananus and their enemies, and the city would fall to the Romans. They gave the messengers many further instructions to deliver to the Idumaean chiefs.
|
| 229
that there was but a small time left wherein they might hope for their deliverance; and that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should themselves be soon in the power of Ananus, and the city would be in the power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more circumstances to the rulers of the Idumeans.
| 229
) that there was little time left if they were to be saved;
4) and that unless they immediately came to their rescue, they would soon be in the power of Ananus and the city be in the power of the Romans.
They also instructed the messengers to tell the Idumaean officers many more details.
|
| 230
προεβλήθησαν
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἀγγελίαν
δύο
τῶν
δραστηρίων
ἀνδρῶν
εἰπεῖν
τε
ἱκανοὶ
καὶ
πεῖσαι
περὶ
πραγμάτων,
τὸ
δὲ
τούτων
χρησιμώτερον,
ὠκύτητι
ποδῶν
διαφέροντες·
|
230
Two active men, capable in speech and persuasion, were chosen as messengers. More importantly, they were remarkably fast of foot.
|
| 230
Now, there were two active men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift of foot;
| 230
Two active men were proposed to bring this message, good speakers who could persuade them of the reality of the situation, and even more essentially, who were very swift of foot.
|
| 231
τοὺς
μὲν
γὰρ
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans
αὐτόθεν
ᾔδεισαν
πεισθησομένους,
ἅτε
θορυβῶδες
καὶ
ἄτακτον
ἔθνος
αἰεί
τε
μετέωρον
πρὸς
τὰ
κινήματα
καὶ
μεταβολαῖς
χαῖρον,
πρὸς
ὀλίγην
τε
κολακείαν
τῶν
δεομένων
τὰ
ὅπλα
κινοῦν
καὶ
καθάπερ
εἰς
ἑορτὴν
εἰς
τὰς
παρατάξεις
ἐπειγόμενον.
|
231
They knew the Idumaeans would be easily persuaded, as they are a turbulent and disorderly nation, always poised for movement and delighting in change. Upon the slight flattery of those in need, they take up arms and hurry to battles as if to a festival.
|
| 231
for they knew well enough that these would immediately comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch upon every motion, and delighting in mutations; and upon your flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if it were to a feast.
| 231
They knew well enough that the Idumaeans would do their bidding without delay, being a rebellious and quarrelsome nation delighting in revolt and alert to every upheaval, and if you flatter them a little and then ask them, they quickly take up arms and hurry to battle as if to a feast.
|
| 232
ἔδει
δὲ
τάχους
εἰς
τὴν
ἀγγελίαν·
εἰς
ὃ
μηδὲν
ἐλλείποντες
προθυμίας
οἱ
πεμφθέντες,
ἐκαλεῖτο
δ᾽
αὐτῶν
ἈνανίαςAnanias
ἑκάτερος,
καὶ
δὴ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἄρχοντας
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
παρῆσαν.
|
232
Speed was essential for the message. The messengers, both named Ananias, lacked no zeal and soon arrived before the Idumaean chiefs.
|
| 232
There was indeed occasion for quick dispatch in the carrying of this message, in which point the messengers were no way defective. Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came to the rulers of the Idumeans.
| 232
This message needed to be delivered quickly, and the messengers (both called Ananias) did not fail in this, for they soon reached the Idumaean officers.
|
| 233
Οἱ
δὲ
πρὸς
τὴν
ἐπιστολὴν
καὶ
τὰ
ῥηθέντα
παρὰ
τῶν
ἀφιγμένων
ἐκπλαγέντες,
ὥσπερ
ἐμμανεῖς
περιέθεόν
τε
τὸ
ἔθνος
καὶ
διεκήρυσσον
τὴν
στρατείαν.
|
233
Stunned by the letter and the reports, the chiefs ran through the nation like madmen, proclaiming a campaign.
|
| 233
Now, these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war;
| 233
These were amazed at the contents of the letter and at what its bearers further told them; therefore they ran around the nation like madmen and proclaimed that the people should mobilize for war.
|
| 234
ἤθροιστο
δ᾽
ἡ
πληθὺς
τάχιον
τοῦ
παραγγέλματος,
καὶ
πάντες
ὡς
ἐπ᾽
ἐλευθερίᾳ
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
ἥρπαζον
τὰ
ὅπλα.
|
234
The multitude assembled even faster than the order required; everyone seized arms as if for the “liberation” of the capital.
|
| 234
so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and everybody caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis;
| 234
A crowd quickly gathered, even sooner than was proclaimed, and everyone took up arms to fight for the freedom of their capital.
|
| 235
συνταχθέντες
δὲ
εἰς
δύο
μυριάδας
παραγίνονται
πρὸς
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem,
χρώμενοι
τέσσαρσιν
ἡγεμόσιν
ἸωάννῃJohn
τε
καὶ
ἸακώβῳJacob, James
παιδὶ
Σωσᾶ,
πρὸς
δὲ
τούτοις
ἦν
ΣίμωνSimon
υἱὸς
Θακήου
καὶ
Φινέας
Κλουσώθ.
|
235
Organized into a force of twenty thousand, they arrived at Jerusalem under four commanders: John and Jacob the son of Sosas, and with them Simon the son of Thakeas and Phineas the son of Clusoth.
|
| 235
and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus.
| 235
Twenty thousand of them joined up and came to Jerusalem, under four officers, John and Jacob the son of Sosas, Simon, son of Cathlas, and Phineas, son of Clusothus.
|
| 236
Τὸν
δὲ
ἌνανονAnanus
ἡ
μὲν
ἔξοδος
τῶν
ἀγγέλων
ὥσπερ
καὶ
τοὺς
φρουροὺς
ἔλαθεν,
ἡ
δ᾽
ἔφοδος
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
οὐκέτι·
προγνοὺς
γὰρ
ἀπέκλειέ
τε
τὰς
πύλας
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
διὰ
φυλακῆς
εἶχε
τὰ
τείχη.
|
236
The departure of the messengers had escaped the notice of Ananus and the guards, but the approach of the Idumaeans did not. Foreseeing the danger, he closed the gates and guarded the walls.
|
| 236
Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus or to the guards, but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against them, and that the walls should be guarded.
| 236
Neither Ananus nor the guards were aware of the messengers' exit, but he knew of the approach of the Idumaeans and knowing it in advance, he ordered the gates to be shut against them and that the ramparts should be defended.
|
| 237
Καθάπαν
γε
μὴν
αὐτοὺς
ἐκπολεμεῖν
οὐκ
ἔδοξεν,
ἀλλὰ
λόγοις
πείθειν
πρὸ
τῶν
ὅπλων.
|
237
However, he decided not to treat them as enemies immediately, but to try to persuade them with words before resorting to arms.
|
| 237
Yet did not he by any means think of fighting against them, but, before they came to blows, to try what persuasions would do.
| 237
Still he by no means thought of fighting them, but rather, without coming to blows, to see what could be done by persuasion.
|
| 238
στὰς
οὖν
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ἄντικρυς
αὐτῶν
πύργον
ὁ
μετὰ
ἌνανονAnanus
γεραίτατος
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων
ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua,
πολλῶν
ἔφη
καὶ
ποικίλων
τὴν
πόλιν
κατεσχηκότων
θορύβων
ἐν
οὐδενὶ
θαυμάσαι
τὴν
τύχην
οὕτως,
ὡς
τῷ
συμπράττειν
τοῖς
πονηροῖς
καὶ
τὰ
παράδοξα·
|
238
Joshua,[1] the most senior high priest after Ananus, stood on a tower opposite them. He said that while the city had faced many various disturbances, he never marveled at fortune so much as now, seeing it cooperate with the wicked in such an unexpected way.
|
| 238
Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high priests next to Ananus, stood upon the tower that was over against them, and said thus:—“Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered at her fortune as now, when you are come to assist wicked men, and this after a manner very extraordinary;
| 238
Therefore Joshua, the eldest of the high priests next to Ananus, stood in the tower facing them and said, "Many troubles of various kinds have befallen this city, yet never have I been so perplexed at her fortune as now, when you have come to help wrongdoers in this extraordinary way.
|
[1]Joshua/Jesus: Joshua ben Gamala. His speach failed because the Idumeans were already “primed” for war by John’s lies.
| 240
καὶ
εἰ
μὲν
ἑώρων
τὴν
σύνταξιν
ὑμῶν
ἐξ
ὁμοίων
τοῖς
καλέσασιν
ἀνδρῶν,
οὐκ
ἂν
ἄλογον
τὴν
ὁρμὴν
ὑπελάμβανον·
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
οὕτως
συνίστησι
τὰς
εὐνοίας
ὡς
τρόπων
συγγένεια·
νῦν
δ᾽,
εἰ
μέν
τις
αὐτοὺς
ἐξετάζοι
καθ᾽
ἕνα,
μυρίων
ἕκαστος
εὑρεθήσεται
θανάτων
ἄξιος.
|
240
If I saw your ranks composed of men similar to those who summoned you, I would not find your impulse irrational, for nothing creates friendship like a kinship of character. But now, if anyone examined these men individually, each would be found deserving of ten thousand deaths.
|
| 240
And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths;
| 240
If I felt your army consisted of people like those who invited them, your action would not seem so absurd, for nothing so unites the minds of men as the sharing of action.
But if you examined one by one these men who have invited you, all of them would be found worthy of death many times over.
|
| 241
τὰ
γὰρ
θύματα
καὶ
καθάρματα
τῆς
πόλεως
ὅλης,
κατασωτευσάμενα
τὰς
ἰδίας
οὐσίας
καὶ
προγυμνάσαντα
τὴν
ἀπόνοιαν
ἐν
ταῖς
περὶ
κώμαις
τε
καὶ
πόλεσι,
τελευταῖα
λεληθότως
παρεισέρρευσαν
εἰς
τὴν
ἱερὰν
πόλιν,
|
241
They are the scum and refuse of the whole city, who squandered their own property and practiced their madness in the surrounding villages and cities before finally slithering into the Holy City.
|
| 241
for the very rascality and offscouring of the whole country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance, and, by way of trial beforehand, have madly plundered the neighboring villages and cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this holy city.
| 241
They are the very rabble and dregs of our land, who squandered their own property, then went on to loot madly their neighbouring villages and cities, and finally have streamed into this holy city.
|
| 242
λῃσταὶ
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
ἀσεβημάτων
μιαίνοντες
καὶ
τὸ
ἀβέβηλον
ἔδαφος,
οὓς
ὁρᾶν
ἔστι
νῦν
ἀδεεῖςwithout fear
ἐμμεθυσκομένους
τοῖς
ἁγίοις
καὶ
τὰ
σκῦλα
τῶν
πεφονευμένων
καταναλίσκοντας
εἰς
τὰς
ἀπλήστους
γαστέρας.
|
242
They are bandits who, by their extreme impiety, defile even the sacred ground. You can see them now, drunkenly fearless in the Sanctuary, consuming the spoils of the murdered in their insatiable bellies.
|
| 242
They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves drunk in the sanctuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies.
| 242
They are brigands, who have profaned this sacred space by dreadful deeds and may even now be seen getting drunk in the sanctuary and filling their insatiable bellies with the spoils of those they have killed.
|
| 243
τὸ
δ᾽
ὑμέτερον
πλῆθος
καὶ
τὸν
κόσμον
τῶν
ὅπλων
ὁρᾶν
ἔστιν
οἷος
ἔπρεπεν
καλούσης
μὲν
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
κοινῷ
βουλευτηρίῳ,
συμμάχους
δὲ
κατ᾽
ἀλλοφύλων.
τί
ἂν
οὖν
εἴποι
τοῦτό
τις
ἢ
τύχης
ἐπήρειαν,
ὅταν
λογάσι
πονηροῖς
αὔτανδρον
ἔθνος
ὁρᾷ
συνασπίζον
[αὐτοῖς
]
;
|
243
But your multitude and the order of your arms are such as would be fitting if the capital’s common council called you as allies against foreigners. What can one call this but an insult of fortune, when one sees an entire nation shielding a band of villains?
|
| 243
As for the multitude that is with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armor, as it would become them to be had their metropolis called them to her assistance against foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of yours but the sport of fortune, when he sees a whole nation coming to protect a sink of wicked wretches?
| 243
By contrast one sees your people decently decked in their armour, as though their metropolis had called them to her help against foreigners.
What can a man call this action of yours but a freak of fortune, seeing a whole nation coming to protect such villains?
|
| 244
μέχρι
πολλοῦ
μὲν
ἀπορῶ,
τί
δή
ποτε
καὶ
τὸ
κινῆσαν
ὑμᾶς
οὕτω
ταχέως
ἐγένετο·
μὴ
γὰρ
ἂν
δίχα
μεγάλης
αἰτίας
ἀναλαβεῖν
τὰς
πανοπλίας
ὑπὲρ
λῃστῶν
καὶ
κατὰ
δήμου
συγγενοῦς·
|
244
For a long time I have wondered what moved you so quickly. For you would not take up your full armor for bandits and against a kindred people without a great cause.
|
| 244
I have for a good while been in doubt what it could possibly be that should move you to do this so suddenly; because certainly you would not take on your armor on the behalf of robbers, and against a people of kin to you, without some very great cause for your so doing.
| 244
I have long wondered what could possibly have moved you to do this so suddenly.
Surely you would not take to arms on behalf of brigands and against a people related to you, without some great reason.
|
| 245
ἐπεὶ
δὲ
ἠκούσαμεν
ῬωμαίουςRomans
καὶ
προδοσίανsurrender, treason,
ταῦτα
γὰρ
ὑμῶν
ἐθορύβουν
τινὲς
ἀρτίως,
καὶ
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
ἐπ᾽
ἐλευθερώσει
παρεῖναι,
πλέον
τῶν
ἄλλων
τολμημάτων
ἐθαυμάσαμεν
τοὺς
ἀλιτηρίους
τῆς
περὶ
τοῦτο
ψευδοῦς
ἐπινοίας·
|
245
But when we heard ‘Romans’ and ‘treason’—for some of you were shouting this just now—and that you came to ‘liberate’ the capital, we marveled at the daring of these wretches in inventing such a lie.
|
| 245
But we have an item that the Romans are pretended, and that we are supposed to be going to betray this city to them; for some of your men have lately made a clamor about those matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis free. Now, we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such a lie as this against us;
| 245
We have heard the rumour that the Romans expect us to betray this city to them, for lately some of your men have made this claim and claimed they came to set their metropolis free.
Now we must admire the wretches for inventing such a lie against us.
|
| 247
ἀλλ᾽
ὑμᾶς
γε
χρὴ
σκέπτεσθαι
τούς
τε
διαβάλλοντας
καὶ
καθ᾽
ὧν,
συνάγειν
τε
τὴν
ἀλήθειαν
οὐκ
ἐκ
τῶν
ἐπιπλάστων
λόγων
ἀλλ᾽
ἐκ
τῶν
κοινῶν
πραγμάτων.
|
247
But you must look at those who are slandering us and those they are slandering; judge the truth not from fabricated words but from common facts.
|
| 247
But you ought to consider what sort of people they are that raise this calumny, and against what sort of people that calumny is raised, and to gather the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches, but out of the actions of both parties;
| 247
Consider what sort of people are making this calumny and against whom that calumny is made.
Find out the truth of things, not from fictional words, but from the actions of both parties!
|
| 248
τί
γὰρ
δὴ
καὶ
παθόντες
ἂν
ἡμεῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
προσπωλοῖμεν
ἑαυτοὺς
νῦν,
παρὸν
ἢ
μηδὲ
ἀποστῆναι
τὸ
πρῶτον
ἢ
προσχωρῆσαι
ταχέως
ἀποστάντας
ὄντων
ἔτι
τῶν
περὶ
ἀπορθήτων;
|
248
What would we suffer that would make us sell ourselves to the Romans now? We could have simply not revolted at first, or surrendered quickly before the surrounding country was ravaged.
|
| 248
for what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves to the Romans, while it was in our power not to have revolted from them at the first, or when we had once revolted, to have returned under their dominion again, and this while the neighboring countries were not yet laid waste?
| 248
For why would we sell ourselves to the Romans, while we could have avoided rebelling from them in the first place, or when we had once rebelled, could have returned under their rule again before the neighbouring districts were destroyed?
|
| 249
νῦν
μὲν
γὰρ
οὐδὲ
βουλομένοις
διαλύσασθαι
ῥᾴδιον,
ὅτε
ῬωμαίουςRomans
μὲν
ὑπερόπτας
πεποίηκεν
ὑποχείριος
ἡ
ΓαλιλαίαGalilee,
φέρει
δ᾽
αἰσχύνην
ἡμῖν
θανάτου
χαλεπωτέραν
τὸ
θεραπεύειν
αὐτοὺς
ὄντας
ἤδη
πλησίον.
|
249
Now, it is not even easy to settle if we wanted to, since the capture of Galilee has made the Romans arrogant; to serve them now, when they are so close, would bring us a shame more painful than death.
|
| 249
whereas it is not an easy thing to be reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud and insolent; and to endeavor to please them at the time when they are so near us, would bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death.
| 249
Even if we wanted to, it is not easy to be reconciled with the Romans, now that they are proud and confident after subduing Galilee.
Even to try to appease them now when they are nearly upon us, would shame us in a way worse than death.
|
| 250
καὶ
ἐγὼ
καθ᾽
ἑαυτὸν
μὲν
ἂν
εἰρήνην
προτιμήσαιμι
θανάτου,
πολεμούμενος
δ᾽
ἅπαξ
καὶ
συμβαλὼν
θάνατον
εὐκλεᾶ
τοῦ
ζῆν
αἰχμάλωτος.
|
250
I personally would prefer peace to death, but once at war and in the fight, I would prefer a noble death to living as a captive.
|
| 250
As for myself, indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death, with reputation, before living in captivity under them.
| 250
For myself, I should prefer peace with them rather than death, but now that we have gone to war with them and fought them, I prefer death with honour rather than life in slavery under them.
|
| 251
πότερον
δέ
φασιν
ἡμᾶς
τοὺς
τοῦ
δήμου
προεστῶταςto set before
πέμψαι
κρύφα
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἢ
καὶ
τὸν
δῆμον
κοινῇ
ψηφισάμενον;
|
251
Do they say we, the leaders, sent word secretly to the Romans, or that the people voted for it together?
|
| 251
But further, whether do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have sent thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common suffrages of the people?
| 251
But do they claim that we, the leaders of the people, have sent to the Romans in secret, or that it was done by the common votes of the people?
|
| 252
εἰ
μὲν
ἡμᾶς,
εἰπάτωσαν
τοὺς
πεμφθέντας
φίλους,
τοὺς
διακονήσαντας
τὴν
προδοσίανsurrender, treason
οἰκέτας.
ἐφωράθη
τις
ἀπιών;
ἀνακομιζόμενος
ἑάλω;
|
252
If it was us, let them name the ‘friends’ sent, or the ‘servants’ who negotiated the treason. Was anyone caught going? Was anyone seized coming back?
|
| 252
If it be ourselves only that have done it, let them name those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants, to manage this treachery. Hath anyone been caught as he went out on this errand, or seized upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our letters?
| 252
If it is only ourselves who did it, let them name those friends of ours who were sent in our name to manage this treachery.
Has anyone been caught going out on this errand, or captured as he returned? Are they in possession of our letters?
|
| 253
γραμμάτων
γεγόνασιν
ἐγκρατεῖς;
πῶς
δὲ
τοὺς
μὲν
τοσούτους
πολίτας
ἐλάθομεν,
οἷς
κατὰ
πᾶσαν
ὥραν
συναναστρεφόμεθα,
τοῖς
δὲ
ὀλίγοις
καὶ
φρουρουμένοις
καὶ
μηδ᾽
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐκ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
προελθεῖν
δυναμένοις
ἐγνώσθη
τὰ
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
λαθραίως
ἐνεργούμενα;
|
253
Do they have letters in their possession? How did we hide this from so many citizens with whom we live every hour, yet these few men—who are besieged and cannot even leave the Temple to enter the city—learned of things being done secretly in the country?
|
| 253
How could we be concealed from such a vast number of our fellow citizens, among whom we are conversant every hour, while what is done privately in the country is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but few in number, and under confinement also, and are not able to come out of the temple into the city.
| 253
What could conceal us from such a number of our fellow citizens, with whom we are always in contact, while what is done secretly is, it seems, known by the Zealots, who are but few in number and blocked in, unable to come from the temple into the city.
|
| 254
νῦν
δ᾽
ἔγνωσαν,
ὅτε
δεῖ
δοῦναι
δίκας
τῶν
τετολμημένων,
ἕως
δ᾽
ἦσαν
ἀδεεῖςwithout fear
αὐτοί,
προδότης
ἡμῶν
οὐδεὶς
ὑπωπτεύετο;
|
254
They only ‘knew’ this now, when they must pay the penalty for their crimes? While they were safe, was no one suspected of being a traitor?
|
| 254
Is this the first time that they are become sensible how they ought to be punished for their insolent actions? For while these men were free from the fear they are now under, there was no suspicion raised that any of us were traitors.
| 254
Is it that they now realize the punishment they deserve for their insolent actions? For while they were without fear, they raised no suspicion that any of us were traitors.
|
| 255
εἰ
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὸν
δῆμον
ἀναφέρουσι
τὴν
αἰτίαν,
ἐν
φανερῷ
δήπουθεν
ἐβουλεύσαντο,
οὐδεὶς
ἀπεστάτει
τῆς
ἐκκλησίας,
ὥστε
τάχιον
ἂν
τῆς
μηνύσεως
ἔσπευσεν
ἡ
φήμη
πρὸς
ὑμᾶς
φανερωτέρα.
|
255
If they blame the people, the debate would surely have been in public; no one was absent from the assembly, so the news would have reached you more clearly and faster than any secret report.
|
| 255
But if they lay this charge against the people, this must have been done at a public consultation, and not one of the people must have dissented from the rest of the assembly; in which case the public fame of this matter would have come to you sooner than any particular indication.
| 255
But if they blame the people for this it must have been done at a public consultation and none of the people must have dissented from the rest of the assembly.
In that case public notice of this matter would have come to you sooner than any individual allegation.
|
| 256
τί
δέ;
οὐχὶ
καὶ
πρέσβεις
ἔδει
πέμπειν
ψηφισαμένους
τὰς
διαλύσεις;
καὶ
τίς
ὁ
χειροτονηθείς;
εἰπάτωσαν.
|
256
What else? Would they not have to send ambassadors if they voted for a treaty? Who was elected? Let them say.
|
| 256
But how could that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to confirm the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was that was ordained for that purpose.
| 256
But how could that be? Must there not have been envoys sent to confirm the agreements? Who was appointed for that purpose? Let them say!
|
| 257
ἀλλὰ
τοῦτο
μὲν
δυσθανατούντων
καὶ
πλησίον
οὔσας
τὰς
τιμωρίας
διακρουομένων
σκῆψίς
ἐστιν·
εἰ
γὰρ
δὴ
καὶ
προδοθῆναι
τὴν
πόλιν
εἵμαρτο,
μόνους
ἂν
τολμῆσαι
καὶ
τοῦτο
τοὺς
διαβάλλοντας,
ὧν
τοῖς
τολμήμασιν
ἓν
μόνον
[κακὸν
]
λείπει,
προδοσία.
|
257
But this is the pretext of men dying hard and trying to dodge the punishments that are near. For if the city were destined to be betrayed, only those slandering us would dare to do it—men whose crimes lack only one evil: treason.
|
| 257
But this is no other than a pretense of such men as are loath to die, and are laboring to escape those punishments that hang over them; for if fate had determined that this city was to be betrayed into its enemies’ hands, no other than these men that accuse us falsely could have the impudence to do it, there being no wickedness wanting to complete their impudent practices but this only, that they become traitors.
| 257
But this is no more than a pretext made by diehards who are trying to escape the punishment hanging over them.
For if fate had decided that this city was to be betrayed into its enemies' hands, the very ones to have the impudence to do it are those who accuse us falsely, since the only thing needed to complete their catalogue of crimes is treason.
|
| 258
χρὴ
δὲ
ὑμᾶς,
ἐπειδήπερ
ἅπαξ
πάρεστε
μετὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων,
τὸ
μὲν
δικαιότατον,
ἀμύνειν
τῇ
μητροπόλει
καὶ
συνεξαιρεῖν
τοὺς
τὰ
δικαστήρια
καταλύσαντας
τυράννους,
οἳ
πατήσαντες
τοὺς
νόμους
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
αὐτῶν
ξίφεσι
πεποίηνται
τὰς
κρίσεις.
|
258
Since you are already here with your weapons, the most just thing is to defend the capital and help us destroy these tyrants who have abolished the courts and made their own swords the judges.
|
| 258
And now you Idumeans are come hither already with your arms, it is your duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and to join with us in cutting off those tyrants that have infringed the rules of our regular tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws, and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong;
| 258
Now that you Idumaeans have come here with your arms, it is your first duty to come to the aid of your capital city and join us in destroying the tyrants who have broken the rules of our proper courts, trampled upon our laws and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong.
|
| 259
ἄνδρας
γοῦν
ἀκαταιτιάτους
τῶν
ἐπιφανῶνevident; notable
ἐκ
μέσης
τῆς
ἀγορᾶς
ἁρπάσαντες
δεσμοῖς
τε
προῃκίσαντο
καὶ
μηδὲ
φωνῆς
μηδ᾽
ἱκεσίας
ἀνασχόμενοι
διέφθειραν.
|
259
They seized eminent, innocent men from the marketplace, tortured them in chains, and murdered them without even hearing a plea or a prayer.
|
| 259
for they have seized upon men of great eminence, and under no accusation, as they stood in the midst of the marketplace, and tortured them with putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear what they had to say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed them.
| 259
Without impeachment they have snatched men of eminence from the open forum, dishonoured them by putting them in chains, and killed them without listening to any plea or petition.
|
| 260
ἔξεστιν
δ᾽
ὑμῖν
παρελθοῦσιν
εἴσω
μὴ
πολέμου
νόμῳ
θεάσασθαι
τὰ
τεκμήρια
τῶν
λεγομένων,
οἴκους
ἠρημωμένους
ταῖς
ἐκείνων
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder
καὶ
γύναια
καὶ
γενεὰς
τῶν
ἀπεσφαγμένων
μελανειμονούσας,
κωκυτὸν
δὲ
καὶ
θρῆνον
ἀνὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
ὅλην·
οὐδεὶς
γάρ
ἐστιν,
ὃς
οὐ
γέγευται
τῆς
τῶν
ἀνοσίων
καταδρομῆς·
|
260
You may enter—not under the laws of war—to see the proof of what I say: houses emptied by their robberies, and the wives and families of the slaughtered in black mourning clothes; you will hear wailing and lamentation throughout the whole city. There is no one who has not tasted the raids of these unholy men.
|
| 260
You may, if you please, come into the city, though not in the way of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of these profane wretches,
| 260
You may, if you wish, come into the city, though not by right of war and see the marks still remaining of what I now say and see the houses that were emptied by their greedy hands, with those wives and families dressed in black, mourning for their slaughtered relatives, and hear their groans and laments all over the city, for there is none who has not suffered from the raids of these profaners.
|
| 261
οἵ
γε
ἐπὶ
τοσοῦτον
ἐξώκειλαν
ἀπονοίας,
ὥστε
μὴ
μόνον
ἐκ
τῆς
χώρας
καὶ
τῶν
ἔξωθεν
πόλεων
ἐπὶ
τὸ
πρόσωπον
καὶ
τὴν
κεφαλὴν
ὅλου
τοῦ
ἔθνους
μετενεγκεῖν
τὴν
λῃστρικὴν
τόλμαν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἐπὶ
τὸ
ἱερόν.
|
261
They have reached such a peak of madness that they have moved their bandit daring from the country and outer cities to the very head and face of the nation: from the city into the Temple.
|
| 261
who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to have transferred their impudent robberies out of the country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also;
| 261
They have gone so crazy as to bring their brigandage not only from the country and outlying parts into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but also from the city into the temple.
|
| 262
ὁρμητήριον
γοῦν
αὐτοῖς
τοῦτο
καὶ
καταφυγὴ
ταμιεῖόν
τε
τῶν
ἐφ᾽
ἡμᾶς
παρασκευῶν
γέγονεν,
ὁ
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
προσκυνούμενος
χῶρος
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀπὸ
περάτων
γῆς
ἀλλοφύλοις
ἀκοῇ
τετιμημένος
παρὰ
τῶν
γενηθέντων
ἐνθάδε
θηρίων
καταπατεῖται·
|
262
They have made it their base, their refuge, and the storehouse for their preparations against us. The place worshiped by the world, honored by rumor even among foreigners from the ends of the earth, is being trampled by beasts born here!
|
| 262
for that is now made their receptacle and refuge, and the fountainhead whence their preparations are made against us. And this place, which is adored by the habitable world, and honored by such as only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves.
| 262
For that is now made their receptacle and refuge and the fountain-head whence their preparations are made against us.
This place, which is adored by the habitable world and honoured by those who only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves.
|
| 263
νεανιεύονταί
τε
ἐν
ταῖς
ἀπογνώσεσιν
ἤδη
δήμους
τε
δήμοις
καὶ
πόλεσι
πόλεις
συγκρούειν
καὶ
κατὰ
τῶν
σπλάγχνων
τῶν
ἰδίων
τὸ
ἔθνος
στρατολογεῖν.
|
263
In their desperation, they boast of setting people against people and city against city, recruiting the nation to fight against its own vitals.
|
| 263
They now triumph in the desperate condition they are already in, when they hear that one people is going to fight against another people, and one city against another city, and that your nation hath gotten an army together against its own bowels.
| 263
In their desperation, they resort to setting district against district and city against city and bringing the nation to war with its own vital organs.
|
| 264
ἀνθ᾽
ὧν
τὸ
μὲν
κάλλιστον
καὶ
πρέπον,
ὡς
ἔφην,
ὑμῖν
συνεξαιρεῖν
τοὺς
ἀλιτηρίους
καὶ
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῆς
τῆς
ἀπάτης
ἀμυνομένους,
ὅτι
συμμάχους
ἐτόλμησαν
καλεῖν
οὓς
ἔδει
τιμωροὺς
δεδιέναι·
|
264
Therefore, the most beautiful and fitting thing, as I said, is for you to help us destroy these wretches and take revenge for the very deception they used against you—daring to call as allies those they should have feared as punishers.
|
| 264
Instead of which procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you to join with us in cutting off these wretches, and in particular to be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon you; I mean, for having the impudence to invite you to assist them, of whom they ought to have stood in fear, as ready to punish them.
| 264
Instead of which, it would be most fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you to join with us in rooting out these wretches and particularly to take revenge on them for deceiving you in this way, daring to invite you as allies, when they should have feared you as their executioners.
|
| 265
εἰ
δὲ
αἰδεῖσθε
τὰς
τῶν
τοιούτων
ἐπικλήσεις,
ἀλλά
τοι
πάρεστι
θεμένοις
τὰ
ὅπλα
καὶ
παρελθοῦσιν
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
σχήματι
συγγενῶν
ἀναλαβεῖν
τὸ
μέσον
συμμάχων
τε
καὶ
πολεμίων
ὄνομα
δικαστὰς
γενομένους.
|
265
But if you respect the summons of such men, you may at least lay down your arms, enter the city in the manner of kinsmen, and take a middle name between ‘allies’ and ‘enemies’ by becoming judges.
|
| 265
But if you have some regard to these men’s invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your arms, and come into the city under the notion of our kindred, and take upon you a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of enemies, and so become judges in this case.
| 265
But if you still have some regard for their appeal, you may lay aside your weapons and come into the city as our kinsmen and take on a middle role between allies and enemies and so become judges in this case.
|
| 266
καίτοι
λογίσασθε,
πόσον
κερδήσουσιν
ἐφ᾽
ὁμολογουμένοιςto promise, agree
καὶ
τηλικούτοις
κρινόμενοι
παρ᾽
ὑμῖν
οἱ
τοῖς
ἀκαταιτιάτοις
μηδὲ
λόγου
μεταδόντες·
λαμβανέτωσαν
δ᾽
οὖν
ταύτην
ἐκ
τῆς
ὑμετέρας
ἀφίξεως
τὴν
χάριν.
|
266
Consider how much they will gain by being judged by you for such acknowledged crimes—men who did not give the innocent even a word of defense. Let them receive this favor from your arrival.
|
| 266
However, consider what these men will gain by being called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations laid against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain this advantage by your coming.
| 266
Consider the advantage they will gain by being called to judgment before you for their undeniable and flagrant crimes, men who granted no hearing to those against whom no accusations had been made; let them have this grace by your coming.
|
| 267
εἰ
δ᾽
οὔτε
συναγανακτεῖν
ἡμῖν
οὔτε
κρίνεσθαι
δεῖ,
τρίτον
ἐστὶ
καταλιπεῖν
ἑκατέρους
καὶ
μήτε
ταῖς
ἡμετέραις
ἐπιβαίνειν
συμφοραῖς
μήτε
τοῖς
ἐπιβούλοις
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
συνέρχεσθαι.
|
267
But if you will neither share our indignation nor act as judges, there is a third option: leave both sides alone. Neither trample on our disasters nor join the conspirators against the capital.
|
| 267
But still, if you will neither take our part in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone, and neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters against their metropolis;
| 267
But if you will neither share our anger at these men, nor judge between us, my third proposal is that you leave us both alone and neither increase our troubles, nor side with these conspirators against their city.
|
| 268
εἰ
γὰρ
καὶ
τὰ
μάλιστα
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ὑποπτεύετε
διειλέχθαι
τινάς,
παρατηρεῖν
ἔξεστιto be allowed
τὰς
ἐφόδους,
κἄν
τι
τῶν
διαβεβλημένων
ἔργωιdeed
διακαλύπτηται,
τότε
φρουρεῖν
τὴν
μητρόπολιν
ἐλθόντας
κολάζειν
τε
τοὺς
αἰτίους
πεφωραμένους·
οὐ
γὰρ
ἂν
ὑμᾶς
φθάσειαν
οἱ
πολέμιοι
τῇ
πόλει
προσῳκημένους.
|
268
If you suspect anyone of talking to the Romans, you can watch the approaches yourself; if any of these slanders are proven by facts, then come and guard the capital and punish the guilty once they are caught. The enemy could not reach the city before you, as you are stationed so close.
|
| 268
for though you should have ever so great a suspicion that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your power to watch the passages into the city; and in case anything that we have been accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your metropolis, and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty; for the enemy cannot prevent you who are so near to the city.
| 268
Even if you suspect some of us of parleying with the Romans, you can guard the entrances to the city, and if anything we have been accused of comes to light, then come and defend your city and inflict punishment on the guilty, for being near to the city, the enemy cannot stop you.
|
| 269
εἰ
δ᾽
οὐδὲν
ὑμῖν
τούτων
εὔγνωμον
ἢ
μέτριον
δοκεῖ,
μὴ
θαυμάζετε
τὰ
κλεῖθρα
τῶν
πυλῶν,
ἕως
ἂν
φέρητε
τὰ
ὅπλα. "
|
269
But if none of this seems reasonable or moderate to you, do not wonder that the gates remain barred while you carry your weapons.”
|
| 269
But if, after all, none of these proposals seem acceptable and moderate, do not you wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms about you.”
| 269
But if none of these proposals seems acceptable and fair, do not wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you are bearing arms."
|
| 270
Τοιαῦτα
μὲν
ὁ
ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua
ἔλεγε·
τῶν
δὲ
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
οὔτε
τὸ
πλῆθος
προσεῖχεν,
ἀλλὰ
τεθύμωτο
μὴ
τυχὸν
ἑτοίμης
τῆς
εἰσόδου,
καὶ
διηγανάκτουν
οἱ
στρατηγοὶ
πρὸς
ἀπόθεσινa removal
τῶν
ὅπλων
αἰχμαλωσίαν
ἡγούμενοι
τὸ
κελευόντων
τινῶν
αὐτὰ
ῥῖψαι.
|
270
Joshua spoke in this manner; but the multitude of the Idumaeans paid no attention. They were enraged at not being granted immediate entry, and their generals were indignant at the suggestion of laying down their arms, considering it equivalent to being captives if they threw them away at another’s command.
|
| 270
Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity, to throw them away at any man’s injunction whomsoever.
| 270
That is what Joshua said, but most of the Idumaeans paid no heed to what he said.
They were enraged at not being readily admitted, and their generals chafed at laying down their weapons, seeing it as an imprisonment to set them aside at any man's orders.
|
| 271
ΣίμωνSimon
δὲ
υἱὸς
Κααθὰ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
εἷς,
μόλις
τῶν
οἰκείων
καταστείλας
τὸν
θόρυβον
καὶ
στὰς
εἰς
ἐπήκοον
τοῖς
ἀρχιερεῦσιν,
|
271
Simon, the son of Caathas (Kaathas), one of the Idumaean leaders, having with difficulty quieted the clamor of his own men, stood within earshot of the high priests and said:
|
| 271
But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado quieted the tumult of his own men, and stood so that the high priests might hear him, and said as follows:
| 271
But Simon, son of Caathas, one of their leaders, quietened the shouting of his men with some difficulty and standing where the high priests could hear him, said,
|
| 272
οὐκέτι
θαυμάζειν
ἔφη
φρουρουμένων
ἐν
τῷ
ἱερῷ
τῶν
προμάχων
τῆς
ἐλευθερίας,
εἴ
γε
καὶ
τῷ
ἔθνει
κλείουσί
τινες
ἤδη
τὴν
κοινὴν
πόλιν,
|
272
“I no longer wonder that the champions of liberty are being besieged in the Temple, since there are those who now close the common city to our nation,
|
| 272
“I can no longer wonder that the patrons of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are those that shut the gates of our common city to their own nation,
| 272
"I am no longer surprised that the promoters of liberty are under guard in the temple, since some who are willing to admit the Romans now shut against their own nation the gates of our common city.
|
| 273
καὶ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
μὲν
εἰσδέχεσθαι
παρασκευάζονται
τάχα
καὶ
στεφανώσαντες
τὰς
πύλας,
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τῶν
πύργων
διαλέγονται
καὶ
τὰ
ὑπὲρ
τῆς
ἐλευθερίας
ὅπλα
κελεύουσι
ῥῖψαι,
|
273
and while they are perhaps preparing to receive the Romans and crown the gates with garlands, they speak to Idumaeans from the towers and command us to throw away the arms we took up for the sake of liberty!
|
| 273
and at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans into it; nay, perhaps are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at their coming, while they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and enjoin them to throw down their arms which they have taken up for the preservation of its liberty.
| 273
Perhaps for the Romans they would crown the gates with garlands, while speaking to the Idumaeans from their towers, demanding that we throw down the arms we have taken up to guard its liberty.
|
| 274
μὴ
πιστεύοντες
δὲ
τοῖς
συγγενέσι
τὴν
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
φυλακὴν
τοὺς
αὐτοὺς
δικαστὰς
ποιοῦνται
τῶν
διαφόρων,
καὶ
κατηγοροῦντές
τινων
ὡς
ἀποκτείνειαν
ἀκρίτους,
αὐτοὶ
καταδικάζοιεν
ὅλου
τοῦ
ἔθνους
ἀτιμίαν·
|
274
Distrusting their own kin with the guard of the capital, they make themselves judges of our disputes; and while accusing others of killing men without trial, they themselves condemn our whole nation to dishonor.
|
| 274
And while they will not intrust the guard of our metropolis to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the differences that are among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others without a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation after an ignominious manner,
| 274
While they will not let our metropolis be guarded by their kinsmen, they profess to make them judges of their differences, and while accusing some men of having killed others without a legal trial, they themselves shamefully condemn a whole nation.
|
| 275
τὴν
γοῦν
ἅπασι
τοῖς
ἀλλοφύλοις
ἀναπεπταμένην
εἰς
θρησκείαν
πόλιν
τοῖς
οἰκείοις
νῦν
ἀποτετείχισθε.
|
275
You have now walled off from your own kin a city that is open for worship even to all foreigners!
|
| 275
and have now walled up that city from their own nation, which used to be open to even all foreigners that came to worship there.
| 275
Now they have walled off that city from their own nation, which used to be open even to all foreigners who came to worship there.
|
| 276
πάνυ
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
σφαγὰς
ἐσπεύδομεν
καὶ
τὸν
κατὰ
τῶν
ὁμοφύλωνof the same race
πόλεμον
οἱ
διὰ
τοῦτο
ταχύναντες,
ἵν᾽
ὑμᾶς
τηρήσωμεν
ἐλευθέρους.
|
276
We were indeed hurrying to slaughter and to war against our kinsmen—we who hastened here for this very reason: to keep you free!
|
| 276
We have indeed come in great haste to you, and to a war against our own countrymen; and the reason why we have made such haste is this, that we may preserve that freedom which you are so unhappy as to betray.
| 276
Did we come in such haste to you to make war on our own countrymen? No, it was to preserve your freedom for you!
|
| 277
τοιαῦτα
μέντοι
καὶ
πρὸς
τῶν
φρουρουμένων
ἠδίκησθε,
καὶ
πιθανὰς
οὕτως
ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy
οἶμαι
κατ᾽
ἐκείνων
συνελέξατε.
|
277
Such, no doubt, are the wrongs you have suffered from those in the Temple, and you have, I suppose, gathered equally 'persuasive' suspicions against them.
|
| 277
You have probably been guilty of the like crimes against those whom you keep in custody, and have, I suppose, collected together the like plausible pretenses against them also that you make use of against us;
| 277
You have probably been guilty of similar crimes against those whom you keep in custody and have, I guess, gathered similar plausible pretenses against them as you use against us.
Then you overpowered those inside the temple and keep them locked in, simply for caring for the public good.
|
| 278
ἔπειτα
τῶν
ἔνδον
φρουρᾷ
κρατοῦντες
ὅσοι
κήδονται
τῶν
κοινῶν
πραγμάτων,
καὶ
τοῖς
συγγενεστάτοις
ἔθνεσιν
ἀθρόοις
ἀποκλείσαντες
μὲν
τὴν
πόλιν
ὑβριστικὰ
δ᾽
οὕτως
προστάγματα
κελεύοντες,
τυραννεῖσθαι
λέγετε
καὶ
τὸ
τῆς
δυναστείας
ὄνομα
τοῖς
ὑφ᾽
ὑμῶν
τυραννουμένοις
περιάπτετε.
|
278
Then, while you hold in custody those within who care for the public welfare, and while you shut out your closest kindred and issue such insulting commands, you speak of being 'tyrannized' and attach the name of 'power' to those who are actually being tyrannized by you!
|
| 278
after which you have gotten the mastery of those within the temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only taking care of the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the city in general against nations that are the most nearly related to you; and while you give such injurious commands to others, you complain that you have been tyrannized over by them, and fix the name of unjust governors upon such as are tyrannized over by yourselves.
| 278
You have also shut the gates of the city in general against people most closely related to you, and while you insult others with such commands, you complain that they tyrannize over you and call those over whom you tyrannize "unjust leaders."
|
| 279
τίς
ἂν
ἐνέγκαι
τὴν
εἰρωνείαν
τῶν
λόγων
ἀφορῶν
εἰς
τὴν
ἐναντιότητα
τῶν
πραγμάτων;
εἰ
μὴ
καὶ
νῦν
ὑμᾶς
ἀποκλείουσιν
Ἰδουμαῖοι
τῆς
μητροπόλεως,
οὓς
αὐτοὶ
τῶν
πατρίων
ἱερῶν
εἴργετε.
|
279
Who could endure such irony of words when looking at the reality of the situation? Unless, indeed, it is the Idumaeans who are now shutting you out of your capital—you, who bar us from our ancestral shrines!
|
| 279
Who can bear this, your abuse of words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions, unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of your metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own country?
| 279
Who can bear your misuse of words, while seeing them contradicted by your actions? Do you mean that the Idumaeans are excluding you from your capital, rather than you excluding us from the sacred shrine of our own country?
|
| 280
μέμψαιτ᾽
ἂν
εἰκότως
τις
τοὺς
ἐν
τῷ
ἱερῷ
πολιορκουμένους,
ὅτι
θαρσήσαντες
τοὺς
προδότας
κολάζειν,
οὓς
ὑμεῖς
ἄνδρας
ἐπισήμους
καὶ
ἀκαταιτιάτους
λέγετε
διὰ
τὴν
κοινωνίαν,
οὐκ
ἀφ᾽
ὑμῶν
ἤρξαντο
καὶ
τὰ
καιριώτατα
τῆς
προδοσίας
μέρη
προαπέκοψαν.
|
280
One might rightly blame those besieged in the Temple because, while they had the courage to punish traitors—men whom you call 'eminent and innocent' because of your partnership with them—they did not begin with you and cut off the primary parts of the treason beforehand.
|
| 280
One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants, whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason.
| 280
One may justly blame now besieged in the temple, that when they had the courage to punish those tyrants (
whom you call "eminent and free of all guilt
," since they are your companions in wickedness, ) they did not begin with you and thereby cut off in advance the most vital parts of this treason.
|
| 281
ἀλλ᾽
εἰ
κἀκεῖνοι
τῆς
χρείας
ἐγένοντο
μαλακώτεροι,
τηρήσομεν
Ἰδουμαῖοι
τὸν
οἶκον
τοῦ
θεοῦ
καὶ
τῆς
κοινῆς
πατρίδος
προπολεμήσομεν
ἅμα
τούς
τε
ἔξωθεν
ἐπιόντας
καὶ
τοὺς
ἔνδον
προδιδόντας
ἀμυνόμενοι
πολεμίους.
|
281
But if they have proven too soft for the task, we Idumaeans will preserve the House of God and fight for our common country, avenging ourselves on both the enemies attacking from without and the traitors within.
|
| 281
But if these men have been more merciful than the public necessity required, we that are Idumeans will preserve this house of God, and will fight for our common country, and will oppose by war as well those that attack them from abroad, as those that betray them from within.
| 281
But if these men were more merciful than the public good required, we Idumaeans will defend this house of God and fight for our common country and fight against attackers from abroad and traitors from within.
|
| 282
ἐνθάδε
πρὸ
τῶν
τειχῶν
μενοῦμεν
ἐν
τοῖς
ὅπλοις,
ἕως
ἂν
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
κάμωσι
προσέχοντες
ὑμῖν
ἢ
ὑμεῖς
ἐλεύθερα
φρονήσαντες
μεταβάλησθε. "
|
282
We shall remain here before the walls in our arms until either the Romans grow weary of paying attention to you, or you change your minds and adopt the thoughts of free men.”
|
| 282
Here will we abide before the walls in our armor, until either the Romans grow weary in waiting for you, or you become friends to liberty, and repent of what you have done against it.”
| 282
Here outside the walls we will stay in our armour, until either the Romans grow tired of waiting for you, or you embrace liberty and repent of what you have done against it. "
|
| 283
Τούτοις
τὸ
μὲν
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
ἐπεβόα
πλῆθος,
ὁ
δὲ
ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua
ἀθυμῶν
ἀνεχώρει
τοὺς
μὲν
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans
μηδὲν
φρονοῦντας
ὁρῶν
μέτριον,
διχόθεν
δὲ
τὴν
πόλιν
πολεμουμένην.
|
283
The Idumaean multitude cheered these words. Jesus withdrew in dejection, seeing that the Idumaeans were in no mood for moderation and that the city was now being besieged from two sides.
|
| 283
And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said; but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against all moderate counsels, and that the city was besieged on both sides.
| 283
The Idumaeans cheered this speech and Joshua went away disheartened, seeing that the Idumaeans were against all moderate counsels and that the city was embattled from two sides.
|
| 284
ἦν
δὲ
οὐδὲ
τοῖς
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
ἐν
ἠρεμίᾳ
τὰ
φρονήματα·
καὶ
γὰρ
τεθύμωντο
πρὸς
τὴν
ὕβριν
εἰρχθέντες
τῆς
πόλεως
καὶ
τὰ
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
ἰσχυρὰ
δοκοῦντες
ὡς
οὐδὲν
ἐπαμύνοντας
ἑώρων,
ἠποροῦντο
καὶ
μετενόουν
πολλοὶ
τὴν
ἄφιξιν.
|
284
Nor were the minds of the Idumaeans at rest. They were furious at the insult of being shut out of the city, but when they saw the Zealots—whom they thought were strong—offering them no help, many grew confused and regretted their arrival.
|
| 284
Nor indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the city; and when they thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing of theirs to support them, they were in doubt about the matter, and many of them repented that they had come thither.
| 284
Nor were the minds of the Idumaeans at rest.
They were enraged at the wrong done to them by being excluded from the city, and having thought the Zealots to be strong, yet seeing no support from them, they were perplexed and many of them regretted having come.
|
| 285
ἡ
δὲ
αἰδὼς
τοῦ
τέλεον
ἀπράκτους
ὑποστρέφειν
ἐνίκα
τὴν
μεταμέλειαν,
ὥστε
μένειν
αὐτόθι
πρὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
κακῶς
αὐλιζομένους·
|
285
However, the shame of returning home having accomplished nothing won out over their regret, so they remained there, camping miserably before the wall.
|
| 285
But the shame that would attend them in case they returned without doing anything at all, so far overcame that their repentance, that they lay all night before the wall, though in a very bad encampment;
| 285
But the shame of returning home without doing anything, overcame this regret so that they stayed all night before the wall, though very badly camped.
|
| 286
διὰ
γὰρ
τῆς
νυκτὸς
ἀμήχανος
ἐκρήγνυται
χειμὼν
ἄνεμοί
τε
βίαιοι
σὺν
ὄμβροις
λαβροτάτοις
καὶ
συνεχεῖς
ἀστραπαὶ
βρονταί
τε
φρικώδεις
καὶ
μυκήματα
σειομένης
τῆς
γῆς
ἐξαίσια.
|
286
For during the night, a monstrous storm broke out: violent winds, drenching rains, constant lightning, terrifying thunders, and extraordinary roarings of the earth as it shook.
|
| 286
for there broke out a prodigious storm in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest showers of rain, with continual lightnings, terrible thunderings, and amazing concussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake.
| 286
A mighty storm broke out in the night, with gale-force winds, a downpour of rain and continuous thunder and lightning, and a dreadful rumbling of earthquake.
|
| 287
πρόδηλον
δὲ
ἦν
ἐπ᾽
ἀνθρώπων
ὀλέθρῳ
τὸ
κατάστημα
τῶν
ὅλων
συγκεχυμένον,
καὶ
οὐχὶ
μικροῦ
τις
ἂν
εἰκάσαι
συμπτώματος
τὰ
τέρατα.
|
287
It was clear that the constitution of the universe was confounded for the destruction of men, and one could guess that these omens portended no small calamity.
|
| 287
These things were a manifest indication that some destruction was coming upon men, when the system of the world was put into this disorder; and anyone would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming.
| 287
These things clearly indicated that destruction was coming upon men, when the fabric of the world was in such disorder, symptoms of some great calamity.
|
| 288
Μία
δὲ
τοῖς
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐν
τῇ
πόλει
παρέστη
δόξα,
τοῖς
μὲν
ὀργίζεσθαι
τὸν
θεὸν
ἐπὶ
τῇ
στρατείᾳ
καὶ
οὐκ
ἂν
διαφυγεῖν
ἐπενεγκόντας
ὅπλα
τῇ
μητροπόλει,
τοῖς
δὲ
περὶ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
νενικηκέναι
χωρὶς
παρατάξεως
καὶ
τὸν
θεὸν
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν
στρατηγεῖν.
|
288
A single opinion occurred to both the Idumaeans and those in the city: the Idumaeans thought God was angry at their expedition and that they would not escape for taking up arms against the capital; whereas Ananus (Ananus ben Ananus) and his party thought they had conquered without a battle and that God was acting as their general.
|
| 288
Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their metropolis. Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without fighting, and that God acted as a general for them;
| 288
The opinion of the Idumaeans and of the citizens was one and the same.
The Idumaeans thought that God was angry with them for taking up arms and that they would not go unpunished for making war upon their metropolis, while Ananus and his party thought that they had won without fighting and that God was leading their side.
|
| 289
κακοὶ
δ᾽
ἦσαν
ἄρα
τῶν
μελλόντων
στοχασταὶ
καὶ
κατεμαντεύοντο
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν
ἃ
τοῖς
ἰδίοις
αὐτῶν
ἐπῄει
παθεῖν.
|
289
But they were poor guessers of the future; they prophesied for their enemies what was actually about to befall themselves.
|
| 289
but truly they proved both ill conjectures at what was to come, and made those events to be ominous to their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo the ill effects of them;
| 289
However both proved to be bad guesses of what was to come, by seeing those events to be omens against the enemy, while it was themselves who would suffer the bad effects of them.
|
| 290
οἱ
μὲν
γὰρ
Ἰδουμαῖοι
συσπειραθέντες
τοῖς
σώμασιν
ἀλλήλους
ἀντέθαλπον
καὶ
τοὺς
θυρεοὺς
ὑπὲρ
κεφαλῆς
συμφράξαντες
ἧττον
ἐκακοῦντο
τοῖς
ὑετοῖς,
|
290
The Idumaeans huddled together, keeping one another warm with their bodies, and by locking their shields over their heads, they suffered less from the rain.
|
| 290
for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain.
| 290
The Idumaeans huddled together to keep warm and linking their shields over their heads, were not much harmed by the rain.
|
| 291
οἱ
δὲ
ζηλωταὶ
μᾶλλον
τοῦ
καθ᾽
αὑτοὺς
κινδύνου
ὑπὲρ
ἐκείνων
ἐβασανίζοντο
καὶ
συνελθόντες
ἐσκόπουν,
εἴ
τινα
μηχανὴν
αὐτοῖς
ἀμύνης
ἐπινοήσειαν.
|
291
The Zealots, more tortured by the danger of their allies than by their own, met to consider if they could devise any means of helping them.
|
| 291
But the zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for themselves, and got together, and looked about them to see whether they could devise any means of assisting them.
| 291
On the other hand the Zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for themselves and looked around for some means to help them.
|
| 294
εἰ
δὲ
καί
τις
γένοιτο
κίνδυνος,
πρέπειν
αὐτοῖς
πᾶν
ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything
παθεῖν
ἢ
περιιδεῖν
τοσοῦτον
πλῆθος
δι᾽
αὐτοὺς
αἰσχρῶς
ἀπολλύμενον.
|
294
And if there were any danger, it was fitting for them to suffer anything rather than allow such a multitude to perish shamefully because of them.
|
| 294
and that besides the multitude of the citizens would not be easily gathered together, but confined to their houses by the storm: and that if there were any hazard in their undertaking, it became them to suffer anything whatsoever themselves, rather than to overlook so great a multitude as were miserably perishing on their account.
| 294
Even if it was a risky venture, they ought to face it rather than to neglect so many who were shamefully dying on their account.
|
| 295
οἱ
δὲ
συνετώτεροι
βιάζεσθαι
μὲν
ἀπεγίνωσκον
ὁρῶντες
οὐ
μόνον
τὴν
αὐτῶν
φρουρὰν
πληθύουσαν
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
τεῖχος
διὰ
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans
ἐπιμελῶς
φυλασσόμενον,
|
295
But the more prudent discouraged the use of force, seeing not only that their own guard (of citizens) was numerous, but also that the city wall was being carefully watched because of the Idumaeans.
|
| 295
But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this forcible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very numerous, but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason of the Idumeans.
| 295
The more prudent of them disapproved of this forcible method, seeing the numerous sentries and the ramparts of the city itself carefully watched because of the Idumaeans.
|
| 296
ᾤοντό
τε
πανταχοῦ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
παρεῖναι
καὶ
κατὰ
πᾶσαν
ὥραν
ἐπισκέπτεσθαι
τὰς
φυλακάς·
|
296
They assumed Ananus was everywhere, inspecting the guards at every hour.
|
| 296
They also supposed that Ananus would be everywhere, and visit the guards every hour;
| 296
They also thought Ananus would be everywhere and visiting the sentries every hour,
|
| 297
ὃ
δὴ
ταῖς
μὲν
ἄλλαις
νυξὶν
οὕτως
εἶχεν,
ἀνείθη
δὲ
κατ᾽
ἐκείνην,
οὐ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈνάνουAnanus
ῥᾳθυμίαν,
ἀλλ᾽
ὡς
αὐτὸς
ἐκεῖνος
ἀπόλοιτο
καὶ
τὸ
πλῆθος
τῶν
φυλάκων
στρατηγούσης
τῆς
εἱμαρμένης,
|
297
And this was indeed the case on other nights, but it was neglected on this one—not through any laziness on Ananus' part, but so that he and the multitude of guards might perish, Fate (Heimarmene) acting as general.
|
| 297
which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him;
| 297
as he had done on other nights.
But that night it was omitted, not because of slothfulness on the part of Ananus, but by the overbearing force of fate, dooming himself and most of the sentries to death.
|
| 298
ἣ
δὴ
καὶ
τότε
τῆς
νυκτὸς
προκοπτούσης
καὶ
τοῦ
χειμῶνος
ἐπακμάζοντος
κοιμίζει
μὲν
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τῇ
στοᾷ
φρουρούς,
τοῖς
δὲ
ζηλωταῖς
ἐπίνοιαν
ἐμβάλλει
τῶν
ἱερῶν
αἴροντας
πριόνων
ἐκτεμεῖν
τοὺς
μοχλοὺς
τῶν
πυλῶν.
|
298
As the night progressed and the storm reached its peak, Fate lulled the guards in the portico to sleep and inspired the Zealots with the idea to take the sacred saws from the Temple and saw through the bars of the gates.
|
| 298
for truly, as the night was far gone, and the storm very terrible, Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to sleep; while it came into the heads of the zealots to make use of the saws belonging to the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to pieces.
| 298
Far into the night at the height of the storm, it made Ananus allow the guards in the porticoes to go to sleep and put it into the heads of the Zealots to use the saws belonging to the temple and to cut asunder the bars of the gates.
|
| 299
συνήργησε
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
πρὸς
τὸ
μὴ
κατακουσθῆναι
τὸν
ψόφον
ὅ
τε
τῶν
ἀνέμων
ἦχος
καὶ
τὸ
τῶν
βροντῶν
ἐπάλληλον.
|
299
The sound of the wind and the repeated claps of thunder helped ensure the noise of the sawing was not heard.
|
| 299
The noise of the wind, and that not inferior sound of the thunder, did here also conspire with their designs, that the noise of the saws was not heard by the others.
| 299
The noise of the wind and the equally loud sound of the thunder helped their plans, for the noise of the saws was not heard by the others.
|
| 300
Διαλανθάνοντες
δὲ
ἐκ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
παραγίνονται
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
καὶ
τοῖς
αὐτοῖς
πρίοσι
χρώμενοι
τὴν
κατὰ
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans
ἀνοίγουσι
πύλην.
|
300
Stealing out of the Temple, they reached the wall and, using the same saws, opened the gate near the Idumaeans.
|
| 300
So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city, and made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against the Idumeans.
| 300
Stealing from the temple to the wall of the city they used their saws and opened the gate nearest to the Idumaeans.
|
| 301
τοῖς
δὲ
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
ἐμπίπτει
ταραχὴ
τοὺς
περὶ
τὸν
ἌνανονAnanus
ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try
οἰηθεῖσι,
καὶ
πᾶς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
ξίφους
ἔσχε
τὴν
δεξιὰν
ὡς
ἀμυνούμενος·
ταχέως
δὲ
γνωρίζοντες
τοὺς
ἥκοντας
εἰσῄεσαν.
|
301
At first, the Idumaeans were struck with panic, thinking Ananus and his men were attacking them, and every man had his hand on his sword for defense; but quickly recognizing those who had come, they entered.
|
| 301
Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves, which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his sword, in order to defend himself; but they soon came to know who they were that came to them, and were entered the city.
| 301
The Idumaeans were at first afraid that Ananus and his party were coming to attack them, so each of them had his right hand upon his sword to defend himself, but they soon recognized their visitors and entered the city.
|
| 302
εἰ
μὲν
οὖν
ἐτράποντο
περὶ
τὴν
πόλιν,
οὐδὲν
ἐκώλυσεν
ἂν
ἀπολωλέναι
τὸν
δῆμον
αὔτανδρον·
οὕτως
εἶχον
ὀργῆς·
νῦν
δὲ
πρώτους
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
σπεύδοντες
τῆς
φρουρᾶς
ἐξελέσθαι,
δεομένων
πολλὰ
καὶ
τῶν
εἰσδεξαμένων
μὴ
περιιδεῖν
δι᾽
οὓς
ἦλθον
ἐν
μέσοις
τοῖς
δεινοῖς
μηδ᾽
αὐτοῖς
χαλεπώτερον
ἐπισεῖσαι
τὸν
κίνδυνον·
|
302
If they had turned toward the city at that moment, nothing would have prevented the total destruction of the people, so great was their rage. But they hurried first to rescue the Zealots from their confinement, as those who had let them in entreated them not to abandon those for whose sake they had come in the midst of danger, nor to bring even greater peril upon themselves.
|
| 302
And had the Idumeans then fallen upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from destroying the people, every man of them, such was the rage they were in at that time; but as they first of all made haste to get the zealots out of custody, which those that brought them in earnestly desired them to do, and not to overlook those for whose sake they were come, in the midst of their distresses, nor to bring them into a still greater danger;
| 302
If the Idumaeans had then attacked the city, there was nothing to stop them from killing the whole population, such was their rage at that time, but as they first hurried to release the Zealots, urged by those who brought them not to overlook those for whose sakes they had come, despite all hardship, and not bring them into further danger.
|
| 303
τῶν
μὲν
γὰρ
φρουρῶν
ἁλόντων
ῥᾴδιον
αὐτοῖς
εἶναι
χωρεῖν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν,
εἰ
δ᾽
ἅπαξ
ταύτην
προκινήσειαν,
οὐκ
ἂν
ἔτι
ἐκείνων
κρατῆσαι·
|
303
They argued that once the guards were overcome, it would be easy to march on the city; but if they alerted the city first, they might never overcome the guards.
|
| 303
for that when they had once seized upon the guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon the city; but that if the city were once alarmed, they would not then be able to overcome those guards,
| 303
Once they had captured the guards, it would be easy for them to attack the city, while if the city were once alarmed, they would not be able to overcome those guards,
|
| 304
πρὸς
γὰρ
τὴν
αἴσθησιν
συντάξεσθαι
αὐτοὺς
καὶ
τὰς
ἀνόδους
ἀποφράξειν·
|
304
For the guards, once they realized what was happening, would organize themselves and block the passages.
|
| 304
because as soon as they should perceive they were there, they would put themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder their coming into the temple.
| 304
because when they noticed them there, they would get ready to fight them and stop them from coming up.
|
Chapter 5
Harshness of the Idumaeans,
who slaughter the priests, and go home.
| 305
συνεδόκει
ταῦτα
τοῖς
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans,
καὶ
διὰ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀνέβαινον
πρὸς
τὸ
ἱερόν,
μετέωροί
τε
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
τὴν
ἄφιξιν
αὐτῶν
ἐκαραδόκουν.
Καὶ
παριόντων
εἴσω
καὶ
αὐτοὶ
θαρροῦντες
προῄεσαν
ἐκ
τοῦ
ἐνδοτέρου
ἱεροῦ.
|
305
The Idumaeans agreed to these things, and they went up through the city toward the temple, while the Zealots, in a state of suspense, were looking out for their arrival. As they [the Idumaeans] passed inside, the Zealots also took courage and came forward from the inner temple.
|
| 305
This advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the city to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of their coming, and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were entering, they also came boldly out of the inner temple,
| 305
This advice pleased the Idumaeans and they ascended through the city to the temple.
The Zealots keenly looked forward to their coming and as they were entering, came boldly out from the inner temple.
|
| 306
μιγέντες
δὲ
τοῖς
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
προσέβαλλον
ταῖς
φυλακαῖς,
καὶ
τινὰς
μὲν
τῶν
προκοιτούντων
ἀπέσφαξαν
κοιμωμένους,
πρὸς
δὲ
τὴν
τῶν
ἐγρηγορότων
βοὴν
διανέστη
πᾶν
τὸ
πλῆθος
καὶ
μετ᾽
ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation
ἁρπάζοντες
τὰ
ὅπλα
πρὸς
τὴν
ἄμυναν
ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw.
|
306
Joining with the Idumaeans, they attacked the guards; some of those lying in the outer courts they slaughtered while they slept, but at the cry of those who were awake, the whole multitude was roused, and in terror, snatching up their weapons, they moved toward the defense.
|
| 306
and mixing themselves among the Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of those that were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as they were asleep; but as those that were now awakened made a cry, the whole multitude arose, and in the amazement they were in caught hold of their arms immediately, and betook themselves to their own defense;
| 306
Mixing with the Idumaeans they attacked the sentries, some of whom they killed in their sleep; but as those who were aroused shouted out, the whole populace got up and in their panic took up arms to defend themselves.
|
| 307
ἕως
μὲν
οὖν
μόνους
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try
ὑπελάμβανον,
ἐθάρρουν
ὡς
τῷ
πλήθει
περιεσόμενοι,
κατιδόντες
δὲ
ἔξωθεν
ἐπιχεομένους
ἄλλους
ᾔσθοντο
τὴν
εἰσβολὴν
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea,
|
307
So long as they supposed the Zealots alone were attacking, they were encouraged, thinking they would prevail by their numbers; but seeing others pouring in from the outside, they realized the invasion of the Idumaeans.
|
| 307
and so long as they thought they were only the zealots who attacked them, they went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their numbers; but when they saw others pressing in upon them also, they perceived the Idueans were got in;
| 307
As long as they thought it was only the Zealots on the attack they faced them boldly, hoping to overpower them by sheer numbers, but then seeing others coming at them they realized that the Idumaeans had got in,
|
| 308
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
πλέον
αὐτῶν
ἅμα
ταῖς
ψυχαῖς
κατέβαλλε
τὰ
ὅπλα
καὶ
πρὸς
οἰμωγαῖς
ἦν,
φραξάμενοι
δὲ
ὀλίγοι
τῶν
νέων
γενναίως
ἐδέχοντο
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans
καὶ
μέχρι
πολλοῦ
τὴν
ἀργοτέραν
πληθὺν
ἔσκεπον.
|
308
The greater part of them cast down their weapons along with their spirits and turned to wailing; however, a few of the young men, arming themselves, bravely received the Idumaeans and for a long time shielded the more passive multitude.
|
| 308
and the greatest part of them laid aside their arms, together with their courage, and betook themselves to lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves with their armor, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while protected the multitude of old men.
| 308
and then most of them laid down their arms and their courage and started groaning.
But a few of the younger men formed a circle and for a while valiantly resisted the Idumaeans, to protect the older population.
|
| 309
οἱ
δὲ
κραυγῇ
διεσήμαινον
τοῖς
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
τὰς
συμφοράς,
κἀκείνων
ἀμῦναι
μὲν
οὐδεὶς
ἐτόλμησεν,
ὡς
ἔμαθον
εἰσπεπαικότας
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans,
ἀργὰ
δ᾽
ἀντεβόων
καὶ
ἀντωλοφύροντο,
καὶ
πολὺς
κωκυτὸς
γυναικῶν
ἠγείρετο
κινδυνεύοντος
ἑκάστῃ
τινὸς
τῶν
φυλάκων.
|
309
The others signaled the disasters to those in the city with a shout; none of them dared to come to the rescue when they learned the Idumaeans had broken in, but they shouted back in vain and lamented. A great wailing of women arose as each was in danger of losing one of the guards.
|
| 309
Others, indeed, gave a signal to those that were in the city of the calamities they were in; but when these were also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of them durst come to their assistance, only they returned the terrible echo of wailing, and lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the women was excited also, and everyone of the guards were in danger of being killed.
| 309
The shouting told the other citizens of their difficulty, but when they also learned of the invasion by the Idumaeans, no one dared come to their help, but merely joined in the shouts and laments at their plight.
A great howling arose from the women and all the sentries were in danger of being killed.
|
| 310
οἱ
δὲ
ζηλωταὶ
τοῖς
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
συνεπηλάλαζον
καὶ
τὴν
ἐκ
πάντων
βοὴν
ὁ
χειμὼν
ἐποίει
φοβερωτέραν.
ἐφείδοντό
τε
οὐδενὸς
Ἰδουμαῖοι
φύσει
τε
ὠμότατοι
φονεύειν
ὄντες
καὶ
τῷ
χειμῶνι
κεκακωμένοι
κατὰ
τῶν
ἀποκλεισάντων
ἐχρῶντο
τοῖς
θυμοῖς·
|
310
The Zealots shouted along with the Idumaeans, and the storm made the noise from all sides even more terrifying. The Idumaeans spared no one, being naturally most cruel at slaughtering; and having been mistreated by the storm, they directed their rage against those who had locked them out.
|
| 310
The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare anybody; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them,
| 310
The Zealots joined in the shouts of the Idumaeans, and the storm rendered the noise more fearsome.
The Idumaeans spared no one, for as they are by nature a cruel and bloody nation and were stirred up by the storm, they turned their weapons on those who had shut the gates against them.
|
| 311
ἦσαν
δ᾽
ὅμοιοι
τοῖς
ἱκετεύουσι
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀμυνομένοις
καὶ
πολλοὺς
τήν
τε
συγγένειαν
ἀναμιμνήσκοντας
καὶ
δεομένους
τοῦ
κοινοῦ
ἱεροῦ
λαβεῖν
αἰδῶ
διήλαυνον
τοῖς
ξίφεσιν.
|
311
They treated those who entreated them and those who defended themselves alike; they ran through with their swords many who reminded them of their kinship and begged them to have respect for the common temple.
|
| 311
and acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them, insomuch that they ran through those with their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to have regard to their common temple.
| 311
Treating in the same way those who begged for their lives and those who fought against them, they put to the sword even those who spoke of their relationship with them and implored them to remember their common temple.
|
| 312
ἦν
δὲ
φυγῆς
μὲν
οὐδεὶς
τόπος
οὐδὲ
σωτηρίας
ἐλπίς,
συνωθούμενοι
δὲ
περὶ
ἀλλήλους
κατεκόπτοντο,
καὶ
τὸ
πλέον
ἐκβιαζόμενοι.
ὡς
οὐκέτ᾽
ἦν
ὑποχωρήσεως
τόπος
ἐπῄεσαν
δὲ
οἱ
φονεύοντες,
ὑπ᾽
ἀμηχανίας
κατεκρήμνιζον
ἑαυτοὺς
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
οἰκτρότερον
ἔμοιγε
δοκεῖν
οὗ
διέφευγον
ὀλέθρου
τὸν
αὐθαίρετον
ὑπομένοντες.
|
312
There was no place for flight nor any hope of safety; being crowded against one another, they were cut down, and most were forced into it. When there was no longer a place for retreat and the murderers pressed on, in desperation they threw themselves headlong into the city, enduring—it seems to me—a self-chosen death more pitiful than the destruction they were fleeing.
|
| 312
Now there was at present neither any place for flight, nor any hope of preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater part were driven together by force, as there was now no place of retirement, and the murderers were upon them; and, having no other way, threw themselves down headlong into the city; whereby, in my opinion, they underwent a more miserable destruction than that which they avoided, because that was a voluntary one.
| 312
There was no place for flight, no hope of safety, but they were slaughtered in heaps, driven upon each other.
Many were forced together, as there was nowhere to hide and the murderers were upon them, and, having no way out, threw themselves down headlong, which, in my opinion, was a worse end than the one they avoided, being voluntary.
|
| 313
ἐπεκλύσθη
δὲ
τὸ
ἔξωθεν
ἱερὸν
πᾶν
αἵματι,
καὶ
νεκροὺς
ὀκτακισχιλίους
πεντακοσίους
ἡ
ἡμέρα
κατελάμβανεν.
|
313
The entire outer temple was flooded with blood, and the day overtook eight thousand five hundred dead bodies.
|
| 313
And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as it came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there.
| 313
The outer temple overflowed with blood, and as that day wore on it contained eight thousand five hundred corpses.
|
| 314
Οὐκ
ἐκορέσθησαν
δὲ
τούτοις
οἱ
θυμοὶ
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea,
ἀλλ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
τραπόμενοι
πᾶσαν
μὲν
οἰκίαν
διήρπαζον,
ἔκτεινον
δὲ
τὸν
περιτυχόντα.
|
314
But the rages of the Idumaeans were not satiated by these things; turning toward the city, they plundered every house and killed whoever they met.
|
| 314
But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters; but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house, and slew everyone they met;
| 314
But the rage of the Idumaeans was not yet sated, for they now took to the city and looted each house and killed everyone they met.
|
| 315
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
ἄλλο
πλῆθος
αὐτοῖς
ἐδόκει
παρανάλωμα,
τοὺς
δὲ
ἀρχιερεῖς
ἀνεζήτουν,
καὶ
κατ᾽
ἐκείνων
ἦν
τοῖς
πλείστοις
ἡ
φορά.
|
315
The rest of the multitude seemed to them a mere waste, but they searched for the High Priests, and the rush of the majority was against them.
|
| 315
and for the other multitude, they esteemed it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them;
| 315
Then when they felt it needless to go on killing the population, they sought out the high priests and went against them in particular.
|
| 316
ταχέως
δ᾽
ἁλόντες
διεφθείροντο,
καὶ
τοῖς
νεκροῖς
αὐτῶν
ἐπιστάντες
τὸν
μὲν
ἌνανονAnanus
τῆς
πρὸς
τὸν
δῆμον
εὐνοίας.
|
316
They were quickly captured and destroyed; and standing over their dead bodies, they mocked Ananus for his goodwill toward the people.
|
| 316
and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Joshua with his speech made to them from the wall.
| 316
As soon as they caught them they killed them, and as they stood upon their corpses jokingly rebuked Ananus for his kindness to the people and Joshua for the speech he had made to them from the wall.
|
| 317
τὸν
δὲ
ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
λόγων
ἐπέσκωπτον.
προῆλθον
δὲ
εἰς
τοσοῦτον
ἀσεβείαςungodliness
ὥστε
καὶ
ἀτάφουςunburied
ῥῖψαι,
καίτοι
τοσαύτην
ἸουδαίωνJews
περὶ
τὰς
ταφὰς
πρόνοιαν
ποιουμένων,
ὥστε
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐκ
καταδίκης
ἀνεσταυρωμένους
πρὸ
δύντος
ἡλίου
καθελεῖν
τε
καὶ
θάπτειν.
|
317
And they mocked Joshua for the speeches he made from the wall. They went to such lengths of impiety as to cast them out unburied, although the Jews take such great care regarding burials that even those who are crucified by judgment are taken down and buried before the setting of the sun.
|
| 317
Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun.
| 317
They were so impious as to leave their corpses without burial, though the Jews took such care of burials that they even took down those who were condemned and crucified and buried them before sundown.
|
| 318
οὐκ
ἂν
ἁμάρτοιμι
δ᾽
εἰπὼν
ἁλώσεως
ἄρξαι
τῇ
πόλει
τὸν
ἈνάνουAnanus
θάνατον,
καὶ
ἀπ᾽
ἐκείνης
τῆς
ἡμέρας
ἀνατραπῆναι
τὸ
τεῖχος
καὶ
διαφθαρῆναι
τὰ
πράγματα
ἸουδαίοιςJews,
ἐν
ᾗ
τὸν
ἀρχιερέα
καὶ
ἡγεμόνα
τῆς
ἰδίας
σωτηρίας
αὐτῶν
ἐπὶ
μέσης
τῆς
πόλεως
εἶδον
ἀπεσφαγμένον.
|
318
I would not be wrong in saying that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the city’s capture, and from that day the wall was overturned and the affairs of the Jews were ruined, on which they saw the High Priest and leader of their own safety slaughtered in the middle of the city.
|
| 318
I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city.
| 318
It would not be wrong to name the death of Ananus as the beginning of the city's ruin and to date the destruction of her wall and her total ruin from the day which saw their high priest, the guarantor of their safety, killed in the heart of the city.
|
| 319
ἦν
γὰρ
δὴ
τά
τε
ἄλλα
σεμνὸς
ἁνὴρ
καὶ
δικαιότατος.
Καὶ
παρὰ
τὸν
ὄγκον
τῆς
τε
εὐγενείας
καὶ
τῆς
ἀξίας
καὶ
ἧς
εἶχε
τιμῆς
ἠγαπηκὼς
τὸ
ἰσότιμον
καὶ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ταπεινοτάτους,
φιλελεύθερός
τε
ἐκτόπως
καὶ
δημοκρατίας
ἐραστής,
|
319
For he was truly a venerable man in other respects and most just. Despite the dignity of his high birth, his rank, and the honor he held, he loved equality even toward the lowliest; he was exceptionally a lover of liberty and a devotee of democracy.
|
| 319
He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people;
| 319
For the rest, he was a good and holy man, and despite the grandeur of the noble dignity and honour he possessed, he had shown a sense of equality, even with regard to the lowest of the people.
He was a great lover of liberty and an admirer of democracy,
|
| 320
πρό
τε
τῶν
ἰδίων
λυσιτελῶν
τὸ
κοινῇ
συμφέρον
ἀεὶ
τιθέμενος
καὶ
περὶ
παντὸς
ποιούμενος
τὴν
εἰρήνην·
ἄμαχα
γὰρ
ᾔδει
τὰ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin·
προσκοπούμενος
δ᾽
ὑπ᾽
ἀνάγκης
καὶ
τὰ
κατὰ
τὸν
πόλεμον,
ὅπως,
εἰ
μὴ
διαλύσαιντο
ἸουδαῖοιJews,
δεξιῶς
διαφέροιντο.
|
320
Always placing the common good before his private interests and making peace his highest priority; for he knew the power of the Romans was invincible. But out of necessity, he also looked ahead to the matters of war, so that if the Jews did not come to terms, they might carry it on skillfully.
|
| 320
he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed;
| 320
always preferring the public good over his own advantage and loving peace above all things, knowing well that the Romans could not be defeated.
He also foresaw that a war would surely follow and that the Jews would be destroyed unless they quickly made peace with them.
|
| 321
καθόλου
δ᾽
εἰπεῖν,
ζῶντος
ἈνάνουAnanus
πάντως
ἂν
διελύθησαν·
δεινὸς
γὰρ
ἦν
εἰπεῖν
τε
καὶ
πεῖσαι
τὸν
δῆμον,
ἤδη
δὲ
ἐχειροῦτο
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐμποδίζοντας·
ἢ
πολεμοῦντες
πλείστην
ἂν
τριβὴν
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
παρέσχον
ὑπὸ
τοιούτῳ
στρατηγῷ.
|
321
To speak generally: if Ananus had lived, they certainly would have come to terms; for he was powerful in speaking and persuading the people, and he was already getting the better of those who hindered him. Or, if they had continued the war, they would have provided the Romans a very great delay under such a general.
|
| 321
to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was.
| 321
To sum up, if Ananus had survived, they would surely have reached agreement, for he was an effective speaker, good at persuading the people and had already got the better of the war-mongers opposed to him.
With a general like him, the Jews would have held up the Romans a long time.
|
| 322
παρέζευκτο
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
καὶ
ὁ
ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua,
αὐτοῦ
μὲν
λειπόμενος
κατὰ
σύγκρισιν,
προύχων
δὲ
τῶν
ἄλλων.
|
322
Joshua was also joined with him, falling short by comparison to him, but excelling over the others.
|
| 322
Joshua was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest;
| 322
Joshua was on his side and although not his equal, stood well above the rest.
|
| 323
ἀλλ᾽
οἶμαι
κατακρίνας
ὁ
θεὸς
ὡς
μεμιασμένης
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀπώλειαν
καὶ
πυρὶ
βουλόμενος
ἐκκαθαρθῆναι
τὰ
ἅγια
τοὺς
ἀντεχομένους
αὐτῶν
καὶ
φιλοστοργοῦντας
περιέκοπτεν.
|
323
But I think God, having condemned the city to destruction as defiled and wishing the sanctuary to be purified by fire, cut off those who clung to it and loved it.
|
| 323
and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and wellwishers,
| 323
I cannot help thinking that God had doomed the city to destruction as polluted and had determined to purge his sanctuary by fire, when he cut off their great defenders and supporters.
|
| 324
οἱ
δὲ
πρὸ
ὀλίγου
τὴν
ἱερὰν
ἐσθῆτα
περικείμενοι
καὶ
τῆς
κοσμικῆς
θρησκείας
κατάρχοντες
προσκυνούμενοί
τε
τοῖς
ἐκ
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
παραβάλλουσιν
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἐρριμμένοι
γυμνοὶ
βορὰ
κυνῶν
καὶ
θηρίων
ἐβλέποντο.
|
324
Those who shortly before were clothed in the sacred vestments, presiding over the universal worship and being prostrated to by those visiting the city from the whole world, were seen cast out naked, as food for dogs and wild beasts.
|
| 324
while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts.
| 324
Those who a little earlier had worn the sacred vestments and presided at worship for all mankind, held in veneration by visitors to our city from all over the world, were thrown out naked, to become the food of dogs and wild beasts.
|
| 325
αὐτὴν
ἐπ᾽
ἐκείνοις
στενάξαι
τοῖς
ἀνδράσι
δοκῶ
τὴν
ἀρετήν,
ὀλοφυρομένην
ὅτι
τοσοῦτον
ἥττητο
τῆς
κακίας.
ἀλλὰ
[γὰρ
]
τὸ
μὲν
ἈνάνουAnanus
καὶ
ἸησοῦJesus, Joshua
τέλος
τοιοῦτον
ἀπέβη.
|
325
I think Virtue itself groaned for those men, lamenting that it had been so utterly defeated by wickedness. Such was the end that befell Ananus and Joshua.
|
| 325
And I cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men’s case, and lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus.
| 325
Virtue groaned at what happened to these men and grieved at being so vanquished by wickedness.
This was how Ananus and Joshua met their end.
|
| 326
μετὰ
δ᾽
ἐκείνους
οἵ
τε
ζηλωταὶ
καὶ
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
τὸ
πλῆθος
τὸν
λαὸν
ὥσπερ
ἀνοσίων
ζῴων
ἀγέλην
ἐπιόντες
ἔσφαζον.
|
326
After them, the Zealots and the multitude of Idumaeans fell upon the people and slaughtered them like a herd of unclean animals.
|
| 326
Now after these were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the Idumeans fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut their throats;
| 326
After this, the Zealots and all the Idumaeans attacked the people like a flock of beasts and cut their throats.
|
| 327
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
εἰκαῖον
ἐφ᾽
οὗ
καταληφθείη
τόπου
διεφθείρετο,
τοὺς
δὲ
εὐγενεῖς
καὶ
νέους
συλλαμβάνοντες
εἰς
εἱρκτὴν
κατέκλειον
δεδεμένους,
κατ᾽
ἐλπίδα
τοῦ
προσθήσεσθαί
τινας
αὐτοῖς
τὴν
ἀναίρεσιν
ὑπερτιθέμενοι.
|
327
The commoners were destroyed wherever they were caught, but the noble and the young they seized and shut up in prison in bonds, putting off their execution in the hope that some might join them.
|
| 327
and, for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in what place soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth, they first caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to their party;
| 327
Common folk were killed where they were caught; but the noblemen and youth were first caught and chained and shut up in prison, with their slaughter postponed in hopes that some would convert to the rebel party.
|
| 328
προσέσχε
δ᾽
οὐδείς,
ἀλλὰ
πάντες
τοῦ
τάξασθαι
μετὰ
τῶν
πονηρῶν
κατὰ
τῆς
πατρίδος
προείλοντο
τὸν
θάνατον.
|
328
But no one paid attention, and everyone preferred death to siding with the wicked against their fatherland.
|
| 328
but not one of them would comply with their desires, but all of them preferred death before being enrolled among such wicked wretches as acted against their own country.
| 328
But they disregarded them, all preferring to die rather than enlist with wicked wretches against their own country.
|
| 329
δεινὰς
δὲ
τῆς
ἀρνήσεως
αἰκίας
ὑπέμενον
μαστιγούμενοί
τε
καὶ
στρεβλούμενοι,
μετὰ
δὲ
τὸ
μηκέτ᾽
ἀρκεῖν
τὸ
σῶμα
ταῖς
βασάνοις
μόλις
ἠξιοῦντο
τοῦ
ξίφους.
|
329
They endured terrible tortures for their refusal, being scourged and racked; only after their bodies could no longer suffice for the tortures were they finally granted the sword.
|
| 329
But this refusal of theirs brought upon them terrible torments; for they were so scourged and tortured, that their bodies were not able to sustain their torments, till at length, and with difficulty, they had the favor to be slain.
| 329
Their refusal cost them terrible pain, for they were scourged and tortured until, with their bodies broken with suffering, it was finally a favour to be killed by the sword.
|
| 330
οἱ
συλληφθέντες
δὲ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἀνῃροῦντο
νύκτωρ,
καὶ
τοὺς
νεκροὺς
ἐκφοροῦντες
ἔρριπτον,
ὡς
ἑτέροις
εἴη
δεσμώταις
τόπος.
|
330
Those seized during the day were killed at night, and they carried out and threw away the corpses so there would be room for other prisoners.
|
| 330
Those whom they caught in the day time were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room for other prisoners;
| 330
Those who were caught in the daytime were killed in the night and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away to make room for other prisoners.
|
| 331
ἦν
δὲ
τοσαύτη
τοῦ
δήμου
κατάπληξις,
ὡς
μηδένα
τολμῆσαι
μήτε
κρέας
φανερῶς
τὸν
προσήκοντα
νεκρὸν
μήτε
θάπτειν,
ἀλλὰ
λαθραῖα
μὲν
ἦν
αὐτῶν
κατακεκλεισμένων
τὰ
δάκρυα
καὶ
μετὰ
περισκέψεως,
μή
τις
ἐπακούσῃ
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν,
ἔστενον·
|
331
The terror of the people was so great that no one dared to weep openly for a dead relative or bury them; but their tears were secret, shed while locked inside and with caution, lest any of the enemies overhear.
|
| 331
and the terror that was upon the people was so great, that no one had courage enough either to weep openly for the dead man that was related to him, or to bury him; but those that were shut up in their own houses could only shed tears in secret, and durst not even groan without great caution, lest any of their enemies should hear them;
| 331
The people's terror was so great that no one dared to weep openly for a dead relative, or to bury him; but those who were shut up in their own houses could only shed tears in secret and hardly dared to weep in case any of their foes heard it.
|
| 332
ἴσα
γὰρ
τοῖς
πενθουμένοις
ὁ
πενθήσας
εὐθὺς
ἔπασχεto suffer·
νύκτωρ
δὲ
κόνιν
αἴροντες
χεροῖν
ὀλίγην
ἐπερρίπτουν
τοῖς
σώμασι,
καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
εἴ
τις
παράβολος.
|
332
For the one who mourned suffered the same fate as the one mourned for; and by night, taking a little dust in their hands, they cast it over the bodies—and by day, if anyone was daring enough.
|
| 332
for if they did, those that mourned for others soon underwent the same death with those whom they mourned for. Only in the nighttime they would take up a little dust, and throw it upon their bodies; and even some that were the most ready to expose themselves to danger would do it in the daytime:
| 332
If they did, those who mourned for others soon suffered the same as those they mourned for.
Only at night could they take some clay and throw it over the corpses, though some risked doing it in the daytime.
|
| 333
μύριοι
καὶ
δισχίλιοι
τῶν
εὐγενῶν
νέων
οὕτως
διεφθάρησαν.
|
333
Twelve thousand of the noble youths were destroyed in this manner.
|
| 333
and there were twelve thousand of the better sort who perished in this manner.
| 333
Up to twelve thousand of the upper class died in this manner.
|
| 334
Οἱ
δὲ
ἤδη
διαμεμισηκότες
τὸ
φονεύειν
ἀνέδην
εἰρωνεύοντο
δικαστήρια
καὶ
κρίσεις.
|
334
Now, having become glutted with slaughtering, they wantonly mocked the courts and trials.
|
| 334
And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing men, so they had the impudence of setting up fictitious tribunals and judicatures for that purpose;
| 334
When they grew tired of simply killing people, they had the gall to set up tribunals and courts.
|
| 335
καὶ
δή
τινα
τῶν
ἐπιφανεστάτων
ἀποκτείνειν
προθέμενοι
Ζαχαρίαν
υἱὸν
Βάρεις·
παρώξυνε
δὲ
αὐτοὺς
τὸ
λίαν
τἀνδρὸς
μισοπόνηρον
καὶ
φιλελεύθερον,
ἦν
δὲ
καὶ
πλούσιος,
ὥστε
μὴ
μόνον
ἐλπίζειν
τὴν
ἁρπαγὴν
τῆς
οὐσίας,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
προσαποσκευάσεσθαι
δυνατὸν
ἄνθρωπον
εἰς
τὴν
αὐτῶν
κατάλυσιν·
|
335
And indeed, they proposed to kill one of the most prominent men, Zechariah son of Baris; they were provoked by the man’s extreme hatred of wickedness and love of liberty. He was also rich, so they hoped not only to plunder his property but also to remove a man capable of their destruction.
|
| 335
and as they intended to have Zacharias the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain,—so what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but also to get rid of a man that had great power to destroy them.
| 335
They intended to do away with Zacharias the son of Baruch, one of the foremost citizens, provoked by his well-known hatred of evil and love of liberty.
He was a rich man, so that by killing him they hoped to seize his assets, but also to be rid of a man who had such power to destroy them.
|
| 336
συγκαλοῦσι
μὲν
ἐξ
ἐπιτάγματος
ἑβδομήκοντα
τῶν
ἐν
τέλει
δημοτῶν
εἰς
τὸ
ἱερόν,
περιθέντες
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
ὥσπερ
ἐπὶ
σκηνῆς
σχῆμα
δικαστῶν
ἔρημον
ἐξουσίας
τοῦ
ΖαχαρίουZacharias
κατηγόρουν,
ὡς
ἐνδιδοίη
τὰ
πράγματα
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
καὶ
περὶ
προδοσίας
διαπέμψαιτο
πρὸς
ΟὐεσπασιανόνVespasian.
|
336
By decree, they summoned seventy of the leading citizens to the temple, and placing around them a shadow of judges as if on a stage, they accused Zechariah of betraying the state to the Romans and sending messages to Vespasian concerning treason.
|
| 336
So they called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to Vespasian for that purpose.
| 336
So by a proclamation they gathered seventy of the leading people for a show-trial, as if they were real judges, though without authority.
Zacharias was accused before them of intending to betray their cause to the Romans and having treacherously sent to Vespasian for that purpose.
|
| 337
ἦν
δὲ
οὔτ᾽
ἔλεγχός
τις
τῶν
κατηγορουμένων
οὔτε
τεκμήριον,
ἀλλ᾽
αὐτοὶ
πεπεῖσθαι
καλῶς
ἔφασανto affirm, say
καὶ
τοῦτ᾽
εἶναι
πίστιν
τῆς
ἀληθείας
ἠξίουν.
|
337
There was neither any proof of the accusations nor any evidence, but they said they were well-persuaded themselves and claimed this should be the proof of the truth.
|
| 337
Now there appeared no proof or sign of what he was accused; but they affirmed themselves that they were well persuaded that so it was, and desired that such their affirmation might be taken for sufficient evidence.
| 337
No proof or sign of the accusation was produced but they said they believed it was so and wanted their statement taken as sufficient evidence.
|
| 338
ὅ
γε
μὴν
ΖαχαρίαςZachariah
συνιδὼν
μηδεμίαν
αὐτῷ
καταλειπομένην
σωτηρίας
ἐλπίδα,
κεκλῆσθαι
γὰρ
κατ᾽
ἐνέδραν
εἰς
εἱρκτήν,
οὐκ
ἐπὶ
δικαστήριον,
ἐποιήσατο
τὴν
τοῦ
ζῆν
ἀπόγνωσιν
οὐκ
ἀπαρρησίαστον,
ἀλλὰ
καταστὰς
τὸ
μὲν
πιθανὸν
τῶν
κατηγορημένων
διεχλεύασε
καὶ
διὰ
βραχέων
ἀπελύσατο
τὰς
ἐπιφερομέναςto bring, put upon
αἰτίας.
|
338
Zechariah, realizing that no hope of safety was left to him—for he had been called to a prison by a snare, not to a court—did not abandon his freedom of speech in his despair of life. Standing up, he mocked the plausibility of the accusations and briefly refuted the charges brought against him.
|
| 338
Now when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way remaining for his escape from them, as having been treacherously called before them, and then put in prison, but not with any intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty of speech in that despair of his life he was under. Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their pretended accusation, and in a few words confuted the crimes laid to his charge;
| 338
When Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way to escape them, having been wrongfully arrested and imprisoned with no intention of a legal trial, he drew great liberty of speech from his despair for his life.
He stood up and mocked their so-called accusation and briefly refuted the crimes charged against him.
|
| 339
ἔπειτα
δὲ
τὸν
λόγον
εἰς
τοὺς
κατηγόρους
ἀποστρέψας
ἑξῆς
πάσας
αὐτῶν
διεξῄει
τὰς
παρανομίας
καὶ
πολλὰ
περὶ
τῆς
συγχύσεως
κατωλοφύρατο
τῶν
πραγμάτων.
|
339
Then, turning his speech against the accusers, he went through all their lawless deeds in order and lamented much about the confusion of the state.
|
| 339
after which he turned his speech to his accusers, and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the law, and made heavy lamentation upon the confusion they had brought public affairs to:
| 339
Then he turned on his accusers and clearly listed all their breaches of the law and bitterly rebuked the turmoil they had caused in public life.
|
| 340
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
δ᾽
ἐθορύβουν
καὶ
μόλις
τῶν
ξιφῶν
ἀπεκράτουν,
τὸ
σχῆμα
καὶ
τὴν
εἰρωνείαν
τοῦ
δικαστηρίου
μέχρι
τέλους
παῖξαι
προαιρούμενοι,
καὶ
ἄλλως
πειράσαι
θέλοντες
τοὺς
δικαστάς,
εἰ
παρὰ
τὸν
αὐτῶν
κίνδυνον
μνησθήσονται
τοῦ
δικαίου.
|
340
The Zealots were in an uproar and could hardly restrain their swords, though they intended to play out the show and mockery of the court until the end, and they also wanted to test the judges to see if they would remember justice at the risk of their own lives.
|
| 340
in the meantime, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of what was just at their own peril.
| 340
The Zealots grew restless and barely refrained from drawing their swords, although they sought to retain the appearance of legality to the end, wanting to see if the judges would defend justice at their own peril.
|
| 342
ἤρθη
δὲ
βοὴ
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
πρὸς
τὴν
ἀπόλυσιν,
καὶ
πάντων
μὲν
ἦν
ἀγανάκτησις
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
δικασταῖς
ὡς
μὴ
συνιεῖσι
τὴν
εἰρωνείαν
τῆς
δοθείσης
αὐτοῖς
ἐξουσίας,
|
342
A shout arose from the Zealots at the acquittal, and there was indignation from all against the judges for not understanding the mockery of the power given to them.
|
| 342
hereupon there arose a great clamor of the zealots upon his acquittal, and they all had indignation at the judges for not understanding that the authority that was given them was but in jest.
| 342
There was bitter complaint from the Zealots at his acquittal and they raged at the judges for not seeing that the authority given to them was only in jest.
|
| 343
δύο
δὲ
τολμηρότατοι
προσπεσόντες
ἐν
μέσῳ
τῷ
ἱερῷ
διαφθείρουσι
τὸν
Ζαχαρίαν
καὶ
πεσόντι
ἐπιχλευάσαντες
ἔφασανto affirm, say
"
καὶ
παρ᾽
ἡμῶν
τὴν
ψῆφον
ἔχεις
καὶ
βεβαιοτέραν
ἀπόλυσιν
"
ῥίπτουσί
τε
αὐτὸν
[εὐθέως
]
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
κατὰ
τῆς
ὑποκειμένης
φάραγγος.
|
343
Two of the most daring, rushing forward in the middle of the temple, murdered Zechariah; and as he fell, they mocked him, saying, “You have our vote too, and a more certain acquittal.” They immediately threw him from the temple into the valley below.
|
| 343
So two of the boldest of them fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and slew him; and as he fell down dead, they bantered him, and said, “Thou hast also our verdict, and this will prove a more sure acquittal to thee than the other.” They also threw him down from the temple immediately into the valley beneath it.
| 343
Two of the boldest of them attacked Zacharias in the middle of the temple and killed him and as he fell down dead, joked that, "You have our verdict which will free you more certainly than the other," and instantly threw him down from the temple into the valley below.
|
| 344
τοὺς
δὲ
δικαστὰς
πρὸς
ὕβριν
ἀπεστραμμένοις
τοῖς
ξίφεσι
τύπτοντες
ἐξέωσαν
τοῦ
περιβόλου,
δι᾽
ἓν
τοῦτο
φεισάμενοι
τῆς
σφαγῆς
αὐτῶν,
ἵνα
σκεδασθέντες
ἀνὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἄγγελοι
πᾶσι
τῆς
δουλείας
γένωνται.
|
344
And the judges, they drove out of the precinct, striking them with the backs of their swords in insult, sparing them from slaughter for this one reason: that being scattered throughout the city, they might be messengers of slavery to everyone.
|
| 344
Moreover, they struck the judges with the backs of their swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them out of the court of the temple, and spared their lives with no other design than that, when they were dispersed among the people in the city, they might become their messengers, to let them know they were no better than slaves.
| 344
They struck the judges abusively with the flat of their swords, and expelled them from the court of the temple, but spared their lives so that they could go out among the people in the city and let them know they were no better than slaves.
|
| 345
Τοῖς
δὲ
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
ἤδη
τῆς
παρουσίας
μετέμελε
καὶ
προσίστατο
τὰ
πραττόμενα.
|
345
The Idumaeans were already repenting of their presence and were disgusted by the deeds being done.
|
| 345
But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were displeased at what had been done;
| 345
By this time the Idumaeans were sorry they had come and were displeased with what had been done.
|
| 346
συναγαγὼν
δὲ
αὐτούς
τις
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
κατ᾽
ἰδίαν
ἐλθὼν
ἐνεδείκνυτο
τὰ
συμπαρανομηθέντα
τοῖς
καλέσασι
καὶ
τὸ
κατὰ
τῆς
μητροπόλεως
διεξῄει·
|
346
One of the Zealots, coming to them in private, pointed out the lawless acts committed alongside those who had called them and went through the things done against the capital city.
|
| 346
and when they were assembled together by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared to them what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in conjunction with those that invited them, and gave a particular account of what mischiefs had been done against their metropolis.
| 346
One of the Zealots came to them privately and in their assembly spoke of their many misdeeds in league with those who invited them, listing in detail the harm done to their metropolis.
|
| 347
παρατάσσεσθαι
μὲν
γὰρ
ὡς
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων
προδιδομένης
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τῆς
μητροπόλεως,
εὑρηκέναι
δὲ
προδοσίας
μὲν
τεκμήριον
οὐδέν,
τοὺς
δ᾽
ἐκείνην
ὑποκρινομένους
φυλάττεσθαι
καὶ
πολέμου
καὶ
τυραννίδος
ἔργα
τολμῶντας.
|
347
He said they had taken up arms because the High Priests were betraying the capital to the Romans, but they had found no evidence of treason; instead, those pretending to guard it were daring to do the works of war and tyranny.
|
| 347
He said that they had taken arms, as though the high priests were betraying their metropolis to the Romans, but had found no indication of any such treachery; but that they had succored those that had pretended to believe such a thing, while they did themselves the works of war and tyranny, after an insolent manner.
| 347
He said they had taken up arms as though the high priests were betraying their city to the Romans, but had found no proof of any such treachery, while the hypocritical accusers carried on with works of war and tyranny.
|
| 348
προσήκειν
μὲν
οὖν
αὐτοῖς
διακωλύειν
ἀπ᾽
ἀρχῆς·
ἐπειδὴ
δὲ
ἅπαξ
εἰς
κοινωνίαν
ἐμφυλίουkinsfolk
φόνου
προέπεσον,
ὅρον
γοῦν
ἐπιθεῖναι
τοῖς
ἁμαρτήμασι
καὶ
μὴ
παραμένειν
χορηγοῦντας
ἰσχὺν
τοῖς
καταλύουσι
τὰ
πάτρια.
|
348
He said it was right for them to have prevented it from the beginning; but since they had once fallen into a partnership of civil murder, they should at least put a limit to their errors and not remain providing strength to those destroying the ancestral customs.
|
| 348
It had been indeed their business to have hindered them from such their proceedings at the first, but seeing they had once been partners with them in shedding the blood of their own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes, and not continue to afford any more assistance to such as are subverting the laws of their forefathers;
| 348
From the start they should have hindered them from this, but even if up to now they had joined them in shedding the blood of their countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes and no longer continue to help those who subverted the ancestral laws.
|
| 349
καὶ
γὰρ
εἴ
τινες
χαλεπαίνουσι
τὸ
κλεισθῆναι
τὰς
πύλας
καὶ
μὴ
δοθῆναι
μετὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων
αὐτοῖς
ἑτοίμην
τὴν
εἴσοδον,
ἀλλὰ
τοὺς
εἴρξαντας
τετιμωρῆσθαι·
καὶ
τεθνάναι
μὲν
ἌνανονAnanus,
διεφθάρθαι
δὲ
ἐπὶ
μιᾶς
νυκτὸς
ὀλίγου
δεῖν
πάντα
τὸν
δῆμον·
|
349
For even if some were angry at the gates being closed and not being given ready entry with their weapons, yet those who barred them had been punished: Ananus was dead, and in one night nearly all the people had been destroyed.
|
| 349
for that if any had taken it ill that the gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to come into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been punished, and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been destroyed in one night’s time.
| 349
If any of them were still angry with the gates being shut against them, blocking their entry into the city, those who had excluded them were already punished and Ananus was dead and almost all those people had been destroyed in one single night.
|
| 350
ἐφ᾽
οἷς
τῶν
μὲν
οἰκείων
πολλοὺς
αἰσθάνεσθαι
μετανοοῦντας,
τῶν
ἐπικαλεσαμένων
δὲ
ὁρᾶν
ἄμετρον
τὴν
ὠμότητα
μηδὲ
δι᾽
οὓς
ἐσώθησαν
αἰδουμένων·
|
350
Because of these things, many of their own people were feeling regret, while they saw the immeasurable cruelty of those who had invited them, who did not even respect those through whom they were saved.
|
| 350
That one may perceive many of themselves now repenting for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them;
| 350
One could now see many of them repenting for what they had done as they noted the savagery of those who had invited them, and now showed no regard for those who had saved them.
|
| 351
ἐν
ὄμμασι
γοῦν
τῶν
συμμάχων
τὰ
αἴσχιστα
τολμᾶν,
καὶ
τὰς
ἐκείνων
παρανομίας
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
προσάπτεσθαι,
μέχρις
ἂν
μήτε
κωλύῃ
τις
μήτε
χωρίζηται
τῶν
δρωμένων.
|
351
In the eyes of their allies, they dared the most shameful things, and the lawlessness of the Zealots was being attached to the Idumaeans, so long as no one prevented it or separated themselves from the deeds.
|
| 351
that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest things, under the eyes of those that had supported them, and that their wicked actions would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would be so laid to their charge till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or separates himself from the same wicked action;
| 351
They were not ashamed to do the vilest things under the eyes of those who had supported them, thinking their mischief would be blamed on the Idumaeans, and would keep doing so until someone put a stop to it and disavowed these crimes.
|
| 352
δεῖν
οὖν,
ἐπειδὴ
διαβολὴ
μὲν
πέφηνε
τὰ
τῆς
προδοσίας,
ἔφοδος
δὲ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
οὐδεμία
προσδοκᾶται,
δυναστεία
δ᾽
ἐπιτετείχισται
τῇ
πόλει
δυσκατάλυτος,
αὐτοὺς
ἀναχωρεῖν
ἐπ᾽
οἴκου
καὶ
τῷ
μὴ
κοινωνεῖν
τοῖς
φαύλοις
ἁπάντων
ἀπολογήσασθαι
πέρι,
ὧν
φενακισθέντες
μετάσχοιεν.
|
352
Therefore, since the charge of treason had been shown to be a slander and no Roman attack was expected, and a tyranny difficult to overthrow had been built against the city, they ought to return home and, by not associating with the wicked, clear themselves of all the things in which they had shared by being deceived.
|
| 352
that they therefore ought to retire home, since the imputation of treason appears to be a Calumny, and that there was no expectation of the coming of the Romans at this time, and that the government of the city was secured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown down; and, by avoiding any further fellowship with these bad men, to make some excuse for themselves, as to what they had been so far deluded, as to have been partners with them hitherto.
| 352
They should retire home, therefore, since the charge of treason was false and there was no prospect of the Romans arriving at this time and the government of the city was secured by walls not easily thrown down.
They could make some excuse for themselves by having no further contact with these villains, and show that up to now they had been tricked into joining with them.
|
Chapter 6
The Zealots kill many citizens;
Vespasian holds back the Romans.
| 353
Τούτοις
πεισθέντες
οἱ
Ἰδουμαῖοι
πρῶτον
μὲν
λύουσι
τοὺς
ἐν
τοῖς
δεσμωτηρίοις
περὶ
δισχιλίους
δημότας,
οἳ
παραχρῆμα
φυγόντες
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀφικνοῦνταιto arrive at, reach
πρὸς
ΣίμωναSimon,
περὶ
οὗ
μικρὸν
ὕστερον
ἐροῦμεν·
ἔπειτα
ἐκ
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἀνεχώρησαν
ἐπ᾽
οἴκου.
|
353
Persuaded by these things, the Idumaeans first released about two thousand of the common citizens who were in the prisons; these immediately fled from the city and went to Simon, about whom we shall speak shortly. Afterward, they [the Idumaeans] departed from Jerusalem and returned home.
|
| 353
The Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and, in the first place, they set those that were in the prisons at liberty, being about two thousand of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to Simon, one whom we shall speak of presently. After which these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem, and went home;
| 353
The Idumaeans granted this, and first freed the prisoners, about two thousand in all, who immediately fled to Simon, about whom we shall soon speak, and then left Jerusalem and went home.
|
| 354
καὶ
συνέβη
τὸν
χωρισμὸν
αὐτῶν
γενέσθαι
παράδοξον
ἀμφοτέροις·
ὅ
τε
γὰρ
δῆμος
ἀγνοῶν
τὴν
μετάνοιαν
ἀνεθάρσησε
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
ὡς
ἐχθρῶν
κεκουφισμένος,
|
354
And it happened that their departure was unexpected to both sides. For the common people, being unaware of the Idumaeans’ change of heart, took heart for a short while, thinking they were relieved of enemies;
|
| 354
which departure of theirs was a great surprise to both parties; for the people, not knowing of their repentance, pulled up their courage for a while, as eased of so many of their enemies,
| 354
Their departure came as a surprise to both parties, for the people, not knowing of their repentance, raised their spirits for a while, as though finished with so many of the enemy,
|
| 355
οἵ
τε
ζηλωταὶ
μᾶλλον
ἐπανέστησαν,
οὐχ
ὡς
ὑπὸ
συμμάχων
καταλειφθέντες,
ἀλλ᾽
ἀπηλλαγμένοι
τῶν
δυσωπούντων
καὶ
διατρεπόντων
παρανομεῖν.
|
355
while the Zealots grew more arrogant—not as though they had been deserted by allies, but as if they were freed from those who had shamed them and restrained them from lawless acts.
|
| 355
while the zealots grew more insolent not as deserted by their confederates, but as freed from such men as might hinder their designs, and put some stop to their wickedness.
| 355
while the Zealots grew more expansive as though not deserted by allies, but freed from people who could hinder their plans and put a brake on their wickedness.
|
| 356
οὐκέτι
γοῦν
μέλλησις
ἢ
σκέψις
ἦν
τῶν
ἀδικημάτων,
ἀλλ᾽
ὀξυτάταις
μὲν
ἐχρῶντο
ταῖς
ἐπινοίαιςthought
εἰς
ἕκαστα,
τὰ
δοχθέντα
δὲ
τάχιον
καὶ
τῆς
ἐπινοίας
ἐνήργουν.
|
356
At any rate, there was no longer any delay or deliberation regarding their crimes, but they employed the swiftest inventions for every deed, and carried out their decisions even faster than they conceived them.
|
| 356
Accordingly, they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than anyone could imagine.
| 356
They delayed no longer and took no further thought about their misdeeds, but got to work sharply and carried out their decisions more quickly than expected.
|
| 357
μάλιστα
δ᾽
ἐπ᾽
ἀνδρείαν
τε
καὶ
εὐγένειαν
ἐφόνων,
τὴν
μὲν
φθόνῳ
λυμαινόμενοι,
τὸ
δὲ
γενναῖον
δέει·
μόνην
γὰρ
αὐτῶν
ἀσφάλειαν
ὑπελάμβανον
τὸ
μηδένα
τῶν
δυνατῶν
καταλιπεῖν.
|
357
They especially thirsted for the blood of those distinguished for bravery and noble birth; the former they ruined out of envy, the latter out of fear. For they supposed their only safety lay in leaving none of the powerful alive.
|
| 357
But their thirst was chiefly after the blood of valiant men, and men of good families; the one sort of which they destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their whole security lay in leaving no potent men alive;
| 357
But they targeted especially the blood of valiant men and people of good families, killing the former out of envy and the latter out of fear, seeing their whole security dependant on leaving no strong men alive.
|
| 358
ἀνῃρέθη
γοῦν
σὺν
πολλοῖς
ἑτέροις
καὶ
Γουρίων,
ἀξιώματι
μὲν
καὶ
γένει
προύχων,
δημοκρατικὸς
δὲ
καὶ
φρονήματος
ἐλευθερίουfree-spirited
μεστός,
εἰ
καί
τις
ἕτερος
ἸουδαίωνJews·
ἀπώλεσε
δὲ
αὐτὸν
ἡ
παρρησία
μάλιστα
πρὸς
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
πλεονεκτήμασιν.
|
358
Thus, along with many others, Gurion was murdered, a man surpassing others in dignity and birth, but also democratic and full of a spirit of liberty, if ever any Jew was; his plainness of speech, more than his other advantages, brought about his ruin.
|
| 358
on which account they slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom of spirit as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his freespeaking.
| 358
For this reason they killed Gorion, a person eminent in dignity and family connections, who favoured democracy and was as bold and free of spirit as any Jew alive, but despite his advantages, speaking too freely brought about his ruin.
|
| 359
οὐδ᾽
ὁ
ΠεραίτηςPersite
ΝίγερNiger
αὐτῶν
τὰς
χεῖρας
διέφυγεν,
ἀνὴρ
ἄριστος
ἐν
τοῖς
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
πολέμοις
γενόμενος·
ὃς
καὶ
βοῶν
πολλάκις
τάς
τε
ὠτειλὰς
ἐπιδεικνὺς
διὰ
μέσης
ἐσύρετο
τῆς
πόλεως.
|
359
Nor did Niger the Peraean escape their hands, a man who had proven most excellent in the wars against the Romans. He was dragged through the middle of the city, frequently shouting out and showing his scars.
|
| 359
Nor did Niger of Perea escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city,
| 359
They also did away with Niger of Peres who had shown great bravery in the war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, often shouting as he went and showing the scars of his wounds.
|
| 360
ἐπεὶ
δὲ
ἔξω
τῶν
πυλῶν
ἦκτο,
τὴν
σωτηρίαν
ἀπογνοὺς
περὶ
ταφῆς
ἱκέτευεν·
οἱ
δὲ
προαπειλήσαντες
ἧς
ἐπεθύμει
μάλιστα
γῆς
μὴ
μεταδώσειν
αὐτῷ,
τὸν
φόνον
ἐνήργουν.
|
360
When he had been led outside the gates, despairing of his life, he pleaded for burial; but they, having already threatened not to grant him even the earth he so desired, carried out the murder.
|
| 360
and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried].
| 360
As he was drawn outside the gates and no more hope of survival, he implored them to grant him burial, but they had threatened him in advance not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave.
|
| 361
ἀναιρούμενος
δὲ
ὁ
ΝίγερNiger
τιμωροὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
αὐτοῖς
ἐπηράσατο
λιμόν
τε
καὶ
λοιμὸν
ἐπὶ
τῷ
πολέμῳ
καὶ
πρὸς
ἅπασι
τὰς
ἀλλήλων
χεῖρας·
|
361
As he was being slain, Niger called down curses upon them: that the Romans would be their avengers, and that famine and pestilence would come upon the war, and above all, that they would die by each other’s hands.
|
| 361
Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another;
| 361
As they were killing him, he cursed them that they would suffer famine and plague in this war and end up killing each other.
|
| 362
ἃ
δὴ
πάντα
κατὰ
τῶν
ἀσεβῶν
ἐκύρωσεν
ὁ
θεός,
καὶ
τὸ
δικαιότατον,
ὅτι
γεύσασθαι
τῆς
ἀλλήλων
ἀπονοίας
ἔμελλον
οὐκ
εἰς
μακρὰν
στασιάσαντες.
|
362
God ratified all these things against these impious men; and most justly so, because not long after, they were to taste each other’s madness through their internal sedition.
|
| 362
all which imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them, when not long afterward they tasted of their own madness in their mutual seditions one against another.
| 362
All these God brought on these impious men in what so justly happened to them, when soon after they tasted their own madness in rebelling against each other.
|
| 363
ΝίγερNiger
μὲν
οὖν
ἀνῃρημένος
τοὺς
περὶ
τῆς
καταλύσεως
αὐτῶν
φόβους
ἐπεκούφισε,
τοῦ
λαοῦ
δὲ
μέρος
οὐδὲν
ἦν,
ᾧ
μὴ
πρὸς
ἀπώλειαν
ἐπενοεῖτο
πρόφασις.
|
363
So the murder of Niger relieved them of their fears concerning their own overthrow, but there was no part of the people for whom some pretext for destruction was not devised.
|
| 363
So when this Niger was killed, their fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed there was no part of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy them;
| 363
When this Niger was killed, their fears of being sidelined eased, and no part of the people was safe from some pretext for being destroyed.
|
| 364
τὸ
μὲν
γὰρ
αὐτῶν
διενεχθέν
τινι
πάλαι
διέφθαρτο,
τὸ
δὲ
μὴ
προσκροῦσαν
κατ᾽
εἰρήνην
ἐπικαίρους
ἐλάμβανε
τὰς
αἰτίας·
καὶ
ὁ
μὲν
μηδ᾽
ὅλως
αὐτοῖς
προσιὼν
ὡς
ὑπερήφανος,
ὁ
προσιὼν
δὲ
μετὰ
παρρησίας
ὡς
καταφρονῶν,
ὁ
θεραπεύων
δ᾽
ὡς
ἐπίβουλος
ὑπωπτεύετο.
|
364
For those who had differed with any of them long ago were put to death; and those who had not offended them in peace-time met with accusations tailored to the occasion. He who did not approach them at all was suspected of being arrogant; he who approached with boldness, of being contemptuous; and he who flattered them, of being a conspirator.
|
| 364
for some were therefore slain, because they had had differences with some of them; and as to those that had not opposed them in times of peace, they watched seasonable opportunities to gain some accusation against them; and if anyone did not come near them at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud man; if anyone came with boldness, he was esteemed a contemner of them;
| 364
Some were killed for some past differences with them.
Those who had not opposed them in time of peace were watched, for some excuse.
If one did not approach them at all, he was suspected of being too proud; if he came with confidence, he was deemed to scorn them, and if he tried to please them, he was supposed to be plotting treachery against them.
|
| 365
μία
δὲ
ἦν
τῶν
τε
μεγίστων
καὶ
μετριωτάτων
ἐγκλημάτων
τιμωρία
θάνατος·
καὶ
διέφυγεν
οὐδείς,
εἰ
μὴ
σφόδρα
τις
ἦν
ταπεινὸς
ἢ
δι᾽
ἀγένειαν
ἢ
διὰ
τύχην.
|
365
There was but one penalty for the greatest and the slightest of charges: death. And no one escaped, unless he was extremely lowly either by lack of birth or by fortune.
|
| 365
and if anyone came as aiming to oblige them, he was supposed to have some treacherous plot against them; while the only punishment of crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest sort, was death. Nor could anyone escape, unless he were very inconsiderable, either on account of the meanness of his birth, or on account of his fortune.
| 365
The sole punishment of crimes, whether major or minor, was death.
No one could escape this dilemma, except the poorest by birth or fortune.
|
| 366
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
δὲ
οἱ
μὲν
ἄλλοι
πάντες
ἡγεμόνες
ἝρμαιονHermeus
ἡγούμενοι
τὴν
στάσιν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ὥρμηντο
πρὸς
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
τὸν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ἤπειγον
ὡς
ἂν
ὄντα
κύριον
τῶν
ὅλων,
φάμενοι
πρόνοιαν
θεοῦ
σύμμαχον
σφίσι
τῷ
τετράφθαι
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
κατ᾽
ἀλλήλων·
|
366
Now, all the other Roman commanders, regarding the sedition of their enemies as a godsend, were eager to march against the city and urged Vespasian on, as he was the master of the whole situation, saying that God’s providence was their ally since their enemies were turned against one another.
|
| 366
And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that “the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against one another;
| 366
All the rest of the Roman officers reckoned this rebellion among the enemy to be of great advantage to them and were keen to march on the city, urging Vespasian, their superior in all things, to hurry because, they said, "the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at odds with each other.
|
| 367
εἶναι
μέντοι
τὴν
ῥοπὴν
ὀξεῖαν,
καὶ
ταχέως
ἸουδαίουςJews
ὁμονοήσειν
[ἡμῖν
]
ἢ
κοπιάσαντας
ἐν
τοῖς
ἐμφυλίοιςkinsfolk
κακοῖς
ἢ
μετανοήσαντας.
|
367
They said, however, that the shift was rapid, and that the Jews would soon reach an agreement, either being worn out by their civil miseries or repenting of them.
|
| 367
that still the change in such cases may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be tired out with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings.”
| 367
But this lapse may be short-lived and the Jews may quickly be re-united, either growing tired of civil strife or repenting of it. "
|
| 368
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
πλεῖστον
αὐτοὺς
ἔφη
τοῦ
δέοντος
ἁμαρτάνειν,
ὥσπερ
ἐν
θεάτρῳ
χειρῶν
τε
καὶ
ὅπλων
ἐπίδειξιν
ποιήσασθαι
γλιχομένους
οὐκ
ἀκίνδυνον,
ἀλλὰ
μὴ
τὸ
συμφέρον
καὶ
τἀσφαλὲς
σκοποῦντας.
|
368
But Vespasian replied that they were greatly mistaken in what was necessary, and that they were longing for a display of hands and weapons as if in a theater—a thing not without danger—rather than looking to what was profitable and safe.
|
| 368
But Vespasian replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought fit to be done, as those that, upon the theater, love to make a show of their hands, and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard, without considering, what was for their advantage, and for their security;
| 368
Vespasian said they were greatly mistaken about what should be done, like theatrical people gesturing with their hands and weapons, but doing so at their own risk, without thought for security.
|
| 369
εἰ
μὲν
γὰρ
εὐθέως
ὁρμήσειεν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν,
αἴτιος
ὁμονοίας
ἔσεσθαι
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
καὶ
τὴν
ἰσχὺν
αὐτῶν
ἀκμάζουσαν
ἐφ᾽
ἑαυτὸν
ἐπιστρέψειν·
εἰ
δὲ
περιμείνειεν,
ὀλιγωτέροις
χρήσεσθαι
δαπανηθεῖσιν
ἐν
τῇ
στάσει.
|
369
For if he were to attack the city immediately, he would cause the enemies to unite and would turn their strength, now at its peak, against himself; but if he waited, he would deal with fewer enemies, as they would be consumed by the sedition.
|
| 369
for that if they now go and attack the city immediately, “they shall but occasion their enemies to unite together, and shall convert their force, now it is in its height, against themselves. But if they stay a while, they shall have fewer enemies, because they will be consumed in this sedition:
| 369
If they went now and attacked the city it would only cause the enemy to unite and turn their force, now at its height, against the Romans, whereas if they waited, the enemy would be fewer, worn out by strife.
|
| 370
στρατηγεῖν
μὲν
γὰρ
ἄμεινον
αὐτοῦ
τὸν
θεὸν
ἀπονητὶ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
παραδιδόντα
ἸουδαίουςJews
καὶ
τὴν
νίκην
ἀκινδύνως
τῇ
στρατιᾷ
χαριζόμενον·
|
370
For he said God was a better general than himself, delivering the Jews to the Romans without effort and granting victory to the army without risk.
|
| 370
that God acts as a general of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any danger;
| 370
God, he said, was leading the Romans better than he himself could do and handing the Jews over to them without any effort on their part, giving their army a victory without danger.
|
| 371
ὥστε
χρῆναι
διαφθειρομένων
χερσὶν
οἰκείαις
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν
καὶ
τῷ
μεγίστῳ
κακῷ
στάσει
χρωμένων
θεατὰς
μᾶλλον
αὐτοὺς
ἀποκαθῆσθαι
τῶν
κινδύνων
ἢ
θανατῶσιν
ἀνθρώποις
καὶ
λελυσσηκόσιν
κατ᾽
ἀλλήλων
χεῖρα
μίσγειν.
|
371
Therefore, while their enemies were being destroyed by their own hands and suffering from that greatest of evils, sedition, the Romans ought to remain spectators of the danger rather than engage with men who were suicidal and raging against one another.
|
| 371
that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies are destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the greatest of misfortunes, which is that of sedition, to sit still as spectators of the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to hand with men that love murdering, and are mad one against another.
| 371
So while their enemies were destroying each other by hand and stoking their own woes by disunity, their best course was to stand back as spectators out of danger rather than fight it out with men who love killing and are mad at each other.
|
| 372
εἰ
δέ
τις
οἴεται
τὴν
δόξαν
τῆς
νίκης
ἑωλοτέραν
ἔσεσθαι
δίχα
μάχης,
γνώτω
τοῦ
διὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων
σφαλεροῦ
τὸ
μετὰ
ἡσυχίας
κατόρθωμα
λυσιτελέστερον·
|
372
If anyone thinks the glory of victory will be less fresh without a battle, let him know that a success won through quietness is more profitable than the hazards of arms.
|
| 372
“But if anyone imagines that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without fighting, will be more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious success, quietly obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of a battle;
| 372
If anyone thought that the glory of victory would be insipid without a fight, he should learn that one gained by self-control is more fruitful.
|
| 373
καὶ
γὰρ
οὐχ
ἧττον
εὐκλεεῖς
οἴεσθαι
χρὴ
τῶν
κατὰ
χεῖρα
λαμπρῶν
τοὺς
ἐγκρατείᾳ
καὶ
συνέσει
τὰ
ἴσα
πράξαντας.
ἅμα
μέντοι
μειουμένων
τῶν
πολεμίων
καὶ
τὴν
αὑτοῦ
στρατιὰν
ἀναληφθεῖσανto take up
ἐκ
τῶν
συνεχῶν
πόνων
ἐρρωμενέστερον
ἄξειν.
|
373
For one must consider those who achieve the same results through self-control and wisdom to be no less famous than those who are brilliant in hand-to-hand combat. Moreover, while the enemy was being diminished, his own army, recuperating from continuous labors, would be led forth more vigorously.
|
| 373
for we ought to esteem these that do what is agreeable to temperance and prudence no less glorious than those that have gained great reputation by their actions in war: that he shall lead on his army with greater force when their enemies are diminished, and his own army refreshed after the continual labors they had undergone.
| 373
We should admire those who act with self-control and prudence no less than those who distinguish themselves in action, and he would lead his army more forcefully when their enemies were fewer and his own army refreshed after the continual toil they had endured.
|
| 375
οὐ
γὰρ
περὶ
κατασκευὴν
ὅπλων
ἢ
τειχῶν
οὐδὲ
περὶ
συλλογὴν
ἐπικούρων
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἀσχολεῖσθαι,
καὶ
τὴν
ὑπέρθεσιν
ἔσεσθαι
κατὰ
τῶν
διδόντων,
ἀλλ᾽
ἐμφυλίῳ
πολέμῳ
καὶ
διχονοίᾳ
τραχηλιζομένους
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
οἰκτρότερα
πάσχειν
ὧν
ἂν
ἐπελθόντες
αὐτοὶ
διαθεῖεν
αὐτοὺς
ἁλόντας.
|
375
For the Jews were not busy preparing weapons or walls or gathering auxiliaries, in which case a delay would be to the advantage of those who gave it; rather, they were being strangled by civil war and discord, suffering daily more pitiable things than they would suffer if the Romans attacked and captured them.
|
| 375
for that the Jews are not now employed in making of armor or building of walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while the advantage will be on their side who give them such opportunity of delay; but that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil wars and dissensions, and are under greater miseries than, if they were once taken, could be inflicted on them by us.
| 375
since the Jews were not now engaged in making armour or building the ramparts, or in gathering allies, and it was well to leave the Jews alone while they spent their time in civil wars and strife, more stricken than they could be even if they were captured.
|
| 376
εἴτ᾽
οὖν
τἀσφαλές
τις
σκοποίη,
χρῆναι
τοὺς
ὑφ᾽
ἑαυτῶν
ἀναλισκομένους
ἐᾶν,
εἴτε
τὸ
εὐκλεέστερον
τοῦ
κατορθώματος,
οὐ
δεῖν
τοῖς
οἴκοι
νοσοῦσιν
ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try·
ῥηθήσεσθαι
γὰρ
εὐλόγως
οὐκ
αὐτῶν
τὴν
νίκην
ἀλλὰ
τῆς
στάσεως.
|
376
Whether, therefore, one looked to safety, one should let them consume themselves; or to the greater glory of the achievement, one should not attack those who were sick at home; for it would be said, with reason, that the victory was not theirs, but the sedition’s.
|
| 376
Whether thereforeanyone hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to destroy one another; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of the action, we ought by no means to meddle with those men, now they are afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their sedition.”
| 376
If one thought about security, he should leave them to destroy each other.
Even if he cared about the greater glory of action, it was still wrong to attack them amid their domestic sickness, for to defeat them now would not be credited to the Romans but to their own disunity.
|
| 377
Ταῦτα
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
λέγοντι
συνῄνουν
οἱ
ἡγεμόνες,
καὶ
παραχρῆμα
τὸ
στρατηγικὸν
τῆς
γνώμης
ἀνεφαίνετοto give light·
πολλοὶ
γοῦν
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ηὐτομόλουν
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
διαδιδράσκοντες.
|
377
As Vespasian said these things, the commanders agreed with him, and immediately the strategic wisdom of his opinion became apparent; for many deserted every day, escaping the Zealots.
|
| 377
And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opinion he had given. And indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled away from the zealots,
| 377
The officers agreed with what Vespasian said, and the wisdom of his strategic opinion soon emerged, for every day many of the Jews deserted and fled from the Zealots.
|
| 378
Χαλεπὴ
δ᾽
ἦν
ἡ
φυγὴ
φρουραῖς
διειληφότων
τὰς
διεξόδους
πάσας
καὶ
τὸν
ὁπωσοῦν
ἐν
αὐταῖς
ἁλισκόμενον
ὡς
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἀπιόντα
διαχρωμένων.
|
378
But flight was difficult, as they had stationed guards at every exit, and anyone caught in them for any reason was slaughtered as one going over to the Romans.
|
| 378
although their flight was very difficult, since they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the Romans;
| 378
Their flight was very difficult, as these had guarded every exit from the city and killed anyone caught in them, as traitors to the Romans.
|
| 379
ὅ
γε
μὴν
χρήματα
δοὺς
ἐξηφίετο
καὶ
μόνος
ἦν
ὁ
μὴ
διδοὺς
προδότης,
ὥστε
κατελείπετο
τῶν
εὐπόρων
τὴν
φυγὴν
ὠνουμένων
μόνους
ἐναποσφάττεσθαι
τοὺς
πένητας.
|
379
However, he who gave money was let go, and only he who did not give was a “traitor”; thus, it turned out that only the poor were slaughtered, while the wealthy purchased their escape.
|
| 379
yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the rich purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were slain.
| 379
However, anyone who gave them money could escape, and only those who gave them none were called traitors, so that the rich could buy their way out, and only the poor were killed.
|
| 380
νεκροὶ
δὲ
κατὰ
τὰς
λεωφόρους
πάσας
ἐσωρεύοντο
παμπληθεῖς,
καὶ
πολλοὶ
τῶν
ὁρμωμένων
αὐτομολεῖν
πάλιν
τὴν
ἔνδον
ἀπώλειαν
ᾑροῦντο·
τὸν
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τῆς
πατρίδος
θάνατον
ἐλπὶς
ταφῆς
ἐποίει
δοκεῖν
μετριώτερον.
|
380
Corpses were piled in heaps along all the highways, and many of those eager to desert chose rather to perish within the city; for the hope of burial made death in one’s own country seem more tolerable.
|
| 380
Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting at length chose rather to perish within the city; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them.
| 380
Along all the roads the corpses lay in heaps and even many of those who were keen to desert finally chose rather to die within the city, for the prospect of burial made death in their own city appear less terrible to them.
|
| 381
οἱ
δὲ
εἰς
τοσοῦτον
ὠμότητος
ἐξώκειλαν,
ὡς
μήτε
τοῖς
ἔνδον
ἀναιρουμένοις
μήτε
τοῖς
ἀνὰ
τὰς
ὁδοὺς
μεταδοῦναι
γῆς,
|
381
But these [Zealots] reached such a pitch of cruelty that they granted no earth to those murdered within nor to those on the roads.
|
| 381
But these zealots came at last to that degree of barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on those slain in the city, or on those that lay along the roads;
| 381
But in their barbarity (the Zealots) granted burial neither to those killed in the city nor those who lay along the roads.
|
| 382
ἀλλὰ
καθάπερ
συνθήκας
πεποιημένοι
τοῖς
τῆς
πατρίδος
συγκαταλῦσαι
καὶ
τοὺς
τῆς
φύσεως
νόμους
ἅμα
τε
τοῖς
εἰς
ἀνθρώπους
ἀδικήμασιν
συμμιᾶναι
καὶ
τὸ
θεῖον,
ὑφ᾽
ἡλίῳ
τοὺς
νεκροὺς
μυδῶντας
ἀπέλειπον.
|
382
But as if they had made a covenant to dissolve the laws of nature along with those of their country, and to defile the Divine along with their crimes against men, they left the corpses to rot under the sun.
|
| 382
but as if they had made an agreement to cancel both the laws of their country and the laws of nature, and, at the same time that they defiled men with their wicked actions, they would pollute the Divinity itself also,
| 382
As if wishing to cancel their ancestral laws and those of nature, and to defile men with their evil, and pollute the Deity itself, they left the corpses to rot under the sun.
|
| 383
τοῖς
δὲ
θάπτουσί
τινα
τῶν
προσηκόντων
ὃ
καὶ
τοῖς
αὐτομολοῦσιν
ἐπιτίμιον
θάνατος
ἦν,
καὶ
δεῖσθαι
παραχρῆμα
ταφῆς
ἔδει
τὸν
ἑτέρῳ
χαριζόμενον.
|
383
To those who buried a relative, the penalty was death—the same as for deserters—and he who granted a favor to another had himself to require a burial immediately.
|
| 383
they left the dead bodies to putrefy under the sun; and the same punishment was allotted to such as buried any as to those that deserted, which was no other than death; while he that granted the favor of a grave to another would presently stand in need of a grave himself.
| 383
The same death penalty was given to people who buried others for desertion, and whoever granted a grave to another soon needed a grave himself.
|
| 384
καθόλου
τε
εἰπεῖν,
οὐδὲν
οὕτως
ἀπολώλειto destroy, kill
χρηστὸν
πάθος
ἐν
ταῖς
τότε
συμφοραῖς
ὡς
ἔλεος·
ἃ
γὰρ
ἐχρῆν
οἰκτείρειν,
ταῦτα
παρώξυνε
τοὺς
ἀλιτηρίους,
καὶ
ἀπὸ
μὲν
τῶν
ζώντων
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἀνῃρημένους,
ἀπὸ
δὲ
τῶν
νεκρῶν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ζῶντας
τὰς
ὀργὰς
μετέφερον·
|
384
To speak generally, no good emotion perished so completely in the calamities of that time as pity; for those things which should have moved them to compassion instead provoked these wretches. They shifted their rage from the living to the slain, and from the dead back to the living.
|
| 384
To say all in a word, no other gentle passion was so entirely lost among them as mercy; for what were the greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their rage from the living to those that had been slain, and from the dead to the living.
| 384
In a word, no noble emotion was so entirely lost among them as mercy.
The most pitiful sights angered these wretches the most and they transferred their rage from the living to the dead, and from the dead to the living.
|
| 385
καὶ
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
δέους
ὁ
περιὼν
τοὺς
προληφθέντας
ὡς
ἀναπαυσαμένους
ἐμακάριζεν
οἵ
τε
ἐν
τοῖς
δεσμωτηρίοις
αἰκιζόμενοι
κατὰ
σύγκρισιν
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀτάφουςunburied
ἀπέφαινον
εὐδαίμονας.
|
385
And because of the excess of fear, the survivor called those who had died before him “blessed” as being at rest; and those being tortured in the prisons, by comparison, declared even the unburied to be happy.
|
| 385
Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who survived called them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already; as did those that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon this comparison, those that lay unburied were the happiest.
| 385
The terror grew so great that a survivor regarded as happy those who predeceased him, for they were already at rest, and prisoners under torture thought the unburied were luckier than they.
|
| 386
κατεπατεῖτο
μὲν
οὖν
πᾶς
αὐτοῖς
θεσμὸς
ἀνθρώπων,
ἐγελᾶτο
δὲ
τὰ
θεῖα,
καὶ
τοὺς
τῶν
προφητῶν
χρησμοὺς
ὥσπερ
ἀγυρτικὰς
λογοποιίας
ἐχλεύαζον.
|
386
Thus every human law was trampled underfoot by them, and divine things were mocked, and they ridiculed the oracles of the prophets as if they were the tall tales of jugglers.
|
| 386
These men, therefore, trampled upon all the laws of men, and laughed at the laws of God; and for the oracles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as the tricks of jugglers;
| 386
So they trampled the laws of men and mocked the laws of God, and derided the oracles of the prophets as the delusions of charlatans.
|
| 387
πολλὰ
δ᾽
οὗτοι
περὶ
ἀρετῆς
καὶ
κακίας
προεθέσπισαν,
ἃ
παραβάντες
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
καὶ
τὴν
κατὰ
τῆς
πατρίδος
προφητείαν
τέλους
ἠξίωσαν.
|
387
Yet these prophets had foretold much concerning virtue and vice, which the Zealots transgressed, thereby bringing to fulfillment the prophecy against their own country.
|
| 387
yet did these prophets foretell many things concerning [the rewards of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which when these zealots violated, they occasioned the fulfilling of those very prophecies belonging to their own country:
| 387
These had foretold many things about virtue and vice, and by violating them, the Zealots brought their nation's prophecies to fulfilment.
|
| 388
ἦν
γὰρ
δή
τις
παλαιὸς
λόγος
ἀνδρῶν
†
ἔνθα
τότε
τὴν
πόλιν
ἁλώσεσθαι
καὶ
καταφλέξεσθαι
τὸ
ἁγιώτατον
νόμῳ
πολέμου,
στάσις
ἐὰν
κατασκήψῃ
καὶ
χεῖρες
οἰκεῖαι
προμιάνωσι
τὸ
τοῦ
θεοῦ
τέμενος·
οἷς
οὐκ
ἀπιστήσαντες
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
διακόνους
αὑτοὺς
ἐπέδοσαν.
|
388
For there was an ancient saying of men that the city would then be captured and the most holy place burned by the law of war, whenever sedition should break out and native hands should first defile the temple of God; by not disbelieving these things, the Zealots gave themselves up as the ministers of their fulfillment.
|
| 388
for there was a certain ancient oracle of those men, that the city should then be taken and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade the Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of God. Now, while these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions, they made themselves the instruments of their accomplishment.
| 388
An ancient oracle said that the city would be taken and the sanctuary burned in war, when sedition came upon them and their own hands polluted the temple of God.
While not disbelieving these predictions, the Zealots became the instruments to accomplish them.
|
Chapter 7
Tyranny of John and misdeeds of the Zealots at Masada.
Fall of Gadara.
| 389
Ἤδη
δὲ
ἸωάννῃJohn
τυραννιῶντι
τὸ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ὁμοίους
ἰσότιμον
ἠδοξεῖτο,
καὶ
κατ᾽
ὀλίγους
προσποιούμενος
τῶν
πονηροτέρων
ἀφηνίαζε
τοῦ
συντάγματος.
|
389
Now, as John [of Gischala] was affecting a tyranny, he began to think it beneath him to be on an equal footing with his peers; and so, gathering a following of the more wicked men, he broke away from the common body.
|
| 389
By this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to accept of barely the same honors that others had; and joining to himself by degrees a party of the wickedest of them all, he broke off from the rest of the faction.
| 389
By this time John the tyrant thought it unworthy to accept merely the same honours as others and gradually gathering a party of the worst of them, broke off from the rest of the coalition.
|
| 390
ἀεὶ
δὲ
τοῖς
μὲν
τῶν
ἄλλων
δόγμασιν
ἀπειθῶν,
τὰ
δὲ
αὑτοῦ
προστάσσων
δεσποτικώτερον,
δῆλος
ἦν
μοναρχίας
ἀντιποιούμενος.
|
390
all
|
| 390
This was brought about by his still disagreeing with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions of his own, in a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was setting up a monarchical power.
| 390
He was always in conflict with the decisions of the others and giving instructions of his own, very imperiously, so it was clear that he was aiming at monarchy.
|
| 391
εἶκον
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
τινὲς
μὲν
δέει,
τινὲς
δὲ
κατ᾽
εὔνοιαν,
δεινὸς
γὰρ
ἦν
ἀπάτῃ
καὶ
λόγῳ
προσαγαγέσθαι,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
πρὸς
ἀσφαλείας
ἡγούμενοι
τῆς
αὑτῶν
τὰς
αἰτίας
ἤδη
τῶν
τολμωμένων
ἐφ᾽
ἕνα
καὶ
μὴ
πολλοὺς
ἀναφέρεσθαι.
|
391
Some yielded to him out of fear, and others out of goodwill—for he was clever at winning men over by deceit and speech—while many thought it safer for their own accountability if the blame for their outrages were laid upon one man rather than many.
|
| 391
Now some submitted to him out of their fear of him, and others out of their goodwill to him; for he was a shrewd man to entice men to him, both by deluding them and putting cheats upon them. Nay, many there were that thought they should be safer themselves, if the causes of their past insolent actions should now be reduced to one head, and not to a great many.
| 391
Some submitted to him out of fear and others out of goodwill, for he was expert in drawing people to him by fraudulent words, and many thought they would be safer if the blame for their past misdeeds came under one heading rather than many.
|
| 392
τό
γε
μὴν
δραστήριον
αὐτοῦ
κατά
τε
χεῖρα
καὶ
κατὰ
γνώμην
δορυφόρους
εἶχεν
οὐκ
ὀλίγους.
|
392
Moreover, his activity, both in hand and in mind, provided him with a considerable number of bodyguards.
|
| 392
His activity was so great, and that both in action and in counsel, that he had not a few guards about him;
| 392
He was most active both in deed and ideas, and had not a few bodyguards,
|
| 393
πολλὴ
δὲ
μοῖρα
τῶν
ἀντικαθισταμένων
ἀπελείπετο,
παρ᾽
οἷς
ἴσχυε
μὲν
καὶ
φθόνος
δεινὸν
ἡγουμένων
ὑποτετάχθαι
τὸ
πρὶν
ἰσοτίμῳ,
τὸ
πλέον
δ᾽
εὐλάβεια
τῆς
μοναρχίας
ἀπέτρεπεν·
|
393
However, a large portion of his opponents stood aloof, among whom envy was strong, as they thought it a terrible thing to be subjected to one who was formerly their equal; but even more, a dread of monarchy deterred them.
|
| 393
yet was there a great party of his antagonists that left him; among whom envy at him weighed a great deal, while they thought it a very heavy thing to be in subjection to one that was formerly their equal. But the main reason that moved men against him was the dread of monarchy,
| 393
but many opponents deserted him out of envy and unable to bear being subject to one who was formerly their equal, but mainly because of their dread of monarchy.
|
| 394
οὔτε
γὰρ
καταλύσειν
ῥᾳδίως
ἤλπιζον
αὐτὸν
ἅπαξ
κρατήσαντα,
καὶ
καθ᾽
αὑτῶν
πρόφασιν
ἕξειν
τὸ
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
ἀντιπρᾶξαι·
προῃρεῖτο
δ᾽
οὖν
πολεμῶν
ἕκαστος
ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything
παθεῖν
ἢ
δουλεύσας
ἑκουσίως
ἐν
ἀνδραπόδου
μοίρᾳ
παραπολέσθαι.
|
394
For they did not hope to easily overthrow him once he had gained power, and they feared he would have a pretext against them for having opposed his authority from the start. Each man chose rather to suffer anything in war than to perish by serving him voluntarily in the rank of a slave.
|
| 394
for they could not hope easily to put an end to his power, if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would have this pretense always against them, that they had opposed him when he was first advanced; while everyone chose rather to suffer anything whatsoever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery for some time, they should afterward perish.
| 394
There was no easy way to put an end to his power once he gained it, and they knew that he would always hold their initial opposition against them.
Each of them would rather suffer in war than be put to death after spending some time in voluntary slavery.
|
| 395
διαιρεῖται
μὲν
οὖν
ἡ
στάσις
ἐκ
τούτων,
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐναντιωθεῖσιν
ἸωάννηςJohn
ἀντεβασίλευσεν.
|
395
Thus the sedition was divided, and John set up a rival kingdom against his opponents.
|
| 395
So the sedition was divided into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over one of them:
| 395
So the rebellion divided into two parts, with John ruling one of them like a king.
|
| 396
ἀλλὰ
τὰ
μὲν
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
αὐτοῖς
διὰ
φυλακῆς
ἦν,
καὶ
οὐδὲν
ἢ
μικρὸν
εἴ
ποτε
διηκροβολίζοντο
τοῖς
ὅπλοις,
ἤριζον
δὲ
κατὰ
τοῦ
δήμου
καὶ
πότεροι
πλείονα
λείαν
ἄξουσιν
ἀντεφιλονείκουν.
|
396
But while they kept a guard against one another, they seldom or only slightly skirmished with weapons; instead, they vied against the people, contending over which side could carry off the most plunder.
|
| 396
but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor did they at all, or at least very little, meddle with arms in their quarrels; but they fought earnestly against the people, and contended one with another which of them should bring home the greatest prey.
| 396
The leaders kept a wary eye on each other, though they rarely used weapons in their squabbles, but they were very hard on the people and rivaled each other as to who would take the most loot.
|
| 397
ἐπεὶ
δὲ
ἡ
πόλις
τρισὶ
τοῖς
μεγίστοις
κακοῖς
ἐχειμάζετο,
πολέμῳ
καὶ
τυραννίδι
καὶ
στάσει,
κατὰ
σύγκρισιν
μετριώτερον
ἦν
τοῖς
δημοτικοῖς
ὁ
πόλεμος·
ἀμέλει
διαδιδράσκοντες
ἐκ
τῶν
οἰκείων
ἔφευγον
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἀλλοφύλους
καὶ
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἧς
ἀπήλπισαν
ἐν
τοῖς
ἰδίοις
σωτηρίας
ἠξιοῦντο.
|
397
When the city was being tossed by these three greatest evils—war, tyranny, and sedition—the war appeared comparatively lighter to the common people. Consequently, they fled from their own people to foreigners, finding from the Romans that safety which they despaired of finding among their own.
|
| 397
But because the city had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny, and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison, that the war was the least troublesome to the populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran away from their own houses to foreigners, and obtained that preservation from the Romans which they despaired to obtain among their own people.
| 397
Since the city had to struggle with three of the worst evils: war, tyranny and rebellion.
By comparison it seemed that the actual war troubled the people the least of them all, for they fled from their homes to foreigners and received from the Romans the security they had no hope of having among their own people.
|
| 398
τέταρτον
δὲ
ἄλλο
κακὸν
ἐκινεῖτο
πρὸς
τὴν
τοῦ
ἔθνους
κατάλυσιν.
|
398
But a fourth evil was stirred up toward the destruction of the nation.
|
| 398
And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to destruction.
| 398
A fourth evil arose, to cause the ruin of our nation.
|
| 399
φρούριον
ἦν
οὐ
πόρρω
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
καρτερώτατον,
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἀρχαίων
βασιλέων
εἴς
τε
ὑπέκθεσιν
κτήσεως
ἐν
πολέμου
ῥοπαῖς
καὶ
σωμάτων
ἀσφάλειαν
κατεσκευασμένον,
ὃ
ἐκαλεῖτο
ΜασάδαMasada.
|
399
There was a fortress of great strength not far from Jerusalem, built by the ancient kings for the safe-keeping of property and the security of their persons during the hazards of war; it was called Masada.
|
| 399
There was a fortress of very great strength not far from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, both as a repository for their effects in the hazards of war, and for the preservation of their bodies at the same time. It was called Masada.
| 399
There was a mighty fortress not far from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, for the safe-keeping of their property and of their persons in time of war, and it was called Masada.
|
| 400
τοῦτο
κατειληφότες
οἱ
προσαγορευόμενοι
σικάριοι
τέως
μὲν
τὰς
πλησίον
χώρας
κατέτρεχον
οὐδὲν
πλέον
τῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
ποριζόμενοι·
|
400
Those called the Sicarii had seized it, and for a time they overran the neighboring regions, providing themselves with nothing more than necessary supplies.
|
| 400
Those that were called Sicarii had taken possession of it formerly, but at this time they overran the neighboring countries, aiming only to procure to themselves necessaries; for the fear they were then in prevented their further ravages.
| 400
Those called the Sicarii had already seized it and now they ravaged the area around for provisions, though they did not risk any further raids.
|
| 401
δέει
γὰρ
ἀνεστέλλοντο
τῆς
πλείονος
ἁρπαγῆς·
ὡς
[δὲ
]
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
στρατιὰν
ἠρεμοῦσαν,
στάσει
δὲ
καὶ
τυραννίδι
ἰδίᾳ
τοὺς
ἐν
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἐπύθοντοto ask, inquire
διῃρημένους,
ἁδροτέρων
ἥπτοντο
τολμημάτων.
|
401
For they were restrained by fear from greater pillaging; but when they learned that the Roman army was stationary and that the Jews in Jerusalem were divided by sedition and tyranny, they attempted bolder deeds.
|
| 401
But when once they were informed that the Roman army lay still, and that the Jews were divided between sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater matters;
| 401
But once they were told that the Roman army was resting and that the Jews were divided between rebellion and tyranny, they undertook more ambitious ventures.
|
| 402
καὶ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἑορτὴν
τῶν
ἀζύμων,
ἣν
ἄγουσιν
ἸουδαῖοιJews
σωτήρια
ἐξ
οὗ
τῆς
ὑπ᾽
ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian
δουλείας
ἀνεθέντες
εἰς
τὴν
πάτριον
γῆν
κατῆλθον,
νύκτωρ
τοὺς
ἐμποδὼν
ὄντας
διαλαθόντες
πολίχνην
τινὰ
κατατρέχουσιν
καλουμένην
Ἐνγαδδί,
|
402
During the Feast of Unleavened Bread—which the Jews celebrate as a memorial of their salvation since they were released from Egyptian bondage and returned to their ancestral land—these men, slipping past those in their way at night, overran a small town called Engaddi.
|
| 402
and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were sent back into the country of their forefathers, they came down by night, without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a certain small city called Engaddi:—
| 402
At the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their salvation from slavery to the Egyptians, they returned to the district of their ancestors, coming at night, unnoticed by those who could have blocked them, and overran a small city called Engaddi.
|
| 403
ἐν
ᾗ
τὸ
μὲν
ἀμύνεσθαι
δυνάμενον
πρὶν
ὅπλων
ἅψασθαι
καὶ
συνελθεῖν
φθάσαντες
ἐσκέδασαν
καὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἐξέβαλον,
τὸ
δὲ
φυγεῖν
ἧττον
ὄν,
γύναιά
τε
καὶ
παῖδας,
ὑπὲρ
ἑπτακοσίους
ἀναιροῦσιν.
|
403
Before those capable of defense could take up arms or assemble, they surprised and scattered them, driving them out of the town; those unable to flee—women and children, numbering over seven hundred—they slaughtered.
|
| 403
in which expedition they prevented those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm themselves, and fight them. They also dispersed them, and cast them out of the city. As for such as could not run away, being women and children, they slew of them above seven hundred.
| 403
Before the citizens could take up arms and fight them, they scattered and expelled them from the city and killed more than seven hundred of the women and children who could not escape.
|
| 404
ἔπειτα
τούς
τε
οἴκους
ἐξεσκευασμένοι
καὶ
τῶν
καρπῶν
τοὺς
ἀκμαιοτάτους
ἁρπάσαντες
ἀνήνεγκαν
εἰς
τὴν
ΜασάδανMasada.
|
404
Then, having cleared out the houses and seized the ripest of the crops, they carried them up to Masada.
|
| 404
Afterward, when they had carried everything out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a flourishing condition, they brought them into Masada.
| 404
Taking everything from their houses and all the fruit that was in good condition, they brought it to Masada.
|
| 405
καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ἐλῄζοντο
πάσας
τὰς
περὶ
τὸ
φρούριον
κώμας
καὶ
τὴν
χώραν
ἐπόρθουν
ἅπασαν
προσδιαφθειρομένων
αὐτοῖς
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἑκασταχόθεν
οὐκ
ὀλίγων·
|
405
And so they plundered all the villages around the fortress and laid waste the entire country, while not a few people from every quarter joined them daily.
|
| 405
And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day, from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves.
| 405
Then they ravaged all the villages around the fortress and left the whole country desolate, but every day others as corrupt as themselves came from all parts to join them.
|
| 406
ἐκινεῖτο
δὲ
καὶ
κατὰ
τὰ
ἄλλα
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea
κλίματα
τὸ
τέως
ἠρεμοῦν
τὸ
λῃστρικόν,
καθάπερ
δὲ
ἐν
σώματι
τοῦ
κυριωτάτου
φλεγμαίνοντος
πάντα
τὰ
μέλη
συνενόσει·
|
406
In other parts of Judea, too, the bands of robbers, which had been quiet until then, began to stir. Just as in a body, when the most vital part is inflamed, all the members suffer with it;
|
| 406
At that time all the other regions of Judea that had hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body, if the principal part be inflamed, all the members are subject to the same distemper;
| 406
At that time all the other regions of Judea which up to now had been at peace were roused by the brigands.
As in a human body, when the principal part is feverish, all the members suffer with it,
|
| 407
διὰ
γοῦν
τὴν
ἐν
τῇ
μητροπόλει
στάσιν
καὶ
ταραχὴν
χρόνου
ἔσχον
οἱ
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
πονηροὶ
τῶν
ἁρπαγῶν
καὶ
τὰς
οἰκείας
ἕκαστος
κώμας
ἁρπάζοντες
ἔπειτα
εἰς
τὴν
ἐρημίαν
ἀφίσταντο.
|
407
so, because of the sedition and disorder in the metropolis [Jerusalem], the wicked men in the country had license for their robberies. Each group would plunder their own villages and then retreat into the wilderness.
|
| 407
so, by means of the sedition and disorder that was in the metropolis. had the wicked men that were in the country opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly, when every one of them had plundered their own villages, they then retired into the desert;
| 407
so the rebellion and disorder in the metropolis gave the wicked in the countryside the chance to ravage it too and when all had looted their own villages, they retreated to the desert.
|
| 408
συναθροιζόμενοί
τε
καὶ
συνομνύμενοι
κατὰ
λόχους
στρατιᾶς
μὲν
ὀλιγώτεροι
πλείους
δὲ
λῃστηρίου
προσέπιπτον
ἱεροῖς
καὶ
πόλεσιν,
|
408
Gathering together and swearing oaths in companies, they were fewer than an army but more numerous than a mere robber band, and they fell upon temples and cities.
|
| 408
yet were these men that now got together, and joined in the conspiracy by parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang of thieves: and thus did they fall upon the holy places and the cities;
| 408
Those who now gathered and joined in the conspiracy, too small to be an army and too many to be a gang of thieves, attacked temples and cities,
|
| 409
καὶ
κακοῦσθαι
μὲν
συνέβαινεν
ἐφ᾽
οὓς
ὁρμήσειαν
ὡς
ἐν
πολέμῳ
καταληφθέντας,
φθάνεσθαι
δὲ
τὰς
ἀμύνας
ὡς
λῃστῶν
ἅμα
ταῖς
ἁρπαγαῖςrobbery, plunder
ἀποδιδρασκόντων.
οὐδὲν
δὲ
μέρος
ἦν
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea,
ὃ
μὴ
τῇ
προανεχούσῃ
πόλει
συναπώλλυτο.
|
409
It happened that those whom they attacked suffered as if they had been captured in war, but they were unable to retaliate because the robbers fled with their plunder as soon as it was taken. There was no part of Judea that did not perish along with its leading city.
|
| 409
yet did it now so happen that they were sometimes very ill treated by those upon whom they fell with such violence, and were taken by them as men are taken in war: but still they prevented any further punishment as do robbers, who, as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable condition, as well as its most eminent city also.
| 409
abusing their captives like prisoners of war.
But it was difficult to get back at them, for, like true brigands, they usually escaped after ravaging a place, and they destroyed every part of Judea, including its capital city.
|
| 410
Ταῦτα
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
παρὰ
τῶν
αὐτομόλων
διηγγέλλετο.
καίπερ
γὰρ
φρουρούντων
τὰς
ἐξόδους
τῶν
στασιαστῶν
ἁπάσας
καὶ
διαφθειρόντων
τοὺς
ὁπωσοῦν
προσιόντας,
ὅμως
ἦσαν
οἳ
διελάνθανον
καὶ
καταφεύγοντες
εἰς
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
ἐνῆγον
ἀμῦναι
τῇ
πόλει
καὶ
τὰ
τοῦ
δήμου
περισῶσαι
λείψανα·
|
410
These things were reported to Vespasian by deserters. For although the rebels guarded all the exits and killed anyone who even approached them, there were still some who escaped and, fleeing to the Romans, urged the general to bring aid to the city and save the remnants of the people.
|
| 410
These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the seditious watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all, whosoever they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had concealed themselves, and when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded their general to come to their city’s assistance, and save the remainder of the people;
| 410
These things were reported to Vespasian by deserters, for although the rebels watched all the exits from the city and killed whoever tried to get out, some managed to hide and after fleeing to the Romans, asked their general to come to help their city and save the remnant of the people,
|
| 411
διὰ
γὰρ
τὴν
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
εὔνοιαν
ἀνῃρῆσθαί
τε
τοὺς
πολλοὺς
καὶ
κινδυνεύειν
τοὺς
περιόντας.
|
411
For they said that many had already been killed because of their goodwill toward the Romans, and those remaining were in danger.
|
| 411
informing him withal, that it was upon account of the people’s goodwill to the Romans that many of them were already slain, and the survivors in danger of the same treatment.
| 411
telling him how many had already died because of favouring the Romans and that the survivors were in danger.
|
| 412
ὁ
δὲ
οἰκτείρων
ἤδη
τὰς
συμφορὰς
αὐτῶν
τὸ
μὲν
δοκεῖν
ἐκπολιορκήσων
ἐφίσταται
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem,
τὸ
δὲ
ἀληθὲς
ἀπαλλάξων
πολιορκίας.
|
412
Vespasian, pitying their calamities, moved toward Jerusalem as if to begin the siege, but in truth to deliver it from its current state of siege.
|
| 412
Vespasian did, indeed, already pity the calamities these men were in, and arose, in appearance, as though he was going to besiege Jerusalem,—but in reality to deliver them from a [worse] siege they were already under.
| 412
He felt pity for these people's troubles and though seeming to besiege Jerusalem, it was really to deliver them from the siege they were enduring already.
|
| 413
ἔδει
μὲν
προκαταστρέψασθαι
τὰ
λειπόμενα
καὶ
μηδὲν
ἔξωθεν
ἐμπόδιον
τῇ
πολιορκίᾳ
καταλιπεῖν·
ἐλθὼν
οὖν
ἐπὶ
τὰ
ΓάδαραGadara
μητρόπολιν
τῆς
ΠεραίαςPerea
καρτερὰν
τετράδι
ΔύστρουDystrus
μηνὸς
εἴσεισιν
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν·
|
413
However, it was necessary first to subdue what remained of the countryside and leave no external obstacle to the siege. Coming, therefore, to Gadara, the strong metropolis of Peraea, he entered the city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus.[1]
|
| 413
However, he was obligedfirst to overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him that might interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly, he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of Perea, which was a place of strength, and entered that city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus [Adar];
| 413
But first he had to destroy the remnants of revolt elsewhere and outside of Jerusalem to leave nothing behind him to interfere with that siege.
He marched against Gadara, the strong metropolis of Perea, and entered that city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus.
|
[1]Feb/March of 68 AD
| 414
καὶ
γὰρ
ἔτυχον
οἱ
δυνατοὶ
λάθρα
τῶν
στασιωδῶν
πρεσβευσάμενοι
πρὸς
αὐτὸν
περὶ
παραδόσεως
πόθῳ
τε
εἰρήνης
καὶ
διὰ
τὰς
οὐσίας·
πολλοὶ
δὲ
τὰ
ΓάδαραGadara
κατῴκουν
πλούσιοι.
|
414
For the powerful citizens had secretly sent an embassy to him concerning a surrender, out of a desire for peace and for the sake of their property; for many wealthy people lived in Gadara.
|
| 414
for the men of power had sent an embassage to him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about a surrender; which they did out of the desire they had of peace, and for saving their effects, because many of the citizens of Gadara were rich men.
| 414
Its influential people had sent him envoys without the knowledge of the rebels, to discuss surrender; which they did out of their desire for peace and to save their property, because many rich people lived in Gadara.
|
| 415
τούτων
τὴν
πρεσβείαν
ἠγνοήκεσαν
οἱ
διάφοροι,
πλησίον
δὲ
ἤδη
ὄντος
ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus
διεπύθοντο,
καὶ
κατασχεῖν
μὲν
αὐτοὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἀπέγνωσαν
δύνασθαι
τῶν
τε
ἔνδον
ἐχθρῶν
πλήθει
λειπόμενοι
καὶ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ὁρῶντες
οὐ
μακρὰν
τῆς
πόλεως,
φεύγειν
δὲ
κρίνοντες
ἠδόξουν
ἀναιμωτὶ
καὶ
μηδεμίαν
παρὰ
τῶν
αἰτίων
εἰσπραξάμενοι
τιμωρίαν.
|
415
The opposing party was unaware of this embassy until Vespasian was near. Realizing they could not hold the city—being outnumbered by their internal enemies and seeing the Romans nearby—they decided to flee, but thought it dishonorable to do so without shedding blood or taking revenge on those responsible.
|
| 415
This embassy the opposite party knew nothing of, but discovered it as Vespasian was approaching near the city. However, they despaired of keeping possession of the city, as being inferior in number to their enemies who were within the city, and seeing the Romans very near to the city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonorable to do it without shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the authors of this surrender;
| 415
The opponents knew nothing of this embassy, but discovered it as Vespasian was approaching.
And they despaired of keeping the city, being fewer than the enemy within it.
Seeing the Romans not far from the city, they resolved to escape but thought it dishonourable to do so without shedding some blood and revenging themselves on those who caused this crisis.
|
| 416
συλλαβόντες
δὴ
τὸν
ΔόλεσονDolesus,
οὗτος
γὰρ
ἦν
οὐ
μόνον
ἀξιώματι
καὶ
γένει
τῆς
πόλεως
πρῶτος,
ἀλλ᾽
ἐδόκει
καὶ
τῆς
πρεσβείας
αἴτιος,
κτείνουσί
τε
αὐτὸν
καὶ
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
ὀργῆς
νεκρὸν
αἰκισάμενοι
διέδρασαν
ἐκ
τῆς
πόλεως.
|
416
They seized Dolesus, who was not only the first in the city in rank and birth but was also thought to be the author of the embassy; they killed him and, in an excess of rage, abused his corpse before fleeing the city.
|
| 416
so they seized upon Dolesus (a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy) and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city.
| 416
So they captured Dolesus, a man of first rank and class in the city and the probable originator of the embassy, and killed him, violating his corpse, so violent was their anger at him and then fled from the city.
|
| 417
ἐπιούσηςthe next day
δὲ
ἤδη
τῆς
ῬωμαικῆςRoman
δυνάμεως
ὅ
τε
δῆμος
τῶν
Γαδαρέων
μετ᾽
εὐφημίας
τὸν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
εἰσδεξάμενοι
δεξιὰς
παρ᾽
αὐτοῦ
πίστεως
ἔλαβον
καὶ
φρουρὰν
ἱππέων
τε
καὶ
πεζῶν
πρὸς
τὰς
τῶν
φυγάδων
καταδρομάς·
|
417
As the Roman force approached, the people of Gadara welcomed Vespasian with acclamations and received from him a pledge of protection, along with a garrison of horsemen and foot-soldiers to guard against the raids of the fugitives.
|
| 417
And as now the Roman army was just upon them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian with joyful acclamations, and received from him the security of his right hand, as also a garrison of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against the excursions of the runagates;
| 417
Since the Roman army arrived just then, the people of Gadara welcomed Vespasian with joyful acclamations and received from him his promise of security, and a garrison of cavalry and infantry, to guard them against the excursions of the renegades.
|
| 418
τὸ
γὰρ
τεῖχος
αὐτοὶ
πρὶν
ἀξιῶσαι
ῬωμαίουςRomans
καθεῖλον,
ὅπως
εἴη
πίστις
αὐτοῖς
τοῦ
τὴν
εἰρήνην
ἀγαπᾶν
τὸ
μηδὲ
βουληθέντας
δύνασθαι
πολεμεῖν.
|
418
For they had pulled down their own walls before the Romans asked, so that their lack of power to make war might be a proof of their love for peace.
|
| 418
for as to their wall, they had pulled it down before the Romans desired them so to do, that they might thereby give them assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had a mind, they could not now make war against them.
| 418
They pulled down their wall before the Romans asked them to do so, as a sign that they were lovers of peace and that they could no longer make war against them, even if they wished.
|
| 419
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ἐπὶ
μὲν
τοὺς
διαδράντας
ἐκ
τῶν
ΓαδάρωνGadaraf
ΠλάκιδονPlacidus
σὺν
ἱππεῦσιν
πεντακοσίοις
καὶ
πεζοῖς
τρισχιλίοις
πέμπει,
αὐτὸς
δὲ
μετὰ
τῆς
ἄλλης
στρατιᾶς
ὑπέστρεψεν
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea.
|
419
Vespasian sent Placidus with five hundred horsemen and three thousand foot-soldiers against those who had fled from Gadara, while he himself returned with the rest of the army to Caesarea.
|
| 419
And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, while he returned himself to Caesarea, with the rest of the army.
| 419
Vespasian sent Placidus against those who had fled from Gadara, with five hundred cavalry and three thousand infantry, and returned to Caesarea with the rest of the army.
|
| 420
οἱ
δὲ
φυγάδες
ὡς
αἰφνίδιον
τοὺς
διώκοντας
ἱππεῖς
ἐθεάσαντο,
πρὶν
εἰς
χεῖρας
ἐλθεῖν
εἴς
τινα
κώμην
συνειλοῦνται
ΒηθενναβρὶνBethennabris
προσαγορευομένηνto call, name·
|
420
When the fugitives suddenly saw the pursuing horsemen, before they came to blows, they crowded into a village called Bethennabris.
|
| 420
But as soon as these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their backs, and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a certain village, which was called Bethennabris,
| 420
But as soon as the fugitives saw the pursuing cavalry just behind them, before engaging them they rushed into a village called Bethennabris.
|
| 421
ἐν
ᾗ
νέων
πλῆθος
οὐκ
ὀλίγον
εὑρόντες
καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
ἑκόντας
τοὺς
δὲ
βίᾳ
καθοπλίσαντες
εἰκαίως,
προπηδῶσιν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
περὶ
τὸν
ΠλάκιδονPlacidus.
|
421
Finding there a large number of young men, they armed them—some willingly, some by force—and rashly dashed out against Placidus.
|
| 421
where finding a great multitude of young men, and arming them, partly by their own consent, partly by force, they rashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops that were with him.
| 421
There they found a large crowd of young men and armed them, some by their own consent and some by force, and dashed out to attack the troops of Placidus.
|
| 422
οἱ
δὲ
πρὸς
μὲν
τὴν
πρώτην
ἐμβολὴν
ὀλίγον
εἶξαν
ἅμα
καὶ
προκαλέσασθαι
τεχνιτεύοντες
αὐτοὺς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
πορρωτέρω,
|
422
The Romans gave way slightly at the first charge, artfully drawing them further away from the wall.
|
| 422
These horsemen at the first onset gave way a little, as contriving to entice them further off the wall; and when they had drawn them into a place fit for their purpose, they made their horse encompass them round, and threw their darts at them.
| 422
At the first onset these gave way a little, wishing to entice them further from the wall, and when they had lured them to a place suited to their purpose,
|
| 424
οὐ
μέντοι
πλέον
τι
τόλμης
ἐπιδεικνύμενοι
ἸουδαῖοιJews
διεφθείροντο·
πεπυκνωμένοις
γὰρ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
προσπίπτοντες
καὶ
ταῖς
πανοπλίαις
ὥσπερ
τετειχισμένοις,
αὐτοὶ
μὲν
οὐχ
εὕρισκον
βέλους
παράδυσιν
οὐδ᾽
ηὐτόνουν
ῥῆξαι
τὴν
φάλαγγα,
|
424
The Jews, displaying more daring than skill, were slaughtered; for falling upon the Romans, who were in close array and walled in by their armor, they could find no opening for their missiles, nor were they strong enough to break the phalanx.
|
| 424
for those Jews did no more than show their courage, and then were destroyed; for as they fell upon the Romans when they were joined close together, and, as it were, walled about with their entire armor, they were not able to find any place where the darts could enter, nor were they any way able to break their ranks,
| 424
and the Jews had barely time to show their courage before being killed, for under attack the Romans were joined close together, and as it were, walled in with their entire armour, so they could find no entry for their spears and no way to break their ranks,
|
| 425
περιεπείροντο
δὲ
τοῖς
ἐκείνων
βέλεσι
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀγριωτάτοις
παραπλήσιοι
θηρίοις
ὥρμων
ἐπὶ
τὸν
σίδηρον,
διεφθείροντο
δ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
κατὰ
στόμα
παιόμενοι
τοῖς
ξίφεσιν,
οἱ
δὲ
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἱππέων
σκεδαννύμενοι.
|
425
They were pierced by Roman spears and, like the wildest of beasts, rushed upon the iron; some were killed being struck in the face by swords, while others were scattered by the horsemen.
|
| 425
while they were themselves run through by the Roman darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts, rushed upon the points ofthe others’ swords; so some of them were destroyed, as cut with their enemies’ swords upon their faces, and others were dispersed by the horsemen.
| 425
while they were themselves run through by Roman spears, and, like wild beasts, rushed upon the point of others' swords, so that some of them were killed, run through the mouth by their enemies' swords, and others were scattered by the cavalry.
|
| 426
σπουδὴ
γὰρ
ἦν
τῷ
ΠλακίδῳPlacidus
τὰς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
κώμην
ὁρμὰς
αὐτῶν
διακλείειν.
|
426
For Placidus was eager to block their rushes toward the village.
|
| 426
Now Placidus’s concern was to exclude them in their flight from getting into the village;
| 426
Placidus took care to block them from fleeing back into the village,
|
| 427
καὶ
συνεχῶς
παρελαύνων
κατ᾽
ἐκεῖνο
τὸ
μέρος,
ἔπειτα
ἐπιστρέφων
ἅμα
καὶ
τοῖς
βέλεσι
χρώμενος
εὐστόχως
ἀνῄρει
τοὺς
πλησιάζοντας
καὶ
δέει
τοὺς
πόρρωθεν
ἀνέστρεφεν,
μέχρι
βίᾳ
διεκπεσόντες
οἱ
γενναιότατοι
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
διέφευγον.
|
427
Continually riding past that side and then turning back, he used his missiles with good aim to kill those who were near and turned back those further off through fear, until the most courageous forced their way through and fled toward the wall.
|
| 427
and causing his horse to march continually on that side of them, he then turned short upon them, and at the same time his men made use of their darts, and easily took their aim at those that were the nearest to them, as they made those that were further off turn back by the terror they were in, till at last the most courageous of them brake through those horsemen and fled to the wall of the village.
| 427
and causing his cavalry to stay on that side.
He then turned on them.
His men used their spears and easily took aim at those nearest to them, as they made those further away turn back in fear, until finally the bravest of them broke through those cavalry and fled to the wall.
|
| 428
ἀπορία
δ᾽
εἶχε
τοὺς
φύλακας·
οὔτε
γὰρ
ἀποκλεῖσαι
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ΓαδάρωνGadaraf
ὑπέμενον
διὰ
τοὺς
σφετέρους
καὶ
δεξάμενοι
συναπολεῖσθαι
προσεδόκων.
|
428
The guards there were in a dilemma; for they could not bear to shut out those from Gadara because of their own people, yet they expected to perish with them if they let them in.
|
| 428
And now those that guarded the wall were in great doubt what to do; for they could not bear the thoughts of excluding those that came from Gadara, because of their own people that were among them; and yet, if they should admit them, they expected to perish with them, which came to pass accordingly;
| 428
The guards of the wall were very hesitant.
They could not bear to lock out those who came from Gadara, because of their own people who were among them, but if they admitted them, they expected to die with them.
|
| 429
ὃ
δὴ
καὶ
συνέβη·
συνωσθέντων
γὰρ
αὐτῶν
εἰς
τὸ
τεῖχος
παρ᾽
ὀλίγον
μὲν
οἱ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἱππεῖς
συνεισέπεσον,
οὐ
μὴν
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
φθασάντων
ἀποκλεῖσαι
τὰς
πύλας
προσβαλὼν
ὁ
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
καὶ
μέχρι
δείλης
γενναίως
ἀγωνισάμενος
τοῦ
τείχους
καὶ
τῶν
ἐν
τῇ
κώμῃ
ἐκράτει.
|
429
And this is exactly what happened. For as they were crowded together at the wall, the Roman horsemen nearly broke in with them; but although the guards managed to shut the gates in time, Placidus attacked, fought bravely until evening, and captured the wall and those in the village.
|
| 429
for as they were crowding together at the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However, the guards prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault upon them, and fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession of the wall, and of the people that were in the city,
| 429
This happened accordingly, for as they crowded together at the wall, the Roman cavalry was ready to rush in with them.
The guards forestalled them and shut the gates, when Placidus made an attack upon them and fought bravely until it was dark, he captured the wall and the people who were in the city.
|
| 430
τὰ
μὲν
οὖν
ἀργὰ
πλήθη
διεφθείρετο,
φυγὴ
δὲ
ἦν
τῶν
δυνατωτέρων,
τὰς
δ᾽
οἰκίας
οἱ
στρατιῶται
διήρπασαν
καὶ
τὴν
κώμην
ἐνέπρησαν.
|
430
The unarmed multitude was destroyed, the more powerful fled, and the soldiers plundered the houses and set the village on fire.
|
| 430
when the useless multitude were destroyed; but those that were more potent ran away, and the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire.
| 430
The hapless throng was killed, but the strongest fled away, and the soldiers looted the houses and set the village on fire.
|
| 431
οἱ
δὲ
διαδράντες
ἐξ
αὐτῆς
τοὺς
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
συνανέστησαν,
καὶ
τὰς
μὲν
αὐτῶν
συμφορὰς
ἐξαίροντες
ἐπὶ
μεῖζον,
τῶν
δὲ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
τὴν
στρατιὰν
πᾶσαν
ἐπιέναι
λέγοντες
πάντας
πανταχόθεν
ἐξέσεισαν
τῷ
δέει,
γενόμενοί
τε
παμπληθεῖς
ἔφευγον
ἐπὶ
ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho·
|
431
Those who escaped from there stirred up the countryside, exaggerating their own calamities and saying the entire Roman army was coming; they drove everyone everywhere into a state of terror. Becoming a vast multitude, they fled toward Jericho.
|
| 431
As for those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that the whole army of the Romans were upon them, they put them into great fear on every side; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to Jericho,
| 431
The fugitives from the village stirred up those out in the country and by exaggerating their disaster and telling them that the whole Roman army was upon them, they stirred up terror on every side, so large numbers fled to Jericho,
|
| 432
αὕτη
γὰρ
ἔτι
μόνη
τὰς
ἐλπίδας
αὐτῶν
ἔθαλπε
τῆς
σωτηρίας
καρτερὰ
πλήθει
γε
οἰκητόρων.
|
432
For this city alone still nourished their hopes for safety, being strong in the number of its inhabitants.
|
| 432
for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of escaping, it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude of inhabitants.
| 432
knowing no other place where they could hope to escape, as the city had strong battlements and many inhabitants.
|
| 433
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
δὲ
τοῖς
ἱππεῦσι
καὶ
ταῖς
προαγούσαις
εὐπραγίαις
τεθαρρηκὼς
εἵπετο,
καὶ
μέχρι
μὲν
ἸορδάνουJordan
τοὺς
ἀεὶ
καταλαμβανομένους
ἀνῄρει,
συνελάσας
δὲ
πρὸς
τὸν
ποταμὸν
πᾶν
τὸ
πλῆθος
εἰργομένους
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ῥεύματος,
τραφὲν
γὰρ
ὑπ᾽
ὄμβρων
ἄβατον
ἦν,
ἀντικρὺ
παρετάσσετο.
|
433
But Placidus, encouraged by his horsemen and previous successes, followed them and killed all he caught up with as far as the Jordan. When he had driven the whole multitude to the river, they were stopped by the current, which was swollen by rains and impassable. He then drew up his troops opposite them.
|
| 433
But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his former good success, followed them, and slew all that he overtook, as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the riverside, where they were stopped by the current (for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable) he put his soldiers in array over against them;
| 433
But Placidus, relying on his cavalry and his previous success, pursued them to the Jordan, killing all that he overtook, and drove the whole crowd as far as the river, where they were stopped by the current, for it had been increased lately by rains and was not fordable, and linked up his soldiers opposite them.
|
| 434
παρώξυνε
δ᾽
ἡ
ἀνάγκη
πρὸς
μάχην
τοὺς
φυγῆς
τόπον
οὐκ
ἔχοντας,
καὶ
ταῖς
ὄχθαις
ἐπὶ
μήκιστον
παρεκτείναντες
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ἐδέχοντο
τὰ
βέλη
καὶ
τὰς
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἐμβολάς,
οἳ
πολλοὺς
αὐτῶν
παίοντες
εἰς
τὸ
ῥεῦμα
κατέβαλον.
|
434
Necessity provoked those who had no place for flight to battle; extending themselves along the banks as far as possible, they received the missiles and the charges of the horsemen, who struck many and threw them into the stream.
|
| 434
so the necessity the others were in provoked them to hazard a battle, because there was no place whither they could flee. They then extended themselves a very great way along the banks of the river, and sustained the darts that were thrown at them, as well as the attacks of the horsemen, who beat many of them, and pushed them into the current.
| 434
Necessity made them risk a battle since there was no place to escape, so they spread out along the banks of the river and faced both the spears and the attacks of the cavalry, who struck many of them and pushed them into the current.
|
| 435
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
ἐν
χερσὶν
αὐτῶν
διαφθαρὲν
μύριοι
πεντακισχίλιοι,
τὸ
δὲ
βιασθὲν
ἐμπηδῆσαι
εἰς
τὸν
ἸορδάνηνJordan
πλῆθος
ἑκουσίως
ἄπειρον
ἦν.
|
435
Fifteen thousand were destroyed by the Romans’ hands, while the number of those forced to jump into the Jordan of their own accord was countless.
|
| 435
At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain, while the number of those that were unwillingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodigious.
| 435
In this hand to hand fighting, fifteen thousand of them were killed, while many were forced to leap into the Jordan.
|
| 436
ἑάλωσαν
δὲ
περὶ
δισχιλίους
καὶ
διακοσίους
λεία
τε
παμπληθὴς
ὄνων
τε
καὶ
προβάτων
καὶ
καμήλων
καὶ
βοῶν.
|
436
About two thousand two hundred were taken prisoner, along with a vast booty of donkeys, sheep, camels, and oxen.
|
| 436
There were besides two thousand and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting of asses, and sheep, and camels, and oxen.
| 436
Two thousand, two hundred were taken prisoners and many donkeys and sheep and camels and oxen were also taken.
|
| 437
ἸουδαίοιςJews
μὲν
οὖν
οὐδὲν
ἐλάττων
ἥδε
ἡ
πληγὴ
προσπεσοῦσα
καὶ
μείζων
ἔδοξεν
ἑαυτῆς
διὰ
τὸ
μὴ
μόνον
τὴν
χώραν
ἅπασαν
δι᾽
ἧς
ἔφευγον
πληρωθῆναι
φόνου
μηδὲ
νεκροῖς
διαβατὸν
γενέσθαι
τὸν
ἸορδάνηνJordan,
ἐμπλησθῆναι
δὲ
τῶν
σωμάτων
καὶ
τὴν
Ἀσφαλτικὴν
λίμνην,
εἰς
ἣν
παμπληθεῖς
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ποταμοῦ
κατεσύρησαν.
|
437
This blow was no less than any other that had fallen upon the Jews, and it seemed even greater than it was; for not only was the whole countryside through which they fled filled with slaughter, but the Jordan became impassable due to the corpses, and the Asphaltic Lake [the Dead Sea] was filled with bodies carried down by the river.
|
| 437
Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inferior to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear greater than it really was; and this, because not only the whole country through which theyfled was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed over, by reason of the dead bodies that were in it, but because the lake Asphaltitis was also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into it by the river.
| 437
This was the worst destruction to befall the Jews, and seemed even greater because not only was the whole country through which they fled filled with bloodshed and the Jordan could not be crossed because of the corpses in it, but also lake Asphaltitis was full of corpses, that were carried down into it by the river.
|
| 438
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
δὲ
δεξιᾷ
τύχῃ
χρώμενος
ὥρμησεν
ἐπὶ
τὰς
περὶ
πολίχνας
τε
καὶ
κώμας,
καταλαμβανόμενός
τε
ἌβιλαAbila
καὶ
ἸουλιάδαJulias
καὶ
Βησιμὼ
τάς
τε
μέχρι
[τῆς
]
Ἀσφαλτίτιδος
πάσας
ἐγκαθίστησιν
ἑκάστῃ
τοὺς
ἐπιτηδείους
τῶν
αὐτομόλων.
|
438
Placidus, following his good fortune, rushed upon the surrounding small towns and villages; taking Abila, Julias, and Besimoth, and all the places as far as the Asphaltic Lake, he settled in each of them those deserters who were well-disposed to the Romans.
|
| 438
And now Placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper.
| 438
After his success Placidus attacked the neighbouring smaller cities and villages, and took Abila and Julias and Bezemoth and all places as far as lake Asphaltitis, putting into each of them any deserters he chose.
|
| 439
ἔπειτα
σκάφεσιν
ἐπιβήσας
τοὺς
στρατιώτας
αἱρεῖ
τοὺς
εἰς
τὴν
λίμνην
καταφεύγοντας.
Καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
κατὰ
τὴν
ΠεραίανPerea
προσεχώρησεν
ἢ
ἑάλω
πάντα
μέχρι
ΜαχαιροῦντοςMachaerus.
|
439
Then, embarking his soldiers on boats, he captured those who had fled onto the lake. Thus all of Peraea either surrendered or was captured as far as Machaerus.
|
| 439
He then put his soldiers on board the ships, and slew such as had fled to the lake, insomuch that all Perea had either surrendered themselves, or were taken by the Romans, as far as Macherus.
| 439
He then put his soldiers on board ship and killed those who had fled to the lake, so that all of Perea either surrendered or was taken by the Romans, as far as Machaerus.
|
Chapter 8
Vespasian hastens to finish the war.
Jericho and the Dead Sea.
| 440
Ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
τὸ
περὶ
τὴν
ΓαλατίανGalatia
ἀγγέλλεται
κίνημα
καὶ
ΟὐίνδιξVindex
ἅμα
τοῖς
δυνατοῖς
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων
ἀφεστὼς
ΝέρωνοςNerō,
περὶ
ὧν
ἐν
ἀκριβεστέροις
ἀναγέγραπται.
|
440
Meanwhile, news arrived of the uprising in Gaul; that Vindex,[1] together with the leaders of the natives, had revolted from Nero, about which things we have written more accurately elsewhere.
|
| 440
In the meantime, an account came that there were commotions in Gall, and that Vindex, together with the men of power in that country, had revolted from Nero; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere.
| 440
In the meantime, news arrived about a revolt in Gaul and that Vindex, along with the influential people in that country, had rebelled from Nero, an affair that is described elsewhere in more detail.
|
[1]Vindex: Gaius Julius Vindex was governor of Gallia Lugdunensis revolts against Nero in March 68 AD
| 441
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
δ᾽
ἐπήγειρεν
εἰς
τὴν
ὁρμὴν
τοῦ
πολέμου
τὰ
ἠγγελμένα
προορώμενονto see beforehand
ἤδη
τοὺς
μέλλοντας
ἐμφυλίους
πολέμους
καὶ
τὸν
ὅλης
κίνδυνον
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας,
ἐν
ᾧ
προειρηνεύσας
τὰ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἀνατολὴν
ἐπικουφίσειν
ᾤετο
τοὺς
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸταλίανItaly
φόβους.
|
441
This news spurred Vespasian to press on with the war, for he already foresaw the coming civil wars and the danger to the whole Empire; he thought that by first pacifying the East, he would alleviate the fears hanging over Italy.
|
| 441
This report, thus related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly with the war; for he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming upon them, nay, that the very government was in danger; and he thought, if he could first reduce the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he should make the fears for Italy the lighter;
| 441
The news prompted Vespasian to make war more vigorously, for he foresaw the civil wars that were coming and the danger to the whole empire, and that if he could quickly pacify the east, it would lessen the insecurity in Italy.
|
| 442
ἕως
μὲν
οὖν
ἐπεῖχεν
ὁ
χειμὼν
τὰς
ὑπηγμένας
διησφαλίζετο
κώμας
τε
καὶ
πολίχνας
φρουραῖς,
δεκαδάρχας
μὲν
κώμαις
ἐγκαθιστάς,
ἑκατοντάρχας
δὲ
πόλεσι·
πολλὰ
δὲ
ἀνῴκιζε
καὶ
τῶν
πεπορθημένων.
|
442
As long as winter lasted, he secured the villages and smaller towns he had subdued with garrisons, appointing decurions over the villages and centurions over the cities; he also rebuilt many of those places that had been devastated.
|
| 442
while therefore the winter was his hinderance [from going into the field], he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities for their security; he put decurions also into the villages, and centurions into the cities: he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had been laid waste;
| 442
While held back by the winter he secured the villages and smaller cities with garrisons, headed by decurions in the villages and by centurions in the cities; and he rebuilt many of the cities that had been ruined.
|
| 443
ὑπὸ
δὲ
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
τοῦ
ἔαρος
ἀναλαβὼν
τὸ
πλέον
τῆς
δυνάμεως
ἤγαγεν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
ἐπὶ
ἈντιπατρίδοςAntipatris,
ἔνθα
δυσὶν
ἡμέραις
καταστησάμενος
τὴν
πόλιν
τῇ
τρίτῃ
προῄει
πορθῶν
καὶ
καίων
τὰς
περὶ
πάσας.
|
443
At the beginning of spring [68 AD], he took the greater part of his force and led them from Caesarea to Antipatris. Having spent two days settling the affairs of that city, on the third he marched on, wasting and burning all the surrounding places.
|
| 443
but at the beginning of the spring he took the greatest part of his army, and led it from Caesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying waste and burning all the neighboring villages.
| 443
In the beginning of spring he led most of his army from Caesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the affairs of the city and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying waste and burning everything in the vicinity.
|
| 444
καταστρεψάμενος
δὲ
τὰ
περὶ
τὴν
ΘαμνὰTimnab, Timna, Timnah
τοπαρχίαν
ἐπὶ
ΛύδδωνLydda
καὶ
ἸαμνείαςJamneia
ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw
καὶ
προκεχειρωμέναις
ἑκατέραις
ἐγκαταστήσας
οἰκήτορας
τῶν
προσκεχωρηκότων
ἱκανοὺς
εἰς
ἈμμαοῦνταEmmaus
ἀφικνεῖται.
|
444
After subduing the regions around the toparchy of Thamna, he proceeded toward Lydda and Jamnia. Having placed a sufficient number of inhabitants who had already surrendered into both cities, he arrived at Emmaus.
|
| 444
And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus,
| 444
When he had ravaged the area around Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia, and as both these cities had come over to him, he placed there many of those who had joined his side and then came to Emmaus.
|
| 445
καταλαβόμενος
δὲ
τὰς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
μητρόπολιν
αὐτῶν
εἰσβολὰς
στρατόπεδόν
τε
τειχίζει
καὶ
τὸ
πέμπτον
ἐν
αὐτῇ
τάγμα
καταλιπὼν
πρόεισι
μετὰ
τῆς
ἄλλης
δυνάμεως
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ΒεθλεπτηνφῶνBethletephon
τοπαρχίαν.
|
445
Occupying the passes leading to the metropolis [Jerusalem], he fortified a camp and, leaving the Fifth Legion there, he advanced with the rest of his force to the toparchy of Bethleptenpha.
|
| 445
where he seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon.
| 445
He captured the pass leading to their metropolis and fortified his camp and leaving the fifth legion there, he came to the district of Bethletephon.
|
| 446
πυρὶ
δὲ
αὐτήν
τε
καὶ
τὴν
γειτνιῶσαν
ἀνελὼν
καὶ
τὰ
περὶ
τῆς
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea
φρούρια
τοῖς
ἐπικαίροις
τόποις
ἐπετείχισε·
|
446
Having destroyed it and the neighboring region with fire, he fortified the strongholds in the strategic parts of Idumaea.
|
| 446
He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strongholds all about Idumea;
| 446
He then destroyed that place and the neighbourhood by fire, and fortified the better-placed strongholds around Idumaea.
|
| 447
καταλαβόμενος
δὲ
δύο
κώμας
τὰς
μεσαιτάτας
τῆς
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea,
ΒήταβρινBetaris
καὶ
ΚαφάρτοβανCaphartobas,
κτείνει
μὲν
ὑπὲρ
μυρίους,
|
447
Capturing two villages in the very heart of Idumaea, Betabris and Caphartoba, he killed over ten thousand people,
|
| 447
and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people,
| 447
Then after capturing two villages in the heart of Idumaea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he killed over ten thousand and took more than a thousand into slavery
|
| 448
αἰχμαλωτίζεται
δὲ
ὑπὲρ
χιλίους,
καὶ
τὸ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
ἐξελάσας
ἐγκαθίστησιν
τῆς
οἰκείας
δυνάμεως
οὐκ
ὀλίγην,
οἳ
κατατρέχοντες
ἐπόρθουν
ἅπασαν
τὴν
ὀρεινήν.
|
448
took over a thousand prisoner, and after driving out the rest of the multitude, he stationed a significant portion of his own force there, who overran and ravaged the entire hill country.
|
| 448
and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country;
| 448
and drove out the rest of the people and placed there a good part of his forces, who overran and ravaged all the mountain country.
|
| 449
αὐτὸς
δὲ
μετὰ
τῆς
λοιπῆς
δυνάμεως
ὑπέστρεψεν
εἰς
ἈμμαοῦνEmmaus,
ὅθεν
διὰ
τῆς
ΣαμαρείτιδοςSamaria, Samaritan
καὶ
παρὰ
τὴν
Νέαν
πόλιν
καλουμένην,
Μαβαρθὰ
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων,
καταβὰς
εἰς
Κορέαν
δευτέρᾳ
ΔαισίουDaesius
μηνὸς
στρατοπεδεύεται.
|
449
He himself, with the rest of his force, returned to Emmaus, from where he descended through Samaria and past the city called Neapolis (but called Mabartha by the locals) to Corea, where he encamped on the second day of the month Daesius.
|
| 449
while he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapolis (or Sichem), but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Daesius [Sivan];
| 449
He returned with the rest of his forces to Emmaus, and from there came down through the district of Samaria, near the city of Neapolis (
called Mabortha by the local people, ) as far as Corea, where he camped on the second day of the month of Daesius.
|
| 450
τῇ
δ᾽
ἑξῆς
εἰς
ἹεριχοῦνταJericho
ἀφικνεῖται,
καθ᾽
ἣν
αὐτῷ
συμμίσγει
Τραιανὸς
εἷς
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
τὴν
ἐκ
τῆς
ΠεραίαςPerea
ἄγων
δύναμιν
ἤδη
τῶν
ὑπὲρ
τὸν
ἸορδάνηνJordan
κεχειρωμένων.
|
450
On the next day, he arrived at Jericho, where Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him, leading the force from Peraea, the region beyond the Jordan having already been subdued.
|
| 450
and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already.
| 450
The following day he came to Jericho, where Trajan, one of his officers, joined him with the forces he brought from Perea, as all the places beyond the Jordan were already subdued.
|
| 451
Τὸ
μὲν
οὖν
πολὺ
πλῆθος
ἐκ
τῆς
ἹεριχοῦςJericho
φθάσαν
τὴν
ἔφοδον
αὐτῶν
εἰς
τὴν
ἄντικρυς
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ὀρεινὴν
διαπεφεύγει,
καταλειφθὲν
δὲ
οὐκ
ὀλίγον
διαφθείρεται.
|
451
Now the great multitude from Jericho, anticipating their approach, fled into the hill country opposite Jerusalem; however, a significant number who remained behind were destroyed.
|
| 451
Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed;
| 451
After this, a large crowd left Jericho in fear as they approached, and fled to the mountains near Jerusalem, and most of what was left behind was destroyed,
|
| 452
τὴν
δὲ
πόλιν
ἔρημον
κατειλήφεσαν,
ἥτις
ἵδρυται
μὲν
ἐν
πεδίῳ,
ψιλὸν
δὲ
ὑπέρκειται
αὐτῇ
καὶ
ἄκαρπον
ὄρος
μήκιστον·
|
452
The Romans found the city deserted; it is situated on a plain, but above it hangs a very long mountain range, bare and barren.
|
| 452
they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it,
| 452
so they found the city desolate.
It is situated in a plain, but is overhung by a very long, barren mountain,
|
| 453
κατὰ
γὰρ
τὸ
βόρειον
κλίμα
μέχρι
τῆς
ΣκυθοπολιτῶνScythopolis
γῆς
ἐκτείνεται,
κατὰ
δὲ
τὸ
μεσημβρινὸν
μέχρι
τῆς
ΣοδομιτῶνSodom, Sodomites
χώρας
καὶ
τῶν
περάτων
τῆς
Ἀσφαλτίτιδος.
ἔστιν
δὲ
ἀνώμαλόν
τε
πᾶν
καὶ
ἀοίκητον
διὰ
τὴν
ἀγονίαν.
|
453
To the north, this range extends as far as the land of Scythopolis, and to the south as far as the land of Sodom and the borders of the Asphaltic Lake [Dead Sea]. It is entirely uneven and uninhabited because of its infertility.
|
| 453
which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltitis, southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness:
| 453
extending northward to the area near Scythopolis, and southward as far as the district of Sodom and the shores of lake Asphaltitis.
All this mountain terrain is very uneven and uninhabited, because of its barrenness.
|
| 454
ἀντίκειται
δὲ
τούτῳ
τὸ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸορδάνηνJordan
ὄρος
ἀρχόμενον
ἀπὸ
ἸουλιάδοςJulias
καὶ
τῶν
βορείων
κλιμάτων,
παρατεῖνον
δὲ
εἰς
μεσημβρίαν
ἕως
Σομόρων,
ἥπερ
ὁρίζει
τὴν
ΠέτρανPetra
τῆς
ἈραβίαςArabia.
ἐν
τούτῳ
δ᾽
ἐστὶ
καὶ
τὸ
Σιδηροῦν
καλούμενον
ὄρος
μηκυνόμενον
μέχρι
τῆς
Μωαβίτιδος.
|
454
Opposite this is the mountain range near the Jordan, beginning from Julias and the northern regions and stretching south to Somora, which borders Petra in Arabia. In this range is also the so-called Iron Mountain, extending into Moabitis.
|
| 454
there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon, which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab.
| 454
Across from it is another mountain area on the far side of the Jordan.
This range begins at Julias in the north and extends southward as far as Somorrhon, bordering Petra in Arabia.
In it is the so-called Iron Mountain, that runs as far as Moab.
|
| 455
ἡ
μέση
δὲ
τῶν
δύο
ὀρέων
χώρα
τὸ
μέγα
πεδίον
καλεῖται,
ἀπὸ
κώμης
Γινναβρὶν
διῆκον
μέχρι
τῆς
Ἀσφαλτίτιδος.
|
455
The region between these two mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village of Ginnabrin to the Asphaltic Lake.
|
| 455
Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis;
| 455
Between these ridges is what is called the Great Plain, from the village of Ginnabris as far as lake Asphaltitis.
|
| 456
ἔστι
δὲ
αὐτοῦ
μῆκος
μὲν
σταδίων
χιλίων
διακοσίων,
εὖρος
δ᾽
εἴκοσι
καὶ
ἑκατόν,
καὶ
μέσον
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ἸορδάνουJordan
τέμνεται
λίμνας
τε
ἔχει
τήν
τε
ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis
καὶ
τὴν
ΤιβεριέωνTiberias
φύσιν
ἐναντίας·
ἡ
μὲν
γὰρ
ἁλμυρώδης
καὶ
ἄγονος,
ἡ
ΤιβεριέωνTiberias
δὲ
γλυκεῖα
καὶ
γόνιμος.
|
456
Its length is twelve hundred stadia and its width one hundred and twenty.[1] It is cut through the middle by the Jordan and contains two lakes, the Asphaltic and that of Tiberias, which are of opposite natures; for the former is salt and barren, while that of Tiberias is sweet and fertile.
|
| 456
its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful.
| 456
It is two hundred and thirty furlongs long and a hundred and twenty wide and it is divided by the river Jordan.
It has two lakes, Asphaltitis and Tiberias, of quite opposite natures, for whereas the former is salty and barren, Tiberias is sweet and fruitful.
|
[1]1200 x 120 stadia = 222 x 22 km (138 x 14 miles)
| 457
ἐκπυροῦται
δὲ
ὥρᾳ
θέρους
τὸ
πεδίον
καὶ
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
αὐχμοῦ
περιέχει
νοσώδη
τὸν
ἀέρα·
|
457
In the summer season, the plain is burnt up, and due to the excessive drought, the air becomes sickly.
|
| 457
This plain is much burnt up in summertime, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air;
| 457
This plain is parched in summer, and the air is fetid from the excessive heat.
|
| 458
πᾶν
γὰρ
ἄνυδρον
πλὴν
τοῦ
ἸορδάνουJordan,
παρὸ
καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
ἐπὶ
ταῖς
ὄχθαις
φοινικῶνας
εὐθαλεστέρους
καὶ
πολυφορωτέρους
εἶναι
συμβέβηκεν,
ἧττον
δὲ
τοὺς
πόρρω
κεχωρισμένους.
|
458
For it is all waterless except for the Jordan, which is why the palm groves on the banks are flourishing and more productive, while those further away are less so.
|
| 458
it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful.
| 458
It is entirely waterless except for the river Jordan, near whose banks the palms are more flourishing and fruitful, while those farther off are less so.
|
| 459
Παρὰ
μέντοι
τὴν
ἹεριχοῦνJericho
ἐστι
πηγὴ
δαψιλής
τε
καὶ
πρὸς
ἀρδείας
λιπαρωτάτη
παρὰ
τὴν
παλαιὰν
ἀναβλύζουσα
πόλιν,
ἣν
ἸησοῦςJesus, Joshua
ὁ
Ναυῆ
παῖς
στρατηγὸς
ἙβραίωνHebrews
πρώτην
εἷλε
γῆς
ΧαναναίωνCanaanites
δορίκτητον.
|
459
However, near Jericho, there is a bountiful spring, most excellent for irrigation, which wells up near the old city—the first that Joshua, son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took by the spear in the land of the Canaanites.
|
| 459
Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war.
| 459
There is a fountain near Jericho that runs plentifully for irrigation.
It rises near the old city, which the Hebrew general Joshua, son of Naue, took as first of all the cities of the land of Canaan.
|
| 460
ταύτην
τὴν
πηγὴν
λόγος
ἔχει
κατ᾽
ἀρχὰς
οὐ
μόνον
γῆς
καὶ
δένδρων
καρποὺς
ἀπαμβλύνειν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
γυναικῶν
γονάς,
καθόλου
τε
πᾶσιν
εἶναι
νοσώδη
τε
καὶ
φθαρτικήν,
ἐξημερωθῆναι
δὲ
καὶ
γενέσθαι
τοὐναντίον
ὑγιεινοτάτην
τε
καὶ
γονιμωτάτην
ὑπὸ
Ἐλισσαίου
τοῦ
προφήτου·
γνώριμος
δ᾽
ἦν
οὗτος
ἨλίαElijah
καὶ
διάδοχος·
|
460
The story goes that originally this spring not only blighted the fruits of the earth and trees but also the wombs of women, and was generally sickly and destructive to all, but was tamed and made on the contrary most healthy and fertile by the prophet Elisha. He was a disciple and successor of Elijah.
|
| 460
The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor,
| 460
They say that at first this fountain used to harm the earth and the trees, and also the children born of women, and that it was entirely sickly and corrupting to all things, but that it was made good and wholesome and fruitful by the prophet Elisha, who knew Elijah and was his successor.
|
| 461
ὃς
ἐπιξενωθεὶς
τοῖς
κατὰ
τὴν
ἹεριχοῦνJericho,
περισσὸν
δή
τι
φιλοφρονησαμένων
αὐτὸν
τῶν
ἀνθρώπων
αὐτούς
τε
ἀμείβεταιto change, exchange
καὶ
τὴν
χώραν
αἰωνίῳ
χάριτι.
|
461
When he was a guest of the people of Jericho, they treated him with extraordinary kindness; in return, he rewarded them and the land with an eternal favor.
|
| 461
who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor;
| 461
Once when he was the guest of the people of Jericho and the inhabitants had treated him most cordially, he gave both them and the district a lasting gift as a reward.
|
| 462
προελθὼν
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πηγὴν
καὶ
καταβαλὼν
εἰς
τὸ
ῥεῦμα
πλῆρες
ἁλῶν
ἀγγεῖον
κεράμου,
ἔπειτα
εἰς
οὐρανὸν
δεξιὰν
ἀνατείνας
δικαίαν
κἀπὶ
γῆς
σπονδὰς
μειλικτηρίους
χεόμενος,
τὴν
μὲν
ᾐτεῖτο
μαλάξαι
τὸ
ῥεῦμα
καὶ
γλυκυτέρας
φλέβας
ἀνοῖξαι,
|
462
Going out to the spring, he cast into the stream a ceramic vessel full of salt; then, lifting his right hand toward heaven and pouring soothing drink-offerings upon the earth, he prayed that the spring might be softened and that sweeter veins of water might be opened.
|
| 462
for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication,—That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened;
| 462
Going out from the city to this fountain, he threw into the stream a pot full of salt; then he stretched out his holy hands to heaven, and, pouring out a sweet drink offering, prayed that the current be cured and fresher channels be opened,
|
| 463
τὸν
δὲ
ἐγκεράσασθαι
τῷ
ῥεύματι
γονιμωτέρους
[τε
]
ἀέρας
δοῦναί
τε
ἅμα
καὶ
καρπῶν
εὐθηνίαν
τοῖς
ἐπιχωρίοις
καὶ
τέκνων
διαδοχήν,
μηδ᾽
ἐπιλιπεῖν
αὐτοῖς
τὸ
τούτων
γεννητικὸν
ὕδωρ,
ἕως
μένουσι
δίκαιοι.
|
463
He prayed that God would temper the stream with more fertile air and grant the inhabitants an abundance of fruits and a succession of children, and that the water’s life-giving power would never fail them as long as they remained righteous.
|
| 463
that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to be righteous.
| 463
and that God would send to the place a temperate, fertile airflow and give the local people plenty of the fruits of the earth and children to succeed them, and for this fine water never to fail, as long as they continued righteous.
|
| 464
ταύταις
ταῖς
εὐχαῖς
πολλὰ
προσχειρουργήσας
ἐξ
ἐπιστήμης
ἔτρεψε
τὴν
πηγήν,
καὶ
τὸ
πρὶν
ὀρφανίας
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
λιμοῦ
παραίτιον
ὕδωρ
ἔκτοτεthereafter, then
εὐτεκνίας
καὶ
κόρου
χορηγὸν
κατέστη.
|
464
Adding many manual acts with his skill to these prayers, he transformed the spring; and the water which before was a cause of childlessness and famine became from then on a provider of many children and plenty.
|
| 464
To these prayers Elisha joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country.
| 464
To these prayers Elisha added skillful movements of his hands and changed the fountain, so that the water which before had caused barrenness and famine now gave the district fecundity and plenty.
|
| 465
τοσαύτην
γοῦν
ἐν
ταῖς
ἀρδείαις
ἔχει
δύναμιν
ὡς,
εἰ
καὶ
μόνον
ἐφάψαιτο
τῆς
χώρας,
νοστιμώτερον
εἶναι
τῶν
μέχρι
κόρου
χρονιζόντων.
|
465
Indeed, it has such power in irrigation that if it merely touches the land, it is more beneficial than waters that remain on the soil until they soak it.
|
| 465
Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it does but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them.
| 465
Such is its power to irrigate that if it just touches the land, it nourishes more than waters that remain until they saturate the land.
|
| 466
παρὸ
καὶ
τῶν
[μὲν
]
δαψιλεστέρως
χρωμένων
ἡ
ὄνησίς
ἐστιν
ὀλίγη,
τούτου
δὲ
τοῦ
ὀλίγου
χορηγία
δαψιλής.
|
466
Therefore, for those who use other waters more abundantly, the benefit is small, but the supply of this little water is most generous.
|
| 466
For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities.
| 466
Other waters bring limited benefit, even when present in abundance, while this small source brings a rich return.
|
| 467
ἄρδει
γοῦν
πλέονα
τῶν
ἄλλων
ἁπάντων,
καὶ
πεδίον
μὲν
ἔπεισιν
ἑβδομήκοντα
σταδίων
μῆκος
εὖρος
δ᾽
εἴκοσιν,
ἐκτρέφει
δ᾽
ἐν
αὐτῷ
παραδείσους
καλλίστους
τε
καὶ
πυκνοτάτους.
|
467
It irrigates a larger area than all other springs, flowing over a plain seventy stadia long and twenty wide,[1] nurturing within it the most beautiful and dense gardens.
|
| 467
Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees.
| 467
It irrigates more ground than all the rest, serving a plain seventy furlongs long and twenty broad, nourishing excellent gardens dense with trees.
|
[1]70 x 20 stadia = 13 x 3.7 km (8 x 2 miles)
| 468
τῶν
δὲ
φοινίκων
ἐπαρδομένων
γένη
πολλὰ
ταῖς
γεύσεσι
καὶ
ταῖς
παρηγορίαις
διάφορα·
τούτων
οἱ
πιότεροι
πατούμενοι
καὶ
μέλι
δαψιλὲς
ἀνιᾶσιν
οὐ
πολλῷ
τοῦ
λοιποῦ
χεῖρον.
|
468
There are many kinds of palm trees irrigated by it, differing in taste and names; the fatter ones, when trodden, yield an abundance of honey, not much inferior to other honey.
|
| 468
There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey.
| 468
Many sorts of date palms are watered by it, distinct from each other in taste and name.
When pressed, the better sort yields an excellent kind of honey, not much less sweet than the real thing.
|
| 469
καὶ
μελιττοτρόφος
δὲ
ἡ
χώρα·
φέρει
δὲ
καὶ
ὀποβάλσαμον,
ὃ
δὴ
τιμιώτατον
τῶν
τῇδε
καρπῶν,
κύπρον
τε
καὶ
μυροβάλανον,
ὡς
οὐκ
ἂν
ἁμαρτεῖν
τινα
εἰπόντα
θεῖον
εἶναι
τὸ
χωρίον,
ἐν
ᾧ
δαψιλῆ
τὰ
σπανιώτατα
καὶ
κάλλιστα
γεννᾶται.
|
469
The land also produces bees; it bears balsam, which is the most precious of the local fruits, as well as cyprus and myrobalane. One would not be wrong to say this place is divine, where the rarest and most beautiful things are produced in such abundance.
|
| 469
This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the most excellent sort.
| 469
The area also produces honey from bees, and juicy balsam, the most precious of all the local fruits.
It has cypress too and myrobalanum [purple-leaf plum], so that it would not be wrong to call this place divine, for its riches of rare and choice plants.
|
| 470
τῶν
μὲν
γὰρ
ἄλλων
αὐτῷ
καρπῶν
ἕνεκεν
οὐκ
ἂν
ῥᾳδίως
τι
παραβληθείη
κλίμα
τῆς
οἰκουμένης·
οὕτως
τὸ
καταβληθὲν
πολύχουν
ἀναδίδωσιν.
|
470
Regarding its other fruits, there is hardly any climate in the world that can be compared to it; so much does the seed sown yield in return.
|
| 470
And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it,—what is here sown comes up in such clusters;
| 470
For other fruits, it is not easy to find in the whole world a climate to compare with it, since what is sown here bears fruit so abundantly.
|
| 471
αἴτιόν
μοι
δοκεῖ
τὸ
θερμὸν
τῶν
ἀέρων
καὶ
τὸ
τῶν
ὑδάτων
εὔτονον,
τῶν
μὲν
προκαλουμένων
τὰ
φυόμενα
καὶ
διαχεόντων,
τῆς
δὲ
ἰκμάδος
ῥιζούσης
ἕκαστον
ἰσχυρῶς
καὶ
χορηγούσης
τὴν
ἐν
θέρει
δύναμιν·
περικαὲς
δέ
ἐστιν
οὕτως
τὸ
χωρίον,
ὡς
μηδένα
ῥᾳδίως
προιέναι.
|
471
The cause, in my opinion, is the warmth of the air and the nourishing quality of the waters; the air draws out and spreads what is growing, while the moisture makes each plant root strongly and provides strength in summer—for the place is so burnt that no one easily goes out.
|
| 471
the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summertime. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it;
| 471
The reason, I think, is the warmth of the air and the quality of the waters, for the heat germinates the plants and gives them life and the moisture lets each firmly take root and supplies its force in the summer, a time when the region is so parched that no one cares to come to it.
|
| 472
τὸ
δὲ
ὕδωρ
πρὸ
ἀνατολῆς
ἀντλούμενον,
ἔπειτα
ἐξαιθριασθὲν
γίνεται
ψυχρότατον
καὶ
τὴν
ἐναντίανopposite, against
πρὸς
τὸ
περιέχον
φύσιν
λαμβάνει,
χειμῶνος
δὲ
ἀνάπαλιν
χλιαίνεται
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐμβαίνουσι
γίνεται
προσηνέστατον.
|
472
If the water is drawn before sunrise and then exposed to the air, it becomes extremely cold, taking on a nature opposite to the surrounding air; conversely, in winter, it becomes lukewarm and most pleasant for those who bathe in it.
|
| 472
and if the water be drawn up before sunrising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air;
| 472
If the water is drawn before sunrise and then exposed to the air, it seems very chill in contrast to its surroundings.
In winter it warms up again, and feels very mild to those who enter it.
|
| 473
ἔστι
δὲ
καὶ
τὸ
περιέχον
οὕτως
εὔκρατον,
ὡς
λινοῦν
ἀμφιέννυσθαι
τοὺς
ἐπιχωρίους
νιφομένης
τῆς
ἄλλης
ἸουδαίαςJudea.
|
473
The surrounding air is also so temperate that the inhabitants wear linen while the rest of Judea is covered in snow.
|
| 473
as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea.
| 473
The temperature here is so mild, that the locals dress in linen, even when snow covers the rest of Judea.
|
| 474
ἀπέχει
δὲ
ἀπὸ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
μὲν
σταδίους
ἑκατὸν
πεντήκοντα,
τοῦ
δὲ
ἸορδάνουJordan
ἑξήκοντα,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
μέχρι
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
αὐτῆς
ἔρημον
καὶ
πετρῶδες,
τὸ
δὲ
μέχρι
τοῦ
ἸορδάνουJordan
καὶ
τῆς
Ἀσφαλτίτιδος
χθαμαλώτερον
μέν,
ἔρημον
δὲ
ὁμοίως
καὶ
ἄκαρπον.
|
474
It is one hundred and fifty stadia from Jerusalem and sixty from the Jordan.[1] The region toward Jerusalem is desert and rocky, and that toward the Jordan and the Asphaltic Lake is lower, but equally desert and barren.
|
| 474
This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltitis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren.
| 474
This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem and sixty from the Jordan.
The landscape as far as Jerusalem is desert and stony, and while it is lower toward the Jordan and lake Asphaltitis, it is equally desert and barren.
|
[1]150 x 60 stadia = 28 x 11 km (17 x 7 miles)
| 475
ἀλλὰ
γὰρ
τὰ
μὲν
περὶ
ἹεριχοῦνJericho
εὐδαιμονεστάτην
οὖσαν
ἀποχρώντως
δεδήλωται.
|
475
But enough has been said regarding the region of Jericho, which is so prosperous.
|
| 475
But so much shall suffice to have been said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation.
| 475
But enough has been said about Jericho and the great amenity of its situation.
|
| 476
Ἄξιον
δὲ
ἀφηγήσασθαι
καὶ
τὴν
φύσιν
τῆς
Ἀσφαλτίτιδος
λίμνης,
ἥτις
ἐστὶ
μέν,
ὡς
ἔφην,
πικρὰ
καὶ
ἄγονος,
ὑπὸ
δὲ
κουφότητος
καὶ
τὰ
βαρύτατα
τῶν
εἰς
αὐτὴν
ῥιφέντων
ἀναφέρει,
καταδῦναι
δ᾽
εἰς
τὸν
βυθὸν
οὐδὲ
ἐπιτηδεύσαντα
ῥᾴδιον.
|
476
It is also worth describing the nature of the Asphaltic Lake. It is, as I said, bitter and barren; yet by its lightness, it brings up even the heaviest things thrown into it, and it is not easy to sink to the bottom even if one tries.
|
| 476
The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for anyone to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do.
| 476
It is also worth describing the nature of lake Asphaltitis, which, as I have said, is bitter and unfruitful, and is so buoyant that it floats the heaviest things thrown into it, so that it is hard to make anything sink to the bottom in it.
|
| 477
Ἀφικόμενος
γοῦν
καθ᾽
ἱστορίαν
ἐπ᾽
αὐτὴν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐκέλευσέ
τινας
τῶν
νεῖν
οὐκ
ἐπισταμένων
δεθέντας
ὀπίσω
τὰς
χεῖρας
ῥιφῆναι
κατὰ
τοῦ
βυθοῦ,
καὶ
συνέβη
πάντας
ἐπινήξασθαι
καθάπερ
ὑπὸ
πνεύματος
ἄνω
βιαζομένους.
|
477
When Vespasian came to see it, he ordered some who could not swim to have their hands tied behind their backs and be thrown into the deep; it happened that they all floated on the surface, as if forced upward by a wind.
|
| 477
Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards.
| 477
When Vespasian went to see it, he gave orders for some who could not swim to have their hands tied behind them and be thrown into the depths, and they all floated on the surface as if borne upward by a current of air.
|
| 478
ἔστι
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τούτῳ
καὶ
ἡ
τῆς
χρόας
μεταβολὴ
θαυμάσιος·
τρὶς
γὰρ
ἑκάστης
ἡμέρας
τὴν
ἐπιφάνειαν
ἀλλάσσεται
καὶ
πρὸς
τὰς
ἡλιακὰς
ἀκτῖνας
ἀνταυγεῖ
ποικίλως.
|
478
The change of its color is also wonderful; thrice every day it changes its appearance and reflects the sun’s rays in various hues.
|
| 478
Moreover, the change of the color of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected.
| 478
The changing colours of this lake are wonderful too, for its appearance changes three times daily, according as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it.
|
| 480
προσελαύνοντες
δὲ
οἱ
τῆς
λίμνης
ἐργάται
καὶ
δρασσόμενοι
τοῦ
συνεστῶτος
ἕλκουσιν
εἰς
τὰ
σκάφη,
πληρώσασι
δὲ
ἀποκόπτειν
οὐ
ῥᾴδιον,
ἀλλὰ
δι᾽
εὐτονίαν
προσήρτηται
τῷ
μηρύματι
τὸ
σκάφος,
ἕως
ἂν
ἐμμηνίῳ
γυναικῶν
αἵματι
καὶ
οὔρῳ
διαλύσωσιν
αὐτήν,
οἷς
μόνοις
εἴκει.
|
480
The workers of the lake row out to them, seize the masses, and pull them into their boats. Once the boat is full, it is not easy to cut the mass away, but by its tenacity, it clings to the boat until they dissolve it with the menstrual blood of women and with urine, to which alone it yields.
|
| 480
and when the laborers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone it yields.
| 480
The workers on the lake come and catch hold of the asphalt as it hangs together, and drag it into the boats, but once the boats are full it is not easy to cut off the remainder, for it is so sticky it clings in clods to the ship until they loosen it with the menstrual blood of women and with urine, the only things to which it yields.
|
| 481
καὶ
χρήσιμος
δὲ
οὐ
μόνον
εἰς
ἁρμονίας
νεῶν
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
πρὸς
ἄκεσιν
σωμάτων·
εἰς
πολλὰ
γοῦν
τῶν
φαρμάκων
παραμίσγεται.
|
481
This asphalt is useful not only for caulking ships but also for healing the body; it is mixed into many medicines.
|
| 481
This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men’s bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines.
| 481
This asphalt is not only useful for caulking ships, but also for curing human bodies, and is mixed into many medicines.
|
| 482
ταύτης
τῆς
λίμνης
μῆκος
μὲν
ὀγδοήκοντα
καὶ
πεντακόσιοι
στάδιοι,
καθὸ
δὴ
μέχρι
Ζοάρων
τῆς
ἈραβίαςArabia
ἐκτείνεται,
εὖρος
δὲ
πεντήκοντα
καὶ
ἑκατόν.
|
482
The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty stadia,[1] extending as far as Zoara in Arabia, and its width is one hundred and fifty.
|
| 482
The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty.
| 482
This lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs long, as far as Zoar in Arabia, and a hundred and fifty wide.
|
[1]580 x 150 stadia = 107 x 28 km (67 x 17 miles)
| 483
γειτνιᾷ
δ᾽
ἡ
Σοδομῖτις
αὐτῇ,
πάλαι
μὲν
εὐδαίμων
γῆ
καρπῶν
τε
ἕνεκεν
καὶ
τῆς
κατὰ
πόλιν
περιουσίας,
νῦν
δὲ
κεκαυμένη
πᾶσα.
|
483
The land of Sodom borders it, formerly a prosperous land because of its fruits and the wealth of its cities, but now entirely burnt up.
|
| 483
The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up.
| 483
It adjoins the district of Sodom, a prosperous area of old, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities; but now all burned up.
|
| 484
φασὶ
δὲ
ὡς
δι᾽
ἀσέβειαν
οἰκητόρων
κεραυνοῖς
καταφλεγῆναι·
ἔστι
γοῦν
ἔτι
λείψανα
τοῦ
θείου
πυρόςfire, fiery,
καὶ
πέντε
μὲν
πόλεων
ἰδεῖν
σκιάς,
ἔτι
δὲ
κἀν
τοῖς
καρποῖς
σποδιὰν
ἀναγεννωμένην,
οἳ
χροιὰν
μὲν
ἔχουσι
τῶν
ἐδωδίμων
ὁμοίαν,
δρεψαμένων
δὲ
χερσὶν
εἰς
καπνὸν
διαλύονται
καὶ
τέφραν.
|
484
They say that because of the impiety of its inhabitants, it was consumed by thunderbolts; indeed, there are still remnants of the divine fire to be seen, and the shadows of five cities can be observed. There is also a dust found in the fruits, which have a color like edible fruit but, when plucked by hand, dissolve into smoke and ashes.
|
| 484
It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes.
| 484
They say it was burned by lightning, for the sins of its citizens, and that remnants of that divine fire and traces of the five cities can still be seen, as well as ashes in the shape of fruits.
These fruits have a colour as though they were edible, but they dissolve into smoke and ashes if you pluck them with your hands.
|
| 485
τὰ
μὲν
δὴ
περὶ
τὴν
Σοδομῖτιν
μυθευόμενα
τοιαύτην
ἔχει
πίστιν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ὄψεως.
|
485
Thus, the stories told about the land of Sodom are confirmed by what is seen.
|
| 485
And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us.
| 485
Such visible signs support the myths that are told about this land of Sodom.
|
Chapter 9
Nero's death.
Vespasian's change of plan.
Simon of Gerasa.
| 486
Ὁ
δὲ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
πανταχόθεν
περιτειχίζων
τοὺς
ἐν
τοῖς
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
ἔν
τε
τῇ
ἹεριχοῖJericho
καὶ
ἐν
Ἀδίδοις
ἐγείρει
στρατόπεδα
καὶ
φρουροὺς
ἀμφοτέραις
ἐγκαθίστησιν
ἔκ
τε
τοῦ
ῬωμαικοῦRoman
καὶ
συμμαχικοῦ
συντάγματος.
|
486
Vespasian, seeking to wall in those in Jerusalem from all sides, raised camps in Jericho and Adida, and stationed garrisons in both, consisting of Roman and allied contingents.
|
| 486
And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries.
| 486
While fortifying all the places around Jerusalem Vespasian erected citadels at Jericho and Adidas, putting garrisons in both places, manned partly by his own Romans and partly by his allied troops.
|
| 487
πέμπει
δὲ
καὶ
εἰς
ΓέρασαGerasa
Λούκιον
Ἄννιον
παραδοὺς
μοῖραν
ἱππέων
καὶ
συχνοὺς
πεζούς.
|
487
He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, providing him with a portion of cavalry and many infantry.
|
| 487
He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horsemen, and a considerable number of footmen.
| 487
He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa with a detachment of cavalry and a strong force of infantry.
|
| 488
ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
ἐξ
ἐφόδου
τὴν
πόλιν
ἑλὼν
ἀποκτείνει
μὲν
χιλίους
τῶν
νέων,
ὅσοι
μὴ
διαφυγεῖν
ἔφθασαν,
γενεὰς
δὲ
ᾐχμαλωτίσατο
καὶ
τὰς
κτήσεις
διαρπάσαι
τοῖς
στρατιώταις
ἐπέτρεψεν·
ἔπειτα
τὰς
οἰκίας
ἐμπρήσας
ἐπὶ
τὰς
περὶ
κώμας
ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw.
|
488
Having taken the city on the first assault, he slew a thousand of the young men—those who did not manage to escape—took their families captive, and permitted the soldiers to plunder their possessions; then, having set fire to the houses, he proceeded against the surrounding villages.
|
| 488
So when he had taken the city, which he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those young men who had not prevented him by flying away; but he took their families captive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder them of their effects; after which he set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoining villages,
| 488
Taking the city at the first onset, he killed a thousand of the young men who had not already escaped, but took their families captive and let his soldiers rob their property, and then he set fire to the houses and went off to the adjoining villages.
|
| 489
φυγαὶ
δ᾽
ἦσαν
τῶν
δυνατῶν
καὶ
φθοραὶ
τῶν
ἀσθενεστέρων,
τὸ
καταλειφθὲν
δὲ
πᾶν
ἐνεπίμπρατο.
|
489
There were flights of the powerful and destruction of the weaker, and everything left behind was consumed by fire.
|
| 489
while the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed, and what was remaining was all burnt down.
| 489
The top people got away but the weaker were killed and what remained went up in flames.
|
| 490
καὶ
διειληφότος
τοῦ
πολέμου
τήν
τε
ὀρεινὴν
ὅλην
καὶ
τὴν
πεδιάδα
πάσας
οἱ
ἐν
τοῖς
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
τὰς
ἐξόδους
ἀφῄρηντο·
τοὺς
μέν
γε
αὐτομολεῖν
προαιρουμένους
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
παρεφυλάσσοντο,
τοὺς
δὲ
οὔπω
τὰ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
φρονοῦντας
εἶργεν
ἡ
στρατιὰ
πανταχόθεν
τὴν
πόλιν
περιέχουσα.
|
490
Now that the war had encompassed the entire hill country and the plain, those in Jerusalem were deprived of all exits; for the Zealots kept guard over those who chose to desert, while the [Roman] army, surrounding the city on all sides, shut in those who did not yet favor the Roman cause.
|
| 490
And now the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the plain country also, those that were at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city; for as to such as had a mind to desert, they were watched by the zealots; and as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encompassing the city round about on all sides.
| 490
As the war had now swept through all the mountain country and across the whole plain, those in Jerusalem had no freedom to leave the city, and any who wished to desert were watched by the Zealots, and as to those who were not yet pro-Romans were hemmed in by the army surrounding the city on all sides.
|
| 491
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
δ᾽
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea
ἐπιστρέψαντι
καὶ
παρασκευαζομένῳ
μετὰ
πάσης
τῆς
δυνάμεως
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῶν
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἐξελαύνειν
ἀγγέλλεται
ΝέρωνNero
ἀνῃρημένος,
τρία
καὶ
δέκα
βασιλεύσας
ἔτη
καὶ
ἡμέρας
ὀκτώ.
|
491
When Vespasian returned to Caesarea and was preparing to march with his entire force against Jerusalem itself, the news reached him that Nero had been slain, after having reigned thirteen years and eight days.
|
| 491
Now as Vespasian was returned to Caesarea, and was getting ready with all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days.
| 491
When Vespasian returned to Caesarea and was preparing to march on Jerusalem itself with all his forces, he was told that Nero had ended his life, after reigning for thirteen years and eight days.
|
| 492
περὶ
οὗ
λέγειν
ὃν
τρόπον
εἰς
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
ἐξύβρισεν
πιστεύσας
τὰ
πράγματα
τοῖς
πονηροτάτοις,
Νυμφιδίῳ
καὶ
Τιγελλίνῳ,
|
492
Concerning whom, [I pass over] telling in what manner he insulted the sovereignty by entrusting affairs to the most wicked men, Nymphidius and Tigellinus,
|
| 492
But as to any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government, and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus,
| 492
The actual story is that he abused his governance and left matters in the hands of his villainous freedmen, Nymphidius and Tigellinus,
|
| 493
τοῖς
τε
ἀναξίοις
τῶν
ἐξελευθέρων,
καὶ
ὡς
ὑπὸ
τούτων
ἐπιβουλευθεὶς
κατελείφθη
μὲν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
φυλάκων
ἁπάντων,
διαδρὰς
δὲ
σὺν
τέτρασι
τῶν
πιστῶν
ἀπελευθέρων
ἐν
τοῖς
προαστείοις
ἑαυτὸν
ἀνεῖλεν,
καὶ
ὡς
οἱ
καταλύσαντες
αὐτὸν
μετ᾽
οὐ
πολὺν
χρόνον
δίκας
ἔδοσαν,
|
493
and to unworthy freedmen; and how, being conspired against by these men, he was abandoned by all his guards and, having fled with four of his faithful freedmen to the suburbs, he killed himself; and how those who overthrew him not long after paid the penalty,
|
| 493
his unworthy freedmen; and how he had a plot laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four of his most trusty freedmen, and slew himself in the suburbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned his death were in no long time brought themselves to punishment;
| 493
and that they conspired against him and he was deserted by all his guards and fled with four of his most trusted freedmen, and killed himself in the suburbs, and that those who caused his death were brought to justice a short time later.
|
| 494
τόν
τε
κατὰ
τὴν
ΓαλατίανGalatia
πόλεμον
ὡς
ἐτελεύτησε,
καὶ
πῶς
Γάλβας
ἀποδειχθεὶς
αὐτοκράτωρ
εἰς
ῬώμηνRome
ἐπανῆλθεν
ἐκ
τῆς
Ἱσπανίας,
καὶ
ὡς
ὑπὸ
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
αἰτιαθεὶς
ἐπὶ
ταπεινοφροσύνῃ
ἐδολοφονήθη
κατὰ
μέσην
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀγορὸν
ἀπεδείχθη
τε
αὐτοκράτωρ
Ὄθων·
|
494
and how the war in Gaul ended, and how Galba, having been declared Emperor, returned to Rome from Spain, and how, being accused by the soldiers of meanness, he was murdered in the middle of the Roman Forum and Otho was declared Emperor;
|
| 494
how also the war in Gall ended; and how Galba was made emperor and returned out of Spain to Rome; and how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the marketplace at Rome, and Otho was made emperor;
| 494
Then the war in Gaul ended, and Galba was nominated emperor and returned from Spain to Rome, but then he was accused by the soldiers as a weakling and killed by treachery in the heart of the Roman Forum and Otho was made emperor.
|
| 495
τήν
τε
τούτου
στρατείαν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
Οὐιτελλίου
στρατηγοὺς
καὶ
κατάλυσιν,
ἔπειτα
τοὺς
κατὰ
Οὐιτέλλιον
ταράχους
καὶ
τὴν
περὶ
τὸ
ΚαπετώλιονCapital
συμβολήν,
ὅπως
τε
ἈντώνιοςAntony
Πρῖμος
καὶ
ΜουκιανὸςMucianus
διαφθείραντες
Οὐιτέλλιον
καὶ
τὰ
Γερμανικὰ
τάγματα
κατέστειλαν
τὸν
ἐμφύλιονkinsfolk
πόλεμον.
|
495
and [I pass over] his campaign against the generals of Vitellius and his overthrow; then the disturbances under Vitellius and the battle around the Capitol; and how Antonius Primus and Mucianus, having destroyed Vitellius and the German legions, quelled the civil war.
|
| 495
with his expedition against the commanders of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol; as also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war;
| 495
The story continues with his campaign against the generals of Vitellius and his subsequent destruction; and then the upheavals under Vitellius and the fighting around the capitol, and how Antonius Primus and Mucianus killed Vitellius and his German legions and thereby put an end to that civil war.
|
| 496
πάντα
ταῦτα
διεξιέναι
μὲν
ἐπ᾽
ἀκριβὲς
παρῃτησάμην,
ἐπειδὴ
δι᾽
ὄχλου
πᾶσίν
ἐστιν
καὶ
πολλοῖς
ἙλλήνωνGreeks
τε
καὶ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀναγέγραπται,
συναφείας
δὲ
ἕνεκεν
τῶν
πραγμάτων
καὶ
τοῦ
μὴ
διηρτῆσθαι
τὴν
ἱστορίαν
κεφαλαιωδῶς
ἕκαστον
ἐπισημαίνομαι.
|
496
I have declined to go through all these things in detail because they are common knowledge to all and have been recorded by many Greeks and Romans; but for the sake of the connection of events and so that the history is not disjointed, I mention each summarily.
|
| 496
I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connection of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon everything briefly.
| 496
I shall not describe these events in detail, since they have been described by many Greek and Roman authors and are well known to all.
But for the sake of linking matters together and that my history may not be incoherent, I had to mention them all, succinctly.
|
| 497
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
τοίνυν
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
ἀνεβάλλετο
τὴν
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
στρατείαν,
καραδοκῶν
πρὸς
τίνα
ῥέψει
τὸ
κρατεῖν
μετὰ
ΝέρωναNero·
|
497
Vespasian, therefore, at first postponed the expedition against Jerusalem, waiting to see toward whom the sovereignty would lean after Nero;
|
| 497
Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero.
| 497
So Vespasian first put off his campaign against Jerusalem and waited to see who would rule the empire after Nero.
|
| 498
αὖθις
δὲ
Γάλβαν
ἀκούσας
αὐτοκράτορα,
πρὶν
ἐπιστεῖλαί
τι
περὶ
τοῦ
πολέμου
κἀκεῖνον,
οὐκ
ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in,
πέμπει
δὲ
πρὸς
αὐτὸν
καὶ
τὸν
υἱὸν
ΤίτονTitus
ἀσπασόμενόν
τε
καὶ
ληψόμενον
τὰς
περὶ
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἐντολάς.
διὰ
δὲ
τὰς
αὐτὰς
αἰτίας
ἅμα
ΤίτῳTitus
καὶ
ἈγρίππαςAgrippa
ὁ
βασιλεὺς
πρὸς
Γάλβαν
ἔπλει.
|
498
and again, having heard that Galba was Emperor, he did not attempt anything before receiving some instruction from him concerning the war; but he sent his son Titus to him both to salute him and to receive orders regarding the Jews. For the same reasons, King Agrippa sailed with Titus to Galba.
|
| 498
Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about the war: however, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his commands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus to Galba;
| 498
When he heard that Galba had become emperor, he undertook nothing until he too should write to him about the war, but sent his son Titus to greet him and to receive his orders concerning the Jews.
For the same reason king Agrippa sailed to Galba along with Titus,
|
| 499
καὶ
διὰ
τῆς
ἈχαίαςAchaia,
χειμῶνος
γὰρ
ἦν
ὥρα,
μακραῖς
ναυσὶ
περιπλεόντων
φθάνει
Γάλβας
ἀναιρεθεὶς
μετὰ
μῆνας
ἑπτὰ
καὶ
ἴσας
ἡμέρας·
ἐξ
οὗ
καὶ
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
παρέλαβεν
Ὄθων
ἀντιποιούμενος
τῶν
πραγμάτων.
|
499
While they were sailing around Achaia in long ships—for it was the winter season—news reached them that Galba had been slain after seven months and as many days; after which Otho took over the government and laid claim to affairs.
|
| 499
but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was wintertime, they heard that Galba was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook the management of public affairs.
| 499
but as their long ships were sailing along the coasts of Achaia, as it was winter time, they heard that Galba had been killed after seven months and seven days, and that Otho had taken over affairs after him.
|
| 500
ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
ἈγρίππαςAgrippa
εἰς
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
ἀφικέσθαι
διέγνω
μηδὲν
ὀρρωδήσας
πρὸς
τὴν
μεταβολήν·
|
500
Agrippa, therefore, decided to proceed to Rome, being in no way terrified by the change;
|
| 500
So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any terror; on account of the change in the government;
| 500
Agrippa resolved to continue on to Rome, fearing nothing from the change in the government,
|
| 501
ΤίτοςTitus
δὲ
κατὰ
δαιμόνιον
ὁρμὴν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἙλλάδοςGreece
εἰς
τὴν
ΣυρίανSyria
ἀνέπλει
καὶ
κατὰ
τάχος
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea
ἀφικνεῖται
πρὸς
τὸν
πατέρα.
|
501
but Titus, by a divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria and reached Caesarea with haste to join his father.
|
| 501
but Titus, by a Divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to Caesarea, to his father.
| 501
but Titus, by divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria and hurried to Caesarea, to his father.
|
| 502
καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
μετέωροι
περὶ
τῶν
ὅλων
ὄντες
ὡς
ἂν
σαλευομένης
τῆς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἡγεμονίας
ὑπερεώρων
τὴν
ἐπὶ
ἸουδαίουςJews
στρατείαν,
καὶ
διὰ
τὸν
περὶ
τῆς
πατρίδος
φόβον
τὴν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἀλλοφύλους
ὁρμὴν
ἄωρον
ἐνόμιζον.
|
502
And they, being in suspense about the whole [Empire] as the Roman sovereignty was being shaken, overlooked the expedition against the Jews, and because of their fear for their own fatherland, they considered an assault against foreigners to be ill-timed.
|
| 502
And now they were both in suspense about the public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, onaccount of the solicitude they were in for their own country.
| 502
They were both in suspense about the general situation, as the Roman empire seemed to be reeling, and put their campaign against the Jews on hold, thinking it the wrong time to be attacking foreigners when they had such concerns about their own country.
|
| 503
Ἐπανίσταται
δὲ
ἄλλος
τοῖς
ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem
πόλεμος.
υἱὸς
ἦν
ΓιώραGioras
ΣίμωνSimon
τις,
Γερασηνὸς
τὸ
γένος,
νεανίας
πανουργίᾳ
μὲν
ἡττώμενος
ἸωάννουJohn
τοῦ
προκατέχοντος
ἤδη
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἀλκῇ
δὲ
σώματος
καὶ
τόλμῃ
διαφέρων,
|
503
But another war broke out against Jerusalem. There was a certain Simon, son of Gioras, a Gerasene by birth; a young man inferior in craftiness to John [of Gischala], who already held the city, but excelling in bodily strength and daring.
|
| 503
And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gischala], who had already seized upon the city,
| 503
Another war arose in Jerusalem, due to a young man, Simon, son of Giora, who was born in Gerasa.
He was not as cunning as John who had already captured the city, but was his superior in strength and courage.
|
| 504
δι᾽
ἣν
καὶ
ὑπὸ
ἈνάνουAnanus
τοῦ
ἀρχιερέως
φυγαδευθεὶς
ἐξ
ἧς
εἶχε
τοπαρχίας
Ἀκραβετηνῆς
πρὸς
τοὺς
κατειληφόταςto seize
τὴν
ΜασάδανMasada
λῃστὰς
παραγίνεται.
|
504
Because of which, having been banished by the high priest Ananus from the toparchy of Acrabatene which he held, he went to the brigands who had seized Masada.
|
| 504
but superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Ananus the high priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada.
| 504
Driven out by the high priest Ananus from the district of Acrabattene, which he had once held, he went to the brigands who had captured Masada.
|
| 506
αὖθις
δὲ
διὰ
συγγένειαν
ἠθῶν
καὶ
ὅτι
πιστὸς
ἐδόκει,
συμπροενόμευε
γοῦν
αὐτοῖς
ἐξιὼν
καὶ
συνεπόρθει
τὰ
περὶ
τὴν
ΜασάδανMasada.
|
506
But later, because of the similarity of their characters and because he seemed faithful, he went out foraging with them and helped plunder the areas around Masada.
|
| 506
However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada;
| 506
But as he was their kinsman and as he seemed trustworthy they let him go out with them ravaging the country around Masada.
|
| 507
οὐ
μὴν
ἐπὶ
τὰ
μείζω
παρακαλῶν
ἔπεισεν·
οἱ
μὲν
γὰρ
ἐν
ἔθει
ὄντες
τῷ
φρουρίῳ,
καθάπερ
φωλεοῦ
χωρίζεσθαι
μακρὰν
ἐδεδοίκεσαν,
|
507
However, he did not succeed in inciting them to greater things; for they were accustomed to the fortress,
|
| 507
yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was their hiding-place;
| 507
He could not persuade them to do anything more, for being used to the shelter of the citadel, they were afraid to go far from it.
|
| 508
ὁ
δὲ
τυραννιῶν
καὶ
μεγάλων
ἐφιέμενος
ἐπειδὴ
καὶ
τὴν
ἈνάνουAnanus
τελευτὴν
ἤκουσεν,
εἰς
τὴν
ὀρεινὴν
ἀφίσταται,
καὶ
προκηρύξας
δούλοις
μὲν
ἐλευθερίαν,
γέρας
δὲ
ἐλευθέροις
τοὺς
πανταχόθεν
πονηροὺς
συνήθροιζεν.
|
508
and feared to move far from it as if from a lair. But he, being ambitious for tyranny and longing for great things, when he heard of the death of Ananus, revolted to the hill country, and by proclaiming freedom for slaves and rewards for the free, he gathered the wicked from all sides.
|
| 508
but he affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of greatness, when he had heard of the death of Ananus, he left them, and went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters.
| 508
Wanting to rule and aspiring to greatness, as soon as he heard of the death of Ananus, he went into the hills to proclaim liberty for slaves and prizes for those already free, and gathered bad men together from all quarters.
|
| 509
ὡς
δ᾽
ἦν
αὐτῷ
καρτερὸν
ἤδη
τὸ
σύνταγμα,
τὰς
ἀνὰ
τὴν
ὀρεινὴν
κώμας
κατέτρεχεν,
ἀεὶ
δὲ
προσγινομένων
πλειόνων
ἐθάρρει
καταβαίνειν
εἰς
τὰ
χθαμαλώτερα.
|
509
When his contingent was already strong, he overran the villages in the hill country; and as more were always being added, he took courage to descend into the lower regions.
|
| 509
And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts of the country,
| 509
As he now had a strong force, he overran the villages in the hills.
And when still more and more flocked to him, he ventured down into the lowlands.
|
| 510
κἀπειδὴ
πόλεσιν
ἤδη
φοβερὸς
ἦν,
πολλοὶ
πρὸς
τὴν
ἰσχὺν
καὶ
τὴν
εὔροιαν
τῶν
κατορθωμάτων
ἐφθείροντο
δυνατοί,
καὶ
οὐκέτι
ἦν
δούλων
μόνων
οὐδὲ
λῃστῶν
στρατός,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
δημοτικῶν
οὐκ
ὀλίγων
ὡς
πρὸς
βασιλέα
πειθαρχεῖν.
|
510
And when he was already formidable to cities, many powerful men were corrupted [to his side] because of his strength and the success of his achievements; and it was no longer an army only of slaves and brigands, but also many of the populace obeying him as if he were a king.
|
| 510
and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king.
| 510
Now that he had become feared by the cities, many people of influence were corrupted by him, so that his army no longer consisted of slaves and brigands, but many of the people obeyed him as their king.
|
| 511
κατέτρεχε
δὲ
τήν
τε
ἈκραβετηνὴνAcrabatene
τοπαρχίαν
καὶ
τὰ
μέχρι
τῆς
μεγάλης
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea·
κατὰ
γὰρ
κώμην
τινὰ
καλουμένην
Ἀὶν
τεῖχος
κατασκευάσας
ὥσπερ
φρουρίῳ
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
ἐχρῆτο,
|
511
He overran both the toparchy of Acrabatene and the regions as far as Great Idumaea; for at a certain village called Nain, having built a wall, he used it as a fortress for security.
|
| 511
He then overran the Acrabattene toparchy, and the places that reached as far as the Great Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for his own party’s security;
| 511
He then overran the Acrabattene district and as far as Greater Idumaea, and built a wall at a village called Nain and used it as a fortress for his own party.
|
| 512
κατὰ
δὲ
τὴν
Φάραγγα
προσαγορευομένηνto call, name
Φερεταὶ
πολλὰ
μὲν
ἀνευρύνας
σπήλαια,
πολλὰ
δ᾽
εὑρὼν
ἕτοιμα
ταμιείοις
ἐχρῆτο
θησαυρῶν
καὶ
τῆς
ΛείαςLeah
ἐκδοχείοις.
|
512
And in the ravine called Pheretae, having enlarged many caves and found many ready, he used them as treasuries for his stores and repositories for his plunder.
|
| 512
and at the valley called Paran, he enlarged many of the caves, and many others he found ready for his purpose; these he made use of as repositories for his treasures, and receptacles for his prey,
| 512
At the valley called Paran, he enlarged many of the caves and many others he found ready for use; these he used to store his treasures and his plunder,
|
| 513
ἀνετίθει
δὲ
καὶ
τοὺς
ἁρπαζομένους
εἰς
αὐτὰ
καρπούς,
οἵ
τε
πολλοὶ
τῶν
λόχων
δίαιταν
εἶχον
ἐν
ἐκείνοις·
δῆλος
δ᾽
ἦν
τό
τε
σύνταγμα
προγυμνάζων
καὶ
τὰς
παρασκευὰς
κατὰ
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem.
|
513
He also deposited the seized crops in them, and many of his companies lived in them; it was clear that he was training his contingent and making preparations against Jerusalem.
|
| 513
and therein he laid up the fruits that he had got by rapine; and many of his partisans had their dwelling in them; and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making preparations for the assault of Jerusalem.
| 513
and laid up there the fruits of his looting.
Many of his gang members lived in them, and he made no secret that he was exercising his men and preparing to attack Jerusalem.
|
| 514
Ὅθεν
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
δείσαντες
αὐτοῦ
τὴν
ἐπιβουλὴν
καὶ
προλαβεῖν
βουλόμενοι
τὸν
κατ᾽
αὐτῶν
τρεφόμενον
ἐξίασι
μετὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων
οἱ
πλείους·
ὑπαντιάζει
δὲ
ΣίμωνSimon,
καὶ
παραταξάμενος
συχνοὺς
μὲν
αὐτῶν
ἀναιρεῖ,
συνελαύνει
δὲ
τοὺς
λοιποὺς
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
514
Wherefore the Zealots, fearing his plot and wishing to preempt the one growing against them, went out with their arms in great numbers; but Simon met them, and having drawn up for battle, he slew many of them and drove the rest into the city.
|
| 514
Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining battle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before him into the city,
| 514
Then the Zealots, fearing his attack and wanting to forestall one that was getting ready to oppose them, went out in arms against him.
Simon met and fought them, and killed many of them and drove the rest ahead of him into the city,
|
| 515
οὔπω
δὲ
θαρρῶν
τῇ
δυνάμει
τοῦ
μὲν
τοῖς
τείχεσιν
προσβάλλειν
ἀπετράπη,
χειρώσασθαι
δὲ
πρότερον
τὴν
ἸδουμαίανIdumaea
ἐπεβάλετο·
καὶ
δὴ
δισμυρίους
ἔχων
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
ἤλαυνενto set in motion
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ὅρους
αὐτῆς.
|
515
Not yet trusting his power, he turned away from attacking the walls, but undertook first to subdue Idumaea; and so, having twenty thousand armed men, he marched against its borders.
|
| 515
but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make an assault upon the walls; but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched to the borders of their country.
| 515
but he dared not trust his forces to attack the ramparts, and decided to subdue Idumaea first, so as he now had twenty thousand warriors, he marched to the borders of their country.
|
| 516
οἱ
δὲ
ἄρχοντες
τῆς
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea
κατὰ
τάχος
ἀθροίσαντες
ἐκ
τῆς
χώρας
τὸ
μαχιμώτατον
περὶ
πεντακισχιλίους
καὶ
δισμυρίους,
τοὺς
δὲ
πολλοὺς
ἐάσαντες
φρουρεῖν
τὰ
σφέτερα
διὰ
τὰς
τῶν
ἐν
ΜασάδαιMasada
σικαρίων
καταδρομάς,
ἐδέχοντο
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
πρὸς
τοῖς
ὅροις.
|
516
The leaders of Idumaea, having quickly gathered from the country the most warlike men—about twenty-five thousand—leaving most to guard their own territory because of the raids of the Sicarii at Masada, received Simon at the borders.
|
| 516
Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their borders,
| 516
The Idumaean leaders quickly mustered about twenty-five thousand of the most warlike of their people, leaving the rest to guard their district against the raids of the Sicarii from Masada, and faced Simon at their borders,
|
| 517
ἔνθα
συμβαλὼν
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
δι᾽
ὅλης
πολεμήσας
ἡμέρας,
οὔτε
νενικηκὼς
οὔτε
νενικημένος
διεκρίθη,
καὶ
ὁ
μὲν
εἰς
τὴν
Ναίν,
οἱ
δὲ
Ἰδουμαῖοι
διελύθησαν
ἐπ᾽
οἴκου.
|
517
There, having engaged them and fought through the whole day, he withdrew having neither conquered nor been conquered; and he went to Nain, while the Idumaeans dispersed to their homes.
|
| 517
where they fought him, and continued the battle all that day; and the dispute lay whether they had conquered him, or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans return home.
| 517
where they fought him and continued the battle all that day, and it is uncertain who won or lost; but he went back to Nain, and the Idumaeans returned home.
|
| 518
καὶ
μετ᾽
οὐ
πολὺ
ΣίμωνSimon
μείζονι
δυνάμει
πάλιν
εἰς
τὴν
χώραν
αὐτῶν
ὥρμητο,
στρατοπεδευσάμενος
δὲ
κατά
τινα
κώμην,
Θεκουὲ
καλεῖται,
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἐν
Ἡρωδείῳ
φρουρούς,
ὅπερ
ἦν
πλησίον,
ἘλεάζαρόνEleazar
τινα
τῶν
ἑταίρων
ἔπεμψε
πείσοντα
παραδοῦναι
τὸ
ἔρυμα.
|
518
And not long after, Simon set out again into their country with a larger force; and having encamped near a certain village called Tekoa, against the garrison in Herodium, which was nearby, he sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to persuade them to surrender the stronghold.
|
| 518
Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country; when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him.
| 518
Not long afterward Simon stormed back into their country with a larger force when he encamped at a village called Thecoe and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to the garrison at Herodium to persuade them to surrender the fortress to him.
|
| 519
τοῦτον
οἱ
φύλακες
προθύμως
ἐδέξαντο
τὴν
αἰτίαν
ἀγνοοῦντες
δι᾽
ἣν
ἥκοι,
φθεγξάμενον
δὲ
περὶ
παραδόσεως
ἐδίωκον
σπασάμενοι
τὰ
ξίφη,
μέχρι
φυγῆς
τόπον
οὐκ
ἔχων
μερίδα
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἑαυτὸν
εἰς
τὴν
ὑποκειμένην
Φάραγγα.
|
519
The guards received him readily, not knowing the reason why he had come; but when he spoke about surrender, they pursued him with drawn swords, until, having no place to flee, he threw himself from the wall into the ravine below.
|
| 519
The garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath;
| 519
The guards welcomed this man until they heard what he came for, but attacked him with drawn swords when he talked of the surrender; then he found he had nowhere to escape and threw himself down from the wall into the valley below.
|
| 520
καὶ
ὁ
μὲν
αὐτίκα
τελευτᾷ,
τοῖς
δ᾽
ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans
ἤδη
κατορρωδοῦσι
τὴν
ἰσχὺν
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
ἔδοξε
πρὸ
τοῦ
συμβαλεῖν
κατασκέψασθαι
τὴν
στρατιὰν
τῶν
πολεμίων.
|
520
He died immediately; and the Idumaeans, already terrified by the strength of Simon, decided to scout the enemy’s army before engaging.
|
| 520
so he died immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon’s power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy’s army before they hazarded a battle with them.
| 520
He died on the spot, but the Idumaeans, already fearful of Simon's power, thought it wiser to survey the enemy's army before risking a battle with them.
|
| 521
Εἰς
τοῦτο
δὲ
ὑπηρέτην
αὑτὸν
ἑτοίμως
ἐπεδίδου
ἸάκωβοςJacob, James,
εἷς
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων,
προδοσίανsurrender, treason
ἐνθυμούμενος.
|
521
For this purpose, Jacob, one of the leaders, readily offered himself as a servant, intending treachery.
|
| 521
Now, there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them.
| 521
One of their officers, named Jacob, offered his services for this purpose, intending to betray them.
|
| 522
ὁρμήσας
γοῦν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
Ἀλούρου,
κατὰ
γὰρ
ταύτην
συνήθροιστο
τὴν
κώμην
τότε
τῶν
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
τὸ
στράτευμα,
|
522
Having set out from Alurus—for the army of the Idumaeans was then gathered at this village—
|
| 522
He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon,
| 522
He hurried from the village of Alurus, where the Idumaean army had gathered and came to Simon
|
| 523
παραγίνεται
πρὸς
ΣίμωναSimon,
καὶ
πρώτην
αὐτῷ
παραδώσειν
συντίθεται
τὴν
αὐτοῦ
πατρίδα,
λαβὼν
ὅρκους
ὡς
ἀεὶ
τίμιος
ὢν
διατελέσει,
συνεργήσειν
δὲ
ὑπέσχετο
καὶ
περὶ
τῆς
ὅλης
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea.
|
523
he came to Simon and agreed to deliver his own fatherland to him first, having received oaths that he would always be held in honor, and he promised to assist concerning all Idumaea.
|
| 523
and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him;
| 523
and from the start agreed to betray his country to him, accepting his oath that he should always have a position of honour, and promising to would help him in subduing all Idumaea.
|
| 524
ἐφ᾽
οἷς
ἑστιαθεὶς
φιλοφρόνως
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
καὶ
λαμπραῖς
ἐπαρθεὶς
ὑποσχέσεσινa promise,
ἐπειδήπερ
εἰς
τοὺς
σφετέρους
ὑπέστρεψε,
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
πολλαπλασίονα
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἐψεύδετο
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon,
|
524
On these terms, having been feasted kindly by Simon and elated by grand promises, when he returned to his own people, he first lied that Simon’s army was many times larger than it was.
|
| 524
upon which account he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty promises; and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the army of Simon,
| 524
Therefore he was cordially feasted by Simon and inflated with great promises, and when he returned to his own men, he first lied about Simon's army, making it many times larger than it really was.
|
| 525
ἔπειτα
δεξιούμενος
τούς
τε
ἡγεμόνας
καὶ
κατ᾽
ὀλίγους
πᾶν
τὸ
πλῆθος
ἐνῆγεν
ὥστε
δέξασθαι
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
καὶ
παραδοῦναι
δίχα
μάχης
αὐτῷ
τὴν
τῶν
ὅλων
ἀρχήν.
|
525
Then, ingratiating himself with the leaders and, by degrees, the whole multitude, he urged them to receive Simon and hand over the command of everything to him without a fight.
|
| 525
and said it was manifold more in number than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him without fighting.
| 525
He then gradually talked the leaders and the whole crowd into welcoming Simon and surrendering their freedom to him without a fight.
|
| 526
ἅμα
δὲ
ταῦτα
διαπραττόμενος
καὶ
ΣίμωναSimon
δι᾽
ἀγγέλων
ἐκάλει
σκεδάσειν
ὑπισχνούμενος
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans·
ὃ
δὴ
παρέσχεν.
|
526
While accomplishing this, he also called Simon through messengers, promising to scatter the Idumaeans; which indeed he did.
|
| 526
And as he was doing this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed also;
| 526
In the meantime he sent messengers to invite Simon, promising him to scatter the Idumaeans, which he duly did.
|
| 527
ὡς
γὰρ
ἦν
ἤδη
πλησίον
ἡ
στρατιά,
πρῶτος
ἀναπηδήσας
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ἵππον
μετὰ
τῶν
συνδιεφθαρμένων
ἔφευγε.
|
527
For when the army was already near, he was the first to leap upon his horse and flee with his fellow conspirators.
|
| 527
for as soon as their army was nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, together with those whom he had corrupted;
| 527
For as soon as their army approached, he jumped upon his horse and fled, along with people he had bribed,
|
| 528
πτοία
δ᾽
ἐμπίπτει
παντὶ
τῷ
πλήθει,
καὶ
πρὶν
εἰς
χεῖρας
ἐλθεῖν
λυθέντες
ἐκ
τῆς
τάξεως
ἀνεχώρουν
ἕκαστοι
πρὸς
τὰ
ἴδια.
|
528
A panic fell upon the whole multitude, and before coming to blows, they broke their ranks and each retreated to their own homes.
|
| 528
hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multitude; and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks, and every one retired to his own home.
| 528
which terrified the whole crowd, and without fighting a battle they broke ranks and everyone went home.
|
| 529
ΣίμωνSimon
δὲ
παρὰ
δόξαν
εἰς
τὴν
ἸδουμαίανIdumaea
εἰσήλασεν
ἀναιμωτὶ
καὶ
προσβαλὼν
ἀδοκήτως
πρώτην
αἱρεῖ
τὴν
πολίχνην
Χεβρών,
ἐν
ᾗ
πλείστης
ἐκράτησε
ΛείαςLeah,
πάμπολυν
δὲ
διήρπασε
καρπόν.
|
529
Simon, contrary to expectation, marched into Idumaea without bloodshed and, having attacked unexpectedly, first took the small city of Hebron, where he captured vast plunder and seized a great amount of crops.
|
| 529
Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it; wherein he got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity of fruit.
| 529
So Simon made a surprising march into Idumaea without bloodshed and attacked the unsuspecting city of Hebron and took it; where he took a load of spoils and stole a large amount of fruit.
|
| 530
ὡς
δέ
φασιν
οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι
τὴν
Χεβρὼν
οὐ
μόνον
τῶν
τῇδε
πόλεων
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τῆς
ἐν
ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt
ΜέμφεωςMemphis
ἀρχαιοτέραν·
δισχίλια
γοῦν
αὐτῇ
καὶ
τριακόσια
ἔτη
συναριθμεῖται.
|
530
As the inhabitants say, Hebron is older than not only the cities here, but even Memphis in Egypt; they calculate its age at two thousand three hundred years.
|
| 530
Now the people of the country say that it is an ancienter city, not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred years.
| 530
The people of the district say that the city is older, not only than any in the country, but also than Memphis in Egypt and that its age is reckoned at two thousand, three hundred years.
|
| 531
μυθεύουσι
δὲ
αὐτὴν
καὶ
οἰκητήριον
Ἀβράμου
τοῦ
ἸουδαίωνJews
προγόνου
γεγονέναι
μετὰ
τὴν
ἐκ
τῆς
ΜεσοποταμίαςMesopotamia
ἀπανάστασιν,
τούς
τε
παῖδας
αὐτοῦ
λέγουσι
καταβῆναι
εἰς
ΑἴγυπτονEgypt
ἔνθεν·
|
531
They mythologize that it was the dwelling place of Abraham, the ancestor of the Jews, after his departure from Mesopotamia, and they say his children went down into Egypt from there;
|
| 531
They also relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia; and they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt,
| 531
They say it was where Abram, the ancestor of the Jews, lived after he had moved from Mesopotamia, and that his descendants went from there down to Egypt,
|
| 532
ὧν
καὶ
τὰ
μνημεῖα
μέχρι
νῦν
ἐν
τῇδε
τῇ
πολίχνῃ
δείκνυται
πάνυ
καλῆς
μαρμάρου
καὶ
φιλοτίμως
εἰργασμένα.
|
532
whose monuments are shown in this small city until now, of very beautiful marble and exquisitely worked.
|
| 532
whose monuments are to this very time showed in that small city; the fabric of which monuments are of the most excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner.
| 532
and that his memorial is still to be seen in that small city, most elegantly made of excellent marble.
|
| 533
δείκνυται
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
σταδίων
ἓξ
τοῦ
ἄστεος
τερέβινθος
μεγίστη,
καὶ
φασὶ
τὸ
δένδρον
ἀπὸ
τῆς
κτίσεως
μέχρι
νῦν
διαμένειν.
|
533
There is also shown, six stadia[1] from the city, a very large terebinth tree, and they say the tree has remained from the creation until now.
|
| 533
There is also there showed, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine tree and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world.
| 533
They also show, six furlongs outside the city, a large turpentine tree which is said to have been there from the creation until now.
|
[1]6 stadia = 1 km (0.7 miles)
| 534
ἔνθεν
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw
διὰ
πάσης
τῆς
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea,
οὐ
μόνον
κώμας
καὶ
πόλεις
πορθῶν,
λυμαινόμενος
δὲ
καὶ
τὴν
χώραν·
δίχα
γὰρ
τῶν
ὁπλιτῶν
τέσσαρες
αὐτῷ
συνείποντο
μυριάδες,
ὡς
μηδὲ
τῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
ἐξαρκούντων
πρὸς
τὸ
πλῆθος.
|
534
From there Simon proceeded through all Idumaea, not only plundering villages and cities but also ravaging the country; for besides his armed men, forty thousand followed him, such that even provisions were not sufficient for the multitude.
|
| 534
Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumea, and did not only ravage the cities and villages, but laid waste the whole country; for, besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men that followed him, insomuch that he had not provisions enough to suffice such a multitude.
| 534
Simon went through all Idumaea ravaging the countryside as well as the cities and villages.
Along with his fully-armed soldiers, he had forty thousand followers, and had not enough provisions for them all.
|
| 535
προσῆν
δὲ
ταῖς
χρείαις
ὠμότης
τε
αὐτοῦ
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
γένος
ὀργή,
δι᾽
ἃ
μᾶλλον
ἐξερημοῦσθαι
συνέβαινε
τὴν
ἸδουμαίανIdumaea.
|
535
In addition to his needs was his cruelty and anger against the nation, because of which it happened that Idumaea was being further desolated.
|
| 535
Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated;
| 535
Besides this need, he was of a cruel temper and was resentful of this nation, which led to the depopulation of Idumaea,
|
| 537
καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
ἐμπιπρῶντες
τὰ
δὲ
κατασκάπτοντες,
πᾶν
δὲ
τὸ
πεφυκὸς
ἀνὰ
τὴν
χώραν
ἢ
συμπατοῦντες
ἠφάνιζον
ἢ
νεμόμενοι
καὶ
τὴν
ἐνεργὸν
ὑπὸ
τῆς
πορείας
σκληροτέραν
ἐποίουν
τῆς
ἀκάρπου,
καθόλου
τε
εἰπεῖν,
οὐδὲ
σημεῖόν
τι
κατελείπετο
τοῖς
πορθουμένοις
τοῦ
γεγονέναι.
|
537
Burning some things and tearing down others, they destroyed everything that grew in the country, either by trampling it or by consuming it, and they made the cultivated land harder than the barren through their marching; and to speak generally, not even a sign was left for those plundered that it had ever existed.
|
| 537
Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it down or fed upon it, and by their marches they made the ground that was cultivated harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they had had a being.
| 537
Some places they burned and some they demolished and either trampled or ate whatever grew in the country, and by their marching they made the cultivated ground harder and more unusable than what was barren.
In short, they left no sign that the places they ravaged had ever existed.
|
| 538
Ταῦτα
πάλιν
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
ἐπήγειρεν,
καὶ
φανερῶς
μὲν
ἀντιπαρατάξασθαι
κατέδεισαν,
προλοχίσαντες
δ᾽
ἐν
ταῖς
παρόδοις
ἁρπάζουσι
τοῦ
ΣίμωνοςSimon
τὴν
γυναῖκα
καὶ
τῆς
περὶ
αὐτὴν
θεραπείας
συχνούς.
|
538
These things again incited the Zealots; though they were afraid to draw up for battle in the open, they lay in ambush in the passes and captured Simon’s wife along with many of her attendants.
|
| 538
This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh; and though they were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of her attendants;
| 538
This roused the Zealots anew, and though they feared to fight him in open battle, they lay in ambush in the passes and seized Simon's wife, with a large number of her attendants.
|
| 539
ἔπειτα
ὡς
αὐτὸν
αἰχμαλωτισάμενοι
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
γεγηθότες
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
ὑπέστρεψαν
καὶ
ὅσον
οὐδέπω
προσεδόκων
καταθέμενον
τὰ
ὅπλα
περὶ
τῆς
γυναικὸς
ἱκετεύσειν.
|
539
Then, as if they had captured Simon himself, they returned to the city rejoicing, expecting that he would undoubtedly lay down his arms and petition them for his wife.
|
| 539
whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expectation that he would lay down his arms, and make supplication to them for his wife;
| 539
Then they returned to the city rejoicing as if they had taken Simon himself captive and expecting him to lay down his arms and beg them for his wife.
|
| 540
τὸν
δὲ
οὐκ
ἔλεος
εἰσῆλθεν
ἀλλ᾽
ὀργὴ
περὶ
τῆς
ἡρπασμένης,
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἐλθὼν
καθάπερ
τὰ
τρωθέντα
τῶν
θηρίων,
ἐπειδὴ
τοὺς
τρώσαντας
οὐ
κατέλαβεν,
ἐφ᾽
οὓς
εὗρε
τὸν
θυμὸν
ἠφίει.
|
540
But he was not entered by pity, but rather by rage for the woman who had been snatched; and coming to the wall of Jerusalem, like wounded beasts that cannot catch those who struck them, he vented his fury upon whomever he found.
|
| 540
but instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife; so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and, like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with.
| 540
But instead of pity he felt very angry with them for seizing her and coming to the wall of Jerusalem like a wounded wild beast that cannot catch those who wounded it, he vented his anger on everyone he met.
|
| 541
ὅσοι
γοῦν
λαχανείας
ἕνεκεν
ἢ
φρυγανισμοῦ
προεληλύθεσαν
ἔξω
πυλῶν
ἀνόπλους
καὶ
γέροντας
συλλαμβάνων
ᾐκίζετο
καὶ
διέφθειρεν,
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
ἀγανακτήσεως
μονονουχὶ
καὶ
νεκρῶν
γευόμενος
τῶν
σωμάτων.
|
541
Indeed, whomever he caught outside the gates—elderly men or unarmed people who had come out to gather herbs or firewood—he seized, tortured, and put to death, in the excess of his resentment almost tasting the very corpses.
|
| 541
Accordingly, he caught all those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies.
| 541
In his fierce rage he took all the unarmed and old people who were coming outside the gates to gather herbs or sticks, and in a single night tortured and killed them, and was almost ready to devour their dead bodies.
|
| 542
πολλοὺς
δὲ
καὶ
χειροκοπήσας
εἰσέπεμπε
καταπλήξασθαι
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
ἅμα
καὶ
διαστῆσαι
τὸν
δῆμον
ἐπιχειρῶν
πρὸς
τοὺς
αἰτίους.
|
542
He also cut off the hands of many and sent them into the city to strike terror into his enemies, while at the same time attempting to drive the common people to revolt against those responsible.
|
| 542
He also cut off the hands of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that had been the authors of his wife’s seizure.
| 542
He also cut off the hands of many and sent them into the city to stun his enemies and make the people dissociate themselves from those who had laid hands on her.
|
| 543
ἐντέταλτο
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
λέγειν,
ὅτι
ΣίμωνSimon
θεὸν
ὄμνυσι
τὸν
πάντων
ἜφορονEphorus,
εἰ
μὴ
θᾶττον
ἀποδώσουσιν
αὐτῷ
τὴν
γυναῖκα,
ῥήξας
τὸ
τεῖχος
τοιαῦτα
διαθήσειν
πάντας
τοὺς
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν,
μηδεμιᾶς
φεισάμενος
ἡλικίας
μηδὲ
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ἀναιτίων
διακρίνας
τοὺς
αἰτίους.
|
543
He commanded them to say that Simon swore by God, the overseer of all, that unless they quickly returned his wife to him, he would break through the wall and inflict such treatment on everyone in the city, sparing no age and making no distinction between the innocent and the guilty.
|
| 543
He also enjoined them to tell the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing any age, and without making any distinction between the guilty and the innocent.
| 543
He told them to say that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they returned his wife, he would break down their wall and punish all the citizens in this way, sparing no age-group and making no distinction between the guilty and the innocent.
|
| 544
τούτοις
οὐ
μόνον
ὁ
δῆμος
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
καταπλαγέντες
ἀποπέμπουσιν
αὐτῷ
τὴν
γυναῖκα·
καὶ
τότε
μὲν
ἐκμειλιχθεὶς
ὀλίγον
ἀνεπαύσατο
τοῦ
συνεχοῦς
φόνου.
|
544
At these threats, not only the people but even the Zealots were terrified and sent his wife back to him; and so, being somewhat appeased, he rested for a short while from his continuous slaughter.
|
| 544
These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him,—when he became a little milder, and left off his perpetual bloodshedding.
| 544
These threats so frightened not only the people but also even the Zealots that they sent his wife back to him; and then he calmed down a little and left off his ceaseless slaughter.
|
| 545
Οὐ
μόνον
δὲ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸουδαίανJudea
στάσις
ἦν
καὶ
πόλεμος
ἐμφύλιοςkinsfolk,
ἀλλὰ
κἀπὶ
τῆς
ἸταλίαςItaly.
|
545
But there was not only factional strife and civil war throughout Judea, but also in Italy.
|
| 545
But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also;
| 545
But now rebellion and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but also in Italy.
|
| 546
ἀνῄρητοto take up
μὲν
γὰρ
κατὰ
μέσην
τὴν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀγορὰν
Γάλβας,
ἀποδεδειγμένος
δὲ
αὐτοκράτωρ
Ὄθων
ἐπολέμει
Οὐιτελλίῳ
βασιλειῶντι·
τοῦτον
γὰρ
ᾕρητο
τὰ
κατὰ
Γερμανίαν
τάγματα.
|
546
For Galba had been murdered in the middle of the Roman Forum, and Otho, having been declared Emperor, was at war with Vitellius, who was aiming at the throne; for the legions in Germany had chosen him.
|
| 546
for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman marketplace; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him.
| 546
For Galba was killed in the middle of the Roman Forum and Otho was made emperor and fought against Vitellius, who also aspired to rule, since the legions in Germany had chosen him.
|
| 547
καὶ
γενομένης
συμβολῆς
κατὰ
Φρηγδίακον
τῆς
Γαλατίας
πρός
τε
Οὐάλεντα
καὶ
Καικίνναν
τοὺς
Οὐιτελλίου
στρατηγούς,
τῇ
πρώτῃ
μὲν
ἡμέρᾳ
περιῆν
Ὄθων,
τῇ
δὲ
δευτέρᾳ
τὸ
Οὐιτελλίου
στρατιωτικόν·
|
547
When an engagement[1] took place at Bedriacum [Phrygiacum] in Gaul against Valens and Caecina, the generals of Vitellius, Otho prevailed on the first day, but on the second day the soldiers of Vitellius prevailed.
|
| 547
But when he gave battle to Valens and Cecinna, who were Vitellius’s generals, at Betriacum, in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage on the first day, but on the second day Vitellius’s soldiers had the victory;
| 547
In the battle at Betriacum, in Gaul, against Vitellius' generals, Valens and Cecinna, Otho gained the upper hand on the first day, but on the second day the troops of Vitellius won the victory.
|
[1]April 14, 69 AD
| 548
καὶ
πολλοῦ
φόνου
γενομένου
διεχρήσατο
μὲν
Ὄθων
αὑτὸν
ἐν
Βριξέλλῳ
τὴν
ἧτταν
πυθόμενος
ἡμέρας
δύο
καὶ
τρεῖς
μῆνας
κρατήσας
τῶν
πραγμάτων,
|
548
After a great slaughter occurred, Otho took his own life[1] at Brixellum upon hearing of the defeat, having held power for three months and two days.
|
| 548
and after much slaughter Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs three months and two days.
| 548
After much slaughter, when he learned of this defeat at Brixia, Otho killed himself, after governing for three months and two days.
|
[1]April 16, 69 AD
| 550
ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
καὶ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἀναστὰς
ἐκ
τῆς
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
πέμπτῃ
ΔαισίουDaesius
μηνὸς
ὥρμησεν
ἐπὶ
τὰ
μηδέπω
κατεστραμμένα
τῶν
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea
χωρίων.
|
550
In the meantime, Vespasian set out from Caesarea on the fifth of the month Daesius and marched against those parts of Judea that had not yet been subdued.
|
| 550
But in the meantime Vespasian removed from Caesarea, on the fifth day of the month Daesius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown.
| 550
Meanwhile, on the fifth day of the month Daesius, Vespasian moved from Caesarea and marched against those places of Judea which had not yet been subdued.
|
| 551
ἀναβὰς
δὲ
εἰς
τὴν
ὀρεινὴν
αἱρεῖ
δύο
τοπαρχίας,
τήν
τε
ΓοφνιτικὴνGophna
καὶ
τὴν
ἈκραβετηνὴνAcrabatene
καλουμένην,
μεθ᾽
ἃς
ΒήθηγάBethel
τε
καὶ
ἘφραὶμEphraim
πολίχνια,
οἷς
φρουροὺς
ἐγκαταστήσας
μέχρι
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἱππάζετο·
φθορὰ
δ᾽
ἦν
πολλῶν
καταλαμβανομένων
καὶ
συχνοὺς
ᾐχμαλωτίζετο.
|
551
Ascending into the hill country, he took two toparchies, the Gophnitic and the Acrabatenic; after these, he took the small towns of Bethel and Ephraim, where he stationed garrisons and rode with his cavalry as far as Jerusalem, destroying many whom he caught and taking many captives.
|
| 551
So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives;
| 551
He went up to the hill country and took the two areas known as Gophna and Acrabattene, as well as Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities, and after putting garrisons in them, rode on to Jerusalem, killing and capturing many on the way.
|
| 552
ΚερεάλιοςCerealius
δὲ
αὐτῷ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
μοῖραν
ἱππέων
καὶ
πεζῶν
ἀναλαβὼν
τὴν
ἄνω
καλουμένην
ἸδουμαίανIdumaea
ἐπόρθει,
καὶ
ΚάφεθραCaphethra
μὲν
ψευδοπολίχνιον
ἐξ
ἐφόδου
λαβὼν
ἐμπίπρησιν,
ἑτέραν
δὲ
καλουμένην
ΧαραβὶνCarabis
προσβαλὼν
ἐπολιόρκει.
|
552
Cerealis, one of his commanders, taking a portion of cavalry and infantry, ravaged what is called Upper Idumaea; taking Caphethra, a small town, at the first assault, he burnt it, and attacking another called Capharabin, he besieged it.
|
| 552
but Cerealis, one of his commanders, took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste that part of Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Capharabim, and laid siege to it,
| 552
Cerealius, one of his officers, took a body of cavalry and infantry and ravaged the area called Upper Idumaea and attacked Caphethra, wrongly called a "small city
," taking it at the first onset, and burned it down.
He also attacked and besieged Carabis.
|
| 553
πάνυ
δ᾽
ἦν
ἰσχυρὸν
τὸ
τεῖχος,
καὶ
τρίψεσθαι
προσδοκῶντι
πλείω
χρόνον
αἰφνιδίως
ἀνοίγουσιν
οἱ
ἔνδον
τὰς
πύλας
καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἱκετηριῶν
προελθόντες
ἑαυτοὺς
παρέδοσαν.
|
553
The wall was very strong, and while he expected to spend a long time there, those inside suddenly opened the gates and, coming forward with olive branches [as suppliants], surrendered themselves.
|
| 553
for it had a very strong wall; and when he expected to spend a long time in that siege, those that were within opened their gates on the sudden, and came to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him.
| 553
This had a very strong wall, and though he expected to be delayed a long time, those inside suddenly opened their gates and came to beg pardon and surrendered to him.
|
| 554
ΚερεάλιοςCerealius
δὲ
τούτους
παραστησάμενος
ἐπὶ
Χεβρὼν
ἑτέρας
πόλεως
ἀρχαιοτάτης
ἐχώρειto make room, withdraw·
κεῖται
δ᾽,
ὡς
ἔφην,
αὕτη
κατὰ
τὴν
ὀρεινὴν
οὐ
πόρρω
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem·
βιασάμενος
δὲ
τὰς
εἰσόδους
τὸ
μὲν
ἐγκαταληφθὲν
πλῆθος
ἡβηδὸνyouths
ἀναιρεῖ,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἄστυ
καταπίμπρησι.
|
554
Cerealis, after subduing these, proceeded to Hebron, another very ancient city; it lies, as I said, in the hill country not far from Jerusalem. Having forced the entrances, he slew all the youth found therein and burnt the city.
|
| 554
When Cerealis had conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have told you already that this city is situated in a mountainous country not far off Jerusalem; and when he had broken into the city by force, what multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt down the city;
| 554
When he had settled these matters, Cerealius went to Hebron, another very ancient city, which as I have said is in a mountainous area not far from Jerusalem.
When he had forced his way in, he killed all who were left there, young and old, and burned the city.
|
| 555
καὶ
πάντων
ἤδη
κεχειρωμένων
πλὴν
Ἡρωδείου
καὶ
ΜασάδαςMasada
καὶ
ΜαχαιροῦντοςMachaerus,
ταῦτα
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῶν
λῃστῶν
κατείληπτο,
σκοπὸς
ἤδη
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
προύκειτο
ῬωμαίοιςRomans.
|
555
Now that all places were subdued except Herodium, Masada, and Machaerus—which were held by the brigands—Jerusalem was now the target set before the Romans.
|
| 555
so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodium, and Masada, and Macherus, which were in the possession of the robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at.
| 555
By now, with everywhere captured apart from Herodium, Masada and Machaerus, which were held by the brigands, the Romans' main objective was Jerusalem.
|
| 556
Ὁ
δὲ
ΣίμωνSimon
ὡς
ἐρρύσατο
παρὰ
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
τὴν
γυναῖκα,
πάλιν
ἐπὶ
τὰ
λείψανα
τῆς
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea
ὑπέστρεψεν,
καὶ
περιελαύνων
πανταχόθεν
τὸ
ἔθνος
εἰς
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
τοὺς
πολλοὺς
φεύγειν
συνηνάγκασεν.
|
556
When Simon had rescued his wife from the Zealots, he returned again to the remnants of Idumaea and, hounding the nation from all sides, forced the multitude to flee to Jerusalem.
|
| 556
And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem;
| 556
When Simon had freed his wife from the Zealots, he turned on the rest of Idumaea and drove the nation before him on all sides, forcing many of them to retreat to Jerusalem.
|
| 557
Εἵπετο
δὲ
καὶ
αὐτὸς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
κυκλωσάμενος
αὖθις
τὸ
τεῖχος
ὅντινα
λάβοι
τῶν
προιόντων
κατὰ
τὴν
χώραν
ἐργατῶν
διέφθειρεν.
|
557
He himself followed to the city and, having again surrounded the wall, he destroyed any laborers he caught coming out into the country.
|
| 557
he followed them himself also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again; and when he lighted upon any laborers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them.
| 557
He pursued them to the city and surrounded its walls, and killed any workmen he captured coming in from the country.
|
| 558
ἦν
δὲ
τῷ
δήμῳ
ΣίμωνSimon
μὲν
ἔξωθεν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
φοβερώτερος,
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
δ᾽
ἔνδον
ἑκατέρων
χαλεπώτεροι,
κἀν
τούτοις
ἐπινοίᾳ
κακῶν
καὶ
τόλμῃ
τὸ
σύνταγμα
τῶν
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee
διέφερεν·
|
558
To the people, Simon was more terrifying from the outside than the Romans, while the Zealots inside were more cruel than both; and among these, the contingent of Galileans excelled in the invention of evils and in audacity.
|
| 558
Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans;
| 558
Outside of their wall, Simon frightened the people more than the Romans; and inside it, the Zealots oppressed them more than either of them, and of that group, none were so devious and bold as the Galileans.
|
| 559
τόν
τε
γὰρ
ἸωάννηνJohn
παρήγαγον
εἰς
ἰσχὺν
οὗτοι,
κἀκεῖνος
αὐτοὺς
ἐξ
ἧς
περιεποιήσατο
δυναστείας
ἠμείβετο
πάντα
ἐπιτρέπων
δρᾶν
ὧν
ἕκαστος
ἐπεθύμει.
|
559
For they had raised John to power, and he, from the authority he had acquired, rewarded them by permitting them to do everything each one desired.
|
| 559
for these Galileans had advanced this John, and made him very potent, who made thema suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means; for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do,
| 559
These had brought John to power and once he had gained authority through them, he repaid them by letting them do whatever they wanted.
|
| 560
πόθοι
δ᾽
ἦσαν
ἁρπαγῆς
ἀπλήρωτοι
καὶ
τῶν
πλουσίων
οἴκων
ἔρευνα
φόνος
τε
ἀνδρῶν
καὶ
γυναικῶν
ὕβρεις
ἐπαίζοντο,
|
560
Their desires for plunder were insatiable; they searched the houses of the wealthy, and the murder of men and the violation of women were made into sport.
|
| 560
while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was sport to them.
| 560
They were insatiable in their lust for looting and rifling the houses of the rich, and made a pastime of murdering men and raping women.
|
| 561
μεθ᾽
αἵματός
τε
τὰ
συληθέντα
κατέπινον
καὶ
μετ᾽
ἀδείας
ἐνεθηλυπάθουν
τῷ
κόρῳ,
κόμας
συνθετιζόμενοι
καὶ
γυναικείας
ἐσθῆτας
ἀναλαμβάνοντες,
καταντλούμενοι
δὲ
μύροις
καὶ
πρὸς
εὐπρέπειαν
ὑπογράφοντες
ὀφθαλμούς.
|
561
They gulped down their spoils along with blood and, without fear, gave themselves over to effeminate luxury in their surfeit, braiding their hair, donning women’s clothes, drenching themselves in perfumes, and painting under their eyes for beauty.
|
| 561
They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness, without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith; while they decked their hair, and put on women’s garments, and were besmeared over with ointments; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints under their eyes,
| 561
Amid destruction and bloodshed they drank their fill and carried on disgracefully, decking their hair and wearing women's clothing and anointing themselves and painting under their eyes.
|
| 562
οὐ
μόνον
δὲ
κόσμον,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
πάθη
γυναικῶν
ἐμιμοῦντο
καὶ
δι᾽
ὑπερβολὴν
ἀσελγείας
ἀθεμίτους.
ἐπενόησαν
ἔρωτας·
ἐνηλινδοῦντο
δ᾽
ὡς
πορνείῳ
τῇ
πόλει
καὶ
πᾶσαν
ἀκαθάρτοις
ἐμίαναν
ἔργοις.
|
562
They imitated not only the adornment but also the passions of women, and in an excess of licentiousness, they devised unlawful loves; they wallowed in the city as if in a brothel and defiled the whole place with impure deeds.
|
| 562
and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness, that they invented unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and down the city, as in a brothel house, and defiled it entirely with their impure actions;
| 562
They imitated not only the adornments of women but also their lusts, going to extremes of erotic impurity and mincing around the city as though in a brothel and completely defiling it with their lewd activities.
|
| 563
γυναικιζόμενοι
δὲ
τὰς
ὄψεις
ἐφόνων
ταῖς
δεξιαῖς
θρυπτόμενοί
τε
τοῖς
βαδίσμασιν
ἐπιόντες
ἐξαπίνης
ἐγίνοντο
πολεμισταὶ
τά
τε
ξίφη
προφέροντες
ἀπὸ
τῶν
βεβαμμένων
χλανιδίων
τὸν
προστυχόντα
διήλαυνον.
|
563
While they feminized their faces, they were murderous with their right hands; and while walking with mincing steps, they would suddenly become warriors, drawing swords from under their dyed cloaks and running through whoever happened to meet them.
|
| 563
nay, while their faces looked like the faces of women, they killed with their right hands; and when their gait was effeminate, they presently attacked men, and became warriors, and drew their swords from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran everybody through whom they alighted upon.
| 563
Made up to look like women, they killed with their right hands, and though tottering in their walk, they were quick to attack, drawing their swords from under their dyed cloaks to stab each one they met.
|
| 564
τοὺς
ἀποδιδράσκοντας
δὲ
ἸωάννηνJohn
ΣίμωνSimon
φονικώτερον
ἐξεδέχετο,
καὶ
διαφυγών
τις
τὸν
ἐντὸς
τείχους
τύραννος
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
πρὸ
πυλῶν
διεφθείρετο.
|
564
Simon received those who fled from John even more murderously; and anyone who escaped the tyrant within the walls was destroyed by the one before the gates.
|
| 564
However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and was the more bloody of the two; and he who had escaped the tyrant within the wall was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates.
| 564
Simon lay in wait for any who fled from John and was even more murderous, so that whoever escaped from the tyrant inside the wall was slain by the other outside the gates,
|
| 565
πᾶσα
δὲ
φυγῆς
ὁδὸς
τοῖς
αὐτομολεῖν
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
βουλομένοις
ἀπεκέκοπτο.
|
565
Every road of escape was cut off for those who wished to desert to the Romans.
|
| 565
so that all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut off, as to those that had a mind so to do.
| 565
So even if one wished to flee and desert to the Romans, all ways to do so were blocked.
|
| 566
Διεστασιάζετο
δὲ
πρὸς
τὸν
ἸωάννηνJohn
ἡ
δύναμις,
καὶ
πᾶν
ὅσον
[ἦν
]
ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea
ἐν
αὐτῇ
χωρισθὲν
ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in
τῷ
τυράννῳ
φθόνῳ
τε
τῆς
ἰσχύος
αὐτοῦ
καὶ
μίσει
τῆς
ὠμότητος.
|
566
But the force [within the city] was divided against John, and all the Idumaeans who were in it separated themselves and attacked the tyrant, partly out of envy of his power and partly out of hatred for his cruelty.
|
| 566
Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him, and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of his cruelty;
| 566
Yet John's forces rebelled against him and all the Idumaeans broke off from the tyrant and tried to kill him, envying his power and hating his savagery.
|
| 568
συγγενὴς
δὲ
ἦν
αὕτη
τοῦ
τῶν
ἈδιαβηνῶνAdiabene
βασιλέως
Ἰζᾶ·
συνεισπίπτουσι
δὲ
οἱ
Ἰδουμαῖοι,
κἀκεῖθεν
εἰς
τὸ
ἱερὸν
ἐξώσαντες
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
ἐφ᾽
ἁρπαγὴν
ἐτράποντο
τῶν
ἸωάννουJohn
χρημάτων·
|
568
she was a kinswoman of Izates, the king of Adiabene. The Idumaeans rushed in with them, and having driven the Zealots out from there into the temple, they turned to plundering John’s property;
|
| 568
the Idumeans fell in with them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and betook themselves to plunder John’s effects;
| 568
a relative of Izates, the king of Adiabene, where, with help from the Idumaeans, they drove out the Zealots into the temple, and set to looting John's money.
|
| 569
κατὰ
γὰρ
τὴν
προειρημένην
αὐλὴν
αὐτός
τε
†
ὢν
ἐκεῖ
καὶ
τὰ
λάφυρα
τῆς
τυραννίδος
κατέθετο.
|
569
for he himself was there in the aforementioned palace and had deposited the spoils of his tyranny.
|
| 569
for both he himself was in that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny.
| 569
For he was living in that palace and had stored there the spoils of his tyranny.
|
| 570
ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
τὸ
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐσκεδασμένον
πλῆθος
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
εἰς
τὸ
ἱερὸν
πρὸς
τοὺς
διαπεφευγότας
ἠθροίσθη,
καὶ
κατάγειν
αὐτοὺς
παρεσκευάσατο
ἸωάννηςJohn
ἐπί
τε
τὸν
δῆμον
καὶ
τοὺς
ἸδουμαίουςIdumaeans.
|
570
In the meantime, the multitude of Zealots scattered throughout the city gathered at the temple to join those who had fled, and John prepared to lead them down against both the people and the Idumaeans.
|
| 570
In the meantime, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that had fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans,
| 570
Meanwhile the crowd of Zealots scattered around the city thronged into the temple to those who had fled there and John prepared to lead them against the people and the Idumaeans.
|
| 571
τοῖς
δὲ
οὐχ
οὕτω
τὴν
ἔφοδον
αὐτῶν
καταδεῖσαι
παρέστη
μαχιμωτέροις
οὖσιν
ὡς
τὴν
ἀπόνοιαν,
μὴ
νύκτωρ
ἐκ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
παρεισδύντες
αὐτούς
τε
διαφθείρωσι
καὶ
τὸ
ἄστυ
καταπιμπρῶσι.
|
571
The latter [the people/Idumaeans] were not so much afraid of their attack, as they were more warlike, but rather of their desperation, lest they should slip out of the temple by night and destroy them and set the city on fire.
|
| 571
who were not so much afraid of being attacked by them(because they were themselves better soldiers than they) as at their madness, lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also.
| 571
These, being better soldiers, were less afraid of their disorganized attack, if they came from the temple during the night to try to kill them and set the city on fire.
|
| 572
συνελθόντες
οὖν
μετὰ
τῶν
ἀρχιερέων
ἐβουλεύοντο,
τίνα
χρὴ
τρόπον
φυλάξασθαι
τὴν
ἐπίθεσιν.
|
572
Therefore, meeting with the high priests, they deliberated on how they should guard against the attack.
|
| 572
So they assembled themselves together, and the high priests with them, and took counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault.
| 572
They took counsel with the high priests about ways to guard against their attack.
|
| 573
θεὸς
δὲ
ἄρα
τὰς
γνώμας
αὐτῶν
εἰς
κακὸν
ἔτρεψε,
καὶ
χαλεπώτερον
ἀπωλείας
ἐπενόησαν
τὸ
πρὸς
σωτηρίαν
φάρμακον·
ἵνα
γοῦν
καταλύσωσιν
ἸωάννηνJohn,
ἔκριναν
δέχεσθαι
ΣίμωναSimon
καὶ
μετὰ
ἱκετηριῶν
δεύτερον
εἰσαγαγεῖν
ἑαυτοῖς
τύραννος.
|
573
But God, it seems, turned their minds toward evil, and they devised a remedy for their safety that was worse than destruction; specifically, in order to overthrow John, they decided to admit Simon and, with petitions, to introduce a second tyrant over themselves.
|
| 573
Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free as was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second tyrant into the city;
| 573
But God distorted their judgment, so that the remedy they planned was worse than the disease.
In order to kill John, they decided to admit Simon, thereby appealing for a second tyrant to be brought into the city.
|
| 574
ἐπεραίνετο
δ᾽
ἡ
βουλή,
καὶ
τὸν
ἀρχιερέα
Ματθίαν
πέμψαντες
ἐδέοντο
ΣίμωνιSimon
εἰσελθεῖν
ὃν
πολλὰ
ἔδεισαν·
συμπαρεκάλουν
δὲ
οἱ
ἐκ
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
τοὺς
ζηλωτὰς
φεύγοντες
πόθῳ
τῶν
οἴκων
καὶ
τῶν
κτημάτων.
|
574
The plan was carried out, and having sent the high priest Matthias, they entreated Simon, whom they had greatly feared, to enter; and those from Jerusalem who were fleeing the Zealots joined in the invitation out of longing for their homes and possessions.
|
| 574
which resolution they brought to perfection, and sent Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Simon to come in to them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire they had of preserving their houses and their effects.
| 574
Acting on this advice they sent the high priest, Matthias, to invite Simon in, the man they had so much feared.
People who had fled from the Zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, wishing to save their houses and property.
|
| 575
ὁ
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
ὑπερηφάνως
κατανεύσας
τὸ
δεσπόζειν
εἰσέρχεται
μὲν
ὡς
ἀπαλλάξων
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
τὴν
πόλιν
σωτὴρ
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
δήμου
καὶ
κηδεμὼν
εὐφημούμενος,
|
575
He, having consented to them with arrogance for his mastery, entered as if to deliver the city from the Zealots, being acclaimed by the people as a savior and protector;
|
| 575
Accordingly, he, in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly protection, and came into the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made joyful acclamations to him, as their savior and their preserver;
| 575
Arrogantly, he granted them his lordly protection and came into the city to save it from the Zealots, and the people joyfully greeted him as their saviour and protector.
|
| 576
παρελθὼν
δὲ
μετὰ
τῆς
δυνάμεως
ἐσκόπει
τὰ
περὶ
τῆς
ἑαυτοῦ
δυναστείας
καὶ
τοὺς
καλέσαντας
οὐχ
ἧττον
ἐχθροὺς
ἐνόμιζεν
ἢ
καθ᾽
ὧν
ἐκέκλητο.
|
576
but having entered with his force, he looked to his own dominion and considered those who had called him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom he had been called.
|
| 576
but when he was come in, with his army, he took care to secure his own authority, and looked upon those that had invited him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom the invitation was intended.
| 576
But once he arrived with his army, he imposed his own authority and regarded those who had called him in as no less his enemies than those he was called to oppose
|
| 577
ΣίμωνSimon
μὲν
οὕτως
ἐνιαυτῷ
τρίτῳ
τοῦ
πολέμου
ΞανθικῷXanthicus
μηνὶ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
ἐγκρατὴς
γίνεται·
ἸωάννηςJohn
δὲ
καὶ
τὸ
τῶν
ζηλωτῶν
πλῆθος
εἰργόμενοι
τῶν
ἐξόδων
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
καὶ
τὰ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀπολωλεκότες,
παραχρῆμα
γὰρ
τὰ
ἐκείνων
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ΣίμωναSimon
διήρπασαν,
ἐν
ἀπόρῳ
τὴν
σωτηρίαν
εἶχον.
|
577
Thus Simon, in the third year of the war, in the month of Xanthicus, became master of Jerusalem; but John and the multitude of Zealots, being shut out from the exits of the temple and having lost their possessions in the city—for Simon’s men immediately plundered their goods—were in a desperate state regarding their safety.
|
| 577
And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city (for Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had) were in despair of deliverance.
| 577
That is how Simon won possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus.
Once Simon and his party had looted them and stopped them from leaving the temple, and having lost power in the city, John and his gang of Zealots despaired of survival.
|
| 578
προσέβαλλε
δὲ
τῷ
ἱερῷ
ΣίμωνSimon
τοῦ
δήμου
βοηθοῦντος,
κἀκεῖνοι
καταστάντες
ἐπὶ
τῶν
στοῶν
καὶ
τῶν
ἐπάλξεων
ἠμύνοντο
τὰς
προσβολάς.
|
578
Simon attacked the temple with the help of the people, and they [the Zealots], taking their stand upon the porticoes and the battlements, defended themselves against the assaults.
|
| 578
Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and the battlements, and defended themselves from their assaults.
| 578
With the help of the people, Simon then attacked the temple, while the others stood upon the porticoes and the battlements and defended against their attacks.
|
| 579
συχνοὶ
δ᾽
Ἔπιπτον
τῶν
περὶ
ΣίμωναSimon
καὶ
πολλοὶ
τραυματίαι
κατεφέροντο·
ῥᾳδίως
γὰρ
ἐξ
ὑπερδεξίου
τὰς
βολὰς
οἱ
ζηλωταὶ
καὶ
οὐκ
ἀστόχους
ἐποιοῦντο.
|
579
Many of Simon’s men fell, and many were carried down wounded; for from their higher position, the Zealots easily discharged their missiles and did not miss their mark.
|
| 579
However, a considerable number of Simon’s party fell, and many were carried off wounded; for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies;
| 579
But Simon's party had many casualties and many were carried off wounded, for the Zealots could easily throw their spears from above and seldom failed to hit the enemy.
|
| 580
πλεονεκτοῦντες
δὲ
τῷ
τόπῳ
καὶ
πύργους
ἔτι
προσκατεσκεύασαν
τέσσαρας
μεγίστους,
ὡς
ἀφ᾽
ὑψηλοτέρων
ποιοῖντο
τὰς
ἀφέσεις,
τὸν
μὲν
κατὰ
τὴν
ἀνατολικὴν
καὶ
βόρειον
γωνίαν,
|
580
Advantageously placed by the terrain, they also built four very large towers to discharge their missiles from a higher level: one at the northeast corner,
|
| 580
but having the advantage of situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places,
| 580
They had the better location and in order to launch their missiles from above, had in advance built four large towers,
|
| 581
τὸν
δὲ
τοῦ
ξυστοῦ
καθύπερθεν,
τὸν
δὲ
τρίτον
κατὰ
γωνίαν
ἄλλην
ἀντικρὺ
τῆς
κάτω
πόλεως·
|
581
another above the Xystus, and the third at another corner opposite the lower city;
|
| 581
one at the northeast corner of the court, one above the Xystus, the third at another corner over against the lower city,
| 581
one at the north-east corner of the court, one above the Xystus and a third at the other corner opposite the lower city.
|
| 582
ὁ
δὲ
λοιπὸς
ὑπὲρ
τὴν
κορυφὴν
κατεσκεύαστο
τῶν
παστοφορίων,
ἔνθα
τῶν
ἱερέων
εἷς
ἐξ
ἔθους
ἱστάμενος
ἑκάστην
ἑβδομάδα
εἰσιοῦσαν
προεσήμαινε
σάλπιγγι
δείλης
καὶ
τελεσθεῖσαν
αὖθις
περὶ
ἑσπέραν,
ὅτε
μὲν
ἀνέργειαν
τῷ
λαῷ
καταγγέλλων,
ὅτε
δ᾽
ἔργων
ἔχεσθαιto have, hold.
|
582
the last was built above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests traditionally stood to signal with a trumpet at the beginning of each Sabbath in the afternoon and at its conclusion the following evening, announcing to the people when to rest from work and when to resume it.
|
| 582
and the last was erected above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course, and gave a signal beforehand, with a trumpet at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when that day was finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave off work, and when they were to go to work again.
| 582
The last one was on top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests used to stand and blow the trumpet in the evening at the start of every sabbath, and again at evening when that day was over, to let the people know when to stop work and when they should resume it again.
|
| 583
διέστησαν
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τῶν
πύργων
ὀξυβελεῖς
τε
καὶ
λιθοβόλους
μηχανὰς
τούς
τε
τοξότας
καὶ
σφενδονήτας.
|
583
They placed upon the towers engines for throwing darts and stones, along with archers and slingers.
|
| 583
These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their archers and slingers.
| 583
On those towers they set their machines to throw spears and stones, along with archers and slingers.
|
| 584
ἔνθα
δὴ
τὰς
μὲν
προσβολὰς
ὀκνηροτέρας
ἐποιεῖτο
ὁ
ΣίμωνSimon
μαλακιζομένων
αὐτῷ
τῶν
πλειόνων,
ἀντεῖχε
δ᾽
ὅμως
περιουσίᾳabundance; surplus
δυνάμεως·
τὰ
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ὀργάνων
βέλη
πορρωτέρω
φερόμενα
πολλοὺς
τῶν
μαχομένων
ἀνῄρει.
|
584
Then indeed Simon made his assaults more hesitantly, as many of his men were losing heart; nevertheless, he held out by his superiority in numbers; but the missiles from the engines, being carried further, slew many of the combatants.
|
| 584
And now Simon made his assault upon the temple more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of that work; yet did he not leave off his opposition, because his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for him.
| 584
Simon then eased off his attack on the temple, as most of his men lost heart; but he held his position, although the spears thrown by the machines carried a long way and killed many of his fighters.
|
Chapter 10
Soldiers proclaim Vespasian emperor.
Josephus is set free.
| 585
Κατὰ
δὲ
τὸν
αὐτὸν
καιρὸν
περιέσχε
καὶ
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
πάθη
χαλεπά.
|
585
At this same time, grievous calamities also beset Rome.[1]
|
| 585
Now, about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about Rome on all sides;
| 585
About this time disasters fell on Rome from all sides.
|
[1]Nero died June 68 AD. From Jan to Dec 69 AD there were four who claimed to be the Emperor: Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Vespasian.
| 586
παρῆν
μὲν
γὰρ
ἀπὸ
Γερμανίας
ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius
ἅμα
τῷ
στρατιωτικῷ
πολὺ
πλῆθος
ἐπισυρόμενος
ἕτερον,
μὴ
χωρούμενος
δὲ
τοῖς
ἀποδεδειγμένοις
εἰς
τοὺς
στρατιώτας
περιβόλοις
ὅλην
ἐποιήσατο
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
στρατόπεδον
καὶ
πᾶσαν
οἰκίαν
ὁπλιτῶν
ἐπλήρωσεν.
|
586
For Vitellius had arrived from Germany, dragging along a vast additional multitude of troops; and since he could not find room for the soldiers in the designated barracks, he made the whole of Rome a camp and filled every house with armed men.[1]
|
| 586
for Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery, and drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men;
| 586
Vitellius came from Germany with his soldiers and brought with him a great many others too.
When the spaces assigned for soldiers could not contain them, he encamped in the whole of Rome and filled the houses with his armed men.
|
[1]After Vitellius defeated Otho's forces at Bedriacum, Vitellius entered Rom April 69 AD
| 587
οἱ
δὲ
ἀήθεσιν
ὀφθαλμοῖς
τὸν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
πλοῦτον
θεασάμενοι
καὶ
περιλαμφθέντες
πάντοθεν
ἀργύρῳ
τε
καὶ
χρυσῷ
τὰς
ἐπιθυμίας
μόλις
κατεῖχον,
ὥστε
μὴ
ἐφ᾽
ἁρπαγὰς
τρέπεσθαί
τε
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐμποδὼν
γινομένους
ἀναιρεῖν.
Καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸταλίανItaly
ἐν
τούτοις
ἦν.
|
587
These men, beholding the wealth of the Romans with unaccustomed eyes and surrounded on all sides by silver and gold, could hardly restrain their desires so as not to turn to plunder and kill those who stood in their way. Such was the state of affairs in Italy.
|
| 587
which men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such riches before, and found themselves shone round about on all sides with silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous desires, and were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was the state of affairs in Italy at that time.
| 587
These, seeing the unimagined riches of Rome and being dazzled on all sides by silver and gold, could barely restrain their greedy desire and were ready to plunder and kill anyone who stood in their way.
This was how things stood in Italy.
|
| 588
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ὡς
τὰ
πλησίον
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
καταστρεψάμενος
ὑπέστρεψεν
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea,
ἀκούει
τὰς
κατὰ
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
ταραχὰς
καὶ
Οὐιτέλλιον
αὐτοκράτορα.
|
588
When Vespasian, having subdued the areas near Jerusalem, returned to Caesarea, he heard of the disturbances in Rome and that Vitellius was Emperor.
|
| 588
But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he returned to Caesarea, and heard of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor.
| 588
Vespasian, after destroying the area near Jerusalem, returned to Caesarea where he heard of the troubles in Rome and that Vitellius was emperor.
|
| 589
τοῦτο
αὐτὸν
καίπερ
ἄρχεσθαι
καθάπερ
ἄρχειν
καλῶς
ἐπιστάμενον
εἰς
ἀγανάκτησιν
προήγαγεν,
καὶ
τὸν
μὲν
ὡς
ἐρήμου
καταμανέντα
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας
ἠδόξει
δεσπότην,
|
589
This moved him to indignation, for although he knew how to be commanded as well as how to command with excellence, he was indignant at the thought of such a man as master—one who had madly seized the sovereignty of the empire as if it were a desert.
|
| 589
This produced indignation in him, although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern, and could not, with any satisfaction, own him for his lord who acted so madly, and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a governor.
| 589
This roused his anger, and though he knew how to be ruled as well as to rule, he was unwilling to serve under one who had acted so rashly and seized the state as if it were absolutely without a ruler.
|
| 590
περιαλγήσας
δὲ
τῷ
πάθει
καρτερεῖν
τὴν
βάσανον
οὐχ
οἷός
τε
ἦν
καὶ
τῆς
πατρίδος
πορθουμένης
ἑτέροις
προσευσχολεῖν
πολέμοις.
|
590
Deeply pained by this calamity, he was unable to endure the torment, nor could he continue to occupy himself with other wars while his fatherland was being ravaged.
|
| 590
And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars, when his native country was laid waste;
| 590
His anguish grew unbearable, and he could no longer devote himself to foreign wars, while his native place was being ravaged.
|
| 591
ἀλλ᾽
ὅσον
ὁ
θυμὸς
ἤπειγεν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἄμυναν,
τοσοῦτον
εἶργεν
ἔννοια
τοῦ
διαστήματος·
πολλὰ
γὰρ
φθάσαι
πανουργήσασαν
τὴν
τύχην
πρὶν
αὐτὸν
εἰς
τὴν
ἸταλίανItaly
περαιωθῆναι
καὶ
ταῦτα
χειμῶνος
ὥρᾳ
πλέοντα·
σφαδάζουσαν
ἤδη
κατεῖχεν
τὴν
ὀργήν.
|
591
But as much as his anger urged him toward vengeance, just as much did the distance restrain him; for he feared that Fortune might play many a trick before he could cross over to Italy, especially as he would be sailing in the winter season; so he held his raging anger in check.
|
| 591
but then, as much as his passion excited him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his distance therefrom; because fortune might prevent him, and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; so he restrained his anger, how vehement soever it was at this time.
| 591
Though impelled to avenge his country, he was equally aware of how far away he was, and how fate might block him and do a world of harm before he could sail back to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; and that is how he checked his anger at this time.
|
| 592
συνιόντες
δὲ
οἵ
τε
ἡγεμόνες
καὶ
στρατιῶται
καθ᾽
ἑταιρίαν
φανερῶς
ἤδη
μεταβολὴν
ἐβουλεύοντο
καὶ
διαγανακτοῦντες
ἐβόων,
ὡς
οἱ
μὲν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ῬώμηςRome
στρατιῶται
τρυφῶντες
καὶ
μηδ᾽
ἀκούειν
πολέμου
φήμην
ὑπομένοντες
διαχειροτονοῦσιν
οἷς
βούλονται
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
καὶ
πρὸς
ἐλπίδα
λημμάτων
ἀποδεικνύουσιν
αὐτοκράτορας,
|
592
The commanders and soldiers began to meet in groups and openly deliberated on a change of government, crying out in their indignation: that the soldiers in Rome, living in luxury and unable to endure even the rumor of war, were electing whom they pleased to the sovereignty and appointing Emperors in hope of gain,
|
| 592
But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and consulted openly about changing the public affairs;—and, out of their indignation, cried out, how “at Rome there are soldiers that live delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of gain make them emperors;
| 592
His officers and soldiers met in groups, however, and openly discussed the coup d'etat, shouting angrily that, "in Rome there are soldiers living in luxury and though they have never even heard of war, they appoint whom they please as our officers and make them emperors in the hope of profit.
|
| 593
αὐτοὶ
δὲ
διὰ
τοσούτων
κεχωρηκότες
πόνων
καὶ
γηρῶντες
ὑπὸ
τοῖς
κράνεσιν
ἑτέροις
χαρίζονται
τὴν
ἐξουσίαν
καὶ
ταῦτα
τὸν
ἀξιώτερον
ἄρχειν
παρ᾽
αὑτοῖς
ἔχοντες.
|
593
while they themselves, having gone through such great toils and growing old under their helmets, were granting the authority to others—and this despite having among them zone more worthy to rule.
|
| 593
while you, who have gone through so many labors, and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up.
| 593
You, though, who have endured such toil and have grown grey beneath your helmets, let others wield such power, while having among yourselves one more worthy to rule than they. "
|
| 594
ᾧ
τίνα
δικαιοτέραν
ποτὲ
τῆς
εἰς
αὐτοὺς
εὐνοίας
ἀποδώσειν
ἀμοιβήν,
εἰ
τὴν
νῦν
καταπροοῖντο;
τοσούτῳ
δ᾽
εἶναι
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ἡγεμονεύειν
Οὐιτελλίου
δικαιότερον,
ὅσῳas great as
καὶ
αὐτοὺς
τῶν
ἐκεῖνον
ἀποδειξάντων·
|
594
What more just return could they ever make for his goodwill toward them if they threw away the present opportunity? They argued that Vespasian was as much more worthy to lead than Vitellius as they themselves were superior to those who had appointed him.
|
| 594
Now what juster opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their generals, if they do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much juster reason for Vespasian’s being emperor than for Vitellius;
| 594
What better chance would they ever have of rewarding his goodwill to them, if they did not take the one now offered? Vespasian was as much more worthy to be emperor than Vitellius as his men were better than those who had elected that fellow!
|
| 595
οὐ
γὰρ
δὴ
μικροτέρους
τῶν
ἀπὸ
Γερμανίας
διενηνοχέναι
πολέμους
οὐδὲ
τῶν
ἐκεῖθεν
καταγαγόντων
τὸν
τύραννος
ἡττῆσθαι
τοῖς
ὅπλοις.
|
595
For they had surely waged wars no less significant than those from Germany, nor were they inferior in arms to those who had brought down the tyrant [Nero] from there.
|
| 595
as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come from Germany;
| 595
For they had fought wars as great as the troops coming from Germany, and their arms were the equal of those who had brought that tyrant to Rome.
|
| 596
ἀγῶνος
δὲ
ἐνδεήσειν
οὐδέν·
οὐ
γὰρ
τὴν
σύγκλητον
ἢ
τὸν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
δῆμον
ἀνέξεσθαι
τῆς
Οὐιτελλίου
λαγνείας
ἀντὶ
τῆς
ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus
σωφροσύνης,
οὐδ᾽
ἀντὶ
μὲν
ἡγεμόνος
ἀγαθοῦ
τύραννος
ὠμότατον,
ἄπαιδα
δὲ
ἀντὶ
πατρὸς
αἱρήσεσθαι
προστάτην·
μέγιστον
γὰρ
δὴ
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
εἰρήνης
εἶναι
τὰς
γνησίους
τῶν
βασιλέων
διαδοχάς.
|
596
There would be no need for a struggle; for neither the Senate nor the Roman people would tolerate the lust of Vitellius in place of the temperance of Vespasian, nor would they choose a most cruel tyrant instead of a good leader, or a childless man as a protector instead of a father—for the greatest security for peace is the legitimate succession of kings.
|
| 596
nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labors than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child to preside over them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement of men’s own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for themselves.
| 596
Anyway, there was no need for a contest about it.
The senate or the Roman people would not prefer the excesses of Vitellius to the sobriety of their Vespasian, or a cruel tyrant instead of a good ruler, or a childless man over a father, because the greatest security is in kings who have their own children to succeed them.
|
| 597
εἴτε
οὖν
ἐμπειρίᾳ
γήρως
προσήκει
τὸ
ἄρχειν,
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
αὐτοὺς
ἔχειν,
εἴτε
νεότητος
ἀλκῇ,
ΤίτονTitus·
κραθήσεσθαι
γὰρ
τῆς
παρ᾽
ἀμφοῖν
ἡλικίας
τὸ
ὠφέλιμον.
|
597
If, therefore, the rule belongs to the experience of old age, they had Vespasian; if to the vigor of youth, they had Titus; for the advantages of both their ages would be blended together.
|
| 597
Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian,—or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus; for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages,
| 597
If sovereignty calls for the skill of an older person, we should have Vespasian, if for the strength of a young man, we should have Titus, and so we shall combine the advantages of both their ages.
|
| 598
χορηγήσειν
δὲ
οὐ
μόνον
αὐτοὶ
τὴν
ἰσχὺν
τοῖς
ἀποδειχθεῖσι
τρία
τάγματα
καὶ
τὰς
παρὰ
τῶν
βασιλέων
συμμαχίας
ἔχοντες
συνετηρήσαμεν
τά
τε
πρὸς
ἕω
πάντα
καὶ
τῆς
ΕὐρώπηςEurope
ὅσα
τῶν
ἀπὸ
Οὐιτελλίου
φόβων
κεχώρισται,
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἸταλίαςItaly
δὲ
συμμάχους,
|
598
They said that not only would they themselves provide the strength for those appointed—having three legions and the allied forces from the kings—but all the East and those parts of Europe beyond the reach of Vitellius’s fear would support them, along with allies in Italy,
|
| 598
for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighboring kings, and will have further all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe, so far as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian’s brother, and his other son [Domitian];
| 598
Another reason to choose them is that they have three legions, plus other allies from the neighbouring kings and will also be supported by the armies in the east plus those in Europe that are beyond the range and fear of Vitellius, and any allies they have in Italy itself through Vespasian's brother, and his other son.
|
| 599
ἀδελφὸν
ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus
καὶ
παῖδα
ἕτερον,
ὧν
τῷ
μὲν
προσθήσεσθαι
πολλοὺς
τῶν
ἐν
ἀξιώματι
νέων,
τὸν
δὲ
καὶ
τὴν
τῆς
πόλεως
φυλακὴν
πεπιστεῦσθαι,
μέρος
οὐκ
ὀλίγον
εἰς
ἐπιβολὴν
ἡγεμονίας.
|
599
the brother of Vespasian [Sabinus] and his other son [Domitian]; to the former, many of the young men of rank would attach themselves, and the latter had been entrusted with the guard of the city, which was no small part of the design for the sovereignty.
|
| 599
the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian’s obtaining the government.
| 599
The latter will bring in many young men of the upper class, while the other is governor of the city, which will be a significant help to Vespasian in winning the empire.
|
| 600
καθόλου
τε
ἂν
βραδύνωσιν
αὐτοί,
τάχα
τὴν
σύγκλητον
ἀποδείξειν
τὸν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
συντετηρηκότων
στρατιωτῶν
ἀτιμούμενον.
|
600
In general, if they themselves delayed, the Senate would perhaps appoint the man who was now being dishonored by the soldiers who had protected him.
|
| 600
Upon the whole, the case may be such, that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviors of the empire, will have in contempt.”
| 600
But if we delay, the assembly may choose as emperor the very one despised by the veteran soldiers. "
|
| 601
Τοιαῦτα
κατὰ
συστροφὰς
οἱ
στρατιῶται
διελάλουν·
ἔπειτα
συναθροισθέντες
καὶ
παρακροτήσαντες
ἀλλήλους
ἀναγορεύουσι
τὸν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
αὐτοκράτορα
καὶ
σώζειν
τὴν
κινδυνεύουσαν
ἡγεμονίαν
παρεκάλουν.
|
601
The soldiers talked in this way in their gatherings; then, having assembled and encouraged one another, they declared Vespasian Emperor and urged him to save the empire, which was in danger.
|
| 601
These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor, and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger.
| 601
This was discussed by the soldiers in their several companies.
Then getting together and supporting each other, they proclaimed Vespasian emperor, and urged him to save the endangered state.
|
| 602
τῷ
δὲ
φροντὶς
μὲν
ἦν
πάλαι
περὶ
τῶν
ὅλων,
οὔτι
γε
μὴν
αὐτὸς
ἄρχειν
προῄρητο,
τοῖς
μὲν
ἔργοις
ἑαυτὸν
ἄξιον
ἡγούμενος,
προκρίνων
δὲ
τῶν
ἐν
λαμπρότητι
κινδύνων
τὴν
ἐν
ἰδιώταις
ἀσφάλειαν.
|
602
For a long time, he had been concerned about the general state of affairs, yet he had not chosen to rule himself; for though he deemed himself worthy by his deeds, he preferred the safety of private life to the dangers of high positions.
|
| 602
Now Vespasian’s concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity;
| 602
For a long time he had been concerned about the good of the state, yet though his actions proved him worthy of it, he did not think to aim at being emperor, preferring the safety of a private life to the dangers inherent in such splendour.
|
| 603
ἀρνουμένῳ
δὲ
μᾶλλον
οἱ
ἡγεμόνες
ἐπέκειντο
καὶ
περιχυθέντες
οἱ
στρατιῶται
ξιφήρεις
ἀναιρεῖν
αὐτὸν
ἠπείλουνto hold out; to keep away,
εἰ
μὴ
βούλοιτο
ζῆν
ἀξίως.
|
603
But as he refused, the commanders pressed him more urgently, and the soldiers surrounded him with drawn swords, threatening to kill him if he would not live worthily [as Emperor].
|
| 603
but when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity.
| 603
But as he refused it, the officers insisted all the more and the soldiers crowded in with drawn swords, threatening to kill him if he refused to live worthily.
|
| 604
πολλὰ
δὲ
πρὸς
αὐτοὺς
διατεινάμενος
ἐξ
ὧν
διωθεῖτο
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
τελευταῖον,
ὡς
οὐκ
ἔπειθεν,
εἴκει
τοῖς
ὀνομάσασι.
|
604
After he had long contended against them, trying to reject the rule, he finally yielded to those who had named him, since he could not persuade them otherwise.
|
| 604
And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor.
| 604
After telling them at length why he did not desire the empire, failing to persuade them, he finally yielded to them.
|
| 605
Προτρεπομένων
δ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἤδη
Μουκιανοῦ
τε
καὶ
τῶν
ἄλλων
ἡγεμόνων
ὡς
αὐτοκράτορα
καὶ
τῆς
ἄλλης
στρατιᾶς
ἄγειν
ἐπὶ
πᾶν
τὸ
ἀντίπαλον,
ὁ
δὲ
πρῶτον
τῶν
ἐπ᾽
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
εἴχετο
πραγμάτων,
εἰδὼς
πλεῖστον
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας
μέρος
τὴν
ΑἴγυπτονEgypt
οὖσαν
διὰ
τὴν
τοῦ
σίτου
χορηγίαν,
|
605
Now that Mucianus and the other commanders were urging him on as Emperor, and the rest of the army was eager to be led against any opponent, his first concern was the affairs of Alexandria, knowing that Egypt was the most important part of the empire because of its supply of grain.
|
| 605
So upon the exhortations of Mucianus, and the other commanders, that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying corn [to Rome];
| 605
So, urged by Mucianus and the other officers to become emperor, and by the rest of the army, who shouted that they wanted to be led against all opposition, he aimed first to win power in Alexandria, knowing that Egypt was the key to winning the entire government, because of its corn supply.
|
| 606
ἧς
κρατήσας
εἰ
παρέλκοι
καὶ
βίᾳ
καθαιρήσειν
ἤλπιζεν
Οὐιτέλλιον,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἀνέξεσθαι
πείνης
ἐπὶ
ῬώμηςRome
τὸ
πλῆθος,
τὰ
δύο
τε
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
τάγματα
Ποιήσας
βουλόμενος.
|
606
He hoped that if he became master of Egypt, he might even bring down Vitellius by force if he held out, for the multitude in Rome would not endure hunger; he also wished to win over the two legions at Alexandria.
|
| 606
which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force (for he would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food); and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him.
| 606
If he could control this, he could dethrone Vitellius, for his support would disappear if the Roman populace lacked food; and he wished to add the two legions in Alexandria to those he already had.
|
| 607
ἐνεθυμεῖτο
δὲ
καὶ
πρόβλημα
τὴν
χώραν
ἔχειν
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
τύχης
ἀδήλων·
ἔστι
γὰρ
κατά
τε
γῆν
δυσέμβολος
καὶ
τὰ
πρὸς
θαλάσσης
ἀλίμενος,
|
607
He also considered that the country served as a bulwark against the uncertainties of Fortune; for it is difficult to enter by land and lacks harbors on the side of the sea.
|
| 607
He also considered with himself, that he should then have that country for a defense to himself against the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypt is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea.
| 607
He planned to have that district as a bulwark against the uncertainty of fate, since Egypt is hard to enter by land and has no good sea harbours.
|
| 608
κατὰ
μὲν
ἑσπέραν
προβεβλημένη
τὰ
ἄνυδρα
τῆς
ΛιβύηςLibya,
κατὰ
δὲ
μεσημβρίαν
τὴν
διορίζουσαν
ἀπὸ
ΑἰθιόπωνEthiopian
τὴν
ΣυήνηνSyene
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀπλώτους
τοῦ
ποταμοῦ
καταράκτας,
ἀπὸ
δὲ
τῆς
ἀνατολῆς
τὴν
ἐρυθρὰν
θάλασσαν
ἀναχεομένην
μέχρι
Κοπτοῦ.
|
608
On the west, it is protected by the waterless regions of Libya; on the south, by Syene, which separates it from the Ethiopians, and the unnavigable cataracts of the river; and from the east, by the Red Sea, which extends as far as Coptos.
|
| 608
It hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Syene, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea extended as far as Coptus;
| 608
To the west it has the dry deserts of Libya, and on the south Syene which divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the impassable cataracts of the Nile, and on the east the Red Sea as far as Coptus.
|
| 609
βόρειον
δὲ
τεῖχος
αὐτῇ
ἥ
τε
μέχρι
ΣυρίαςSyria
γῆ
καὶ
τὸ
καλούμενον
ΑἰγύπτιονEgyptian
πέλαγος,
πᾶν
ἄπορονwithout passage
ὅρμων.
|
609
Its northern wall is the land reaching to Syria and what is called the Egyptian Sea, which is entirely devoid of harbors.
|
| 609
and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships.
| 609
Protecting it on the north toward Syria is the so-called Egyptian Sea, which has no harbours for ships.
|
| 610
τετείχισται
μὲν
οὕτως
ἡ
ΑἴγυπτοςEgypt
πάντοθεν·
τὸ
μεταξὺ
δὲ
ΠηλουσίουPelusium
καὶ
ΣυήνηςSyene
μῆκος
αὐτῆς
σταδίων
δισχιλίων,
ὅ
τε
ἀπὸ
τῆς
πλινθίνης
ἀνάπλους
εἰς
τὸ
ΠηλούσιονPelusium
σταδίων
τρισχιλίων
ἑξακοσίων.
|
610
Thus is Egypt fortified on all sides; its length between Pelusium and Syene is 2,000 stadia,[1] and the voyage from Plinthine to Pelusium is 3,600 stadia.[2]
|
| 610
And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Syene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs.
| 610
So Egypt is protected on every side.
Its length from Pelusium to Syene is two thousand furlongs and the voyage from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs.
|
[1]2000 stadia = 370 km (230 miles)
[2] 3600 stadia = 666 km (414 miles)
| 611
ὁ
δὲ
ΝεῖλοςNile
ἀναπλεῖται
μέχρι
τῆς
Ἐλεφάντων
καλουμένης
πόλεως,
ὑπὲρ
ἣν
εἴργουσι
προσωτέρω
χωρεῖν
οὓς
προειρήκαμεν
καταράκτας.
|
611
The Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, beyond which the aforementioned cataracts prevent further passage.
|
| 611
Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther.
| 611
The Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, since the above-named cataracts prevent ships from going any farther.
|
| 612
δυσπρόσιτος
δὲ
λιμὴν
ναυσὶ
καὶ
κατ᾽
εἰρήνην
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria·
στενός
τε
γὰρ
εἴσπλους
καὶ
πέτραις
ὑφάλοις
τὸν
ἐπ᾽
εὐθὺ
καμπτόμενος
δρόμον.
|
612
The harbor of Alexandria is difficult for ships to approach even in time of peace; for the entrance is narrow and the course is crooked because of underwater rocks.
|
| 612
The haven also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty, even in times of peace; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of rocks that lie under the water, which oblige the mariners to turn from a straight direction:
| 612
Even the harbour of Alexandria is not easily accessed by ships, even in peace-time, for its entrance is narrow and full of underwater rocks that lie under the water, which prevent one from sailing straight in.
|
| 613
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
ἀριστερὸν
αὐτοῦ
μέρος
πέφρακται
χειροκμήτοις
σκέλεσιν,
ἐν
δεξιᾷ
δὲ
ἡ
προσαγορευομένη
Φάρος
νῆσος
πρόκειται,
πύργον
ἔχουσα
μέγιστον
ἐκπυρσεύοντα
τοῖς
καταπλέουσιν
ἐπὶ
τριακοσίους
σταδίους,
ὡς
ἐν
νυκτὶ
πόρρωθεν
ὁρμίζοιντο
πρὸς
τὴν
δυσχέρειαν
τοῦ
κατάπλου.
|
613
The left side of it is blocked by man-made piers, and on the right lies the island called Pharos, which has a very large tower that sends out light to those sailing toward it for 300 stadia,[1] so that they may anchor at night from a distance because of the difficulty of the approach.
|
| 613
its left side is blocked up by works made by men’s hands on both sides; on its right side lies the island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in the nighttime, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer.
| 613
In the left channel there are man-made barriers, while on its right side just before the entrance looms the island of Pharos, with its great tower, shining out its glow to any who sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that at night ships may cast anchor far out, to avoid navigational difficulties.
|
[1]300 stadia = 56 km (35 miles)
| 614
περὶ
ταύτην
τὴν
νῆσον
καταβέβληται
χειροποίητα
τείχη
μέγιστα,
προσαρασσόμενον
δὲ
τούτοις
τὸ
πέλαγος
καὶ
τοῖς
ἄντικρυς
ἕρκεσιν
ἀμφαγνυμένον
ἐκτραχύνει
τὸν
πόρον
καὶ
σφαλερὰν
διὰ
στενοῦ
τὴν
εἴσοδον
ἀπεργάζεται.
|
614
Around this island, great man-made walls have been built, and the sea, dashing against them and breaking against the opposite barriers, makes the passage rough and the entrance through the narrows dangerous.
|
| 614
About this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against which, when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous;
| 614
around this island stand great artificial piers, against which breaks the crashing sea and its waves, rendering the navigation troublesome since the entrance through such a narrow passage.
|
| 615
ὁ
μέντοι
γε
λιμὴν
ἀσφαλέστατος
ἔνδον
καὶ
τριάκοντα
σταδίων
τὸ
μέγεθος,
εἰς
ὃν
τά
τε
λείποντα
τῇ
χώρᾳ
πρὸς
εὐδαιμονίαν
κατάγεται
καὶ
τὰ
περισσεύοντα
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων
ἀγαθῶν
εἰς
πᾶσαν
χωρίζεται
τὴν
οἰκουμένην.
|
615
However, the harbor inside is very safe and thirty stadia[1] in size, into which are brought the things the country lacks for its prosperity, and from which the surplus of local goods is distributed to the whole inhabited world.
|
| 615
yet is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness; into which is brought what the country wants in order to its happiness, as also what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself is hence distributed into all the habitable earth.
| 615
But the harbour within is a very safe one and is thirty furlongs long.
Into it is brought all that the country needs for its prosperity, and from it the country's surplus goods are shipped off everywhere in the world.
|
[1]30 stadia = 5.6 km (3.4 miles)
| 616
Ἐφίετο
μὲν
οὖν
εἰκότως
τῶν
ταύτῃ
πραγμάτων
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
εἰς
βεβαίωσιν
τῆς
ὅλης
ἡγεμονίας,
ἐπιστέλλει
δ᾽
εὐθὺς
τῷ
διέποντι
τὴν
ΑἴγυπτονEgypt
καὶ
τὴν
ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria
ΤιβερίῳTiberius
ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander,
δηλῶν
τὸ
τῆς
στρατιᾶς
πρόθυμον,
καὶ
ὡς
αὐτὸς
ὑποδὺς
ἀναγκαίως
τὸ
βάρος
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας
συνεργὸν
αὐτὸν
καὶ
βοηθὸν
προσλαμβάνοι.
|
616
Vespasian, therefore, naturally desired the control of affairs there for the sake of securing the whole empire, and he immediately wrote to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governing Egypt and Alexandria, informing him of the army’s eagerness and how he, having been compelled to take up the burden of the empire, was enlisting him as a collaborator and helper.
|
| 616
Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government, in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter.
| 616
Rightly, Vespasian wanted to gain control of this place in order to get a firm grip on the whole empire, so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, then ruler of Egypt and of Alexandria, telling him of the army's wishes and how, being forced to assume the burden of empire, he wanted his help and support.
|
| 617
παραναγνοὺς
δὲ
τὴν
ἐπιστολὴν
ἈλέξανδροςAlexander
προθύμως
τά
τε
τάγματα
καὶ
τὸ
πλῆθος
εἰς
αὐτὸν
ὥρκωσεν.
ἑκάτεροι
δὲ
ἀσμένως
ὑπήκουσαν
τὴν
ἀρετὴν
τἀνδρὸς
ἐκ
τῆς
ἐγγὺς
στρατηγίας
εἰδότες.
|
617
Alexander, having read the letter, zealously made the legions and the multitude swear an oath to Vespasian. Both groups obeyed gladly, knowing the man’s virtue from his nearby command.
|
| 617
Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood.
| 617
After reading this letter aloud, Alexander soon got the legions and the people to swear fidelity to Vespasian and they agreed willingly, already knowing the value of the man, as he had soldiered in their neighbourhood.
|
| 618
καὶ
ὁ
μὲν
πεπιστευμένος
ἤδη
τὰ
περὶ
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
προπαρεσκεύαζεν
αὐτῷ
καὶ
τὰ
πρὸς
τὴν
ἄφιξιν,
τάχιον
δ᾽
ἐπινοίας
διήγγελλον
αἱ
φῆμαι
τὸν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἀνατολῆς
αὐτοκράτορα,
καὶ
πᾶσα
μὲν
πόλις
ἑώρταζεν
εὐαγγέλια
[δὲ
]
καὶ
θυσίας
ὑπὲρ
αὐτοῦ
ἐπετέλει.
|
618
Now that the affairs of the empire were entrusted to him, he [Alexander] began preparing everything for his [Vespasian’s] arrival; and rumors more quickly than thought announced the Emperor of the East, and every city celebrated with “good news” festivals and performed sacrifices on his behalf.
|
| 618
Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news;
| 618
Entrusted with helping in the leadership bid, he got everything ready for Vespasian's arrival, and the rumour very quickly spread that he was emperor over the east, and every city celebrated the news and had sacrifices offered on account of it.
|
| 619
τὰ
δὲ
κατὰ
ΜυσίανMysia
καὶ
Παννονίαν
τάγματα,
μικρῷ
πρόσθεν
κεκινημένα
πρὸς
τὴν
Οὐιτελλίου
τόλμαν,
μείζονι
χαρᾷ
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
ὤμνυον.
|
619
The legions in Moesia and Pannonia, which had recently been moved to action by the boldness of Vitellius, swore allegiance to the sovereignty of Vespasian with even greater joy.
|
| 619
the legions also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire.
| 619
The legions in Mysia and Pannonia too, who shortly before had been troubled by the nerve of Vitellius, were very glad to swear fidelity to Vespasian as emperor.
|
| 620
ὁ
δ᾽
ἀναζεύξας
ἀπὸ
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
εἰς
ΒηρυτὸνBerytus
παρῆν,
ἔνθα
πολλαὶ
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ΣυρίαςSyria
αὐτῷ,
πολλαὶ
δὲ
κἀπὸ
τῶν
ἄλλων
ἐπαρχιῶν
πρεσβεῖαι
συνήντων,
στεφάνους
παρ᾽
ἑκάστης
πόλεως
καὶ
συγχαρτικὰ
προσφέρουσαι
ψηφίσματα.
|
620
Having set out from Caesarea, he arrived at Berytus, where many embassies from Syria met him, and many from other provinces, bringing crowns from every city and congratulatory decrees.
|
| 620
Vespasian then removed from Caesarea to Berytus, where many embassages came to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns, and the congratulations of the people.
| 620
He then moved from Caesarea to Berytus, where many envoys came to him from Syria and the other provinces, bringing crowns from every city and with them the good wishes of the people.
|
| 621
παρῆν
δὲ
καὶ
ΜουκιανὸςMucianus
ὁ
τῆς
ἐπαρχίας
ἡγεμὼν
τὸ
πρόθυμον
τῶν
δήμων
καὶ
τοὺς
κατὰ
πόλιν
ὅρκους
ἀπαγγέλλων.
|
621
Mucianus, the governor of the province, was also present, reporting the eagerness of the peoples and the oaths taken in every city.
|
| 621
Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity the people [received the news of his advancement], and how the people of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him.
| 621
Mucianus, the governor of the province came too, with news of the people's enthusiasm and how every city had sworn loyalty to him.
|
| 622
Προχωρούσης
δὲ
πανταχοῦ
κατὰ
νοῦν
τῆς
τύχης
καὶ
τῶν
πραγμάτων
συννενευκότων
ἐκ
τοῦ
πλείστου
μέρους,
ἤδη
παρίστατο
τῷ
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
νοεῖν,
ὡς
οὐ
δίχα
δαιμονίου
προνοίας
ἅψαιτο
τῆς
ἀρχῆς,
ἀλλὰ
δικαία
τις
εἱμαρμένη
περιαγάγοι
τὸ
κρατεῖν
τῶν
ὅλων
ἐπ᾽
αὐτόν·
|
622
As Fortune everywhere proceeded according to his mind and affairs had for the most part converged, it now occurred to Vespasian that he had not touched the sovereignty without divine providence, but that a just fate had brought the rule of the world to him.
|
| 622
So Vespasian’s good fortune succeeded to his wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power;
| 622
With fortune everywhere going his way and most of the government already in his hands, Vespasian considered that he had not come to rule without divine Providence, but that some righteous fate had put the empire into his hands.
|
| 623
ἀναμιμνήσκεται
γὰρ
τά
τε
ἄλλα
σημεῖα,
πολλὰ
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
γεγόνει
πανταχοῦ
προφαίνοντα
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν,
καὶ
τὰς
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
φωνάς,
ὃς
αὐτὸν
ἔτι
ζῶντος
ΝέρωνοςNerō
αὐτοκράτορα
προσειπεῖν
ἐθάρσησεν.
|
623
For he remembered other signs (many of which had occurred everywhere foretelling his sovereignty) and also the words of Josephus, who had dared to address him as Emperor while Nero was still alive.
|
| 623
for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many everywhere, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive;
| 623
Calling to mind other signs, for many things in various places had foretold that he would rule, he also recalled the words of Josephus, when during Nero's lifetime he dared to foretell that he would be emperor.
|
| 624
ἐξεπέπληκτο
δὲ
τὸν
ἄνδρα
δεσμώτην
ἔτι
ὄντα
παρ᾽
αὐτῷ,
καὶ
προσκαλεσάμενος
ΜουκιανὸνMucianus
ἅμα
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
ἡγεμόσι
καὶ
φίλοις
πρῶτον
μὲν
αὐτοῦ
τὸ
δραστήριον
ἐκδιηγεῖτο
καὶ
ὅσα
περὶ
τοῖς
ἸωταπάτοιςJotapata
δι᾽
αὐτὸν
ἔκαμον,
|
624
He was astonished that the man was still a prisoner in his hands; and calling Mucianus together with the other commanders and friends, he first recounted his [Josephus’s] energy and all the trouble they had at Jotapata because of him,
|
| 624
so he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata.
| 624
It horrified him to think that he had this man still in chains, so he called for Mucianus and his other officers and friends, and first of all he told them about him and what a fight he had given them at Jotapata.
|
| 625
ἔπειτα
τὰς
μαντείας,
ἃς
αὐτὸς
μὲν
ὑπώπτευσε
τότε
πλάσματα
τοῦ
δέους,
ἀποδειχθῆναι
δὲ
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
χρόνου
καὶ
τῶν
πραγμάτων
θείας.
|
625
and then his prophecies, which he himself had suspected at the time to be fabrications born of fear, but which had been proved by time and events to be divine.
|
| 625
After that he related those predictions of his which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine.
| 625
Then he told of his predictions, at first disregarded as fictions prompted by fear, but with time proven to be divine.
|
| 626
«
αἰσχρὸν
οὖν,
ἔφη,
τὸν
προθεσπίσαντά
μοι
τὴν
ἀρχὴν
καὶ
διάκονον
τῆς
τοῦ
θεοῦ
φωνῆς
ἔτι
αἰχμαλώτου
τάξιν
ἢ
δεσμώτου
τύχην
ὑπομένειν
»
καὶ
καλέσας
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
λυθῆναι
κελεύει.
|
626
“It is a shame then,” he said, “that the one who prophesied the empire to me and was the minister of the voice of God should still endure the status of a captive or the lot of a prisoner,” and calling for Josephus, he ordered him to be set free.
|
| 626
“It is a shameful thing (said he) that this man, who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner.” So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty;
| 626
"It is shameful" he said, "that this man, who predicted my coming to the empire and has ministered a divine message to me should still be kept as a captive in chains. " So he called to have Josephus set free.
|
| 627
τοῖς
μὲν
οὖν
ἡγεμόσιν
ἐκ
τῆς
εἰς
τὸν
ἀλλόφυλον
ἀμοιβῆς
λαμπρὰ
καὶ
περὶ
αὑτῶν
ἐλπίζειν
παρέστη,
συνὼν
δὲ
τῷ
πατρὶ
ΤίτοςTitus
«δίκαιον,
|
627
The commanders, seeing this reward to a foreigner, felt they had bright hopes for themselves; and Titus, being present with his father,
|
| 627
whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, from this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father,
| 627
Seeing how Vespasian rewarded the foreigner, the officers felt sure of glorious things for themselves, but Titus who was present said to his father,
|
| 628
ὦ
πάτερ,
ἔφη,
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
καὶ
τὸ
ὄνειδος
ἀφαιρεθῆναι
σὺν
τῷ
σιδήρῳ·
γενήσεται
γὰρ
ὅμοιος
τῷ
μὴ
δεθέντι
τὴν
ἀρχήν,
ἂν
αὐτοῦ
μὴ
λύσωμεν
ἀλλὰ
κόψωμεν
τὰ
δεσμά.»
τοῦτο
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τῶν
μὴ
δεόντως
δεθέντων
πράττεται.
|
628
said, “It is only right, Father, that Josephus’s disgrace should be removed along with his irons; for if we do not merely untie his bonds but cut them, he will be like one who was never bound at all.” For this is what is done for those who have been bound unjustly.
|
| 628
and said, “O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain. For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all.” For that is the usual method as to such as have been bound without a cause.
| 628
"Father, by right Josephus should be set free from shame as well as from his irons.
Let his chains be cut to pieces instead of merely being removed, so it will be as if he had never been in chains." For that is customary for those who have been wrongly imprisoned.
|
| 629
συνεδόκει
ταῦτα,
καὶ
παρελθών
τις
πελέκει
διέκοψε
τὴν
ἅλυσιν.
ὁ
δὲ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
εἰληφὼς
περὶ
τῶν
προειρημένων
γέρας
τὴν
ἐπιτιμίαν
ἤδη
καὶ
περὶ
τῶν
μελλόντων
ἀξιόπιστος
ἦν.
|
629
This was agreed upon, and someone came forward and cut the chain with an axe. Thus Josephus, having received the reward of his freedom for his prophecies, was now considered credible regarding the future as well.
|
| 629
This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also.
| 629
The other agreed so a man entered and cut the chain to pieces.
Josephus received this reward for his predictions and was in future esteemed as one who knew about coming events.
|
Chapter 11
Vespasian hurries to Rome;
Titus returns to Jerusalem.
| 630
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ταῖς
πρεσβείαις
χρηματίσας
καὶ
καταστησάμενος
ἑκάστοις
τὰς
ἀρχὰς
δικαίως
καὶ
διὰ
τῶν
ἀξίων
εἰς
ἈντιόχειανAntioch
ἀφικνεῖται.
|
630
Vespasian, having given audience to the embassies and having justly appointed the governing officials for each post through worthy men, arrived at Antioch.
|
| 630
And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places of power justly, and according to everyone’s deserts, he came to Antioch,
| 630
When Vespasian had replied to the envoys and had justly distributed the ruling offices as each one deserved, he came to Antioch.
|
| 631
καὶ
βουλευόμενος,
ποῖ
τρέπεσθαι,
προυργιαίτερα
τῆς
εἰς
ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria
ὁρμῆς
τὰ
κατὰ
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
ἔκρινε,
τὴν
μὲν
βέβαιον
οὖσαν
ὁρῶν,
τὰ
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
Οὐιτελλίου
ταρασσόμενα.
|
631
Deliberating on which way to turn, he judged the situation in Rome to be more urgent than his expedition to Alexandria; for he saw that the latter was secure, while the former was being thrown into confusion by Vitellius.
|
| 631
and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go to Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius;
| 631
Then considering which direction to take, he opted to head for Rome rather than Alexandria, which was his already while affairs in Rome were troubled by Vitellius.
|
| 632
πέμπει
δὴ
ΜουκιανὸνMucianus
εἰς
τὴν
ἸταλίανItaly
παραδοὺς
ἱππέων
τε
καὶ
πεζῶν
συχνὴν
δύναμιν.
ὁ
δὲ
διὰ
τὴν
τοῦ
χειμῶνος
ἀκμὴν
δείσας
τὸ
πλεῖν
πεζῇ
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἦγε
διὰ
ΚαππαδοκίαςCappadocia
καὶ
Φρυγίας.
|
632
He therefore sent Mucianus to Italy, handing over to him a substantial force of horse and foot. Mucianus, fearing the voyage because it was the height of winter, led his army by land through Cappadocia and Phrygia.
|
| 632
so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.
| 632
He sent Mucianus to Italy with a large army of cavalry and infantry; but Mucianus was afraid of going by sea, as it was the middle of winter and so led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.
|
| 633
Ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
καὶ
ἈντώνιοςAntony
Πρῖμος
ἀναλαβὼν
τὸ
τρίτον
τάγμα
τῶν
κατὰ
ΜυσίανMysia,
ἔτυχεν
δ᾽
ἡγεμονεύων
αὐτόθι,
Οὐιτελλίῳ
παραταξόμενος
ἠπείγετο.
|
633
In the meantime, Antonius Primus—having taken up the third legion of those in Moesia, where he happened to be in command—was also hurrying to join battle with Vitellius.
|
| 633
In the meantime, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitellius;
| 633
Meanwhile Antonius Primus took the third of the legions in Mysia, for he was in charge of that province, and hurried to oppose Vitellius.
|
| 634
ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius
δὲ
αὐτῷ
συναντήσοντα
μετὰ
πολλῆς
δυνάμεως
Καικίναν
Ἀλιηνὸν
ἐκπέμπει,
μέγα
θαρρῶν
τἀνδρὶ
διὰ
τὴν
ἐπ᾽
Ὄθωνι
νίκην.
ὁ
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ῬώμηςRome
ἐλαύνων
διὰ
τάχους
περὶ
Κρέμωνα
τῆς
Γαλατίας
τὸν
ἈντώνιονAntōny
καταλαμβάνει·
μεθόριος
δ᾽
ἐστὶν
ἡ
πόλις
αὕτη
τῆς
ἸταλίαςItaly.
|
634
Vitellius sent out Caecina Alienus with a large force to meet him, having great confidence in the man because of his victory over Otho. Caecina, marching in haste from Rome, encountered Antonius near Cremona in Gallia [Cisalpina], a city on the borders of Italy.
|
| 634
whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy;
| 634
Against him Vitellius sent a large army under Cecinna, in whom he had great confidence because of his victory over Otho, and he quickly marched from Rome and caught up with Antonius about Cremona in Gaul, a city on the borders of Italy.
|
| 635
κατιδὼν
δὲ
ἐνταῦθα
τὸ
πλῆθος
τῶν
πολεμίων
καὶ
τὴν
εὐταξίαν,
συμβαλεῖν
μὲν
οὐκ
ἐθάρρει,
σφαλερὰν
δὲ
τὴν
ἀναχώρησινa retreat; to go back
λογιζόμενος
προδοσίανsurrender, treason
ἐβουλεύετο.
|
635
However, when he saw the multitude and the fine discipline of the enemy, he did not dare to join battle; and considering a retreat to be dangerous, he began to plot treason.
|
| 635
but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius.
| 635
But seeing how numerous and well equipped the enemy was, he dared not fight and thinking it dangerous to retreat, he considered changing sides.
|
| 636
συναγαγὼν
δὲ
τοὺς
ὑπ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἑκατοντάρχας
καὶ
χιλιάρχους
ἐνῆγεν
μεταβῆναι
πρὸς
τὸν
ἈντώνιονAntōny,
ταπεινῶν
μὲν
τὰ
Οὐιτελλίου
πράγματα,
τὴν
ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus
δ᾽
ἰσχὺν
ἐπαίρων,
|
636
Assembling the centurions and tribunes under him, he urged them to go over to Antonius, belittling the cause of Vitellius and extolling the strength of Vespasian.
|
| 636
Accordingly, he assembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian.
| 636
Assembling his centurions and tribunes he persuaded them to go over to Antonius by disparaging the deeds of Vitellius and extolling the power of Vespasian.
|
| 637
καὶ
παρ᾽
ᾧ
μὲν
εἶναι
λέγων
μόνον
τῆς
ἀρχῆς
ὄνομα,
παρ᾽
ᾧ
δὲ
τὴν
δύναμιν,
καὶ
αὐτοὺς
δὲ
ἄμεινον
προλαβόντας
τὴν
ἀνάγκην
ποιῆσαι
χάριν
καὶ
μέλλοντας
ἡττᾶσθαι
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
ταῖς
γνώμαις
τὸν
κίνδυνον
φθάσαι·
|
637
He said that with the one [Vitellius] there remained only the name of the empire, while with the other [Vespasian] lay the power; and that it was better for them to anticipate necessity and perform a favor, and since they were bound to be defeated in arms, they should forestall the danger by their choice.
|
| 637
He also told them that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was the power of it; and that it was better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favor, and, while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly;
| 637
Of these, he said, the former merely had the name of ruler, while the other had the real power, and it was better for them to win favour by forestalling the inevitable, and as they were likely to be defeated in battle, they should avoid the danger by prudence.
|
| 638
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
μὲν
γὰρ
ἱκανὸν
εἶναι
καὶ
χωρὶς
αὐτῶν
προσκτήσασθαι
καὶ
τὰ
λείποντα,
Οὐιτέλλιον
δ᾽
οὐδὲ
σὺν
αὐτοῖς
τηρῆσαι
τὰ
ὄντα.
|
638
For Vespasian, he argued, was capable of acquiring what remained even without them, but Vitellius could not keep what he had even with their help.
|
| 638
that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted without their assistance, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with it.
| 638
Vespasian could subdue all the rest without their help, while even with it Vitellius could not even retain what he already had.
|
| 639
Πολλὰ
τοιαῦτα
λέγων
ἔπεισε
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸν
ἈντώνιονAntōny
αὐτομολεῖ
μετὰ
τῆς
δυνάμεως.
|
639
By saying many such things, he persuaded them, and he deserted to Antonius with his force.
|
| 639
Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them to comply with him; and both he and his army deserted;
| 639
With many words to this effect, Cecinna persuaded him to desert to Antonius with his army.
|
| 640
τῆς
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
νυκτὸς
ἐμπίπτει
μετάνοια
τοῖς
στρατιώταις
καὶ
δέος
τοῦ
προπέμψαντος,
εἰ
κρείσσων
γένοιτο·
σπασάμενοι
δὲ
τὰ
ξίφη
τὸν
Καικίναν
ὥρμησαν
ἀνελεῖν,
κἂν
ἐπράχθη
τὸ
ἔργον
αὐτοῖς,
εἰ
μὴ
προσπίπτοντες
οἱ
χιλίαρχοι
καθικέτευσαν
αὐτούς.
|
640
But that same night, the soldiers were seized by repentance and by fear of the one who had sent them [Vitellius], lest he should prevail; drawing their swords, they rushed to kill Caecina, and the deed would have been done had not the tribunes fallen before them and entreated them.
|
| 640
but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better; and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it;
| 640
But that night the soldiers had a change of heart and feared that Vitellius who sent them might win out, so drawing their swords they rushed to kill Cecinna and would have done so if the tribunes had not knelt down to implore them against it.
|
| 641
οἱ
δὲ
τοῦ
μὲν
κτείνειν
ἀπέσχοντοto keep off, keep away, abstain,
δήσαντες
δὲ
τὸν
προδότην
οἷοί
τε
ἦσαν
πέμπειν
Οὐιτελλίῳ.
ταῦτ᾽
ἀκούσας
ὁ
Πρῖμος
αὐτίκα
τοὺς
σφετέρους
ἀνίστησι
καὶ
μετὰ
τῶν
ὅπλων
ἦγεν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἀποστάντας.
|
641
They refrained from killing him, but they bound the traitor and intended to send him to Vitellius. When Primus heard this, he immediately roused his men and led them in arms against the mutineers.
|
| 641
so the soldiers did not kill him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately, and made them put on their armor, and led them against those that had revolted;
| 641
So they did not kill him, but chained him as a traitor, to send him to Vitellius.
When Primus heard this, he instantly roused his men and led them armed against the rebels.
|
| 642
οἱ
δὲ
παραταξάμενοι
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
μὲν
ἀντέσχον,
αὖθις
δὲ
τραπέντες
ἔφευγον
εἰς
τὴν
Κρέμωνα.
τοὺς
δὲ
ἱππεῖς
ἀναλαβὼν
Πρῖμος
ὑποτέμνεται
τὰς
εἰσόδους
αὐτῶν,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
πολὺ
πλῆθος
κυκλωσάμενος
πρὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
διαφθείρει,
τῷ
δὲ
λοιπῷ
συνεισπεσὼν
διαρπάσαι
τὸ
ἄστυ
τοῖς
στρατιώταις
ἐφῆκεν.
|
642
They drew up in line and resisted for a short time, but were soon turned and fled toward Cremona. Primus, taking his cavalry, cut off their entrance, and having surrounded the greater part of the multitude before the city, he destroyed them; then, bursting in with the rest, he allowed his soldiers to plunder the city.[1]
|
| 642
hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it.
| 642
These formed a battle-line and resisted for a while, but were quickly defeated and fled toward Cremona; but Primus took his cavalry and cut off their entry, surrounding them outside the city and killing many of them.
Then with the others he attacked the city and let his soldiers plunder it.
|
[1]The Second Battle of Bedriacum where Antonius Primas (for Vespasian) defeats Vitellius’s forces, Oct. 69 AD.
| 643
ἔνθα
δὴ
πολλοὶ
μὲν
τῶν
ξένων
ἔμποροι,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων
ἀπώλοντο,
πᾶσα
δὲ
καὶ
ἡ
Οὐιτελλίου
στρατιά,
μυριάδες
ἀνδρῶν
τρεῖς
καὶ
διακόσιοι·
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῆς
Μυσίας
ἈντώνιοςAntony
τετρακισχιλίους
ἀποβάλλει
καὶ
πεντακοσίους.
|
643
There, many foreign merchants and many of the inhabitants perished, as well as the entire army of Vitellius—thirty thousand and two hundred men. Of those from Moesia, Antonius lost four thousand five hundred.
|
| 643
And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius’s whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred:
| 643
Many foreign merchants and local people lost their lives and with them Vitellius' whole army of thirty thousand, two hundred, while of his men from Mysia, Antonius lost only the four thousand five hundred.
|
| 644
λύσας
δὲ
τὸν
Καικίναν
πέμπει
πρὸς
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ἀγγελοῦντα
τὰ
πεπραγμένα.
Καὶ
ὃς
ἐλθὼν
ἀπεδέχθη
τε
ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
καὶ
τὰ
τῆς
προδοσίας
ὀνείδη
ταῖς
παρ᾽
ἐλπίδα
τιμαῖς
ἐπεκάλυψεν.
|
644
He released Caecina and sent him to Vespasian to report what had been done. Upon his arrival, Caecina was received by him and covered the disgrace of his treason with unexpected honors.
|
| 644
he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.
| 644
Cecinna was released and sent to Vespasian to tell him the good news.
On his arrival he was welcomed and hid the shame of his treachery under the unexpected honours he received from Vespasian.
|
| 645
Ἀνεθάρσει
δὲ
ἤδη
καὶ
κατὰ
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
ΣαβῖνοςSabinus,
ὡς
πλησίον
ἈντώνιοςAntony
ὢν
ἀπηγγέλλετο,
καὶ
συναθροίσας
τὰ
τῶν
νυκτοφυλάκων
στρατιωτῶν
τάγματα
νύκτωρ
καταλαμβάνει
τὸ
ΚαπετώλιονCapital.
|
645
Meanwhile, Sabinus [Vespasian’s brother] took courage in Rome upon hearing that Antonius was near; and having gathered the cohorts of the night-watch, he seized the Capitol during the night.
|
| 645
And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the nighttime seized upon the capitol;
| 645
At the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage in Rome and assembled the soldiers of the night watch who captured the Capitol during the night.
|
| 646
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
πολλοὶ
τῶν
ἐπισήμωνsplendid
προσεγένοντο
καὶ
ΔομετιανὸςDomitian
ὁ
τἀδελφοῦ
παῖς,
μεγίστη
μοῖρα
τῶν
εἰς
τὸ
κρατεῖν
ἐλπίδων.
|
646
At daybreak, many of the distinguished men joined him, as did Domitian, his brother’s son—the greatest part of their hopes for victory.
|
| 646
and, as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother’s son, whose encouragement was of very great weight for the compassing the government.
| 646
The following day, many distinguished men came to join him, including his brother's son, Domitian, whose support was vital to their hopes of gaining power.
|
| 647
Οὐιτελλίῳ
δὲ
Πρίμου
μὲν
ἐλάττων
φροντὶς
ἦν,
τεθύμωτο
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
συναποστάντας
τῷ
ΣαβίνῳSabinus,
καὶ
διὰ
τὴν
ἔμφυτον
ὠμότητα
διψῶν
αἵματος
εὐγενοῦς
τοῦ
στρατιωτικοῦ
τὴν
συγκατελθοῦσαν
αὐτῷ
δύναμιν
ἐπαφίησι
τῷ
ΚαπετωλίῳCapitol.
|
647
Vitellius was less concerned with Primus, but was enraged at those who had revolted with Sabinus; and because of his innate cruelty, thirsting for noble blood, he let loose the force that had come with him [the German guards] upon the Capitol.
|
| 647
Now, Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol;
| 647
Vitellius cared little about Primus, but was enraged at those who had rebelled along with Sabinus, and since in his natural savagery he thirsted for noble blood, he let loose on the Capitol the force that had stayed with him.
|
| 648
πολλὰ
μὲν
οὖν
ἔκ
τε
ταύτης
καὶ
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
ἱεροῦ
μαχομένων
ἐτολμήθη,
τέλος
δὲ
τῷ
πλήθει
περιόντες
οἱ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
Γερμανίας
ἐκράτησαν
τοῦ
λόφου.
|
648
Many daring deeds were performed both by these attackers and by those fighting from the temple; finally, prevailing by numbers, the men from Germany captured the hill.
|
| 648
and many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession,
| 648
Many a bold deed was done by this side and by those who held the temple, but finally the soldiers who came from Germany, by their sheer numbers, took possession of the hill
|
| 649
καὶ
ΔομετιανὸςDomitian
μὲν
σὺν
πολλοῖς
τῶν
ἐν
τέλει
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
δαιμονιώτερον
διασώζεται,
τὸ
δὲ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
ἅπαν
κατεκόπη,
καὶ
ΣαβῖνοςSabinus
ἀναχθεὶς
ἐπὶ
Οὐιτέλλιον
ἀναιρεῖται
διαρπάσαντές
τε
οἱ
στρατιῶται
τὰ
ἀναθήματα
τὸν
ναὸν
ἐνέπρησαν.
|
649
Domitian, with many of the Roman officials, escaped by a more divine providence, but the rest of the multitude was cut to pieces; Sabinus, after being brought before Vitellius, was executed, and the soldiers plundered the offerings and set the temple on fire.
|
| 649
where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius, and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire.
| 649
Providentially, Domitian escaped along with many other eminent Romans, while the rest of the people were cut to pieces and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius and killed.
Then the soldiers stole votive offerings from the temple and set it on fire.
|
| 650
καὶ
μετὰ
μίαν
ἡμέραν
εἰσελαύνει
μὲν
ἈντώνιοςAntony
μετὰ
τῆς
δυνάμεως,
ὑπήντων
δ᾽
οἱ
Οὐιτελλίου
καὶ
τριχῆ
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
συμβαλόντες
ἀπώλοντο
πάντες.
|
650
A day later, Antonius entered with his force, and Vitellius’s men met them; they fought in three parts of the city, and all were destroyed.
|
| 650
But now within a day’s time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed.
| 650
A day later Antonius rode in with his forces, to be confronted in three different parts of the city by the army of Vitellius, all of whom were killed.
|
| 651
προέρχεται
δὲ
μεθύων
ἐκ
τοῦ
βασιλείου
ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius
καὶ
δαψιλέστερον
ὥσπερ
ἐν
ἐσχάτοις
τῆς
ἀσώτου
τραπέζης
κεκορεσμένος.
|
651
Vitellius came out of the palace drunk, gorged with a lavish banquet as if it were his last.
|
| 651
Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity,
| 651
Vitellius came drunk out from the palace, sated by a luxurious meal at the table of one who has no more hope,
|
| 652
συρεὶς
δὲ
διὰ
τοῦ
πλήθους
καὶ
παντοδαπαῖς
αἰκίαις
ἐξυβρισθεὶς
ἐπὶ
μέσης
τῆς
ῬώμηςRome
ἀποσφάττεται,
μῆνας
ὀκτὼ
κρατήσας
καὶ
ἡμέρας
πέντε,
ὃν
εἰ
συνέβη
πλείω
βιῶσαι
χρόνον,
ἐπιλιπεῖν
ἂν
αὐτοῦ
τῇ
λαγνείᾳ
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
οἶμαι.
|
652
Being dragged through the multitude and insulted with every kind of outrage, he was slaughtered in the middle of Rome,[1] having ruled for eight months and five days; if he had happened to live longer, I believe the empire would have been insufficient for his lust.
|
| 652
and being drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust.
| 652
and was dragged through the crowd and heaped with all sorts of abuse, before being beheaded in the middle of Rome.
His rule had lasted eight months and five days and if he had survived much longer, I think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust.
|
[1]Vitellius died Dec 20, 69 AD
| 653
τῶν
δ᾽
ἄλλων
νεκρῶν
ὑπὲρ
πέντε
μυριάδες
ἠριθμήθησαν.
|
653
Of the other dead, over fifty thousand were counted.
|
| 653
Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand.
| 653
The others who were killed numbered more than fifty thousand.
|
| 654
ταῦτα
μὲν
τρίτῃ
μηνὸς
ἈπελλαίουApelieus
πέπρακτο,
τῇ
δ᾽
ὑστεραίᾳ
ΜουκιανὸςMucianus
εἴσεισι
μετὰ
τῆς
στρατιᾶς,
καὶ
τοὺς
σὺν
ἈντωνίῳAnthony
παύσας
τοῦ
κτείνειν,
ἔτι
γὰρ
ἐξερευνώμενοι
τὰς
οἰκίας
πολλοὺς
μὲν
τῶν
Οὐιτελλίου
στρατιωτῶν
πολλοὺς
δὲ
τῶν
δημοτικῶν
ὡς
ἐκείνου
ἀνῄρουν
φθάνοντες
τῷ
θυμῷ
τὴν
ἀκριβῆ
διάκρισιν,
προαγαγὼν
δὲ
τὸν
ΔομετιανὸνDomitian
συνίστησι
τῷ
πλήθει
μέχρι
τῆς
τοῦ
πατρὸς
ἀφίξεως
ἡγεμόνα.
|
654
These things were done on the third day of the month Apellaeus [December]. On the next day, Mucianus entered with his army and stopped the men of Antonius from killing; for they were still searching the houses and killing many of Vitellius’s soldiers and many of the common people, their anger outstripping any accurate distinction. He then brought forward Domitian and recommended him to the multitude as leader until his father’s arrival.
|
| 654
This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius’s soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself;
| 654
This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apellaeus, and next day Mucianus came with his army into the city and told Antonius' men to stop the killing, for they were still searching the houses and had killed many of Vitellius' soldiers and civilians whom in their rage they reckoned to be on his side.
Bringing Domitian out to them he commended him to the people as leader, until his father should come in person,
|
| 655
ὁ
δὲ
δῆμος
ἀπηλλαγμένος
ἤδη
τῶν
φόβων
αὐτοκράτορα
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
εὐφήμει,
καὶ
ἅμα
τήν
τε
τούτου
βεβαίωσιν
ἑώρταζε
καὶ
τὴν
Οὐιτελλίου
κατάλυσιν.
|
655
The people, now freed from their fears, acclaimed Vespasian Emperor and celebrated both his confirmation and the downfall of Vitellius.
|
| 655
so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festivaldays for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.
| 655
and the people, set free from their fears, joyfully shouted for Vespasian as emperor and celebrated his confirmation and the destruction of Vitellius.
|
| 656
Εἰς
δὲ
τὴν
ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria
ἀφιγμένῳ
τῷ
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
τὰ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ῬώμηςRome
εὐαγγέλια
ἧκε
καὶ
πρέσβεις
ἐκ
πάσης
τῆς
ἰδίας
οἰκουμένης
συνηδόμενοι·
μεγίστη
τε
οὖσα
μετὰ
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
ἡ
πόλις
στενοτέρα
τοῦ
πλήθους
ἠλέγχετο.
|
656
When Vespasian arrived at Alexandria, the good news came from Rome along with embassies from all over his world to congratulate him. Since the city was the greatest after Rome, it proved too small for the multitude.
|
| 656
And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it.
| 656
As Vespasian came to Alexandria, the good news came from Rome and envoys came from all his own part of the world to congratulate him, and though it was the largest city after Rome, it was too small for the throng that arrived.
|
| 657
κεκυρωμένης
δὲ
ἤδη
τῆς
ἀρχῆς
ἁπάσης
καὶ
σεσωσμένων
παρ᾽
ἐλπίδα
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τῶν
πραγμάτων
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐπὶ
τὰ
λείψανα
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea
τὸν
λογισμὸν
ἐπέστρεφεν.
|
657
Now that the whole empire was secured and the state of the Romans was saved beyond hope, Vespasian turned his thoughts to the remnants of Judea.
|
| 657
So upon this confirmation of Vespasian’s entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea.
| 657
The whole empire was now secure and once the state was saved beyond the expectation of the Romans, Vespasian turned his thoughts to the remaining task in Judea.
|
| 658
αὐτὸς
μέντοι
γε
εἰς
τὴν
ῬώμηνRome
ὥρμητο
λήξαντος
τοῦ
χειμῶνος
ἀνάγεσθαι
καὶ
τάχος
τὰ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria
διῴκει,
τὸν
δὲ
υἱὸν
ΤίτονTitus
μετὰ
τῆς
ἐκκρίτου
δυνάμεως
ἀπέστειλεν
ἐξαιρήσοντα
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem.
|
658
He himself was eager to set sail for Rome as soon as the winter ended and quickly settled the affairs at Alexandria; he sent his son Titus with a picked force to destroy Jerusalem.[1]
|
| 658
However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem.
| 658
He was in a hurry to go to Rome, as winter was now almost over, so he soon set matters in order in Alexandria, and sent his son Titus with a picked force to destroy Jerusalem.
|
[1]Early 70 AD
| 659
ὁ
δὲ
προελθὼν
πεζῇ
μέχρι
ΝικοπόλεωςNicopolis,
εἴκοσι
δὲ
αὕτη
διέχει
τῆς
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
σταδίους,
κἀκεῖθεν
ἐπιβήσας
τὴν
στρατιὰν
μακρῶν
πλοίων
ἀναπλεῖ
διὰ
τοῦ
ΝείλουNile
κατὰ
τὸν
ΜενδήσιονMendesian
νομὸν
μέχρι
πόλεως
ΘμούεωςThmuis.
|
659
Titus, having proceeded by land as far as Nicopolis—which is twenty stadia from Alexandria—and having embarked his army there on long ships, sailed up the Nile through the Mendesian district as far as the city of Thmuis.
|
| 659
So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city Thmuis;
| 659
He (Titus) went on foot as far as Nicopolis, twenty furlongs from Alexandria and then embarked with his men on long ships and sailed up the Nile along the Mendesian area, to the city of Tumuis.
|
[1]20 stadia = 3.7 km (2.3 miles)
| 660
ἐκεῖθεν
δ᾽
ἀποβὰς
ὁδεύει
καὶ
κατὰ
πολίχνην
Τάνιν
αὐλίζεται.
δεύτερος
αὐτῷ
σταθμὸς
ἩρακλέουςHercules
πόλις
καὶ
τρίτος
ΠηλούσιονPelusium
γίνεται.
|
660
From there he disembarked and marched, camping at the small town of Tanis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and the third was Pelusium.
|
| 660
there he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium;
| 660
There he disembarked and journeyed on, lodging one night at a small city called Tanis, making a second stop at the city of Hercules and a third at Pelusium.
|
| 661
δυσὶ
δ᾽
ἡμέραις
ἐνταῦθα
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἀναλαβὼν
τῇ
τρίτῃ
διέξεισι
τὰς
ἐμβολὰςembarkation
τοῦ
ΠηλουσίουPelusium,
καὶ
προελθὼν
σταθμὸν
ἕνα
διὰ
τῆς
ἐρήμου
πρὸς
τῷ
τοῦ
Κασίου
ΔιὸςZeus
ἱερῷ
στρατοπεδεύεται,
τῇ
δ᾽
ὑστεραίᾳ
κατὰ
τὴν
ὈστρακίνηνOstracina·
οὗτος
ὁ
σταθμὸς
ἦν
ἄνυδρος,
ἐπεισάκτοις
δὲ
ὕδασιν
οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι
χρῶνται.
|
661
After resting his army there for two days, on the third he passed through the entries of Pelusium, and having proceeded one station through the desert, he camped at the temple of Casian Zeus, and the next day at Ostracine; this station was without water, and the inhabitants use imported water.
|
| 661
he then refreshed his army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter, and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water, but the people of the country make use of water brought from other places.
| 661
He refreshed his army there for two days and on the third crossed the river-mouths at Pelusium, and went one stage across the desert to the temple of the Casian Zeus, where he camped, and on the following day at Ostracine.
This halting place had no water, but the local people used water brought from other places.
|
| 662
μετὰ
ταῦτα
πρὸς
Ῥινοκουρούροις
ἀναπαύεται,
κἀκεῖθεν
εἰς
ῬάφειανRaphia
προελθὼν
σταθμὸν
τέταρτον,
ἔστι
δ᾽
ἡ
πόλις
αὕτη
ΣυρίαςSyria
ἀρχή,
|
662
After this, he rested at Rhinocolura, and from there he proceeded to Raphia—the fourth station—this city being the beginning of Syria.
|
| 662
After this he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria.
| 662
After this he rested at Rhinocolura and from there proceeded to Raphia, a city at the beginning of Syria, which was his fourth halt.
|
| 663
τὸ
πέμπτον
ἐν
ΓάζῃGaza
τίθεται
στρατόπεδον,
μεθ᾽
ἣν
εἰς
ἈσκάλωναAskalon
κἀκεῖθεν
εἰς
ἸάμνειανJamneia,
ἔπειτα
εἰς
ἸόππηνJoppa
κἀξ
ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea
ἀφικνεῖται
διεγνωκὼς
αὐτόθι
τὰς
ἄλλας
δυνάμεις
ἀθροίζειν.
|
663
The fifth station he pitched at Gaza; after which he went to Ascalon, and from there to Jamnia, then to Joppa, and from Joppa he arrived at Caesarea, having decided to gather the rest of his forces there.
|
| 663
For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza;
after which he came to Ascalon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Caesarea, having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place.
| 663
For his fifth halt he camped at Gaza, and from there to Ascalon and on to Jamnia, then to Joppa and then to Caesarea, planning to assemble all his other forces there.
|