From Vespasian's arrival, to the fall of Tarichea
| Chapter 1 | Vespasian is sent by Nero to Judea, to quell the rebellion |
| Chapter 2 | Slaughter about Ascalon.
Vespasian comes to Ptolemais. |
| Chapter 3 | Description of the Land of Israel: Galilee, Samaria and Judea |
| Chapter 4 | Josephus fails at Sepphoris.
Titus comes with to Ptolemais |
| Chapter 5 | Logistics and discipline of the Roman Army |
| Chapter 6 | Placidus fails at Jotapata.
Vespasian marches into Galilee |
| Chapter 7 | Vespasian marches on Jotapata and takes it by siege |
| Chapter 8 | Josephus surrenders.
His prediction about Vespasian, and its effect |
| Chapter 9 | Roman Garrisons in Joppa and Tiberias.
Winter-quarters in Caesarea and Scythopolis |
| Chapter 10 | Vespasian captures Tarichea.
The Jordan and Gennesareth.
Titus' speech to his troops |
| Translation Format |
| Greek: Benedikt Niese's edition (Berlin, 1885-1895) | English: John Barach, Canada, 2025 |
| English: William Whiston, 1737 | English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016 |
Chapter 1
Vespasian is sent by Nero to Judea, to quell the rebellion
| 1
ΝέρωνιNero
δ᾽
ὡς
ἠγγέλη
τὰ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸουδαίανJudea
πταίσματα,
λεληθυῖα
μὲν
ὡς
εἰκὸς
ἔκπληξιςconsternation
ἐμπίπτει
καὶ
δέος,
φανερῶς
δὲ
ὑπερηφάνει
καὶ
προσωργίζετο,
|
1
When the reverses in Judea were reported to Nero,[1] he was struck, as might be expected, with a secret consternation and fear; however, he openly exhibited haughtiness and excessive anger.
|
| 1
When Nero was informed of the Romans’ ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry,
| 1
When Nero was told of the disaster in Judea privately, he felt insecure and anxious, as was natural, but openly he swaggered and was furious.
|
[1]Nero (Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus): The last Roman emperor of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. At this time (66–67 AD), he was touring Greece (Achaia) to compete in artistic festivals
| 2
στρατηγῶν
μὲν
ῥᾳστώνῃ
μᾶλλον
ἢ
ταῖς
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἀρεταῖς
γεγονέναι
τὰ
συμβάντα
λέγων,
πρέπειν
δ᾽
ἡγούμενος
ἑαυτῷ
διὰ
τὸν
ὄγκον
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας
κατασοβαρεύεσθαι
τῶν
σκυθρωπῶν
καὶ
δοκεῖν
δεινοῦ
παντὸς
ἐπάνω
τὴν
ψυχὴν
ἔχειν.
|
2
He asserted that what had happened was due to the negligence of his generals rather than the prowess of the enemy, for he deemed it fitting for the majesty of his empire to treat grim news with disdain and to appear to have a soul superior to any misfortune.
|
| 2
and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again].
| 2
He attributed the debacle rather to the officers' incompetence than to any bravery on the part of the enemy, and thought that the one who bore the burden of empire should scorn such setbacks and appear to have a soul superior to all things.
|
| 3
Διηλέγχετό
γε
μὴν
ὁ
τῆς
ψυχῆς
θόρυβος
ὑπὸ
τῶν
φροντίδων
σκεπτομένου
τίνι
πιστεύσει
κινουμένην
τὴν
ἀνατολήν,
ὃς
τιμωρήσεται
μὲν
τὴν
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἐπανάστασινan insurrection, a rising,
προκαταλήψεται
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
ἤδη
καὶ
τὰ
περὶ
ἔθνη
συννοσοῦντα.
|
3
Nevertheless, the agitation of his soul was betrayed by his anxieties as he deliberated to whom he should entrust the turbulent East, someone who could punish the uprising of the Jews and also forestall the neighboring nations which were already becoming infected with the same disease.
|
| 3
And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also,—
| 3
Yet the disturbance in his soul was quite apparent as he pondered whom to send to deal with the upheaval in the East, and who could quell the rebellion of the Jews and prevent the disease from infecting the neighbouring nations.
|
| 4
Μόνον
εὑρίσκει
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ταῖς
χρείαις
ἀναλογοῦντα
καὶ
τηλικούτου
πολέμου
μέγεθος
ἀναδέξασθαι
δυνάμενον,
ἄνδρα
ταῖς
ἀπὸ
νεότητος
στρατείαις
ἐγγεγηρακότα
καὶ
προειρηνεύσαντα
μὲν
πάλαι
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τὴν
ἑσπέραν
ὑπὸ
ΓερμανῶνGermnas
ταρασσομένην,
προσκτησάμενον
δὲ
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
ΒρεττανίανBritain
τέως
λανθάνουσαν,
|
4
He found only Vespasian[1] equal to the task and capable of undertaking a war of such magnitude. He was a man who had grown old in military service from his youth; he had long ago pacified the West for the Romans when it was disturbed by the Germans, and had added Britain to the empire by his arms—a land previously unknown.
|
| 4
he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms,
| 4
The only one he found capable of taking on such a difficult war was Vespasian, a man of experience who had been involved in soldiering from his youth, and who had already pacified the west under Roman rule, when it was convulsed by the Germans.
|
[1]Vespasian (Titus Flavius Vespasianus): A seasoned general of humble origins. After his success in Judea described here, he would eventually become Emperor in 69 AD (the Year of the Four Emperors).
| 5
ὅθεν
αὐτοῦ
καὶ
τῷ
πατρὶ
ΚλαυδίῳClaudius
παρέσχε
χωρὶς
ἱδρῶτος
ἰδίου
θρίαμβον
καταγαγεῖν.
|
5
By these exploits, he had even provided his father [predecessor], Claudius,[1] the opportunity to celebrate a triumph without any personal exertion.
|
| 5
which had been little known before whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own.
| 5
By his military skill he had also won for them Britain, a place little known before, winning a triumph for his father, Claudius, without any effort on the latter's part.
|
[1]Claudius (Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus): The fourth Roman Emperor (reigned 41–54 AD).
| 6
Ταῦτά
τε
δὴ
προκλῃδονιζόμενος
καὶ
σταθερὰν
μετ᾽
ἐμπειρίας
τὴν
ἡλικίαν
ὁρῶν,
μέγα
δὲ
πίστεως
αὐτοῦ
τοὺς
υἱοὺς
ὅμηρον
καὶ
τὰς
τούτων
ἀκμὰς
χεῖρα
τῆς
πατρῴας
συνέσεως,
τάχα
τι
καὶ
περὶ
τῶν
ὅλων
ἤδη
τοῦ
θεοῦ
προοικονομουμένου,
|
6
Considering these omens of success, and seeing a man of mature age and stable character combined with experience—and viewing Vespasian's sons as great hostages for his fidelity, their youthful vigor serving as the right hand to their father’s wisdom—and perhaps God himself already foreordaining the destiny of the whole world,
|
| 6
So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian’s age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father’s prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian’s being himself emperor afterwards.
| 6
Nero saw these as good omens feeling that Vespasian's age and experience made him reliable, and was even more confident on account of his sons, whose youth would make them fit agents to be guided by their father's prudence.
Perhaps also there was an influence of Providence,
|
| 7
πέμπει
τὸν
ἄνδρα
ληψόμενον
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
τῶν
ἐπὶ
ΣυρίαςSyria
στρατευμάτων,
πολλὰ
πρὸς
τὸ
ἐπεῖγον
οἷα
κελεύουσιν
αἱ
ἀνάγκαι
μειλιξάμενός
τε
καὶ
προθεραπεύσας.
|
7
Nero sent this man to take command of the armies in Syria, using many flattering and conciliatory words as the urgency of the necessity required.
|
| 7
Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon him the command of the armies that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering compellations, such as necessity required, and such as might mollify him into complaisance.
| 7
which was paving the way for Vespasian himself to later become emperor.
This was the man whom he sent to command the armies in Syria, not without the greatest praise and flattery as was required in the crisis in order to persuade him into acceptance.
|
| 8
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈχαίαςAchaia,
ἔνθα
συνῆν
τῷ
ΝέρωνιNero,
τὸν
μὲν
υἱὸν
ΤίτονTitus
ἀπέστειλεν
ἐπ᾽
ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria
τὸ
πέμπτον
καὶ
δέκατον
ἐκεῖθεν
ἀναστήσοντα
τάγμα,
περάσας
δ᾽
αὐτὸς
τὸν
ἙλλήσποντονHellespont
πεζὸς
εἰς
ΣυρίανSyria
ἀφικνεῖται
κἀκεῖ
τάς
τε
ῬωμαικὰςRoman
δυνάμεις
συνήγαγε
καὶ
συχνοὺς
παρὰ
τῶν
γειτνιώντων
βασιλέων
συμμάχους.
|
8
Setting out from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, Vespasian dispatched his son Titus[1] to Alexandria to lead the Fifteenth Legion from there, while he himself crossed the Hellespont and traveled by land to Syria, where he concentrated the Roman forces and a large number of auxiliary troops from the neighboring kings.
|
| 8
So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, with a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighborhood.
| 8
Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been in Nero's company, to Alexandria, to bring back from there the fifth and tenth legions, while he himself, after crossing the Hellespont, marched overland into Syria, where he gathered the Roman forces and a large number of allies from the kings in that region.
|
[1]Titus (Titus Flavius Vespasianus): Vespasian’s eldest son and future Emperor. He would eventually lead the Siege of Jerusalem and destroy the Second Temple in 70 AD.
Chapter 2
Slaughter about Ascalon.
Vespasian comes to Ptolemais.
| 9
ἸουδαῖοιJews
δὲ
μετὰ
τὴν
ΚεστίουCestius
πληγὴν
ἐπηρμένοι
ταῖς
ἀδοκήτοις
εὐπραγίαις
ἀκρατεῖς
ἦσαν
ὁρμῆς
καὶ
ὥσπερ
ἐκριπιζόμενοι
τῇ
τύχῃ
προσωτέρω
τὸν
πόλεμον
ἐξῆγον·
πᾶν
γοῦν
εὐθέως
ὅσον
ἦν
μαχιμώτατον
αὐτοῖς
ἀθροισθέντες
ὥρμησαν
ἐπ᾽
ἈσκάλωναAskalon.
|
9
Following the defeat of Cestius, the Jews were so elated by their unexpected success that they could not restrain their ardor. As if fanned into a flame by fortune, they extended the war further. Immediately, they gathered all their most warlike men and rushed toward Ascalon.
|
| 9
Now the Jews, after they had beaten Cestius, were so much elevated with their unexpected success, that they could not govern their zeal, but, like people blown up into a flame by their good fortune, carried the war to remoter places. Accordingly, they presently got together a great multitude of all their most hardy soldiers, and marched away for Ascalon.
| 9
After defeating Cestius, the Jews were so elated by their unexpected success that they could not restrain their impetuosity, but like people puffed up by their good fortune, carried the war further afield and soon gathered a large crowd of their hardiest men and marched on Ascalon.
|
| 10
Πόλις
ἐστὶν
ἀρχαία
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
εἴκοσι
πρὸς
τοῖς
πεντακοσίοις
ἀπέχουσα
σταδίους
ἀεὶ
διὰ
μίσους
ἸουδαίοιςJews
γεγενημένη,
διὸ
καὶ
τότε
ταῖς
πρώταις
ὁρμαῖς
ἐγγίων
ἔδοξεν.
|
10
This is an ancient city, 520 stadia[1] distant from Jerusalem; it had always been an object of hatred to the Jews, which made it seem a fitting target for their first assault.
|
| 10
This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as possible.
| 10
This is an ancient city, five hundred and twenty furlongs from Jerusalem and was always hostile to the Jews, which is why despite its distance it seemed the place to make their first assault.
|
[1]520 stadia = 96 km (60 miles)
| 11
Ἐξηγοῦντο
δὲ
τῆς
καταδρομῆς
τρεῖς
ἄνδρες
ἀλκήν
τε
κορυφαῖοι
καὶ
συνέσει,
ΝίγερNiger
τε
ὁ
ΠεραίτηςPersite
καὶ
ὁ
ΒαβυλώνιοςBabylonian
ΣίλαςSilas,
πρὸς
οἷς
ἸωάννηςJohn
ὁ
ἘσσαῖοςEssene.
|
11
This expedition was led by three men, supreme in both courage and intelligence: Niger of Perea, Silas the Babylonian, and with them John the Essene.
|
| 11
This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Peraite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene.
| 11
This mission was led by three men, their best both in strength and ability, Niger, called the Persite, Silas of Babylon and John the Essene.
|
| 12
ἡ
δὲ
ἈσκάλωνAscalon
ἐτετείχιστο
μὲν
καρτερῶς,
βοηθείας
δὲ
ἦν
σχεδὸν
ἔρημος·
ἐφρουρεῖτο
γὰρ
ὑπό
τε
σπείρας
πεζῶν
καὶ
ὑπὸ
μιᾶς
ἴλης
ἱππέων,
ἧς
ἐπῆρχεν
ἈντώνιοςAntony.
|
12
Now, Ascalon was strongly fortified, but was almost entirely destitute of defenders. It was garrisoned by only one cohort of infantry and one troop of cavalry, commanded by Antonius.
|
| 12
Now Ascalon was strongly walled about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose captain was Antonius.
| 12
Now Ascalon[1] was strongly fortified, but was almost without defenders, having a garrison of just one cohort of infantry and a troop of cavalry, under the command of Antonius.
|
[1]The battle at Ascalon (Ashkelon) occurred in late 66 AD or early 67 AD.
| 13
Οἱ
μὲν
οὖν
πολὺ
ταῖς
ὁρμαῖς
συντονώτερον
ὁδεύσαντες
ὡς
ἐγγύθεν
ὡρμημένοι
καὶ
δὴ
παρῆσαν·
|
13
The Jews, marching with intense speed as if they had come from nearby, were soon upon them.
|
| 13
These Jews, therefore, out of their anger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if they had come but a little way, approached very near the city, and were come even to it;
| 13
In their elation, the Jews marched faster than usual and, as though they had come just a short distance, rushed up very close to the city.
|
| 14
ὁ
δὲ
ἈντώνιοςAntony,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἠγνόειnot to know
μέλλουσαν
ἔτι
τὴν
ἔφοδον
αὐτῶν,
προεξήγαγε
τοὺς
ἱππεῖς
καὶ
οὐδὲν
οὔτε
πρὸς
τὸ
πλῆθος
οὔτε
τὴν
τόλμαν
ὑποδείσας
τῶν
πολεμίων
καρτερῶς
τὰς
πρώτας
ὁρμὰς
ἀνεδέξατο
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ὠθουμένους
ἀνέστειλεν.
|
14
Antonius, however, was not unaware that their attack was coming. He led out his cavalry, and showing no fear of the enemy’s numbers or audacity, he resolutely withstood their first charge and repulsed those who were pushing toward the wall.
|
| 14
but Antonius, who was not unapprised of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude, nor at the courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off.
| 14
But Antonius was ready for their attack and had his cavalry drawn up in advance and fearing neither the enemy's numbers or daring, stoutly withstood their first attacks and beat them off when they rushed up to the very walls.
|
| 15
Οἱ
δὲ
πρὸς
ἐμπείρους
πολέμων
ἄπειροιinexperienced
καὶ
πεζοὶ
πρὸς
ἱππεῖς,
ἀσύντακτοί
τε
πρὸς
ἡνωμένους
καὶ
πρὸς
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
ἐξηρτυμένους
εἰκαιότερον
ὡπλισμένοι,
θυμῷ
τε
πλέον
ἢ
βουλῇ
στρατηγούμενοι
πρὸς
εὐπειθεῖς
καὶ
νεύματι
πάντα
πράττοντας
ἀντιτασσόμενοι
πονοῦσιν
ῥᾳδίως·
|
15
It was a contest of the unskilled against the experienced, infantry against cavalry, the disorganized against a cohesive unit, and the lightly armed against well-equipped heavy infantry. Led by passion rather than deliberation, the Jews were easily overcome by those who were disciplined and acted upon every signal.
|
| 15
Now the Jews were unskillful in war, but were to fight with those who were skillful therein; they were footmen to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were completely so; they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to soldiers that were exactly obedient; and did everything they were bidden upon the least intimation.
| 15
People unskilled in war fought people who were skilled in it and infantry against cavalry; a disorganized force against one that was united; men poorly armed, against well-armed men.
The Jews, led more by rage than by sober counsel, were up against disciplined soldiers who at the slightest sign did exactly as they were told, so they were soon in trouble.
|
| 16
ὡς
γὰρ
αὐτῶν
ἅπαξ
ἤδη
συνεταράχθησαν
αἱ
πρῶται
φάλαγγες,
ὑπὸ
τῆς
ἵππου
τρέπονται,
καὶ
τοῖς
κατόπιν
αὐτῶν
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
βιαζομένοις
περιπίπτοντες
ἀλλήλων
ἦσαν
πολέμιοι,
μέχρι
πάντες
ταῖς
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἐμβολαῖς
εἴξαντες
ἐσκεδάσθησαν
ἀνὰ
πᾶν
τὸ
πεδίον·
τὸ
δὲ
ἦν
πολὺ
καὶ
πᾶν
ἱππάσιμον.
|
16
For once their front ranks were thrown into confusion, they were routed by the cavalry. Falling back upon those behind them who were still forcing their way to the wall, they became enemies to one another, until they were all scattered across the plain by the charges of the horsemen—the plain being very large and entirely favorable for cavalry maneuvers.
|
| 16
So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy’s cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall fell upon their own party’s weapons, and became one another’s enemies; and this so long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the horsemen;
| 16
For as soon as their first ranks were shaken, they were turned around by the cavalry and those who came behind them crowding up to the wall met the weapons of their own side and they were their own enemies until they all had to yield to the cavalry attacks and were scattered across the wide plain, which suited the cavalry.
|
| 17
Ὃ
δὴ
καὶ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
συνεργῆσαν
πλεῖστον
εἰργάσατο
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
φόνον·
τούς
τε
γὰρ
φεύγοντας
αὐτῶν
φθάνοντες
ἐπέστρεφον
καὶ
τῶν
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
δρόμου
συνειλουμένων
διεκπαίοντες
ἀπείρους
ἀνῄρουν,
ἄλλοι
δὲ
ἄλλους
ὅπῃ
τρέποιντο
κυκλούμενοι
καὶ
περιελαύνοντες
κατηκόντιζον
ῥᾳδίως.
|
17
This circumstance aided the Romans greatly in slaughtering the Jews in vast numbers. For they overtook those who fled and turned them back, and by driving through the masses huddled together by the pursuit, they slew countless numbers. Others, wherever they turned, were surrounded by the circling cavalry and easily struck down with javelins.
|
| 17
which circumstance was very commodious for the Romans, and occasioned the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove them before them whithersoever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with their arrows;
| 17
This suited the Romans and caused most of the Jewish losses, for they could outrun any who fled and turn them back and drive them together and run them through.
So they killed them in large numbers, for others surrounded them and drove them before them wherever they turned, and easily shot them down.
|
| 18
Καὶ
τοῖς
μὲν
ἸουδαίοιςJews
τὸ
ἴδιον
πλῆθος
ἐρημίαdesert, wilderness
παρὰ
τὰς
ἀμηχανίας
κατεφαίνετο,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
ἐν
ταῖς
εὐπραγίαις
καίπερ
ὄντες
ὀλίγοι
τῷ
πολέμῳ
καὶ
περισσεύειν
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ὑπελάμβανον.
|
18
To the Jews, in their helplessness, their own great numbers seemed like a desert; whereas the Romans, despite being few, felt themselves to be more than enough in their success.
|
| 18
and the great number there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the greater multitude.
| 18
The Jews, despite their numbers, felt deserted and inept, while the Romans, though few in numbers, had such success that they seemed the larger force.
|
| 19
Καὶ
τῶν
μὲν
προσφιλονεικούντων
τοῖς
πταίσμασιν
αἰδοῖ
τε
φυγῆς
ταχείας
καὶ
μεταβολῆς
ἐλπίδι,
τῶν
δὲ
μὴ
κοπιώντων
ἐν
οἷς
εὐτύχουν,
παρέτεινεν
ἡ
μάχη
μέχρι
δείλης,
ἕως
ἀνῃρέθησαν
μὲν
μύριοι
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
τὸν
ἀριθμὸν
ἄνδρες
καὶ
δύο
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων,
ἸωάννηςJohn
τε
καὶ
ΣίλαςSilas·
|
19
The struggle lasted until evening, as the Jews fought against their failure out of shame for their rapid flight and hope for a turn of luck, while the Romans did not grow weary of their good fortune. At last, ten thousand Jews lay dead, including two of their leaders, John and Silas.
|
| 19
And as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success, so did the latter feel no weariness by reason of their good fortune; insomuch that the fight lasted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews’ side lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas,
| 19
One side, in their plight, battled hard to avoid the shame of fleeing too soon and hoping their fortunes would change, while the others were energized, buoyed up by success.
So the fight went on until the evening, when ten thousand men of the Jews' side lay dead, including two of their generals, John and Silas.
|
| 20
οἱ
λοιποὶ
δὲ
τραυματίαι
τὸ
πλέον
σὺν
τῷ
περιλειπομένῳ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
ΝίγεριNiger
τῆς
ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea
εἰς
πολίχνην
τινά,
ΧάαλλιςChaallis
καλεῖται,
συνέφυγον.
|
20
The rest, most of them wounded, fled with the remaining general, Niger, to a small town in Idumaea called Challis.
|
| 20
and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis.
| 20
Most of the rest were wounded, including their surviving general, Niger, who fled with them to a small city of Idumaea, called Chaallis.
|
| 21
Ὀλίγοι
δέ
τινες
καὶ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐπὶ
τῆσδε
τῆς
παρατάξεως
ἐτρώθησαν.
|
21
Only a few of the Romans were wounded in this engagement.
|
| 21
Some few also of the Romans were wounded in this battle.
| 21
A few of the Romans were also wounded in this battle.
|
| 22
Οὐ
μὴν
οἱ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τηλικαύτῃ
συμφορᾷ
κατεστάλησαν
τὰ
φρονήματα,
μᾶλλον
δ᾽
αὐτῶν
τὸ
πάθος
ἤγειρε
τὰς
τόλμας,
ὑπερορῶντές
τε
τοὺς
ἐν
ποσὶ
νεκροὺς
ἐδελεάζοντο
τοῖς
προτέροις
κατορθώμασιν
ἐπὶ
πληγὴν
δευτέραν.
|
22
Yet the spirits of the Jews were not broken by such a great calamity. Rather, the disaster roused their daring; disregarding the dead at their feet, they were lured by their previous successes toward a second blow.
|
| 22
Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under their feet, they were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a second destruction;
| 22
Yet despite such a major disaster the spirits of the Jews were not broken, but their losses motivated them for other attempts.
Ignoring the corpses under their feet, they were lured by their former success into a second destruction.
|
| 23
Διαλιπόντες
γοῦν
οὐδ᾽
ὅσον
ἰάσασθαι
τὰ
τραύματα
καὶ
τὴν
δύναμιν
πᾶσαν
ἐπισυλλέξαντες
ὀργιλώτερον
καὶ
πολλῷ
πλείους
ἐπαλινδρόμουν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἈσκάλωναAskalon.
|
23
Indeed, without even waiting for their wounds to heal, they collected their entire force and returned to Ascalon with even greater rage and in much larger numbers.
|
| 23
so when they had lain still so little a while that their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and came with greater fury, and in much greater numbers, to Ascalon.
| 23
After resting for too short a while for their wounds to fully heal, they gathered their forces and attacked Ascalon more furiously and in much greater numbers.
|
| 24
Παρείπετο
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
μετά
τε
τῆς
ἀπειρίας
καὶ
τῶν
ἄλλων
πρὸς
πόλεμον
ἐλασσωμάτων
ἡ
προτέρα
τύχη·
|
24
But their former ill-fortune accompanied them, along with their lack of experience and other military deficiencies.
|
| 24
But their former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war;
| 24
But the same lack of skill and other deficiencies in war led to the same result as before,
|
| 25
τοῦ
γὰρ
ἈντωνίουAntōny
τὰς
παρόδους
προλοχίσαντος
ἀδόκητοι
ταῖς
ἐνέδραις
ἐμπεσόντες
καὶ
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἱππέων
πρὶν
εἰς
μάχην
συντάξασθαι
κυκλωθέντες,
πάλιν
πίπτουσι
μὲν
ὑπὲρ
ὀκτακισχιλίους,
οἱ
λοιποὶ
δὲ
πάντες
ἔφυγον,
σὺν
οἷς
καὶ
ΝίγερNiger,
πολλὰ
κατὰ
τὴν
φυγὴν
εὐτολμίας
ἐπιδειξάμενος
ἔργα,
συνελαύνονταί
τε
προσκειμένων
τῶν
πολεμίων
εἴς
τινα
πύργον
ὀχυρὸν
κώμης
ΒελζεδὲκBelzedek
καλουμένης.
|
25
For Antonius had placed ambushes along the roads; falling unexpectedly into these traps and being surrounded by cavalry before they could form for battle, they were defeated again. Over eight thousand fell, and the rest fled, including Niger, who displayed many acts of great courage during the retreat. They were driven by the pursuing enemy into a strong tower in a village called Bezedek.
|
| 25
for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they were encompassed about with horsemen, before they could form themselves into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thousand of them slain; so all the rest of them ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great many bold exploits in his flight. However, they were driven along together by the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedel.
| 25
for Antony ambushed them in the passes they had to go through, where they fell into the trap and were surrounded by the cavalry, before they could form a proper line.
And upward of eight thousand of them were killed.
All the rest fled including Niger, who even in his flight performed many bold exploits.
But the enemy pressed hard on them and they were driven into a strong tower in a village called Bezedek.
|
| 26
Οἱ
δὲ
περὶ
τὸν
ἈντώνιονAntōny
ὡς
μήτε
τρίβοιντο
περὶ
τὸν
πύργον
ὄντα
δυσάλωτον
μήτε
ζῶντα
τὸν
ἡγεμόνα
καὶ
γενναιότατον
τῶν
πολεμίων
περιίδοιεν,
ὑποπιμπρᾶσι
τὸ
τεῖχος.
|
26
Antonius and his men, wishing neither to waste time on a tower that was difficult to take, nor to allow the most gallant leader of the enemy to escape alive, set fire to the foot of the wall.
|
| 26
However, Antonius and his party, that they might neither spend any considerable time about this tower, which was hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to escape from them, they set the wall on fire;
| 26
So as not to spend much time on this tower, which was hard to take, or let their commander and bravest man escape them, Antony and his party set fire to the wall.
|
| 27
Φλεγομένου
δὲ
τοῦ
πύργου
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μὲν
ἀναχωροῦσι
γεγηθότες
ὡς
διεφθαρμένος
καὶ
ΝίγεροςNiger,
ὁ
δὲ
εἰς
τὸ
μυχαίτατον
τοῦ
φρουρίου
σπήλαιον
καταπηδήσας
ἐκ
τοῦ
πύργου
διασώζεται,
καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέρας
τρεῖς
τοῖς
μετ᾽
ὀλοφυρμοῦ
πρὸς
κηδείαν
αὐτὸν
ἐρευνῶσιν
ὑποφθέγγεται.
|
27
As the tower burst into flames, the Romans withdrew, rejoicing in the belief that Niger had perished. He, however, had leaped from the tower into the deepest cave of the fortress and was saved. Three days later, he called out from below to those who were searching for his body with lamentations to bury him.
|
| 27
and as the tower was burning, the Romans went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the ground to those that with great lamentation were searching for him, in order to give him a decent funeral;
| 27
As the tower was burning, the Romans left, happy to think that Niger was destroyed, but he saved his life by jumping from the tower into a cavity in its inmost recesses.
Three days later his voice came from underground to his grieving friends who were searching for his body for burial.
|
| 28
Προελθὼν
δὲ
χαρᾶς
ἀνελπίστου
πάντας
ἐπλήρωσεν
ἸουδαίουςJews
ὡς
προνοίᾳ
θεοῦ
σωθεὶς
αὐτοῖς
στρατηγὸς
εἰς
τὰ
μέλλοντα.
|
28
When he emerged, he filled all the Jews with unexpected joy, as they believed he had been preserved by the providence of God to be their general for the future.
|
| 28
and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God’s providence to be their commander for the time to come.
| 28
His emergence filled all the Jews with joy, as though divine providence had preserved him for them as their future leader.
|
| 29
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τὰς
δυνάμεις
ἀναλαβὼν
ἐκ
τῆς
ἈντιοχείαςAntioch,
ἣ
μητρόπολίς
ἐστι
τῆς
ΣυρίαςSyria,
μεγέθους
τε
ἕνεκα
καὶ
τῆς
ἄλλης
εὐδαιμονίας
τρίτον
ἀδηρίτως
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
οἰκουμένης
ἔχουσα
τόπον,
ἔνθα
μετὰ
πάσης
τῆς
ἰδίας
ἰσχύος
ἐκδεχόμενον
αὐτοῦ
τὴν
ἄφιξιν
καὶ
ἈγρίππανAgrippa
τὸν
βασιλέα
κατειλήφει,
ἐπὶ
ΠτολεμαΐδοςPtolemais
ἠπείγετο.
|
29
Meanwhile, Vespasian led his forces from Antioch—which is the metropolis of Syria and indisputably holds the third place among the cities of the Roman world for its size and prosperity. There he found King Agrippa[1] awaiting his arrival with all his own forces, and he then hurried on to Ptolemais.
|
| 29
And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch (which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity) where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais.
| 29
Vespasian mustered his forces in the capital of Syria, Antioch, which in size and other aspects is surely the third city in the world of the Roman empire.
Along with king Agrippa, who was waiting for his arrival with all his forces, he marched on to Ptolemais.
|
[1]King Agrippa (Marcus Julius Agrippa II): The last ruler of the Herodian dynasty. He remained a loyal client-king to Rome during the revolt.
| 30
Καὶ
κατὰ
ταύτην
ὑπαντῶσιν
αὐτῷ
τὴν
πόλιν
οἱ
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee
ΣέπφωρινSepphoris
νεμόμενοι
πόλιν,
μόνοι
τῶν
τῇδε
εἰρηνικὰ
φρονοῦντες·
|
30
At this city, he was met by the inhabitants of Sepphoris, a city in Galilee, who were the only people in that region who harbored peaceful intentions.
|
| 30
At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans.
| 30
In this city he was met by the people of Sepphoris of Galilee, the only ones in that area who were in favour of peace.
|
| 31
οἳ
καὶ
τῆς
ἑαυτῶν
σωτηρίας
καὶ
τῆς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἰσχύος
οὐκ
ἀπρονόητοι
πρὶν
ἀφικέσθαι
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ΚαισεννίῳCaesennius, Cestius
ΓάλλῳGallus
πίστεις
τε
ἔδοσαν
καὶ
δεξιὰς
ἔλαβον
καὶ
παρεδέξαντο
φρουράν.
|
31
Concerned for their own safety and recognizing the Roman power, they had already, before Vespasian’s arrival, given pledges of fidelity to Caesennius Gallus,[1] received his hand in return, and admitted a garrison.
|
| 31
These citizens had beforehand taken care of their own safety, and being sensible of the power of the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gallus before Vespasian came, and had given their faith to him, and received the security of his right hand,
| 31
Caring for their own safety, and being well aware of the power of the Romans, even before Vespasian's arrival they swore allegiance to Cestius Gallus and got his promise of security and had received a Roman garrison.
|
[1]Caesennius Gallus (Aulus Caesennius Gallus): Legate of the Twelfth Legion (Fulminata), who had been serving under the governor of Syria.
| 32
Τότε
γε
μὴν
φιλοφρόνως
ἐκδεξάμενοι
τὸν
ἡγεμόνα
προθύμως
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ὑπέσχοντο
κατὰ
τῶν
ὁμοφύλωνof the same race
συμμάχους·
|
32
Now, they welcomed the general [Vespasian] warmly and zealously promised to be his allies against their own countrymen.
|
| 32
and had received a Roman garrison; and at this time withal they received Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly, and readily promised that they would assist him against their own countrymen.
| 32
Now they also warmly welcomed the general himself, and readily promised him their allegiance against their own countrymen.
|
| 33
οἷς
ὁ
στρατηγὸς
ἀξιώσασι
τέως
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
ἱππεῖς
τε
καὶ
πεζοὺς
παραδίδωσιν
ὅσους
ἀνθέξειν
ταῖς
καταδρομαῖς,
εἴ
τι
ἸουδαῖοιJews
παρακινοῖεν,
ὑπελάμβανον·
|
33
At their request, the general assigned them a guard of cavalry and infantry for their security, in such numbers as he believed could withstand any incursions should the Jews make any move against them.
|
| 33
Now the general delivered them, at their desire, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews, if they should come against them.
| 33
At their request, the general gave them for their security enough cavalry and infantry to withstand any attacks the Jews might make against them.
|
| 34
καὶ
γὰρ
οὐ
μικρὸν
ἐδόκει
τὸ
κινδύνευμαhazard, venture
πρὸς
τὸν
μέλλοντα
πόλεμον
ἀφαιρεθῆναι
τὴν
ΣέπφωρινSepphoris,
μεγίστην
μὲν
οὖσαν
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee
πόλιν,
ἐρυμνοτάτῳ
δ᾽
ἐπιτετειχισμένην
χωρίῳ
καὶ
φρουρὰν
ὅλου
τοῦ
ἔθνους
ἐσομένην.
|
34
For it seemed no small danger to the coming war if Sepphoris were lost—it being the largest city in Galilee, built in an exceptionally strong position, and serving as a bulwark for the entire nation.
|
| 34
And indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation’s [fidelity to the Romans].
| 34
In the coming war, there was considerable danger of Sepphoris being taken, since, as the largest city of Galilee and very well fortified, it could serve as a garrison for the whole nation.
|
Chapter 3
Description of the Land of Israel:
Galilee, Samaria and Judea
| 35
Δύο
δ᾽
οὔσας
τὰς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee,
τήν
τε
ἄνω
καὶ
τὴν
κάτω
προσαγορευομένηνto call, name,
περιίσχει
μὲν
ἡ
ΦοινίκηPhoenicia
τε
καὶ
ΣυρίαSyria,
διορίζει
δὲ
ἀπὸ
μὲν
δύσεως
ἡλίου
ΠτολεμαὶςPtolemais
τοῖς
τῆς
χώρας
τέρμασι
καὶ
ΚάρμηλοςCarmel,
τὸ
πάλαι
μὲν
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee,
νῦν
δὲ
ΤυρίωνTyrians
ὄρος·
|
35
There are two Galilees, called Upper and Lower; they are encircled by Phoenicia and Syria. On the west, the boundaries of the territory are marked by Ptolemais and Carmel, a mountain that formerly belonged to the Galileans but now belongs to the Tyrians.
|
| 35
Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are bounded toward the sunsetting, with the borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged to the Tyrians;
| 35
There are two Galilees, the Upper and the Lower, which are bordered by Phoenicia and Syria, and on the west they are bounded by the edges of Ptolemais and by Carmel, a mountain formerly owned by the Galileans, but now belonging to Tyre.
|
| 36
ᾧ
προσίσχει
ΓαβαάGaba,
πόλις
ἱππέων,
οὕτω
προσαγορευομένη
διὰ
τὸ
τοὺς
ὑφ᾽
ἩρώδουHerod
βασιλέως
ἀπολυομένους
ἱππεῖς
ἐν
αὐτῇ
κατοικεῖν·
|
36
Adjacent to it is Gaba, the “City of Horsemen,” so called because the cavalry discharged by King Herod settled there.
|
| 36
to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, because those horsemen that were dismissed by Herod the king dwelt therein;
| 36
This mountain adjoins Gaba, called the City of Cavalry, because it was settled by the cavalry discharged by king Herod.
|
| 37
ἀπὸ
δὲ
μεσημβρίας
ΣαμαρεῖτίςSamaria
τε
καὶ
ΣκυθόπολιςScythopolis
μέχρι
τῶν
ἸορδάνουJordan
ναμάτων.
Πρὸς
ἕω
δὲ
ἹππηνῇHiippene, Hippos
τε
καὶ
ΓαδάροιςGadara
ἀποτέμνεται
καὶ
τῇ
ΓαυλωνίτιδιGaulanitis·
ταύτῃ
καὶ
τῆς
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
βασιλείας
ὅροι.
|
37
On the south, the region is bordered by Samaria and Scythopolis, reaching as far as the streams of the Jordan. On the east, it is demarcated by Hippos, Gadara, and Gaulanitis; these also form the frontiers of King Agrippa’s kingdom.
|
| 37
they are bounded on the south with Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east with Hippene and Gadaris, and also with Gaulanitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa;
| 37
On the south they are bounded by Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east by Hippos and Gadaris and also by Gaulonitis and the boundary of Agrippa's kingdom.
|
| 38
Τὰ
προσάρκτια
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
ΤύρῳTyre
τε
καὶ
τῇ
ΤυρίωνTyrians
χώρᾳ
περατοῦται·
Καὶ
τῆς
μὲν
κάτω
καλουμένης
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee
ἀπὸ
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias
μέχρι
ΧαβουλώνZabulon,
ἧς
ἐν
τοῖς
παραλίοις
ΠτολεμαΐςPtolemais
γείτων,
τὸ
μῆκος
ἐκτείνεται.
|
38
Its northern parts are bounded by Tyre and the territory of the Tyrians. The length of Lower Galilee, as it is called, extends from Tiberias to Chabulon, near which on the coast lies Ptolemais.
|
| 38
its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that Galilee which is called the Lower, it, extends in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and of the maritime places Ptolemais is its neighbor;
| 38
Its northern parts reach as far as Tyre and the Tyrian territory.
The Lower Galilee extends in width from Tiberias to Chabulon, not far from Ptolemais on the coast.
|
| 39
Πλατύνεται
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἐν
τῷ
μεγάλῳ
πεδίῳ
κειμένης
κώμης,
ἘξαλὼθXaloth
καλεῖται,
μέχρι
ΒηρσάβηςBersabe,
ἣ
καὶ
τῆς
ἄνω
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee
εἰς
εὖρος
ἀρχὴ
μέχρι
ΒακὰBaca
κώμης·
αὕτη
δὲ
τὴν
ΤυρίωνTyrians
γῆν
ὁρίζει.
|
39
Its breadth extends from the village called Exaloth, situated in the Great Plain, to Bersabe; at this point, the breadth of Upper Galilee also begins, extending to the village of Baca, which marks the boundary of Tyrian land.
|
| 39
its breadth is from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it;
| 39
It extends from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, at which point the Upper Galilee begins, extending to the village of Baca, on the border of the Tyrian territory.
|
| 40
Μηκύνεται
δὲ
μέχρι
ΜηρὼθMeroth
ἀπὸ
ΘελλᾶThella
κώμης
ἸορδάνουJordan
γείτονος.
|
40
Its length reaches from the village of Thella, near the Jordan, to Meroth.
|
| 40
its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan.
| 40
In length it reaches from Meroth to Thella, a village near the Jordan.
|
| 41
Τηλικαῦται
δ᾽
οὖσαι
τὸ
μέγεθος
καὶ
τοσούτοις
ἔθνεσιν
ἀλλοφύλοις
κεκυκλωμέναι
πρὸς
πᾶσαν
ἀεὶ
πολέμου
πεῖραν
ἀντέσχον·
|
41
Despite such dimensions and being surrounded by so many foreign nations, the Galileans have always resisted every attempt at invasion.
|
| 41
These two Galilees, of so great largeness, and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have been always able to make a strong resistance on all occasions of war;
| 41
Though surrounded by so many foreign nations, these two territories have always been able to strongly resist every threat of war,
|
| 42
μάχιμοί
τε
γὰρ
ἐκ
νηπίων
καὶ
πολλοὶ
ΓαλιλαῖοιGalileans
πάντοτε,
καὶ
οὔτε
δειλία
ποτὲ
τοὺς
ἄνδρας
οὔτε
λιπανδρία
τὴν
χώραν
κατέσχεν,
ἐπειδὴ
πίων
τε
πᾶσα
καὶ
εὔβοτος
καὶ
δένδρεσι
παντοίοις
κατάφυτος,
ὡς
ὑπὸ
τῆς
εὐπετείας
προκαλέσασθαι
καὶ
τὸν
ἥκιστα
γῆς
φιλόπονον.
|
42
For the Galileans are courageous from childhood and have always been numerous; neither has cowardice ever afflicted the men, nor a lack of population the land. For the soil is everywhere rich and fertile, and planted with trees of all kinds, so that its abundance invites even the least industrious to take pains in cultivation.
|
| 42
for the Galileans are inured to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the country been ever destitute of men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them; for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its fruitfulness;
| 42
for the Galileans are from infancy hardened to war and have always been very numerous.
The district has never been short of people or of courage, for their soil is ever rich and fruitful and produces trees of all sorts, so that it invites even the most slothful to take the trouble to work it.
|
| 43
Προσησκήθη
γοῦν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
οἰκητόρων
πᾶσα,
καὶ
μέρος
αὐτῆς
ἀργὸν
οὐδέν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
πόλεις
πυκναὶ
καὶ
τὸ
τῶν
κωμῶν
πλῆθος
πανταχοῦ
πολυάνθρωπον
διὰ
τὴν
εὐθηνίαν,
ὡς
τὴν
ἐλαχίστην
ὑπὲρ
πεντακισχιλίους
πρὸς
τοῖς
μυρίοις
ἔχειν
οἰκήτορας.
|
43
Consequently, the whole area has been cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities are numerous, and the multitude of villages is everywhere so densely populated because of the fertility of the land that the smallest of them contains more than fifteen thousand inhabitants.
|
| 43
accordingly, it is all cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick, and the very many villages there are here are everywhere so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above fifteen thousand inhabitants.
| 43
All of it is cultivated by its inhabitants and no part lies fallow.
Thanks to its fertility, it is scattered with many towns and villages of which even the smallest contains over fifteen thousand inhabitants.
|
| 44
καθόλου
δέ,
εἰ
καὶ
τῷ
μεγέθει
τις
ἐλαττώσειε
τῆς
ΠεραίαςPerea
τὴν
ΓαλιλαίανGalilee,
προέλοιτο
δ᾽
ἂν
τῇ
δυνάμει·
ἡ
μὲν
γὰρ
ἐνεργὸς
ὅληwhole, entire
καὶ
συνεχής
ἐστιν
καρποφόρος,
ἡ
ΠεραίαPerea
δὲ
πολὺ
μὲν
μείζων,
ἔρημος
δὲ
καὶ
τραχεῖα
τὸ
πλέον
πρός
τε
καρπῶν
ἡμέρων
αὔξησιν
ἀγριωτέρα,
|
44
In general, even if one were to rank Galilee below Perea in size, one would prefer it in terms of power. For Galilee is entirely under cultivation and is continuously productive, whereas Perea, though much larger, is mostly desert and rugged, and its soil is wilder for the growth of cultivated fruits.
|
| 44
In short, if anyone will suppose that Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it before it in its strength; for this is all capable of cultivation, and is everywhere fruitful; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the greater part of it is desert and rough, and much less disposed for the production of the milder kinds of fruits;
| 44
In short, though Galilee is smaller in size than Perea, it is a stronger economy, for it is all under cultivation and everywhere fruitful, while Perea, though much larger in extent, is mainly desert and rough and much less productive of the milder sorts of fruit.
|
| 45
τό
γε
μὴν
μαλθακὸν
αὐτῆς
καὶ
πάμφορον,
καὶ
τὰ
πεδία
δένδρεσι
ποικίλοις
κατάφυτα
τὸ
πλεῖστόν
τε
ἐλαίαν
[τε
]
καὶ
ἄμπελον
καὶ
φοινικῶνας
ἤσκηται,
διαρδομένη
χειμάρροις
τε
τοῖς
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ὀρῶνto see
καὶ
πηγαῖς
ἀεννάοις
ἅλις,
εἴ
ποτ᾽
ἐκεῖνοι
σειρίῳ
φθίνοιεν.
|
45
However, the parts of Perea that are mellow and fertile produce every kind of fruit; the plains are planted with various trees, primarily the olive, the vine, and palm groves. It is well-watered by torrents from the mountains and by perennial springs that suffice even if the torrents fail during the dog days of summer.
|
| 45
yet hath it a moist soil [in other parts], and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of all sorts, while yet the olive tree, the vine, and the palm tree are chiefly cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days.
| 45
It does, however, have some fertile and productive soil and its plains are planted with a variety of trees, mainly the olive, the vine and the palm.
It gets its water supply from wadis coming down from the mountains and from never-failing springs that never fail to run, even when the wadis fail, as they do in the summer.
|
| 46
μῆκος
μὲν
[οὖν]
αὐτῆς
ἀπὸ
ΜαχαιροῦντοςMachaerus
εἰς
ΠέλλανPella,
εὖρος
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
ΦιλαδελφείαςPhiladelphia
μέχρι
ἸορδάνουJordan.
|
46
Its length extends from Machaerus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to the Jordan.
|
| 46
Now the length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan;
| 46
Perea stretches from Machaerus to Pella in length and in breadth from Philadelphia to the Jordan.
|
| 47
Καὶ
ΠέλλῃPella
μέν,
ἣν
προειρήκαμεν,
τὰ
πρὸς
ἄρκτονbear, bruin; north
ὁρίζεται,
πρὸς
ἑσπέραν
δὲ
ἸορδάνῃJordan·
μεσημβρινὸν
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
πέρας
ἡ
ΜωαβῖτιςMoab,
καὶ
πρὸς
ἀνατολὴν
ἈραβίᾳArabia
τε
καὶ
ΣιλωνίτιδιSilbonitis,
πρὸς
δὲ
ΦιλαδελφηνῇPhiladelphene
καὶ
ΓεράσοιςGerasa
ἀποτέμνεται.
|
47
Pella, which we mentioned before, marks its northern limit, and the Jordan its western boundary. Its southern end is the land of Moab, and on the east it is bounded by Arabia, Silbonitis, Philadelphene, and Gerasa.
|
| 47
its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its Western with Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa.
| 47
On the north it is bounded by Pella, as already said, and on west by the Jordan, on the south by the land of Moab and on the east by Arabia and Silonitis and Philadelphia and Gerasa.
|
| 48
ἡ
δὲ
ΣαμαρεῖτιςSamaria
χώρα
μέση
μὲν
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee
ἐστὶ
καὶ
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea·
ἀρχομένη
γὰρ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἐν
τῷ
πεδίῳ
κειμένης
ΓηνεὼςGinea
ὄνομα
κώμης
ἐπιλήγει
τῆς
ἈκραβετηνῶνAcrabbene
τοπαρχίας·
φύσιν
δὲ
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea
κατ᾽
οὐδὲν
διάφορος.
|
48
The region of Samaria lies between Galilee and Judea. Beginning at the village called Ginea situated in the Great Plain, it ends at the toparchy of Acrabatene. In its nature, it differs in no way from Judea.
|
| 48
Now, as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same nature with Judea;
| 48
The land of Samaria lies between Judea and Galilee.
It begins at a village of Ginea in the great plain and ends at the Acrabatene district and its nature is the same as Judea.
|
| 49
Ἀμφότεραι
γὰρ
ὀρειναὶ
καὶ
πεδιάδες,
εἴς
τε
γεωργίαν
μαλθακαὶ
καὶ
πολύφοροι
κατάδενδροί
τε
καὶ
ὀπώρας
ὀρεινῆς
καὶ
ἡμέρου
μεσταί,
παρ᾽
ὅσον
οὐδαμοῦ
φύσει
διψάδες,
ὕονται
δὲ
τὸ
πλέον·
|
49
Both are mountainous and plain-like, with soil that is soft and productive for agriculture, well-wooded and full of both wild and cultivated fruits; they are nowhere naturally parched but are for the most part watered by rain.
|
| 49
for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture, and are very fruitful. They have abundance of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that which is the effect of cultivation. They are not naturally watered by many rivers, but derive their chief moisture from rain-water, of which they have no want;
| 49
Both regions are made up of hills and valleys and are fertile enough for agriculture and fruitful, with abundance of trees and fruit, both wild and cultivated, and there are no arid places as nature supplies plenty of rain-water.
|
| 50
γλυκὺ
δὲ
νᾶμα
πᾶν
διαφόρως
ἐν
αὐταῖς,
καὶ
διὰ
πλῆθος
πόας
ἀγαθῆς
τὰ
κτήνη
πλέον
ἢ
παρ᾽
ἄλλοις
γαλακτοφόρα.
Μέγιστόν
γε
μὴν
τεκμήριον
ἀρετῆς
καὶ
εὐθηνίας
τὸ
πληθύειν
ἀνδρῶν
ἑκατέραν.
|
50
All the running water in these regions is exceptionally sweet; and because of the abundance of excellent grass, the cattle yield more milk than in other places. But the greatest proof of their excellence and prosperity is that both regions are densely populated.
|
| 50
and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceedingly sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people.
| 50
All their running water is distinctively good, and by reason also of their excellent grass their livestock yield more milk than elsewhere, but the surest sign of excellence and prosperity is that both regions have abundant populations.
|
| 51
Μεθόριος
δ᾽
αὐτῶν
ἡ
ἈνουάθουAnuath
ΒόρκαιοςBorcaeos
προσαγορευομένη
κώμη·
πέρας
αὕτη
τῆς
ἸουδαίαςJudea
τὰ
πρὸς
βορέαν,
τὰ
νότια
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
ἐπὶ
μῆκος
μετρουμένης
ὁρίζει
προσκυροῦσα
τοῖς
ἈράβωνArabian
ὅροις
κώμη,
καλοῦσι
δ᾽
αὐτὴν
ἸορδὰνJordan
οἱthe
τῇδε
ἸουδαῖοιJews.
Εὖρός
γε
μὴν
ἀπὸ
ἸορδάνουJordan
ποταμοῦ
μέχρις
ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea
ἀναπέπταται.
|
51
On their border lies a village called Anuath Borcaeos; this is the northern limit of Judea. The southern parts of Judea, when measured in length, are bounded by a village adjacent to the Arabian frontier, which the local Jews call Iardan. Its breadth extends from the river Jordan to Joppa.
|
| 51
In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be measured lengthways, are bounded by a Village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa.
| 51
On the border between Samaria and Judea lies the village of Anuath Borceos, the northern boundary of Judea.
The southern end of Judea, if measured lengthways, reaches a village on the border of Arabia, which the local Jews call it Yardan.
In breadth it extends from the river Jordan to Joppa.
|
| 52
Μεσαιτάτη
δ᾽
αὐτῆς
πόλις
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
κεῖται,
παρ᾽
ὃ
καί
τινες
οὐκ
ἀσκόπως
ὀμφαλὸν
τὸ
ἄστυ
τῆς
χώρας
ἐκάλεσαν.
|
52
In its very center lies the city of Jerusalem, for which reason some have quite appropriately called the city the “navel” of the country.
|
| 52
The city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country.
| 52
The city of Jerusalem is situated in the very middle, for this reason some have not unwisely called that city the navel of the country.
|
| 53
Ἀφῄρηται
δ᾽
οὐδὲ
τῶν
ἐκ
θαλάσσης
τερπνῶν
ἡ
ἸουδαίαJudea
τοῖς
παραλίοις
κατατείνουσα
μέχρι
ΠτολεμαίδοςPtolemais.
|
53
Nor is Judea deprived of the delights of the sea, as its coastline extends as far as Ptolemais.
|
| 53
Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Ptolemais:
| 53
Judea is not lacking in the amenities of the sea, since its coastline extends as far as Ptolemais.
|
| 54
Μερίζεται
δ᾽
εἰς
ἕνδεκα
κληρουχίας,
ὧν
ἄρχει
μὲν
βασίλειον
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
προανίσχουσα
τῆς
περιοίκου
πάσης
ὥσπερ
ἡ
κεφαλὴ
σώματος·
αἱ
λοιπαὶ
δὲ
μετ᾽
αὐτὴν
διῄρηνται
τὰς
τοπαρχίας.
|
54
It is divided into eleven administrative districts (toparchies), of which Jerusalem is the royal seat, presiding over the whole neighborhood as the head does over the body. The others after it are divided into toparchies.
|
| 54
it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies;
| 54
It consists of eleven districts, of which the royal city of Jerusalem was the capital and presided over all the neighbouring country, as the head does over the body.
|
| 55
ΓοφνὰGophna
δευτέρα
καὶ
μετὰ
ταύτην
ἈκραβετάAcrabatta,
ΘαμνὰTimnab, Timna, Timnah
πρὸς
ταύταις
καὶ
ΛύδδαLydda,
ἈμμαοῦςEmmaus
καὶ
ΠέλληPella
καὶ
ἸδουμαίαIdumea
καὶ
ἘνγαδδαὶEngaddi
καὶ
ἩρώδειονHerodium
καὶ
ἹεριχοῦςJericho,
|
55
Gophna is the second, followed by Acrabatta, then Thamna, Lydda, Emmaus, Pella, Idumaea, Engaddi, Herodium, and Jericho.
|
| 55
Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho;
| 55
Each of the other cities under it ruled their several toparchies; Gophna was the second of those cities and next was Acrabatta, then Thamna and Lydda and Emmaus and Pella and Idumaea and Engaddi and Herodium and Jericho.
|
| 56
μεθ᾽
ἃς
ἸάμνειαJamnia
καὶ
ἸόππηJoppa
τῶν
περιοίκων
ἀφηγοῦνται,
κἀπὶ
ταύταις
ἥ
τε
ΓαμαλιτικὴGamala
καὶ
ΓαυλανῖτιςGaulonitis
ΒαταναίαBatanea
τε
καὶ
ΤραχωνῖτιςTrachonitis,
αἳ
καὶ
τῆς
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
βασιλείας
εἰσὶ
μοῖραι.
|
56
After these, Jamnia and Joppa rule over the surrounding areas. In addition, there are Gamala, Gaulanitis, Batanaea, and Trachonitis, which are parts of King Agrippa’s kingdom.
|
| 56
and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighboring people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulanitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the kingdom of Agrippa.
| 56
After them came Jamnia and Joppa, presiding over their neighbourhoods, and then the region of Gamala and Gaulonitis and Batanea and Trachonitis, also parts of Agrippa's kingdom.
|
| 57
Ἀρχομένη
δὲ
ἀπὸ
ΛιβάνουLibanus
ὄρους
καὶ
τῶν
ἸορδάνουJordan
πηγῶν
ἡ
χώρα
μέχρι
τῆς
πρὸς
ΤιβεριάδαTiberias
λίμνης
εὐρύνεται,
ἀπὸ
δὲ
κώμης
καλουμένης
ἈρφᾶςArpha
μέχρις
ἸουλιάδοςJulias
ἐκτείνεται
τὸ
μῆκος.
Οἰκοῦσι
δ᾽
αὐτὴν
μιγάδες
ἸουδαῖοίJews
τε
καὶ
ΣύροιSyrians.
|
57
This territory [Agrippa’s] begins at Mount Lebanon and the sources of the Jordan and stretches in width to the Lake of Tiberias, while its length extends from the village called Arpha to Julias. It is inhabited by a mixture of Jews and Syrians.
|
| 57
This [last] country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jordan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a village called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians.
| 57
That kingdom begins at Mount Libanus and the fountains of the Jordan and it reaches across to the lake of Tiberias, and its length is from the village of Arpha as far as Julias.
Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians.
|
| 58
Τὰ
μὲν
δὴ
περὶ
τῆς
ἸουδαίωνJews
τε
καὶ
περὶ
χώρας
ὡς
ἐνῆν
μάλιστα
συντόμως
ἀπηγγέλκαμεν.
|
58
Such, then, is the account of Judea and the surrounding regions, given as briefly as possible.
|
| 58
And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of Judea, and those that lie round about it.
| 58
So as briefly as possible have I described the land of the Jews and their neighbours.
|
Chapter 4
Josephus fails at Sepphoris.
Titus comes with to Ptolemais
| 59
ἡ
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus
πεμφθεῖσα
ΣεπφωρίταιςSepphorites
βοήθεια,
χίλιοι
μὲν
ἱππεῖς
ἑξακισχίλιοι
δὲ
πεζοί,
ΠλακίδουPlacidus
χιλιαρχοῦντος
αὐτῶν
ἐν
τῷ
μεγάλῳ
πεδίῳ
στρατοπεδευσάμενοι
διαιροῦνται,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
πεζὸν
ἐν
τῇ
πόλει
πρὸς
φυλακὴν
αὐτῆς,
τὸ
δ᾽
ἱππικὸν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
παρεμβολῆς
αὐλίζεται.
|
59
The relief force sent by Vespasian to the people of Sepphoris consisted of one thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry, under the command of the tribune Placidus. After encamping in the Great Plain, the force was divided: the infantry was quartered in the city for its protection, while the cavalry remained encamped in the open.
|
| 59
Now the auxiliaries which were sent to assist the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand horsemen, and six thousand footmen, under Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in two bodies in the great plain. The footmen were put into the city to be a guard to it, but the horsemen lodged abroad in the camp.
| 59
The allies sent by Vespasian to help the people of Sepphoris, a thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry under the tribune Placidus, encamped in the great plain.
Then they were divided into two groups, the infantry stayed in the city to guard it, but the cavalry stayed in the camp.
|
| 60
Προιόντες
δὲ
ἑκατέρωθεν
συνεχῶς
καὶ
τὰ
περὶ
τῆς
χώρας
κατατρέχοντες
μεγάλα
τοὺς
περὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ἐκάκουν
ἀτρεμοῦντα
τάς
τε
πόλεις
ἔξωθεν
λῃζόμενοι
καὶ
προθέοντας
ὁπότεwhen
θαρρήσειαν
ἀνακόπτοντες.
|
60
These troops made constant excursions from both positions and overran the surrounding countryside, causing great distress to the men under Josephus; they plundered the territory outside the cities while the rebels remained inactive, and they cut down any who ventured out whenever they grew bold enough to emerge.
|
| 60
These last, by marching continually one way or other, and overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city’s liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad.
| 60
Both of them, by constant sorties, dominated the adjoining country, and made it hard for Josephus and his men, looting outside the towns and intercepting any who ventured out.
|
| 61
Ὥρμησέ
γε
μὴν
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
αἱρήσειν
ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence,
ἣν
αὐτὸς
πρὶν
ἀποστῆναι
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee
ἐτείχισεν
ὡς
καὶ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
δυσάλωτον
εἶναι·
διὸ
καὶ
τῆς
ἐλπίδος
ἀφήμαρτεν
τοῦ
τε
βιάζεσθαι
καὶ
τοῦ
μεταπείθειν
ΣεπφωρίταςSepphoris
ἀσθενέστερος
εὑρεθείς.
|
61
Josephus, however, made an assault on the city [Sepphoris] in the hope of capturing it—a city which he himself, before he revolted from the Galileans, had fortified so strongly that it would be difficult even for the Romans to take. Consequently, he failed in his expectation, as he found himself too weak either to take Sepphoris by force or to win the citizens back to his side.
|
| 61
On this account it was that Josephus marched against the city, as hoping to take what he had lately encompassed with so strong a wall, before they revolted from the rest of the Galileans, that the Romans would have much ado to take it; by which means he proved too weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to the forcing the place, and as to his prevailing with the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him.
| 61
Therefore Josephus made an attack on the city that he had lately surrounded with so strong a wall, hoping to take it before they abandoned the rest of the Galileans, for it would be hard for the Romans to retake it.
But his hopes failed, finding it impossible either to take the place by force or to persuade the Sepphorites to surrender.
|
| 62
Παρώξυνεν
δὲ
μᾶλλον
τὸν
πόλεμον
ἐπὶ
τὴν
χώραν,
καὶ
οὔτε
νύκτωρ
οὔτε
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ὀργῇ
τῆς
ἐπιβολῆς
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
διέλιπον
δῃοῦντες
αὐτῶν
τὰ
πεδία
καὶ
διαρπάζοντες
τὰ
ἐπὶ
τῆς
χώρας
κτήματα,
καὶ
κτείνοντες
μὲν
ἀεὶ
τὸ
μάχιμον,
ἀνδραποδιζόμενοι
δὲ
τοὺς
ἀσθενεῖς.
|
62
This action further provoked the war against the region. Neither by night nor by day did the Romans cease from ravaging the plains and plundering the property throughout the countryside in their anger at the attempt. They constantly killed those capable of fighting and reduced the weak to slavery.
|
| 62
By this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off, either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, and stealing away the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity;
| 62
He even sharpened the conflict in the land and his attempt provoked the Romans to go on night and day pillaging the plain and stealing the livestock in the country, killing whoever showed fighting spirit and leading the weak into slavery.
|
| 63
Πυρὶ
δὲ
ἡ
ΓαλιλαίαGalilee
καὶ
αἵματι
πεπλήρωτο
πᾶσα
πάθους
τε
οὐδενὸς
ἢ
συμφορᾶς
ἀπείρατος
ἦν·
μία
γὰρ
καταφυγὴ
διωκομένοις
αἱ
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
τειχισθεῖσαι
πόλεις
ἦσαν.
|
63
All Galilee was filled with fire and blood, and it was spared no form of suffering or calamity. The only refuge for those pursued was in the cities that had been fortified by Josephus.
|
| 63
so that Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood; nor was it exempted from any kind of misery or calamity, for the only refuge they had was this, that when they were pursued, they could retire to the cities which had walls built them by Josephus.
| 63
All Galilee was filled with fire and blood and was spared no kind of misery or disaster.
Their only refuge when they were pursued was to retreat to the cities whose walls had been built for them by Josephus.
|
| 64
Ὁ
δὲ
ΤίτοςTitus
περαιωθεὶς
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἈχαίαςAchaia
εἰς
τὴν
ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria
ὠκύτερον
ἢ
κατὰ
χειμῶνος
ὥραν,
παραλαμβάνει
μὲν
ἐφ᾽
ἣν
ἔσταλτο
δύναμιν,
συντόνῳ
δὲ
χρώμενος
πορείᾳ
διὰ
τάχους
εἰς
ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais
ἀφικνεῖται.
|
64
Meanwhile, Titus, having crossed from Achaia to Alexandria more swiftly than is usual in the winter season, took command of the force for which he had been sent. Making a vigorous march, he arrived quickly at Ptolemais.
|
| 64
But as to Titus, he sailed over from Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than the winter season did usually permit; so he took with him those forces he was sent for, and marching with great expedition, he came suddenly to Ptolemais,
| 64
Titus managed to sail from Achaia to Alexandria sooner than the winter season usually permitted, took command of the forces he was sent to bring, and by forced marches arrived soon in Ptolemais.
|
| 65
Κἀκεῖ
καταλαβὼν
τὸν
πατέρα
δυσὶ
τοῖς
ἅμα
αὐτῷ
τάγμασιν,
ἦν
δὲ
τὰ
ἐπισημότατα
τὸ
πέμπτον
καὶ
τὸ
δέκατον,
ζεύγνυσι
τὸ
ἀχθὲν
ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
πεντεκαιδέκατον.
|
65
There he joined his father, who already had two legions with him—the most renowned being the Fifth and the Tenth. Titus then united with them the Fifteenth Legion, which he had brought.
|
| 65
and there finding his father, together with the two legions, the fifth and the tenth, which were the most eminent legions of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion which was with his father;
| 65
There he collected his father with the two legions, the fifth and the tenth, the foremost legions of all, and joined to them the fifteenth legion which was brought by him.
|
| 66
Τούτοις
εἵποντο
ὀκτωκαίδεκα
σπεῖραι·
προσεγένοντο
δὲ
καὶ
ἀπὸ
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
πέντε
καὶ
ἱππέων
ἴλη
μία,
πέντε
δ᾽
ἕτεραι
τῶν
ἀπὸ
ΣυρίαςSyria
ἱππέων.
|
66
These were followed by eighteen cohorts; five more cohorts and one troop of cavalry came from Caesarea, along with five other troops of cavalry from Syria.
|
| 66
eighteen cohorts followed these legions; there came also five cohorts from Caesarea, with one troop of horsemen, and five other troops of horsemen from Syria.
| 66
Eighteen cohorts followed these legions, along with five cohorts and one troop of cavalry from Caesarea,
|
| 67
Τῶν
δὲ
σπειρῶν
αἱ
δέκα
μὲν
εἶχον
ἀνὰ
χιλίους
πεζούς,
αἱ
δὲ
λοιπαὶ
δεκατρεῖς
ἀνὰ
ἑξακοσίους
μὲν
πεζούς,
ἱππεῖς
δὲ
ἑκατὸν
εἴκοσιν.
Συχνὸν
δὲ
καὶ
παρὰ
τῶν
βασιλέων
συνήχθη
συμμαχικόν,
|
67
Of these cohorts, ten contained a thousand infantry each, while the remaining thirteen had six hundred infantry and one hundred and twenty cavalry each. A considerable number of auxiliaries was also gathered from the kings.
|
| 67
Now these ten cohorts had severally a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen cohorts had no more than six hundred footmen a piece, with a hundred and twenty horsemen.
| 67
and five other cavalry troops from Syria.
Ten of these cohorts had a thousand infantry each, but the other thirteen cohorts had about six hundred infantry apiece, with a hundred and twenty cavalry.
|
| 68
ἈντιόχουAntiochus
μὲν
καὶ
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
καὶ
ΣοαίμουSoaemus
παρασχομένων
ἀνὰ
δισχιλίους
πεζοὺς
τοξότας
καὶ
χιλίους
ἱππεῖς,
τοῦ
δὲ
ἌραβοςArabian
ΜάλχουMalchus
χιλίους
πέμψαντος
ἱππεῖς
ἐπὶ
πεζοῖς
πεντακισχιλίοις,
ὧν
τὸ
πλέον
ἦσαν
τοξόται,
|
68
Antiochus, Agrippa, and Soaemus each provided two thousand foot-archers and a thousand cavalry; the Arabian, Malchus, sent a thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry, most of whom were archers.
|
| 68
There were also a considerable number of auxiliaries got together, that came from the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohemus, each of them contributing one thousand footmen that were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus also, the king of Arabia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five thousand footmen, the greatest part of which were archers;
| 68
There was also a good force of allies, gathered by kings Antiochus, Agrippa and Sohemus, each of them contributing one thousand marching archers and a thousand cavalry.
Malchus, the king of Arabia, also sent a thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry, most of them archers,
|
| 69
ὡς
τὴν
πᾶσαν
δύναμιν
συνεξαριθμουμένων
τῶν
βασιλικῶν
ἱππέας
τε
καὶ
πεζοὺς
εἰς
ἓξ
ἀθροίζεσθαι
μυριάδας
δίχα
θεραπόντων,
οἳ
παμπληθεῖς
μὲν
εἵποντο,
διὰ
δὲ
συνάσκησιν
πολεμικὴν
οὐκ
ἂν
ἀποτάσσοιντο
τοῦ
μαχίμου,
κατὰ
μὲν
εἰρήνην
ἐν
ταῖς
μελέταις
τῶν
δεσποτῶν
ἀεὶ
στρεφόμενοι,
συγκινδυνεύοντες
δ᾽
ἐν
πολέμοις,
ὡς
μήτ᾽
ἐμπειρίᾳ
μήτ᾽
ἀλκῇ
τινος
πλὴν
τῶν
δεσποτῶν
ἐλαττοῦσθαι.
|
69
Thus the entire force, including the royal contingents, amounted to sixty thousand horse and foot, excluding the servants; these followed in great numbers and, because of their military training, should not be excluded from the fighting ranks. In peace they were always practiced in the exercises of their masters, and in war they shared their dangers, so that they were inferior to none but their masters in experience and prowess.
|
| 69
so that the whole army, including the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well horsemen as footmen, when all were united together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides the servants, who, as they followed in vast numbers, so because they had been trained up in war with the rest, ought not to be distinguished from the fighting men; for as they were in their masters’ service in times of peace, so did they undergo the like dangers with them in times of war, insomuch that they were inferior to none, either in skill or in strength, only they were subject to their masters.
| 69
so that the whole army, cavalry and infantry, including the allies sent by the kings, amounted to sixty thousand.
Along with these came vast numbers of servants, who because they had been trained in war along with the rest, ought not to be excluded from the fighting force, for just as they joined in their masters' activities in peacetime, they shared their dangers in war, so that they yielded only to them in skill or in strength.
|
Chapter 5
Logistics and discipline of the Roman Army
| 70
Κἀν
τούτῳ
μὲν
οὖν
θαυμάσαι
τις
ἂν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
τὸ
προμηθὲς
κατασκευαζομένων
ἑαυτοῖς
τὸ
οἰκετικὸν
οὐ
μόνον
εἰς
τὰς
τοῦ
βίου
διακονίας
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
πρὸς
τοὺς
πολέμους
χρήσιμον.
|
70
In this regard, one might admire the foresight of the Romans, who make their servant class useful not only for the daily ministrations of life but also for the requirements of war.
|
| 70
Now here one cannot but admire at the precaution of the Romans, in providing themselves of such household servants, as might not only serve at other times for the common offices of life, but might also be of advantage to them in their wars.
| 70
One cannot but admire the forethought of the Romans, in providing a domestic staff who not only served in the common needs of life, but were also useful to them in the wars.
|
| 71
Εἰ
δέ
τις
αὐτῶν
καὶ
εἰς
τὴν
ἄλλην
σύνταξιν
τῆς
στρατιᾶς
ἀπίδοι,
γνώσεται
τὴν
τοσήνδε
ἡγεμονίαν
αὐτοὺς
ἀρετῆς
κτῆμα
ἔχοντας,
οὐ
δῶρον
τύχης.
|
71
Indeed, if anyone looks into the rest of their military organization, they will realize that the Romans possess so great an empire as a prize of valor, not as a gift of fortune.
|
| 71
And, indeed, if anyone does but attend to the other parts of their military discipline, he will be forced to confess that their obtaining so large a dominion hath been the acquisition of their valor, and not the bare gift of fortune;
| 71
If one pays attention to the general order of their army, one realizes that their winning of such an empire owes more to their ability than to the mere gift of fortune.
|
| 72
Οὐ
γὰρ
αὐτοῖς
ἀρχὴ
τῶν
ὅπλων
πόλεμος,
οὐδ᾽
ἐπὶ
μόνας
τὰς
χρείας
τὼ
χεῖρε
κινοῦσιν
ἐν
εἰρήνῃ
προηργηκότες,
ἀλλ᾽
ὥσπερ
συμπεφυκότες
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
οὐδέποτε
τῆς
ἀσκήσεως
λαμβάνουσιν
ἐκεχειρίαν
οὐδὲ
ἀναμένουσιν
τοὺς
καιρούς.
|
72
For they do not wait for the onset of war to begin using their weapons, nor do they move their hands only when necessity calls, having remained idle in peacetime. Rather, as if they were born with their weapons, they never take a truce from training and never wait for an emergency.
|
| 72
for they do not begin to use their weapons first in time of war, nor do they then put their hands first into motion, while they avoided so to do in times of peace; but, as if their weapons did always cling to them, they have never any truce from warlike exercises; nor do they stay till times of war admonish them to use them;
| 72
They do not make first acquaintance with their weapons in time of war, nor do they begin training with their hands in an emergency having avoided doing so in times of peace.
Rather, as if their weapons were part of them, they never take a break from training or wait until the crisis arises.
|
| 73
Αἱ
μελέται
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
οὐδὲν
τῆς
κατὰ
ἀλήθειαν
εὐτονίας
ἀποδέουσιν,
ἀλλ᾽
ἕκαστος
ὁσημέραι
στρατιώτης
πάσῃ
προθυμίᾳ
καθάπερ
ἐν
πολέμῳ
γυμνάζεται.
|
73
Their maneuvers are no less vigorous than true combat; instead, every soldier practices daily with the same zeal as if he were in actual battle.
|
| 73
for their military exercises differ not at all from the real use of their arms, but every soldier is every day exercised, and that with great diligence, as if it were in time of war, which is the reason why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily;
| 73
Their manoeuvres are not postponed until times of war and differ not at all from the real use of weapons, for every soldier exercises diligently every day, as if in a real war, which is why they bear the shock of battle so well.
|
| 74
Διὸ
κουφότατα
τὰς
μάχας
διαφέρουσιν·
οὔτε
γὰρ
ἀταξία
διασκίδνησιν
αὐτοὺς
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἐν
ἔθει
συντάξεως
οὔτε
δέος
ἐξίστησιν
οὔτε
δαπανᾷ
πόνος,
ἕπεταιto follow
δὲ
τὸ
κρατεῖν
ἀεὶ
κατὰ
τῶν
οὐχ
ὁμοίων
βέβαιον.
|
74
This is why they endure the brunt of battle so easily; no lack of order breaks their habitual formation, no fear unnerves them, and no toil exhausts them. It follows, therefore, that victory over those not so trained is certain and constant.
|
| 74
for neither can any disorder remove them from their usual regularity, nor can fear affright them out of it, nor can labor tire them; which firmness of conduct makes them always to overcome those that have not the same firmness;
| 74
No lack of coordination interferes with their usual regularity, nor are they stunned by fear or tired by labour, so that they always overcome those who have not an equal firmness.
|
| 76
Οὐδὲ
γὰρ
ἐξ
ἐπιδρομῆς
εὐάλωτοι
πολεμίοις·
ὅπῃ
δ᾽
ἂν
ἐμβάλωσιν
εἰς
ἐχθρῶν
γῆν,
οὐ
πρὶν
ἅπτονται
μάχης
ἢ
τειχίσαι
στρατόπεδον.
|
76
They are never easily surprised by an enemy; for whenever they invade hostile territory, they do not engage in battle until they have fortified their camp.
|
| 76
Nor can their enemies easily surprise them with the suddenness of their incursions; for as soon as they have marched into an enemy’s land, they do not begin to fight till they have walled their camp about;
| 76
No enemy can easily surprise them by a sudden attack, for as soon as they march into an enemy land, they do not begin to fight until they have fortified their camp.
|
| 77
Τὸ
δὲ
οὐκ
εἰκαῖον
οὐδὲ
ἀνώμαλον
ἐγείρουσιν
οὐδὲ
πάντες
ἢ
ἀτάκτως
διαλαβόντες,
ἀλλ᾽
εἰ
μὲν
ἀνώμαλος
ὢν
τύχοι
χῶρος,
ἐξομαλίζεται·
διαμετρεῖται
δὲ
παρεμβολὴ
τετράγωνος
αὐτοῖς.
|
77
This camp is not built at random or unevenly; nor do they all set to work in a disorganized fashion. If the ground happens to be uneven, it is leveled; the camp itself is measured out as a perfect square.
|
| 77
nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do they all abide in it, nor do those that are in it take their places at random; but if it happens that the ground is uneven, it is first leveled: their camp is also foursquare by measure,
| 77
The defences they build are not poorly made, or uneven, nor do they all work at it together or at random.
If the ground is uneven, it is first levelled, and their camp is measured out four-square.
|
| 78
Καὶ
τεκτόνων
πλῆθος
ἕπεταιto follow
τῶν
τε
πρὸς
τὴν
δόμησιν
ἐργαλείων.
|
78
A multitude of carpenters and tools for construction follow the army for this purpose.
|
| 78
and carpenters are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to erect their buildings for them.
| 78
Their army is followed by many carpenters, well-equipped for building.
|
| 79
Καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
ἔνδον
εἰς
σκηνὰς
διαλαμβάνουσιν,
ἔξωθεν
δ᾽
ὁ
κύκλος
τείχους
ὄψιν
ἐπίχει
πύργοις
ἐξ
ἴσου
διαστήματος
κεκοσμημένος.
|
79
They partition the interior for tents; from the outside, the perimeter has the appearance of a wall, adorned with towers at equal intervals.
|
| 79
As for what is within the camp, it is set apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall, and is adorned with towers at equal distances,
| 79
The interior of the camp is set in rows of tents, but the exterior perimeter resembles a wall and is fitted with towers at equal distances.
|
| 80
Ἐπὶ
δὲ
τῶν
μεταπυργίων
τούς
τε
ὀξυβελεῖς
καὶ
καταπέλτας
καὶ
λιθοβόλα
καὶ
πᾶν
ἀφετήριον
ὄργανον
τιθέασιν,
πάντα
πρὸς
τὰς
βολὰς
ἕτοιμα.
|
80
In the spaces between the towers, they place quick-firing bolt-throwers (oxybeleis), catapults, stone-throwers, and every kind of engine for discharging missiles, all ready for firing.
|
| 80
where between the towers stand the engines for throwing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and where they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations.
| 80
Between the towers are set the machines for hurling arrows and spears and slinging stones, and all sorts of ballistic machines, ready for firing.
|
| 81
Πύλαι
δὲ
ἐνοικοδομοῦνται
τέσσαρες
καθ᾽
ἕκαστον
τοῦ
περιβόλου
κλίμα,
πρός
τε
εἰσόδους
τῶν
ὑποζυγίων
εὐμαρεῖς
καὶ
πρὸς
τὰς
ἐκδρομὰς
αὐτῶν,
εἰ
κατεπείγοι,
πλατεῖαι.
|
81
Four gates are built into the perimeter, one on each side, wide enough for the easy entrance of pack animals and for the troops to make rapid sallies if urgency requires.
|
| 81
They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circumference, and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require.
| 81
They build four gates, one at each side of the perimeter, high enough to allow access for the beasts of burden and wide enough for making sorties, if required.
|
| 82
ῥυμοτομοῦσι
δ᾽
εὐδιαθέτως
εἴσω
τὸ
στρατόπεδον,
καὶ
μέσας
μὲν
τὰς
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
σκηνὰς
τίθενται,
μεσαίτατον
δὲ
τούτων
τὸ
στρατήγιον
ναῷ
παραπλήσιον·
|
82
They lay out the interior of the camp with well-arranged streets; in the center, they place the tents of the officers, and in the very middle of these is the general’s headquarters (praetorium), which resembles a temple.
|
| 82
They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle; but in the very midst of all is the general’s own tent, in the nature of a temple,
| 82
They divide the interior of the camp conveniently into streets, placing the tents of the officers in the middle, with the general's tent in the very centre, like a temple.
|
| 83
ὥσπερ
δὲ
ἐν
σχεδίῳ
πόλις
καὶ
ἀγορά
τις
ἀποδείκνυται
καὶ
χειροτέχναις
χωρίον
θῶκοί
τε
λοχαγοῖς
καὶ
ταξιάρχοις,
ὅπῃ
δικάζοιεν,
εἴ
τινες
διαφέροιντο.
|
83
It is like a city sprung up on the spot, with a marketplace, a place for craftsmen, and seats of judgment for the captains and commanders to settle any disputes that may arise.
|
| 83
insomuch, that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its marketplace, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers superior and inferior, where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and determined.
| 83
The whole looks like a city suddenly sprung up, with its forum and handicraft centre, and benches for the officers, senior and junior, where any cases that arise are decided.
|
| 84
Τειχίζεται
δὲ
ὁ
περίβολος
καὶ
τὰ
ἐν
αὐτῷ
πάντα
θᾶττον
ἐπινοίας
πλήθει
καὶ
ἐπιστήμῃ
τῶν
πονούντων·
εἰ
δ᾽
ἐπείγοι,
καὶ
τάφρος
ἔξωθεν
περιβάλλεται
βάθος
τετράπηχυς
καὶ
εὖρος
ἴση.
|
84
The perimeter wall and everything inside are constructed faster than one would think possible, due to the number and skill of the workers. If necessary, a trench is dug around the outside, four cubits[1] deep and of equal width.
|
| 84
The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall round about, and that sooner than one would imagine, and this by the multitude and the skill of the laborers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn round the whole, whose depth is four cubits, and its breadth equal.
| 84
The perimeter wall and all that is within is built more quickly than one would think, due to the number and skill of the workers.
If needed, a trench is also dug all around, four feet deep and just as wide.
|
[1]4 cubits = 1.8 metres (1.9 yards)
| 85
Φραξάμενοι
δ᾽
αὐλίζονται
κατὰ
συντάξεις
ἕκαστοι
μεθ᾽
ἡσυχίας
τε
καὶ
κόσμου.
Πάντα
δ᾽
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
τὰ
ἄλλα
μετ᾽
εὐταξίας
ἀνύεται
καὶ
ἀσφαλείας,
ξυλεία
τε
καὶ
ἐπισιτισμός,
εἰ
δέοιντο,
καὶ
ὑδρεία
κατὰ
συντάξεις
ἑκάστοις.
|
85
Once protected, they take up their quarters by company in silence and good order. All other tasks are performed with discipline and safety: the gathering of wood, food supplies, and water is carried out by the designated units.
|
| 85
When they have thus secured themselves, they live together by companies, with quietness and decency, as are all their other affairs managed with good order and security. Each company hath also their wood, and their corn, and their water brought them, when they stand in need of them;
| 85
Once dug in, they take their quarters by companies, with orderly calm.
All their chores are managed with good order and security, and each company has its wood and corn and water brought as required.
|
| 86
Οὐδὲ
γὰρ
δεῖπνον
ἢ
ἄριστον
ὁπότεwhen
θελήσειαν
αὐτεξούσιον
ἑκάστῳ,
πᾶσιν
δ᾽
ὁμοῦ,
τούς
τε
ὕπνους
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
τὰς
φυλακὰς
καὶ
τὰς
ἐξεγέρσεις
σάλπιγγες
προσημαίνουσιν,
οὐδ᾽
ἔστιν
ὅ
τι
γίνεται
δίχα
παραγγέλματος.
|
86
They do not have breakfast or dinner whenever they please, but all together. Their sleep, their watches, and their awakenings are signaled by trumpets; nothing is done without a command.
|
| 86
for they neither sup nor dine as they please themselves singly, but all together. Their times also for sleeping, and watching, and rising are notified beforehand by the sound of trumpets, nor is anything done without such a signal;
| 86
The time for supper and breakfast is not just when each one pleases, but all eat together.
Their times for sleeping and watching and rising are marked in advance by the sound of trumpets, and nothing is done without a command.
|
| 87
Ὑπὸ
δὲ
τὴν
ἕω
τὸ
στρατιωτικὸν
μὲν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ἑκατοντάρχας
ἕκαστοι,
πρὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
χιλιάρχους
οὗτοι
συνίασιν
ἀσπασόμενοι,
μεθ᾽
ὧν
πρὸς
τὸν
ἡγεμόνα
τῶν
ὅλων
οἱ
ταξίαρχοι
πάντες.
|
87
At dawn, the soldiers go to their centurions, and the centurions to the tribunes to salute them; with these, all the commanders go to the general-in-chief.
|
| 87
and in the morning the soldiery go every one to their centurions, and these centurions to their tribunes, to salute them; with whom all the superior officers go to the general of the whole army,
| 87
In the morning all the soldiers go to salute their centurions and the centurions to their tribunes, and with these all the higher officers go to the general of the whole army.
|
| 89
ἐξιέναι
δὲ
τοῦ
στρατοπέδου
δέον
ὑποσημαίνει
μὲν
ἡ
σάλπιγξ,
ἠρεμεῖ
δ᾽
οὐδείς,
ἀλλ᾽
ἅμα
νεύματι
τὰς
μὲν
σκηνὰς
ἀναιροῦσιν,
πάντα
δ᾽
ἐξαρτύονται
πρὸς
τὴν
ἔξοδον.
|
89
When it is time to leave the camp, the trumpet sounds; no one remains idle. At the first signal, they take down the tents and prepare everything for departure.
|
| 89
Now when they are to go out of their camp, the trumpet gives a sound, at which time nobody lies still, but at the first intimation they take down their tents, and all is made ready for their going out;
| 89
When they are to leave camp, the trumpet sounds, and then no one is idle, but at the first signal they take down their tents and all is made ready for departure.
|
| 90
Καὶ
πάλιν
αἱ
σάλπιγγες
ὑποσημαίνουσιν
παρεσκευάσθαι.
Οἱ
δ᾽
ἐν
τάχει
τοῖς
τε
ὀρεῦσιν
καὶ
τοῖς
ὑποζυγίοις
ἐπιθέντες
τὴν
ἀποσκευὴν
ἑστᾶσιν
ὥσπερ
ἐφ᾽
ὕσπληγος
ἐξορμᾶν
ἕτοιμοι,
ὑποπιμπρᾶσίν
τε
ἤδη
τὴν
παρεμβολὴν
ὡς
αὐτοῖς
μὲν
ὂν
ῥᾴδιον
ἐκεῖ
πάλιν
τειχίσασθαι,
μὴ
γένοιτο
δ᾽
ἐκεῖνό
ποτε
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
χρήσιμον.
|
90
The trumpets sound again to signal readiness. They quickly load the baggage onto mules and other pack animals and stand ready, like runners at the starting line. They then set fire to the camp, as it is easy for them to build another, and they do not want it to be useful to the enemy.
|
| 90
then do the trumpets sound again, to order them to get ready for the march; then do they lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules, and other beasts of burden, and stand, as at the place of starting, ready to march; when also they set fire to their camp, and this they do because it will be easy for them to erect another camp, and that it may not ever be of use to their enemies.
| 90
Then the trumpets sound again, to order them to prepare to march.
They quickly load their baggage on their mules and other beasts of burden and stand, as at the starting-line, ready for the departure, and then too they set fire to their camp, as it will be easy to build another, and so that it may never be useful to the enemy.
|
| 91
Καὶ
τρίτον
δ᾽
ὅμως
αἱ
σάλπιγγες
προσημαίνουσιν
τὴν
ἔξοδον
ἐπισπέρχουσαι
τοὺς
δι᾽
αἰτίαν
τινὰ
βραδύναντας,
ὡς
μή
τις
ἀπολειφθείη
τάξεως.
|
91
A third trumpet sounds for the departure, urging on those who for any reason are lagging, so that no one is left out of their rank.
|
| 91
Then do the trumpets give a sound the third time, that they are to go out, in order to excite those that on any account are a little tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank when the army marches.
| 91
The third trumpet sounds the departure, to stir those who for any reason are a little late, so that no one is missing from his ranks.
|
| 92
Ὅ
τε
κῆρυξ
δεξιὸς
τῷ
πολεμάρχῳ
παραστάς,
εἰ
πρὸς
πόλεμόν
εἰσιν
ἕτοιμοι,
τῇ
πατρίῳ
γλώσσῃ
τρὶς
ἀναπυνθάνεται·
Κἀκεῖνοι
τοσαυτάκιςso great, so large, so many
ἀντιβοῶσιν
μέγα
τι
καὶ
πρόθυμον
ἕτοιμοι
λέγοντες
εἶναι,
φθάνουσιν
δὲ
τὸν
ἐπερωτῶντα,
καί
τινος
ἀρηίου
πνεύματος
ὑποπιμπλάμενοι
τῇ
βοῇ
συνεξαίρουσιν
τὰς
δεξιάς.
|
92
Then a herald, standing at the right hand of the commander, asks three times in their native language if they are ready for war. They shout back as many times with great zeal: “We are ready!” Being filled with a kind of martial spirit, they raise their right hands as they shout.
|
| 92
Then does the crier stand at the general’s right hand, and asks them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they be now ready to go out to war or not. To which they reply as often, with a loud and cheerful voice, saying, “We are ready.” And this they do almost before the question is asked them: they do this as filled with a kind of martial fury, and at the same time that they so cry out, they lift up their right hands also.
| 92
Then the herald stands at the general's right hand and asks them three times, in their own tongue, if they are ready for war.
Each time they loudly and cheerfully shout, "We are ready. " They do this almost before the question is asked, as though filled with a kind of martial fury and as they make this cry, they raise their right arms.
|
| 93
Ἔπειτα
προιόντες
ὁδεύουσιν
ἡσυχῇ
καὶ
μετὰ
κόσμου
πάντες,
ὥσπερ
ἐν
πολέμῳ
τὴν
ἰδίαν
τάξιν
ἕκαστος
φυλάσσων,
οἱ
μὲν
πεζοὶ
θώραξιν
πεφραγμένοι
καὶ
κράνεσιν
καὶ
μαχαιροφοροῦντες
ἀμφοτέρωθεν.
|
93
Then they march out, moving silently and in good order, each man keeping his own rank as if in battle. The infantry are protected by breastplates and helmets and carry a sword on each side.
|
| 93
When, after this, they are gone out of their camp, they all march without noise, and in a decent manner, and every one keeps his own rank, as if they were going to war. The footmen are armed with breastplates and headpieces, and have swords on each side;
| 93
When they have left camp, they all march quietly and in good order, each one keeping rank as if going to war.
The infantry are armed with breastplates and helmets and have swords on each side.
|
| 94
Μακρότερον
δ᾽
αὐτῶν
τὸ
λαιὸν
ξίφος
πολλῷ·
τὸ
γὰρ
κατὰ
τὸ
δεξιὸν
σπιθαμῆς
οὐ
πλέον
ἔχει
τὸ
μῆκος.
|
94
The sword on the left is much longer; the one on the right is no more than a span in length (a dagger).
|
| 94
but the sword which is upon their left side is much longer than the other, for that on the right side is not longer than a span.
| 94
The blade on the left side is much longer than the other, and the one on the right is just a hand's length.
|
| 95
Φέρουσι
δ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
περὶ
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
ἐπίλεκτοι
πεζοὶ
λόγχην
καὶ
ἀσπίδα,
ἡ
δὲ
λοιπὴ
φάλαγξ
ξυστόν
τε
καὶ
θυρεὸν
ἐπιμήκη,
πρὸς
οἷς
πρίονα
καὶ
κόφινον
ἄμην
τε
καὶ
πέλεκυν,
πρὸς
δὲ
ἱμάντα
καὶ
δρέπανον
καὶ
ἅλυσιν,
ἡμερῶν
τε
τριῶν
ἐφόδιον·
ὡς
ὀλίγον
ἀποδεῖν
τῶν
ἀχθοφορούντων
ὀρέων
τὸν
πεζόν.
|
95
The elite infantry surrounding the general carry a spear and a circular shield, while the rest of the phalanx carry a javelin (xyston) and a long rectangular shield (thyreos). In addition, they carry a saw, a basket, a spade, an axe, a strap, a sickle, a chain, and three days’ rations; so the foot-soldier is little different from a pack-mule.
|
| 95
Those footmen also that are chosen out from the rest to be about the general himself have a lance and a buckler, but the rest of the foot soldiers have a spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a basket, a pickaxe and an axe, a thong of leather and a hook, with provisions for three days, so that a footman hath no great need of a mule to carry his burdens.
| 95
The elite infantry that are around the general have a lance and a short shield, but the rest of the foot soldiers have a spear and a long shield, besides a saw and a basket, a pick-axe and an axe, a leather thong and a hook, with provisions for three days, so that an infantryman is loaded nearly like a mule.
|
| 96
Τοῖς
δὲ
ἱππεῦσιν
μάχαιρα
μὲν
ἐκ
δεξιῶν
μακρὰ
καὶ
κοντὸς
ἐπιμήκης
ἐν
χειρί,
θυρεὸς
δὲ
παρὰ
πλευρὸν
ἵππου
πλάγιος,
καὶ
κατὰ
γωρυτοῦ
παρήρτηνται
τρεῖς
ἢ
πλείους
ἄκοντες,
πλατεῖς
μὲν
αἰχμάς,
οὐκ
ἀποδέοντες
δὲ
δοράτων
μέγεθος·
|
96
The cavalry have a long sword on the right side and a long pole in their hand; a shield lies across the horse’s flank, and in a quiver hang three or more darts, with broad points and as large as spears.
|
| 96
The horsemen have a long sword on their right sides, and a long pole in their hand; a shield also lies by them obliquely on one side of their horses, with three or more darts that are borne in their quiver, having broad points, and no smaller than spears. They have also headpieces and breastplates, in like manner as have all the footmen.
| 96
The cavalry have a long sword on their right sides, and a long pole to hand, and a shield beside them at an angle on one side of their horses, with three or more darts in their quiver, with broad points and no smaller than spears.
They also have helmets and breastplates, like the infantry.
|
| 97
κράνη
δὲ
καὶ
θώρακες
ὁμοίως
τοῖς
πεζοῖς
ἅπασιν.
Οὐδενὶ
δὲ
ὅπλων
διαλλάττουσιν
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
ἔκκριτοι
τῶν
ἐν
ταῖς
ἴλαις
ἱππέων·
κλήρῳ
δὲ
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἀεὶ
τὸ
λαχὸν
ἡγεῖται.
|
97
Their helmets and breastplates are like those of the infantry. The elite cavalry surrounding the general do not differ in equipment from those in the regular troops. The legion that is to lead the way is always chosen by lot.
|
| 97
And for those that are chosen to be about the general, their armor no way differs from that of the horsemen belonging to other troops; and he always leads the legions forth to whom the lot assigns that employment.
| 97
The armour of the elite troop around the general in no way differs from that of the other cavalry.
Finally, the legion to lead the march is chosen by lot.
|
| 98
τοιαῦται
μὲν
οὖν
αἱ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
πορεῖαί
τε
καὶ
καταλύσεις,
πρὸς
δὲ
ὅπλων
διαφοραί,
οὐδὲν
δὲ
ἀπροβούλευτον
ἐν
ταῖς
μάχαις
οὐδὲ
αὐτοσχέδιον,
ἀλλὰ
γνώμαις
μὲν
ἀεὶ
παντὸς
ἔργου
προάγει,
τοῖς
δοχθεῖσι
δὲ
ἕπεταιto follow
τὰ
ἔργα·
|
98
Such are the marches and encampments of the Romans, and such is the variety of their weapons. Nothing in battle is done without deliberation or on the spur of the moment; thought precedes every action, and the action follows what has been decided.
|
| 98
This is the manner of the marching and resting of the Romans, as also these are the several sorts of weapons they use. But when they are to fight, they leave nothing without forecast, nor to be done offhand, but counsel is ever first taken before any work is begun, and what hath been there resolved upon is put in execution presently;
| 98
Such is the Romans' way for the march and encampment, and the various weapons they use.
But when they are to fight, they leave nothing to chance or off-hand; it is always discussed first and then what has been decided is put into action.
|
| 99
παρ᾽
ὃ
καὶ
σφάλλονται
μὲν
ἥκιστα,
κἂν
πταίσωσι
δέ,
ῥᾳδίως
ἀναλαμβάνουσι
τὰ
σφάλματα.
|
99
Because of this, they rarely make mistakes, and if they do stumble, they easily rectify their errors.
|
| 99
for which reason they seldom commit any errors; and if they have been mistaken at any time, they easily correct those mistakes.
| 99
Therefore they seldom make mistakes, and if they make an error at any time, they soon correct it.
|
| 100
Ἡγοῦνταί
τε
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τύχης
ἐπιτευγμάτων
ἀμείνους
τὰς
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
προβουλευθεῖσιν
διαμαρτίας,
ὡς
τοῦ
μὲν
αὐτομάτου
καλοῦ
δελεάζοντος
εἰς
ἀπρομήθειαν,
τῆς
σκέψεως
δέ,
κἂν
ἀτυχήσῃ
ποτέ,
πρὸς
τὸ
μὴ
αὖθις
καλὴν
ἐχούσης
μελέτην·
|
100
They consider a failure following deliberate planning to be better than a success due to mere luck; for a “lucky” success may lead to negligence, whereas a failure that was well-considered provides a lesson for the future.
|
| 100
They also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter;
| 100
They consider that any error they may commit after taking thought in advance is better than some rash success that is only due to hazard, since purely fortuitous benefits tempt people to be rash, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail, has the advantage of making people more careful.
|
| 101
καὶ
τῶν
μὲν
αὐτομάτων
ἀγαθῶν
οὐ
τὸν
λαβόντα
αἴτιον
εἶναι,
τῶν
δὲ
παρὰ
γνώμην
προσπεσόντων
σκυθρωπῶν
παραμυθίαν
τό
γε
προσηκόντως
βεβουλεῦσθαι.
|
101
They believe that no one deserves credit for accidental good fortune, but that there is a consolation in a setback if the proper plan was followed.
|
| 101
but for the advantages that arise from chance, they are not owing to him that gains them; and as to what melancholy accidents happen unexpectedly, there is this comfort in them, that they had however taken the best consultations they could to prevent them.
| 101
Any profit arising from chance is not merited by the one who benefits from it, and it is a comfort in the case of an unexpected setback to have taken the best advice one could to prevent it.
|
| 102
Παρασκευάζουσι
μὲν
οὖν
ἐν
ταῖς
μελέταις
τῶν
ὅπλων
οὐ
τὰ
σώματα
μόνον
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὰς
ψυχὰς
ἀλκίμους,
προσασκοῦνται
δὲ
καὶ
τῷ
φόβῳ.
|
102
By their exercises with weapons, they make not only their bodies but also their souls brave. They are also disciplined by fear.
|
| 102
Now they so manage their preparatory exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies of the soldiers only, but their souls may also become stronger: they are moreover hardened for war by fear;
| 102
By their military exercises they prepare not only the bodies of the soldiers but also their souls, and fear is also used in their training.
|
| 103
Οἵ
τε
γὰρ
νόμοι
παρ᾽
αὐτοῖς
οὐ
λιποταξίου
μόνον
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
ῥᾳστώνης
ὀλίγης
θανατικοὶ
οἵ
τε
στρατηγοὶ
τῶν
νόμων
φοβερώτεροι·
ταῖς
γὰρ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἀγαθοὺς
τιμαῖς
ῥύονται
τὸ
δοκεῖν
ὠμοὶ
πρὸς
τοὺς
κολαζομένους.
|
103
For their laws inflict the death penalty not only for desertion but even for slight neglect of duty; yet the generals are even more formidable than the laws, for by rewarding the brave, they avoid appearing cruel to those they punish.
|
| 103
for their laws inflict capital punishments, not only for soldiers running away from the ranks, but for slothfulness and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser degree; as are their generals more severe than their laws, for they prevent any imputation of cruelty toward those under condemnation, by the great rewards they bestow on the valiant soldiers;
| 103
Their laws inflict the death penalty not only for soldiers running away from battle but also for desertion of duty, even in a lesser degree, and their generals are held even more in awe than their laws, for the rewards they bestow on the valiant prevent their penalties from being seen as savagery.
|
| 104
Τοσοῦτον
δ᾽
αὐτῶν
τὸ
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἡγεμόνας
πειθήνιον,
ὡς
ἔν
τε
εἰρήνῃ
κόσμον
εἶναι
καὶ
ἐπὶ
παρατάξεως
ἓν
σῶμα
τὴν
ὅλην
στρατιάν.
|
104
Their obedience to their commanders is so great that in peace they are a credit to the state, and in battle, the entire army moves as a single body.
|
| 104
and the readiness of obeying their commanders is so great, that it is very ornamental in peace; but when they come to a battle, the whole army is but one body,
| 104
The readiness with which they obey their officers is an ornament in peacetime, but in war it makes the whole army like a single body,
|
| 105
Οὕτως
αὐτῶν
ἀσφαλεῖς
μὲν
αἱ
τάξεις,
εὔστροφοι
δ᾽
εἰσὶν
αἱ
περιαγωγαί,
ὀξεῖαι
δ᾽
ἀκοαὶ
μὲν
παραγγέλμασιν,
ὄψεις
δὲ
σημείοις,
ἔργοις
δὲ
χεῖρες.
|
105
Their ranks are secure, their maneuvers are flexible, their ears are quick to orders, their eyes to signals, and their hands to deeds.
|
| 105
so well coupled together are their ranks, so sudden are their turnings about, so sharp their hearing as to what orders are given them, so quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nimble are their hands when they set to work;
| 105
so well coordinated are their ranks, so quick their wheeling about, so sharp their hearing of orders, so quick their sight of the ensigns and so nimble are their hands when they set to work.
|
| 106
Ὅθεν
δρᾶσαι
μὲν
ἀεὶ
ταχεῖς,
βραδύτατοι
δὲ
παθεῖν
εἰσιν,
οὐδ᾽
ἔστιν
ὅπου
σταθέντες
ἢ
πλήθους
ἡσσήθησαν
ἢ
στρατηγημάτων
ἢ
δυσχωρίας,
ἀλλ᾽
οὐδὲ
τύχης·
καὶ
γὰρ
ταύτης
αὐτοῖς
τὸ
κρατεῖν
βεβαιότερον.
|
106
Hence, they are always swift to act and very slow to suffer defeat. Nowhere have they been overcome by numbers, stratagems, or the nature of the ground—not even by fortune, for victory is more certain for them than luck.
|
| 106
whereby it comes to pass that what they do is done quickly, and what they suffer they bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we find any examples where they have been conquered in battle, when they came to a close fight, either by the multitude of the enemies, or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune neither, for their victories have been surer to them than fortune could have granted them.
| 106
The effect is that they can act quickly and bear suffering with patience, and are not known to have been defeated in battle, either by numbers, or ruses, or difficult locations, or even by bad luck; for their victories have been more assured than mere luck.
|
| 107
Οἷς
οὖν
βουλὴ
μὲν
ἄρχει
παρατάξεως,
ἕπεταιto follow
δὲ
τοῖς
βεβουλευμένοις
στρατὸς
οὕτω
δραστήριος,
τί
θαυμαστόν,
εἰ
πρὸς
ἕω
μὲν
ΕὐφράτηςEuphrates,
ὠκεανὸς
δὲ
πρὸς
ἑσπέραν,
μεσημβρινὸν
δὲ
ΛιβύηςLibya
τὸ
πιότατον
καὶ
πρὸς
ἄρκτονbear, bruin; north
ἼστροςIstros; Danube
τε
καὶ
Ῥῆνος
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας
ὅροι;
δεόντως
γὰρ
ἄν
τις
εἴποι
τὸ
κτῆμα
τῶν
κτησαμένων
ἔλασσον.
|
107
Since, therefore, counsel leads their battle and such an effective army follows what has been decided, what wonder is it that the Euphrates on the east, the Ocean on the west, the most fertile part of Libya on the south, and the Danube and Rhine on the north are the boundaries of their empire? One might well say that their possessions are less than those who won them.
|
| 107
In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes before action, and where, after taking the best advice, that advice is followed by so active an army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fertile regions of Libya on the south, and the Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the limits of this empire? One might well say that the Roman possessions are not inferior to the Romans themselves.
| 107
Therefore, where counsel always precedes action and where the plans are carried out by so active an army, what wonder that the boundaries of this empire are the Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fertile regions of Libya on the south and the Danube and the Rhine on the north? One might well say that great though their possessions may be, the owners are greater still.
|
| 108
Ταῦτα
μὲν
οὖν
διεξῆλθον
οὐ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐπαινέσαι
προαιρούμενος
τοσοῦτον,
ὅσον
εἴς
τε
παραμυθίαν
τῶν
κεχειρωμένων
καὶ
εἰς
ἀποτροπὴν
τῶν
νεωτεριζόντων·
|
108
I have described these things not so much to praise the Romans as to console those they have conquered and to deter those who might think of revolting.
|
| 108
This account I have given the reader, not so much with the intention of commending the Romans, as of comforting those that have been conquered by them, and for deterring others from attempting innovations under their government.
| 108
This account I have given the reader, not so much to commend the Romans but to comfort those conquered by them and to deter others from attempting to revolt.
|
| 109
εἴη
δ᾽
ἂν
τοῖς
ἀγνοοῦσιν
τῶν
φιλοκαλούντων
καὶ
πρὸς
ἐμπειρίας
ἡ
ἀγωγὴ
τῆς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
στρατιᾶς.
Ἐπάνειμι
δ᾽
ὅθεν
ἐπὶ
ταῦτ᾽
ἐξέβην.
|
109
This account of the Roman military system may also be of use to those studious readers who are ignorant of the subject. I will now return to where I left off in my narrative.
|
| 109
This discourse of the Roman military conduct may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I return now from this digression.
| 109
This account of the Roman military may also be of use to interested readers who did not already know it.
I return now from this digression.
|
Chapter 6
Placidus fails at Jotapata.
Vespasian marches into Galilee
| 110
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
μὲν
ἅμα
τῷ
παιδὶ
ΤίτῳTitus
διατρίβων
τέως
ἐν
τῇ
ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais
συνέτασσεν
τὰς
δυνάμεις,
ὁ
δὲ
τὴν
ΓαλιλαίανGalilee
κατατρέχων
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
ἐπεὶ
πολὺ
μὲν
πλῆθος
ἀνῃρήκει
τῶν
καταλαμβανομένων,
τοῦτο
δ᾽
ἦν
τὸ
ἀσθενέστερον
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee
καὶ
ταῖς
φυγαῖς
ἐναποκάμνον,
|
110
While Vespasian and his son Titus remained for a time at Ptolemais organizing their forces, Placidus was overrunning Galilee. He had already slain a great number of those he captured, though these were the weaker sort of Galileans and those exhausted by flight.
|
| 110
And now Vespasian, with his son Titus, had tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had put his army in order. But when Placidus, who had overrun Galilee, and had besides slain a number of those whom he had caught (which were only the weaker part of the Galileans, and such as were of timorous souls),
| 110
Vespasian stayed some time in Ptolemais with his son Titus, putting his army in order, while Placidus was hunting through Galilee and killing many whom he caught, and these were the weaker of the Galileans who were worn out by their flight.
|
| 111
ὁρῶν
δὲ
συμφεῦγον
ἀεὶ
τὸ
μάχιμον
εἰς
τὰς
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
τειχισθείσας
πόλεις
ὥρμησεν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ὀχυρωτάτην
αὐτῶν
ἸωταπάτανJotapata,
οἰόμενος
ἐξ
ἐφόδου
μὲν
αἱρήσειν
ῥᾳδίως,
μέγα
δὲ
κλέος
αὐτῷ
παρὰ
τοῖς
ἡγεμόσιν
κἀκείνοις
ὄφελος
εἰς
τὰ
λοιπὰ
παρέξειν·
προσχωρήσειν
γὰρ
δέει
τὰς
ἄλλας
πόλεις
τῆς
καρτερωτάτης
ἐχομένηςto have, hold.
|
111
Seeing, however, that the fighting men always fled for refuge into the cities fortified by Josephus, Placidus made an assault against the strongest of them, Jotapata. He expected to capture it easily by a sudden attack, which would bring him great glory among his commanders and provide them a great advantage for the rest of the war; for he believed the other cities would surrender out of fear once the strongest of them had fallen.
|
| 111
saw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose walls had been built by Josephus, he marched furiously against Jotapata, which was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honor to himself among the commanders, and bring a great advantage to them in their future campaign; because if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be so affrighted as to surrender themselves.
| 111
He noted how the warriors always fled to the cities whose walls had been built by Josephus and so he assaulted Jotapata, the strongest of them all, expecting to take it easily by a surprise attack and thereby to win great honour for himself among the officers by doing something so useful for their coming campaign, for if the strongest place were taken, the rest might surrender out of fear.
|
| 112
πολύ
γε
μὴν
διήμαρτεν
τῆς
ἐλπίδος·
ἐπιόντα
γὰρ
αὐτὸν
οἱ
ἸωταπατηνοὶJotapata
προαισθόμενοι
πρὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἐκδέχονται,
καὶ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
συρραγέντες
ἀδοκήτοις
πολλοὶ
καὶ
πρὸς
μάχην
ἕτοιμοι
πρόθυμοί
τε
ὡς
ἂν
ὑπὲρ
κινδυνευούσης
πατρίδος
καὶ
γυναικῶν
καὶ
τέκνων,
τρέπονται
ταχέως.
|
112
But he was greatly mistaken in his hope. For the people of Jotapata, having word of his approach, waited for him in front of the city. They fell upon the Romans unexpectedly—being many in number, prepared for battle, and full of zeal, as men are when fighting for their endangered homeland, wives, and children. They quickly routed the Romans.
|
| 112
But he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprised of his coming to attack them, and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteeming their country, their wives, and their children to be in danger,
| 112
But he was greatly mistaken, for the men of Jotapata were alerted to his coming and came out from the city to wait for him and many of them, well ready for battle, rushed unexpectedly on the Romans.
Since they felt their country, their wives and their children to be in danger they were totally committed and quickly put the Romans to flight.
|
| 113
Καὶ
πολλοὺς
μὲν
τιτρώσκουσι
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
ἑπτὰ
δὲ
ἀναιροῦσιν
διὰ
τὸ
μήτε
ἄτακτον
αὐτῶν
τὴν
ὑποχώρησιν
γενέσθαι
καὶ
τὰς
πληγὰς
ἐπιπολαίους
πεφραγμένων
πάντοθεν
τῶν
σωμάτων,
τούς
τε
ἸουδαίουςJews
πόρρωθεν
βάλλειν
πλέον
ἢ
συμπλέκεσθαι
θαρρεῖν
γυμνῆτας
ὁπλίταιςarmed warrior.
|
113
They wounded many of the Romans but killed only seven, because their retreat was not disorganized, and their wounds were only superficial since their bodies were protected everywhere by armor; furthermore, the Jews, being light-armed, dared only to throw missiles from a distance rather than engage in close combat with heavy infantry.
|
| 113
and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded many of them, and slew seven of them; because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, because the strokes only touched the surface of their bodies, which were covered with their armor in all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light armor on, while the others were completely armed.
| 113
Many of them he wounded but only seven were killed, for the retreat was not made in any panic, and the blows only touched the surface of their bodies, covered in all parts by their armour, and because the lightly armed Jews hurled their weapons at them from a distance, rather than risking closer combat with men who were fully armed.
|
| 114
Ἔπεσον
δὲ
καὶ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
τρεῖς
ἄνδρες
καὶ
ἐτρώθησαν
ὀλίγοι.
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
μὲν
οὖν
τῆς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
ὁρμῆς
ἀτονώτερος
εὑρεθεὶς
φεύγει.
|
114
Three of the Jews were killed and a few were wounded. Thus, Placidus, finding himself too weak for the assault on the city, fled.
|
| 114
However, three men of the Jews’ side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the city, ran away.
| 114
Of the Jews, three were killed and a few wounded.
Eventually Placidus, finding himself unable to take the city by storm, went away.
|
| 115
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ὡρμημένος
αὐτὸς
ἐμβαλεῖν
εἰς
τὴν
ΓαλιλαίανGalilee
ἐξελαύνει
τῆς
ΠτολεμαίδοςPtolemais
διατάξας
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ὁδεύειν
καθὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἔθος.
|
115
Vespasian, however, being set on invading Galilee himself, marched out of Ptolemais, having ordered his army to march according to the Roman custom.
|
| 115
But as Vespasian had a great mind to fall upon Galilee, he marched out of Ptolemais, having put his army into that order wherein the Romans used to march.
| 115
But Vespasian was impatient to attack Galilee, so he set off from Ptolemais with his army in the usual Roman marching order.
|
| 116
Τοὺς
μέν
γε
ψιλοὺς
τῶν
ἐπικούρων
καὶ
τοξότας
προάγειν
ἐκέλευσεν,
ὡς
ἀνακόπτοιεν
τὰς
ἐξαπιναίους
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἐπιδρομὰς
καὶ
διερευνῷεν
τὰς
ὑπόπτους
καὶ
λοχᾶσθαι
δυναμένας
ὕλας,
οἷς
εἵπετο
καὶ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ὁπλιτικὴ
μοῖρα
πεζοί
τε
καὶ
ἱππεῖς.
|
116
He ordered the light-armed auxiliaries and archers to lead the way, to repulse sudden enemy attacks and to scout the suspicious woods capable of concealing ambushes. Following them was a contingent of Roman heavy infantry, both foot and horse.
|
| 116
He ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly armed, and the archers, to march first, that they might prevent any sudden insults from the enemy, and might search out the woods that looked suspiciously, and were capable of ambuscades. Next to these followed that part of the Romans which was completely armed, both footmen and horsemen.
| 116
He ordered his lightly armed allies and archers to go ahead, to prevent any unexpected raids by the enemy and to search out any suspicious woodlands that could hide an ambush.
Next came the heavily-armed part of the Romans, both infantry, and cavalry.
|
| 117
Τούτοις
ἀφ᾽
ἑκάστης
ἑκατονταρχίας
ἠκολούθουν
δέκα
τήν
τε
ἑαυτῶν
σκευὴν
καὶ
τὰ
μέτρα
τῆς
παρεμβολῆς
φέροντες,
|
117
Behind these followed ten men from every century (hekatontarchia), carrying their own equipment and the measuring tools for the camp.
|
| 117
Next to these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying along with them their arms, and what was necessary to measure out a camp withal;
| 117
Then came ten men from every century, carrying along their weapons and the tools needed to measure out a camp,
|
| 118
καὶ
μετ᾽
αὐτοὺς
ὁδοποιοί,
τά
τε
σκολιὰ
τῆς
λεωφόρου
κατευθύνειν
καὶ
χθαμαλοῦν
τὰ
δύσαρκτον
καὶ
τὰς
ἐμποδίους
ὕλας
προανακόπτειν,
ὡς
μὴ
ταλαιπωροῖτο
δυσποροῦν
τὸ
στράτευμα.
|
118
After them came the road-makers, to straighten the turns of the highway, level the rugged places, and cut down the obstructing woods, so the army might not be exhausted by a difficult march.
|
| 118
and after them, such as were to make the road even and straight, and if it were anywhere rough and hard to be passed over, to plane it, and to cut down the woods that hindered their march, that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their march.
| 118
and after them the roadbuilders, to make it straight and to level it wherever it was rough and hard to travel, and to cut down any woods impeding their route, to spare the army a wearisome march.
|
| 119
Κατόπιν
δὲ
τούτων
τάς
τε
ἰδίας
καὶ
τὰς
τῶν
ὑπ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἡγεμόνων
ἔταξεν
ἀποσκευὰς
καὶ
συχνοὺς
ἐπὶ
τούτοις
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
τῶν
ἱππέων.
|
119
Behind these, he placed his own baggage and that of the commanders under him, with a strong guard of cavalry to protect them.
|
| 119
Behind these he set such carriages of the army as belonged both to himself and to the other commanders, with a considerable number of their horsemen for their security.
| 119
Behind these he set his own carriage and those of the other officers, with a large number of cavalry guarding them.
|
| 120
Μεθ᾽
οὓς
αὐτὸς
ἐξήλαυνεν
τούς
τε
ἐπιλέκτους
τῶν
πεζῶν
καὶ
ἱππέων
καὶ
τοὺς
λογχοφόρους
ἔχων.
Εἵπετο
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
τὸ
ἴδιον
τοῦ
τάγματος
ἱππικόν·
ἴδιοι
γὰρ
ἑκάστου
τάγματος
εἴκοσι
πρὸς
τοῖς
ἑκατὸν
ἱππεῖς.
|
120
After these, he himself marched out, having with him the elite of the infantry and cavalry and the spear-bearers (longophoroi). He was followed by the specific cavalry belonging to his legion; for every legion has its own troop of one hundred and twenty horsemen.
|
| 120
After these he marched himself, having with him a select body of footmen, and horsemen, and pikemen. After these came the peculiar cavalry of his own legion, for there were a hundred and twenty horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every legion.
| 120
He himself rode next, with an elite corps of infantry and cavalry and spearmen, and next came the special cavalry of his legion, for every legion had its own hundred and twenty cavalry.
|
| 121
Τούτοις
δ᾽
ἠκολούθουν
οἱ
τὰς
ἑλεπόλεις
φέροντες
ὀρεῖς
καὶ
τὰ
λοιπὰ
μηχανήματα.
|
121
These were followed by the mules carrying the siege engines (helepoleis) and the rest of the machines.
|
| 121
Next to these came the mules that carried the engines for sieges, and the other warlike machines of that nature.
| 121
Next came the mules carrying the city-breakers and other war-machines.
|
| 123
ἔπειτα
αἱ
σημαῖαι
περιίσχουσαι
τὸν
ἀετόν,
ὃς
παντὸς
ἄρχει
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τάγματος,
βασιλεύς
τε
οἰωνῶν
ἁπάντων
καὶ
ἀλκιμώτατος
ὤν·
ὃ
δὴ
καὶ
τῆς
ἡγεμονίας
τεκμήριον
αὐτοῖς
καὶ
κλῃδών,
ἐφ᾽
οὓς
ἂν
ἴωσιν,
τοῦ
κρατήσεινto be strong
δοκεῖ.
|
123
Then came the standards surrounding the Eagle, which leads every Roman legion. As the king of all birds and the most courageous, the Eagle is to them a symbol of empire and an omen of victory over whomever they attack.
|
| 123
Then came the ensigns encompassing the eagle, which is at the head of every Roman legion, the king, and the strongest of all birds, which seems to them a signal of dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer all against whom they march;
| 123
Then came the ensigns surrounding the eagle, the king and strongest of all birds, the high-point of every Roman legion and which they see as a sign of dominion and an omen that they shall defeat all against whom they march.
|
| 124
Τοῖς
δὲ
ἱεροῖς
ἠκολούθουν
οἱ
σαλπιγκταί,
καὶ
κατόπιν
αὐτῶν
ἡ
φάλαγξ
τὸ
στῖφος
εἰς
ἓξ
πλατύνασα.
Τούτοις
παρείπετό
τις
ἑκατόνταρχος
ἐξ
ἔθους
τὴν
τάξιν
ἐπισκοπούμενος.
|
124
Following the sacred emblems came the trumpeters, and behind them the main body of the army (phalanx), marching six abreast. A centurion followed them, as was customary, to oversee the order of the ranks.
|
| 124
these sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then came the main army in their squadrons and battalions, with six men in depth, which were followed at last by a centurion, who, according to custom, observed the rest.
| 124
These sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters, and then came the main army in their cohorts and battalions, six men abreast, usually followed by their centurion, who was in charge of good order.
|
| 125
Τὸ
δ᾽
οἰκετικὸν
ἑκάστου
τάγματος
ἅπαν
τοῖς
πεζοῖς
εἵπετο,
τὰς
ἀποσκευὰς
τῶν
στρατιωτῶν
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
ὀρεῦσιν
καὶ
τοῖς
ὑποζυγίοις
ἄγοντες·
|
125
The entire servant class of each legion followed the infantry, leading the baggage of the soldiers on mules and pack animals.
|
| 125
As for the servants of every legion, they all followed the footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers, which was borne by the mules and other beasts of burden.
| 125
The servants of each legion followed the infantry, leading the mules and other beasts of burden which carried the soldiers' baggage.
|
| 126
κατόπιν
δὲ
πάντων
[τῶν
ταγμάτων]
ὁ
μίσθιος
ὄχλος,
οἷς
οὐραγοὶ
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
ἠκολούθουν
πεζοί
τε
καὶ
ὁπλῖταιheavy-armed
καὶ
τῶν
ἱππέων
συχνοί.
|
126
Behind all the legions came the mercenary crowd, followed for protection by a rearguard of light and heavy infantry and a large number of cavalry.
|
| 126
But behind all the legions came the whole multitude of the mercenaries; and those that brought up the rear came last of all for the security of the whole army, being both footmen, and those in their armor also, with a great number of horsemen.
| 126
Behind all the legions came the crowd of mercenaries, and for security the rearguard came last, consisting of light and heavy infantry, and many cavalry.
|
| 127
Οὕτως
ὁδεύσας
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
μετὰ
τῆς
δυνάμεως
εἰς
τοὺς
ὅρους
ἀφικνεῖται
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee,
ἔνθα
καταστρατοπεδευσάμενος
ὡρμημένους
εἰς
πόλεμον
τοὺς
στρατιώτας
κατεῖχεν,
ἐπιδεικνύμενος
τὴν
στρατιὰν
εἰς
κατάπληξιν
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
καὶ
μετανοίας
καιρὸν
διδούς,
εἰ
πρὸ
μάχης
μεταβάλοιντο·
ἅμα
δὲ
καὶ
πρὸς
πολιορκίαν
τῶν
ἐρυμάτων
ἐξηρτύετο.
|
127
Marching in this order, Vespasian reached the borders of Galilee. There he encamped, keeping his soldiers eager for battle. He displayed his army to strike terror into the enemy and to give them a chance for second thoughts (metanoia), should they change their minds before the battle. At the same time, he made preparations for the siege of the strongholds.
|
| 127
And thus did Vespasian march with his army, and came to the bounds of Galilee, where he pitched his camp and restrained his soldiers, who were eager for war; he also showed his army to the enemy, in order to affright them, and to afford them a season for repentance, to see whether they would change their minds before it came to a battle, and at the same time he got things ready for besieging their strongholds.
| 127
Marching in this format with his army, Vespasian came to the borders of Galilee, where he encamped, refraining his soldiers in their eagerness for war.
He displayed his army to cow the enemy and give them time to repent and change sides before the battle.
At the same time he got everything ready to besiege their strongholds.
|
| 128
Μετάνοιαν
μὲν
οὖν
τῆς
ἀποστάσεωςa revolt
ὀφθεὶς
ὁ
στρατηγὸς
πολλοῖς
ἐνειργάσατο,
κατάπληξιν
δὲ
πᾶσιν·
|
128
Indeed, the mere sight of the general brought many to regret their revolt, and it struck terror into all.
|
| 128
And indeed this sight of the general brought many to repent of their revolt, and put them all into a consternation;
| 128
This sight of the general actually did bring many to regret their revolt and made them all afraid.
|
| 129
οἱ
μὲν
γὰρ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ἐστρατοπεδευκότες
οὐκ
ἄπωθεν
τῆς
ΣεπφώρεωςSepphoris
παρὰ
πόλιν
Γαρὶν
καλουμένην
ἐπεὶ
πλησιάζοντα
τὸν
πόλεμον
ἤκουσαν
ὅσον
τε
οὔπω
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
συμμίξοντας
σφίσιν,
οὐ
μόνον
πρὸ
μάχης,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
πρὶν
ἰδεῖν
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
διασκίδνανται
φυγῇ.
|
129
For those with Josephus, who were encamped near Sepphoris at a town called Garis, when they heard the war was approaching and the Romans were almost upon them, they scattered in flight—not only before the battle, but even before they had seen the enemy.
|
| 129
for those that were in Josephus’s camp, which was at the city called Garis, not far from Sepphoris, when they heard that the war was come near them, and that the Romans would suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed themselves and fled, not only before they came to a battle, but before the enemy ever came in sight,
| 129
Those with Josephus who were camped at the town called Garis not far from Sepphoris, when they heard that the war had come near and that the Romans would soon be upon them, dispersed and fled, not only before fighting, but also without even seeing the enemy.
|
| 130
Καταλείπεται
δ᾽
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
μετ᾽
ὀλίγων,
καὶ
κατιδὼν
ὡς
οὔτε
δέχεσθαι
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἀρκετὴν
ἔχει
δύναμιν
καὶ
πεπτώκοι
τὰ
φρονήματα
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἄσμενοί
τ᾽
ἄν,
εἰ
πιστεύοιντο,
χωροῖεν
οἱ
πλείους
ἐπὶ
σπονδάς,
ἐδεδίει
μὲν
ἤδη
περὶ
παντὸς
τοῦ
πολέμου,
|
130
Josephus was left with only a few men. Seeing that he did not have sufficient force to meet the enemy and that the spirits of the Jews had fallen—and that most would gladly make terms if they could be trusted—he began to fear for the outcome of the whole war.
|
| 130
while Josephus and a few others were left behind; and as he saw that he had not an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the greater part would willingly come to terms, if they might be credited,
| 130
Left with just a few men, Josephus could see that he had insufficient forces to engage the enemy, that the spirits of the Jews were low and that if possible most of them would willingly surrender.
|
| 131
τότε
δ᾽
ὡς
πορρωτάτω
χωρίζεσθαι
τῶν
κινδύνων
ἔκρινεν
Ἀναλαβὼν
δὲ
τοὺς
συμμείναντας
εἰς
ΤιβεριάδαTiberias
καταφεύγει.
|
131
He decided, for the moment, to withdraw as far as possible from the danger. Taking those who remained with him, he fled to Tiberias.
|
| 131
he already despaired of the success of the whole war, and determined to get as far as he possibly could out of danger; so he took those that staid along with him, and fled to Tiberias.
| 131
Already he despaired of the success of the whole war and decided to get as far from danger as possible, so he took those who remained with him and fled to Tiberias.
|
Chapter 7
Vespasian marches on Jotapata and takes it by siege
| 132
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τῇ
πόλει
τῶν
ΓαδάρωνGadaraf
ἐπελθὼν
αἱρεῖ
τε
κατὰ
πρώτην
ἔφοδον
αὐτὴν
μαχίμου
πλήθους
ἔρημον
καταλαβών,
|
132
Vespasian, having advanced against the city of Gadara, captured it on the first assault, having found it destitute of a fighting force. |
| 132
So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable number of men grown up and fit for war.
| 132
Vespasian reached the city of Gadara and took it at the first assault, as it lacked any significant number of warriors.
|
| 133
καὶ
παρελθὼν
εἴσω
πάντας
ἡβηδὸνyouths
ἀναιρεῖ
μηδεμιᾶς
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἡλικίας
ἔλεον
ποιουμένων
μίσει
πρὸς
τὸ
ἔθνος
καὶ
μνήμῃ
τῆς
κατὰ
τὸν
ΚέστιονCestius
αὐτῶν
παρανομίας.
|
133
Having entered within the walls, he put all those of military age to the sword, the Romans showing no mercy to any age group, out of hatred for the nation and in memory of the lawless outrage committed against Cestius.
|
| 133
He came then into it, and slew all the youth, the Romans having no mercy on any age whatsoever; and this was done out of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the iniquity they had been guilty of in the affair of Cestius.
| 133
Entering it he killed all the youth, as the Romans showed no pity with regard to age, driven by their hatred of the nation and the memory of what they had done in regard to Cestius.
|
| 134
Ἐμπίμπρησιν
δὲ
οὐ
μόνον
αὐτὴν
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὰς
περὶ
κώμας
πάσας
τε
καὶ
πολίχνας,
ἃς
μὲν
παντελῶς
ἐκλελειμμένας,
ἔστιν
δ᾽
ἃς
αὐτὸς
ἐξανδραποδιζόμενος.
|
134
He set fire not only to the city itself, but also to all the surrounding villages and small towns; some he found entirely deserted, and in others, he reduced the inhabitants to slavery.
|
| 134
He also set fire not only to the city itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of them were quite destitute of inhabitants, and out of some of them he carried the inhabitants as slaves into captivity.
| 134
He set fire not only to the city itself, but also to all the surrounding villas and small towns, some of which were deserted while from some he took the inhabitants as slaves into captivity.
|
| 135
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἣν
πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν
εἵλετο
πόλιν
αὐτὸς
ἐνέπλησεν
δέους
καταφυγών.
Οἱ
δὲ
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias
οὐκ
ἄν,
εἰ
μὴ
πρὸς
τὸ
πᾶν
ἀπεγνώκει
τὸν
πόλεμον,
τραπῆναί
ποτε
αὐτὸν
ᾤοντο.
|
135
Josephus, by fleeing for safety into the city he had chosen [Tiberias], filled it with dread. For the people of Tiberias did not believe he would have ever retreated unless he had utterly despaired of the war.
|
| 135
As to Josephus, his retiring to that city which he chose as the most fit for his security, put it into great fear; for the people of Tiberias did not imagine that he would have run away, unless he had entirely despaired of the success of the war.
| 135
The city to which Josephus chose to retreat for safety was greatly alarmed, for the people of Tiberias did not think he would have fled unless he entirely despaired of the outcome of the war.
|
| 136
Καὶ
κατὰ
τοῦτό
γε
οὐ
διημάρτανον
αὐτοῦ
τῆς
γνώμης·
ἑώρα
μὲν
γάρ,
ποῖ
ῥέψει
τὰ
ἸουδαίωνJews
τέλους,
καὶ
μίαν
αὐτῶν
ᾔδει
σωτηρίαν,
εἰ
μεταβάλοιντο.
|
136
And in this regard, they were not mistaken in his opinion; for he saw where the affairs of the Jews would ultimately incline, and he knew their only salvation lay in repentance.
|
| 136
And indeed, as to that point, they were not mistaken about his opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the Jews would tend at last, and was sensible that they had but one way of escaping, and that was by repentance.
| 136
In this they were not mistaken, for he saw where the affairs of the Jews were heading and knew that their only way out was through repentance.
|
| 137
αὐτὸς
δὲ
καίπερ
συγγνωσθήσεσθαι
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
προσδοκῶν,
ὅμως
τεθνάναι
μᾶλλον
εἵλετο
πολλάκις
ἢ
καταπροδοὺς
τὴν
πατρίδα
καὶ
τὴν
ἐμπιστευθεῖσαν
αὐτῷ
στρατηγίαν
ὑβρίσας
εὐτυχεῖν
παρ᾽
οἷς
πολεμήσων
ἐπέμφθη.
|
137
As for himself, although he expected to be granted pardon by the Romans, he nevertheless chose to die many times over rather than betray his fatherland and, by insulting the command entrusted to him, prosper among those he had been sent to fight.
|
| 137
However, although he expected that the Romans would forgive him, yet did he choose to die many times over, rather than to betray his country, and to dishonor that supreme command of the army which had been entrusted with him, or to live happily under those against whom he was sent to fight.
| 137
But though aware that the Romans would grant him a pardon, he opted to die much rather than betray his country and dishonour the army command entrusted to him, in order to prosper under those against whom he was sent to fight.
|
| 138
Γράφειν
οὖν
τοῖς
ἐν
τέλει
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
διέγνω
μετὰ
ἀκριβείας
τὰ
πράγματα,
ὡς
μήτ᾽
ἐπὶ
μεῖζον
ἐξάρας
τὴν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἰσχὺν
αὖθις
εἰς
δειλίαν
κακίζοιτο
μήτε
ἐνδεέστερον
ἀπαγγείλας
κἂν
μετανοήσαντας
ἴσως
θρασύνοιεν,
|
138
He decided, therefore, to write to the authorities in Jerusalem an accurate account of the state of affairs, neither exaggerating the strength of the enemy—lest he be reproached for cowardice—nor reporting it as less than it was, lest they be emboldened when they might perhaps have reconsidered.
|
| 138
He determined, therefore, to give an exact account of affairs to the principal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he might not, by too much aggrandizing the power of the enemy, make them too timorous; nor, by relating that their power beneath the truth, might encourage them to stand out when they were perhaps disposed to repentance.
| 138
So he decided to write to the leaders in Jerusalem an exact report of the situation, neither frightening them by exaggerating the power of the enemy, nor, by minimizing it, encouraging them to stand fast if they were disposed to repentance.
|
| 139
ἵνα
τε
ἢ
σπονδὰς
αἱρούμενοι
ταχέως
ἀντιγράψωσιν
ἢ
πολεμεῖν
ἐγνωκότες
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἀξιόμαχον
αὐτῷ
πέμψωσι
δύναμιν.
|
139
His purpose was that they might either choose terms and reply quickly, or, if they were determined to fight the Romans, send him a force capable of meeting them in battle.
|
| 139
He also sent them word, that if they thought of coming to terms, they must suddenly write him an answer; or if they resolve upon war, they must send him an army sufficient to fight the Romans.
| 139
If they thought of making peace, they must instantly write back to that effect, but if they decided on war, they must send him sufficient forces to fight the Romans.
|
| 140
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
ταῦτ᾽
ἐπιστείλας
πέμπει
διὰ
τάχους
ἐπὶ
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
τοὺς
τὰ
γράμματα
κομίζοντας.
|
140
Having written these dispatches, he sent the messengers in haste to Jerusalem.
|
| 140
Accordingly, he wrote these things, and sent messengers immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem.
| 140
Having written this, he sent messengers to bring his letter quickly to Jerusalem.
|
| 141
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ὡρμημένος
ἐξαιρεῖν
τὴν
Ἰωταπάταν,
πέπυστο
γὰρ
εἰς
αὐτὴν
πλείστους
τῶν
πολεμίων
συμπεφευγέναι
καὶ
ἄλλως
ὁρμητήριον
ἰσχυρὸν
οὖσαν
αὐτῶν,
πέμπει
πεζούς
τε
καὶ
ἱππεῖς
τοὺς
προεξομαλιοῦντας
τὴν
ὁδὸν
ὀρεινὴν
ὑπάρχουσαν
καὶ
πετρώδη,
δύσβατον
δὲ
καὶ
πεζοῖς,
ἱππεῦσιν
δ᾽
ἀμήχανον.
|
141
Vespasian, however, was eager to take Jotapata, for he had learned that many of the enemy had fled there and that it was otherwise a strong base for them. He sent infantry and cavalry ahead to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, being difficult even for foot-soldiers and impossible for horsemen.
|
| 141
Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelligence that the greatest part of the enemy had retired thither, and that it was, on other accounts, a place of great security to them. Accordingly, he sent both footmen and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen.
| 141
Vespasian was eager to put an end to Jotapata, for he had learned that most of the enemy had retreated there and that it was at any rate a place of great security to them.
He sent infantry and cavalry to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, difficult going for infantry and impossible for cavalry.
|
| 142
Οἱ
μὲν
οὖν
τέσσαρσιν
ἡμέραις
ἐξειργάσαντο
καὶ
πλατεῖαν
ἤνοιξαν
τῇ
στρατιᾷ
λεωφόρον·
τῇ
πέμπτῃ
δ᾽
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus,
αὕτη
δ᾽
ἦν
ἈρτεμισίουArtemisium
μηνὸς
μία
καὶ
εἰκάς,
φθάνει
παρελθὼν
εἰς
τὴν
ἸωταπάτανJotapata
ἐκ
τῆς
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias
καὶ
πεπτωκότα
τοῖς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ἐγείρει
τὰ
φρονήματα.
|
142
In four days, they completed the work and opened a broad highway for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month of Artemisius [May/June], Josephus anticipated them by arriving at Jotapata from Tiberias, which raised the spirits of the Jews.
|
| 142
Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days’ time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius (Jyar), Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews.
| 142
These workmen accomplished the task in four days and opened a highway for the army.
On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius, Josephus came from Tiberias and got to Jotapata ahead of him and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews.
|
| 143
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
δέ
τις
εὐαγγελίζεται
τὴν
μετάβασιν
τοῦ
ἀνδρὸς
αὐτόμολος
καὶ
κατήπειγεν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
ὡς
μετ᾽
ἐκείνης
αἱρήσοντα
πᾶσαν
ἸουδαίανJudea,
εἰ
λάβοι
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ὑποχείριον.
|
143
A deserter brought the news of Josephus’s move to Vespasian and urged him to hasten to the city, saying that if he could get Josephus into his power, he would capture all Judea along with him.
|
| 143
And a certain deserter told this good news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made him make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take all Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power.
| 143
A deserter brought Vespasian the good news that Josephus had moved there, which made him hurry to the city, thinking that if he took it and also got Josephus into his hands, he would take all of Judea.
|
| 144
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἁρπάσας
ὥσπερ
μέγιστον
εὐτύχημα
τὴν
ἀγγελίαν,
καὶ
προνοίᾳ
θεοῦ
τὸν
συνετώτατον
εἶναι
δοκοῦντα
τῶν
πολεμίων
οἰόμενος
εἰς
εἱρκτὴν
αὐθαίρετον
παρελθεῖν,
εὐθέως
μὲν
σὺν
χιλίοις
ἱππεῦσιν
πέμπει
ΠλάκιδονPlacidus
καὶ
δεκαδάρχην
ΑἰβούτιονEbutius,
ἄνδρα
τῶν
ἐπισήμωνsplendid
κατὰ
χεῖρα
καὶ
σύνεσιν,
περικατασχεῖν
κελεύσας
τὴν
πόλιν,
ὡς
μὴ
λάθοι
διαδρὰς
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus.
|
144
Vespasian seized upon this news as a stroke of the greatest good fortune, believing that by the providence of God, the man who seemed the most intelligent of his enemies had entered a self-chosen prison. He immediately sent Placidus and the decurion Aebutius—a man distinguished for both strength and sagacity—with a thousand cavalry, ordering them to surround the city so that Josephus might not escape by stealth.
|
| 144
So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately.
| 144
So he took this as good news and believed that divine providence that made the one who seemed the shrewdest of all their enemies to voluntarily enter a place in which he could be enclosed.
He sent Placidus with a thousand cavalry and Ebutius the decurion, a splendid man of prudence and action, to surround the city and prevent Josephus from secretly escaping.
|
| 145
αὐτὸς
δὲ
μετὰ
μίαν
ἡμέραν
ἀναλαβὼν
πᾶσαν
τὴν
δύναμιν
εἵπετο
καὶ
μέχρι
δείλης
ὁδεύσας
πρὸς
τὴν
Ἰωταπάταν
ἀφικνεῖται.
|
145
One day later, Vespasian himself followed with his entire force and, after marching until evening, reached Jotapata.
|
| 145
Vespasian also, the very next day, took his whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived then at Jotapata;
| 145
He followed them with his whole army the next day, and by marching until late in the evening, arrived at Jotapata.
|
| 146
Ἀναλαβὼν
δὲ
τὴν
στρατιὰν
εἰς
τὸ
προσάρκτιον
αὐτῆς
μέρος
ἔν
τινι
λόφῳ
στρατοπεδεύεται
διέχοντι
σταδίους
ἑπτὰ
τῆς
πόλεως,
πειρώμενος
ὡς
μάλιστα
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
εὐσύνοπτος
εἶναι
πρὸς
ἔκπληξιν·
|
146
Leading his army to the northern side of the city, he encamped on a hill seven stadia[1] from the town, endeavoring to make himself as visible as possible to the enemy to strike them with terror.
|
| 146
and bringing his army to the northern side of the city, he pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven furlongs from the city, and still greatly endeavored to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a consternation;
| 146
Then bringing his army to the northern side of the city he encamped on a small hill seven furlongs from the city, wanting to be clearly seen by the enemy so as to make them afraid.
|
[1] 7 stadia = 1.3 km (0.8 miles)
| 147
ἣ
καὶ
παραχρῆμα
τοσαύτη
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
κατέσχεν,
ὡς
μηδένα
τοῦ
τείχους
τολμῆσαι
προελθεῖν.
|
147
And indeed, such consternation immediately seized the Jews that no one dared to venture outside the wall.
|
| 147
which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one of them durst go out beyond the wall.
| 147
In fact he did frighten the Jews so that none of them dared go out beyond the wall.
|
| 148
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δ᾽
εὐθὺς
μὲν
ἀπώκνησαν
προσβαλεῖν
δι᾽
ὅλης
ὡδευκότες
ἡμέρας,
διπλῇ
δὲ
τῇ
φάλαγγι
κυκλοῦνται
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
τρίτην
ἔξωθεν
περιιστᾶσιν
τὴν
ἵππον,
πάσας
ἀποφράσσοντες
αὐτοῖς
τὰς
ἐξόδους.
|
148
The Romans, however, hesitated to attack at once, having marched for the whole day; instead, they encircled the city with a double line of infantry and placed a third line of cavalry outside them,
|
| 148
Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double row of battalions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole, which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit;
| 148
Still, as they had marched all day the Romans postponed the attack but placed a double row of squadrons around the city, with a third row of cavalry outside, blocking all the exits.
|
| 149
Τοῦτ᾽
ἐν
ἀπογνώσει
σωτηρίας
παρώξυνε
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
πρὸς
τόλμαν·
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
ἀνάγκης
ἐν
πολέμῳ
μαχιμώτερον.
|
149
This sight, by removing all hope of safety, provoked the Jews to daring; for in war, nothing is more combative than necessity.
|
| 149
which thing making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as necessity.
| 149
The impossibility of escape firmed up the resolve of the Jews, for there is nothing that makes men fight so hard in war as sheer necessity.
|
| 150
Γενομένης
δὲ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
προσβολῆς
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
ἸουδαῖοιJews
κατὰ
χώραν
μένοντες
ἀντεῖχον
ἀντικρὺ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐστρατοπεδευκότες
πρὸ
τοῦ
τείχους·
|
150
When the attack began the next day, the Jews at first held their ground, encamping opposite the Romans in front of the wall.
|
| 150
Now when the next day an assault was made by the Romans, the Jews at first staid out of the walls and opposed them, and met them, as having formed themselves a camp before the city walls.
| 150
When the attack came on the next day, the Jews at first stayed outside the city and resisted the Romans there, having camped in front of the walls.
|
| 151
ὡς
δὲ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
τούτοις
μὲν
τοὺς
τοξότας
καὶ
σφενδονήτας
καὶ
πᾶν
τὸ
τῶν
ἑκηβόλων
πλῆθος
ἐπιστήσαςto set, place upon
ἐπέτρεψεν
βάλλειν,
αὐτὸς
δὲ
μετὰ
τῶν
πεζῶν
εἰς
τὸ
πρόσαντες
ἀνώθει
καθ᾽
ὃ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἦν
εὐάλωτον,
δείσας
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
περὶ
τῇ
πόλει
προπηδᾷ
καὶ
σὺν
αὐτῷ
πᾶν
τὸ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
πλῆθος.
|
151
But when Vespasian brought up the archers, slingers, and the whole multitude of long-range hurlers and ordered them to fire, while he himself with the heavy infantry pushed up the slope where the wall was vulnerable, Josephus, fearing for the city, leaped forward, and with him the whole multitude of Jews.
|
| 151
But when Vespasian had set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude that could throw to a great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he himself, with the footmen, got upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jewish multitude with him;
| 151
But Vespasian ranged against them his archers and slingers and those who could throw the longest distance and set them to work while with the infantry he climbed a ramp from which the wall could easily be taken.
Josephus was afraid for the city and made sorties out with the whole body of the Jews.
|
| 152
Συμπεσόντες
δὲ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἀθρόοι
τοῦ
μὲν
τείχους
ἀνέστειλαν
αὐτούς,
πολλὰ
δ᾽
ἐπεδείκνυντο
χειρῶν
ἔργα
καὶ
τόλμης.
|
152
Falling upon the Romans in a mass, they drove them back from the wall and performed many feats of strength and daring.
|
| 152
these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer;
| 152
They attacked the Romans in large numbers and drove them away from the wall in many a brave and splendid deed.
|
| 153
Οὐκ
ἔλασσόν
γε
μὴν
ὧν
ἔδρων
ἀντέπασχον·
ὅσον
γὰρ
αὐτοὺς
ἡ
τῆς
σωτηρίας
ἀπόγνωσις,
τοσοῦτο
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
αἰδὼς
παρεκρότει,
καὶ
τοὺς
μὲν
ἐμπειρία
μετ᾽
ἀλκῆς,
τοὺς
δὲ
θράσος
ὥπλιζε
τῷ
θυμῷ
στρατηγουμένους.
|
153
However, they suffered as much as they inflicted; for as much as despair for their safety incited them, so much did a sense of shame spur on the Romans. The latter were armed by experience and valor, the former by a reckless spirit led by passion.
|
| 153
for as despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally encourage the Romans. These last had skill as well as strength; the other had only courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously.
| 153
Still they suffered as much as the enemy, for if despair of their lives gave courage to the Jews, so equally a sense of shame spurred the Romans, who had skill as well as strength, while the others were armed only with the courage which drove them on.
|
| 154
Παραταξάμενοι
δὲ
δι᾽
ὅλης
ἡμέρας
νυκτὶ
διαλύονται,
τρώσαντες
μὲν
πλείστους
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin,
δεκατρεῖς
δ᾽
ἀνελόντες·
αὐτῶν
δ᾽
ἔπεσον
μὲν
δεκαεπτά,
τραυματίαι
δ᾽
ἐγένοντο
ἑξακόσιοι.
|
154
Having fought in line of battle throughout the day, they were separated by nightfall, having wounded many Romans and killed thirteen; of the Jews, seventeen were killed and six hundred wounded.
|
| 154
And when the fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night. They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of the Jews’ side seventeen were slain, and six hundred wounded.
| 154
The fight lasted all day and only ended at nightfall, by which time they had wounded many of the Romans and killed thirteen of them; on the Jewish side, seventeen were killed and six hundred wounded.
|
| 155
Τῇ
δ᾽
ὑστεραίᾳ
πάλιν
προσβάλλουσι
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐπεξελθόντες
καὶ
πολὺ
καρτερώτερον
ἀντιπαρετάξαντο,
θαρραλεώτεροι
μὲν
ἐκ
τοῦ
παρὰ
λόγον
ἀντισχεῖν
τῇ
προτέρᾳ
γεγενημένοι,
χρώμενοι
δὲ
καὶ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
μαχιμωτέροις·
|
155
On the following day, the Jews again sallied out and attacked the Romans, drawing up their lines much more resolutely. They had become more confident from their unexpected resistance of the previous day, though they now found the Romans to be even more formidable.
|
| 155
On the next day the Jews made another attack upon the Romans, and went out of the walls and fought a much more desperate battle with them than before. For they were now become more courageous than formerly, and that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had made the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately;
| 155
The following day, the Jews again attacked the Romans, leaving the ramparts and fighting them even more doggedly, encouraged by their surprisingly strong showing of the day before.
|
| 156
ὑπὸ
γὰρ
αἰδοῦς
εἰς
ὀργὴν
ἐξεκαίοντο
τὸ
μὴ
ταχέως
νικᾶν
ἧτταν
ἡγούμενοι.
|
156
For the Romans were inflamed to anger by shame, regarding their failure to win a quick victory as a defeat.
|
| 156
for a sense of shame inflamed these into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat.
| 156
But the Romans also fought more fiercely, driven by a sense of shame, seeing in their failure to win a quick victory a kind of defeat.
|
| 157
Καὶ
μέχρι
πέμπτης
ἡμέρας
προσβολαὶ
μὲν
ἐγίνοντο
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀδιάλειπτοι,
ἐκδρομαὶ
δὲ
τῶν
Ἰωταπατηνῶν
καὶ
τειχομαχίαι
καρτερώτεραι,
καὶ
οὔτε
ἸουδαῖοιJews
τὴν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἰσχὺν
κατωρρώδουν
οὔτε
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
πρὸς
τὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
δυσάλωτον
ἀπέκαμνον.
|
157
For five days, the Roman attacks were relentless, and the sallies and defense from the walls by the people of Jotapata were increasingly fierce. Neither were the Jews terrified by the strength of the enemy, nor did the Romans tire of the city’s difficulty.
|
| 157
Thus did the Romans try to make an impression upon the Jews till the fifth day continually, while the people of Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans discouraged at the difficulties they met with in taking the city.
| 157
They went on trying to gain ground until the fifth day, while the people of Jotapata made sorties out and fought stubbornly from the ramparts, the Jews being undeterred by the strength of the enemy, and the Romans undaunted by the difficulties of taking the city.
|
| 158
Ἔστιν
δ᾽
Ἰωταπάτα
πλὴν
ὀλίγου
πᾶσα
κρημνός,
ἐκ
μὲν
τῶν
ἄλλων
μερῶν
πάντοθεν
φάραγξιν
ἀπείροιςinexperienced
ἀπότομος,
ὡς
τῶν
κατιδεῖν
πειρωμένων
τὰς
ὄψεις
προεξασθενεῖν
τοῦ
βάθους,
ἀπὸ
βορέου
δὲ
προσιτὴ
μόνον,
καθ᾽
ὃ
λήγοντι
τῷ
ὄρει
πλαγίῳ
προσέκτισται.
|
158
Now, Jotapata is almost entirely a precipice; on all sides but one, it is sheer with bottomless ravines, so that those trying to look down find their vision fail before it reaches the bottom. It is accessible only from the north, where it is built on the slope of a mountain that ends there.
|
| 158
Now Jotapata is almost all of it built upon a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain.
| 158
Jotapata is built almost entirely on a precipice, very deep and steep gorges on all other sides and every direction, so that people looking downward could not quite see to the bottom.
It can be approached only from the north, where the edge of the city is built on the mountain, where it ends at an angle to the plain.
|
| 159
Καὶ
τοῦτο
δ᾽
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἐμπεριειλήφει
τειχίζων
τὴν
πόλιν,
ὡς
ἀκατάληπτον
εἶναι
πολεμίοις
τὴν
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῆς
ἀκρώρειαν.
|
159
Josephus had included this part when he fortified the city, so that the heights above it might not be occupied by enemies.
|
| 159
This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by the enemies.
| 159
This mountain Josephus had enclosed with a wall when he fortified the city, so that the ridge above could not be taken by an enemy.
|
| 160
Κυκλόθεν
δ᾽
ἄλλοις
ὄρεσιν
καλυπτομένη,
πρὶν
εἰσαφίκοιτό
τις
εἰς
αὐτήν,
παντελῶς
ἀόρατος
ἦν.
εἶχε
μὲν
οὖν
οὕτως
ὀχυρότητος
Ἰωταπάτη·
|
160
Being concealed by other mountains all around, the city was entirely invisible until one was right upon it. Such was the strength of Jotapata.
|
| 160
The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of Jotapata.
| 160
The city is surrounded by other mountains and is quite invisible until one comes right upon it.
Such was the strong situation of Jotapata.
|
| 161
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τῇ
τε
φύσει
τοῦ
χωρίου
καὶ
ταῖς
τόλμαις
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἀντιφιλονεικῶν
ἔγνω
καρτερώτερον
ἅπτεσθαι
τῆς
πολιορκίας,
καὶ
προσκαλεσάμενος
τοὺς
ὑπ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἡγεμόνας
ἐβουλεύετο
περὶ
τῆς
προσβολῆς.
|
161
Vespasian, competing against both the nature of the place and the daring of the Jews, resolved to press the siege more vigorously and called a council of his officers to plan the assault.
|
| 161
Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how he might overcome the natural strength of the place, as well as the bold defense of the Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege with vigor. To that end he called the commanders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted with them which way the assault might be managed to the best advantage.
| 161
To overcome the natural strength of the place and the bold defence of the Jews, Vespasian decided to vigorously besiege it.
So he called his officers to a council of war, consulting them on the best plan of attack.
|
| 162
Δόξαν
δὲ
χῶσαι
τὸ
προσιτὸν
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐπὶ
συγκομιδὴν
ὕλης
ἐκπέμπει
πᾶν
τὸ
στράτευμα,
καὶ
κοπέντων
τῶν
περὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
ὀρῶνto see
συναλισθείσης
τε
ἅμα
τοῖς
ξύλοις
ἀπείρου
χερμάδος,
|
162
It was decided to build a ramp against the accessible part of the wall. He sent his whole army to collect materials; the mountains around the city were stripped of their trees, and a vast amount of stones was gathered along with the timber.
|
| 162
And when the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials together. So when they had cut down all the trees on the mountains that adjoined to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones,
| 162
When it was resolved to raise a ramp against the most practicable part of the wall, he sent out his whole army to collect the materials, and they cut down all the trees on the mountains around the city, and then along with the wood they gathered a vast heap of stones.
|
| 163
οἱ
μὲν
πρὸς
ἀλεωρὰν
τῶν
ὕπερθεν
ἀφιεμένων
βελῶν
γέρρα
διατείναντες
ὑπὲρ
χαρακωμάτων
ἔχουν
ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῖς
οὐδὲν
ἢ
μικρὰ
βλαπτόμενοι
ταῖς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
βολαῖς·
|
163
Some of the soldiers spread wicker screens (gerrha) over hurdles to protect themselves from the missiles being hurled from above, and so they built the ramp, suffering little or no harm from the volleys from the wall.
|
| 163
besides the wood they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall,
| 163
A group of them built shelters, to avoid the spears that were hurled at them from above.
These shelters they placed over their earthworks, and under cover of them they built their bank and so suffered little or no harm from the spears hurled at them from the wall.
|
| 164
οἱ
δὲ
τοὺς
πλησίον
ὄχθους
ἀνασπῶντες
γῆν
αὐτοῖς
ἀδιαλείπτως
ἔφερον,
καὶ
τριχῆ
διῃρημένων
ἀργὸς
ἦν
οὐδείς.
|
164
Others tore up the nearby mounds and brought earth to them incessantly; divided into three groups, no one was idle.
|
| 164
while others pulled the neighboring hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle.
| 164
Others pulled apart the neighbouring mounds and were constantly bringing earth to them, and in this threefold activity, no one was idle.
|
| 165
Οἱ
δὲ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
πέτρας
τε
μεγάλας
ἀπὸ
τῶν
τειχῶν
τοῖς
σκεπάσμασιν
αὐτῶν
ἐπηφίεσαν
καὶ
πᾶν
εἶδος
βελῶν·
ἦν
δὲ
καὶ
μὴ
διικνουμένων
πολὺς
ὁ
ψόφος
καὶ
φοβερὸς
ἐμπόδιον
τοῖς
ἐργαζομένοις.
|
165
Meanwhile, the Jews hurled great rocks from the walls onto the Romans’ coverings, along with every kind of missile. Even when these did not penetrate, the noise was loud and terrifying, hindering the workers.
|
| 165
However, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not reach them was yet so terrible, that it was some impediment to the workmen.
| 165
From the ramparts the Jews threw great rocks and all sorts of missiles against the protective hurdles and even if they did not get through, their noise was so frightening that it held up the workmen.
|
| 166
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ἐν
κύκλῳ
τὰς
ἀφετηρίους
μηχανὰς
ἐπιστήσαςto set, place upon,
τὰ
πάντα
δ᾽
ἦν
ἑκατὸν
ἑξήκοντα
ὄργανα,
βάλλειν
ἐκέλευσεν
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους.
|
166
Vespasian then stationed his engines for discharging missiles in a circle—there were a hundred and sixty such machines in all—and ordered them to fire at those on the wall.
|
| 166
Vespasian then set the engines for throwing stones and darts round about the city. The number of the engines was in all a hundred and sixty, and bid them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon the wall.
| 166
Vespasian then placed around the city a hundred and sixty machines that shot stones and spears, and set them to work to dislodge the men on the wall.
|
| 167
Ὁμοῦ
δὲ
οἵ
τε
καταπέλται
τὰς
λόγχας
ἀνερροίζουν
καὶ
ταλαντιαῖοι
λίθοι
μέγεθος
ἐκ
τῶν
πετροβόλων
ἐβάλλοντο
πῦρ
τε
καὶ
πλῆθος
ἀθρόων
οἰστῶν,
ἅπερ
οὐ
μόνον
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἀνεπίβατον
τοῖς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ἐποίησεν,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὴν
ἐντὸς
ὅσηςas great as
ἐφικνεῖτο
χώρας·
|
167
Simultaneously, the catapults hissed as they threw their spears, stones weighing a talent were hurled from the stone-throwers, and fire and a multitude of arrows were discharged. This made it impossible for the Jews to stay upon the wall or even within the area reached by the missiles.
|
| 167
At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose threw at once lances upon them with a great noise, and stones of the weight of a talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpose, together with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews durst not only notcome upon it, but durst not come to those parts within the walls which were reached by the engines;
| 167
In a single volley and with a loud noise the catapults hurled numerous lances, and the stone-launchers hurled rocks weighing up to a talent.
Fiery torches and a hail of arrows also flew, making the ramparts so dangerous that not only did the Jews not dare to stand there, but also even inside the walls they dared not stay within range of the machines.
|
| 168
καὶ
γὰρ
καὶ
τὸ
τῶν
ἈράβωνArabian
τοξοτῶν
πλῆθος
ἀκοντισταί
τε
καὶ
σφενδονῆται
πάντες
ἅμα
τοῖς
μηχανήμασιν
ἔβαλλον.
|
168
For the multitude of Arabian archers, the javelin-throwers, and the slingers all fired together with the engines.
|
| 168
for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones, fell to work at the same time with the engines.
| 168
Along with the spear- and stone-throwing machines were many Arab archers, as well as javelin-throwers and slingers.
|
| 169
Οὐ
μὴν
εἰργόμενοι
τῆς
καθύπερθεν
ἀμύνης
ἠρέμουν·
ἐκτρέχοντες
γὰρ
λῃστρικώτερον
κατὰ
λόχους
περιέσπων
τε
τῶν
ἐργαζομένων
τὰς
σκέπας
καὶ
τοὺς
γυμνουμένους
ἔπαιον,
καὶ
καθ᾽
ὃ
παρείκοιεν
ἐκεῖνοι
διερρίπτουν
τε
τὸ
χῶμα
καὶ
τὰ
χαρακώματα
σὺν
τοῖς
γέρροις
ἐνεπίμπρασαν,
|
169
Yet, though barred from defending the top of the wall, the Jews did not remain quiet. They sallied out in bands, like brigands, and tore away the protective screens of the workers, striking them when they were exposed. Whenever the Romans gave way, they tore down the ramp and set fire to the hurdles and wicker screens.
|
| 169
Yet did not the others lie still, when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they then made sallies out of the city, like private robbers, by parties, and pulled away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus naked; and when those workmen gave way, these cast away the earth that composed the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it, together with the hurdles,
| 169
But their opponents did not remain inactive, even when they could not fire against the Romans from above, for they made quick raids out from the city, brigand-fashion, to pull away the hurdles protecting the workmen and kill them when they were so unprotected, and when those workmen gave way, throwing down the earthen bank and burning its timber and the shelters.
|
| 170
μέχρι
συνεὶς
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
τὴν
διαίρεσιν
τῶν
ἔργων
αἰτίαν
εἶναι
τῆς
βλάβης,
τὰ
γὰρ
διαστήματα
τοῖς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
προσβολῆς
παρεῖχεν
τόπον,
ἑνοῖ
τὰ
σκεπάσματα,
καὶ
συναφθείσης
ἅμα
αὐτοῖς
τῆς
δυνάμεως
ἀνείρχθησαν
αἱ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
παραδύσεις.
|
170
At last, Vespasian realized that the gaps between the works were the cause of this harm—for these intervals provided the Jews a place for attack—and he joined the protective screens together. When the whole force was thus united, the Jewish incursions were checked.
|
| 170
till at length Vespasian perceived that the intervals there were between the works were of disadvantage to him; for those spaces of ground afforded the Jews a place for assaulting the Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at the same time joined one part of the army to the other, which prevented the private excursions of the Jews.
| 170
Finally Vespasian saw that the gaps between the works were to his disadvantage, for those spaces left the Jews room to attack.
So he gathered up the shelters and linked up the sections of the army, to block these raids by the Jews.
|
| 171
Ἐγειρομένου
δὲ
τοῦ
χώματος
ἤδη
καὶ
ταῖς
ἐπάλξεσιν
ὅσον
οὔπω
πλησιάζοντος
δεινὸν
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
νομίσας,
εἰ
μηδὲν
ἀντιμηχανήσαιτο
τῇ
πόλει
σωτήριον,
συναθροίζει
τέκτονας
καὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἐκέλευσεν
ὑψοῦν.
|
171
As the ramp rose and was already almost reaching the battlements, Josephus, thinking it a dire matter if he did not devise some countermeasure for the city’s safety, gathered the carpenters and ordered them to raise the height of the wall.
|
| 171
nd when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city’s preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher;
| 171
When the bank was raised and came nearer than ever to the top of the ramparts, Josephus thought of counter-plans to save the city.
So he gathered his workmen and ordered them to build the wall higher.
|
| 172
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἀδύνατον
εἶναι
φαμένων
οἰκοδομεῖν
τοσούτοις
βέλεσι
βαλλομένους,
σκέπην
αὐτοῖς
ἐπινοεῖ
τοιάνδε·
|
172
When they said it was impossible to build while being pelted by so many missiles, he devised the following protection for them:
|
| 172
and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them:
| 172
When they said this could not be done while so many spears were being hurled at them, he devised a sort of cover for them.
|
| 173
δρυφάκτους
πήξασθαι
κελεύσας
ἐμπετάσαι
τε
βύρσας
νεοδόρους
βοῶν,
ὡς
ἀναδέχοιντο
μὲν
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τῶν
πετροβόλων
λίθους
κολπούμεναι,
περιολισθάνοι
δὲ
ἀπ᾽
αὐτῶν
καὶ
τὰ
λοιπὰ
βέλη
καὶ
τὸ
πῦρ
ὑπὸ
τῆς
ἰκμάδος
εἴργοιτο,
προανίστησιν
τῶν
τεκτόνων.
|
173
He ordered them to fix stakes and stretch over them the raw hides of oxen, newly flayed. These would yield when struck by the stones from the engines, while other missiles would slide off them, and the moisture in the hides would ward off fire. Behind these, he placed the carpenters.
|
| 173
He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen,
| 173
He got them to fix piles and spread out in front of them the raw hides of freshly-killed oxen, so that when the stones were thrown at them the hides would receive them and yield a little in a hollow shape, from which the spears would slide off and the fire-balls be quenched by their moisture.
|
| 174
Ὑφ᾽
οἷς
ἀσφαλῶς
ἐργαζόμενοι
δι᾽
ἡμέρας
τε
καὶ
νυκτὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἤγειραν
εἰς
εἴκοσι
πήχεις
τὸ
ὕψος,
καὶ
συχνοὺς
μὲν
πύργους
ἐνῳκοδόμησαν
αὐτῷ,
καρτερὰν
δὲ
ἔπαλξιν
ἐφηρμόσαντο.
|
174
Working safely under these covers day and night, they raised the wall to a height of twenty cubits,[1] built numerous towers upon it, and fitted it with a strong battlement.
|
| 174
and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, till it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements.
| 174
These he set in front of the workmen and under them they carried on their work in safety and raised the wall higher, day and night, until it was twenty feet high.
He also built several towers on the wall and fitted them with strong battlements.
|
[1]20 cubits = 9 metres (29 feet)
| 175
Τοῦτο
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἤδη
τῆς
πόλεως
ἐντὸς
οἰομένοις
εἶναι
πολλὴν
ἐποίησεν
ἀθυμίαν,
καὶ
πρός
τε
τὴν
ἐπίνοιαν
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
καὶ
τὸ
παράστημα
τῶν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
κατεπλάγησαν.
|
175
This caused the Romans, who thought they were already inside the city, great despondency; they were astounded both by Josephus’s ingenuity and the resilience of the people in the city.
|
| 175
This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus’s contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city.
| 175
This greatly discouraged the Romans, who had felt they were almost inside the ramparts, but were now baffled by Josephus' plan and by the fortitude of the citizens.
|
| 176
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
πανοῦργον
τοῦ
στρατηγήματος
καὶ
πρὸς
τὰς
τόλμας
παρωξύνετο
τῶν
Ἰωταπατηνῶν·
|
176
Vespasian was provoked both by the cunning of this stratagem and the daring of the people of Jotapata.
|
| 176
And now Vespasian was plainly irritated at the great subtlety of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapata;
| 176
Vespasian was provoked by the subtlety of this ruse and the audacity of the Jotapatans,
|
| 177
πάλιν
γὰρ
ἀναθαρσήσαντες
ἐπὶ
τῷ
τειχισμῷ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐπεξέθεον,
καὶ
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἐγίνοντο
συμπλοκαὶ
κατὰ
λόχους
ἐπίνοιά
τε
λῃστρικὴ
πᾶσα
καὶ
τῶν
προστυχόντων
ἁρπαγαὶ
καὶ
τῶν
ἄλλων
ἔργων
πυρπολήσεις,
|
177
For, having regained their courage by the raising of the wall, they again sallied out against the Romans. Every day there were skirmishes between small bands, involving every kind of guerrilla tactic, the plundering of what they found, and the burning of the Roman works.
|
| 177
for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the Romans, and had every day conflicts with them by parties, together with all such contrivances, as robbers make use of, and with the plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the other works;
| 177
who took new heart as the wall was built.
They began again to raid the Romans and battled with them every day in groups, with all sorts of bandit tactics, looting whatever came to hand, and setting fire to the other works,
|
| 178
ἕως
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἀναπαύσας
τὴν
στρατιὰν
μάχης
διέγνω
προσκαθεζόμενος
σπάνει
τῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
αἱρεῖ
τὴν
πόλιν·
|
178
Finally, Vespasian called his army back from the fight and decided to sit down and take the city by a blockade, relying on their lack of supplies.
|
| 178
and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and resolved to lie round the city, and to starve them into a surrender,
| 178
until Vespasian stopped his army from fighting and decided to lay siege to the city and starve them into surrender.
|
| 179
ἢ
γὰρ
ἀναγκαζομένους
ταῖς
ἀπορίαις
ἱκετεύσειν
αὐτὸν
ἢ
μέχρι
παντὸς
ἀπαυθαδισαμένους
διαφθαρήσεσθαι
λιμῷ.
|
179
He calculated that they would either be forced by their needs to plead for mercy or, if they remained stubborn to the end, they would perish of hunger.
|
| 179
as supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of provisions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last, they should perish by famine:
| 179
He thought to force them to plead for mercy when their provisions failed, or if they still dared to hold out, they would die of hunger.
|
| 180
πολύ
τε
ῥᾴοσιν
αὐτοῖς
ἠξίου
χρήσεσθαι
κατὰ
τὴν
μάχην,
εἰ
διαλιπὼν
αὖθις
ἐκτετρυχωμένοις
ἐπιπέσοι.
φρουρεῖν
δὴ
πάσας
αὐτῶν
ἐκέλευσεν
τὰς
ἐξόδους.
|
180
He believed he would find them much easier to deal with in a fight if he waited and then fell upon them when they were exhausted. He therefore ordered all the exits to be guarded.
|
| 180
and he concluded he should conquer them the more easily in fighting, if he gave them an interval, and then fell upon them when they were weakened by famine; but still he gave orders that they should guard against their coming out of the city.
| 180
Expecting to win the battle more easily if he left them a little while and then attacked them when they were weakened by hunger, he gave orders that the exits from the city be patrolled.
|
| 181
Τοῖς
δὲ
σίτου
μὲν
πλῆθος
ἦν
ἔνδον
καὶ
τῶν
ἄλλων
πλὴν
ἁλὸς
ἁπάντων,
ἔνδεια
δὲ
ὕδατος
ὡς
ἂν
πηγῆς
μὲν
οὐκ
οὔσης
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν,
τῷ
δ᾽
ὀμβρίῳ
διαρκουμένων
τῶν
ἐν
αὐτῇ·
σπάνιον
δ᾽
εἴ
ποτε
τὸ
κλίμα
θέρους
ὕεται.
|
181
Inside the city, there was an abundance of grain and everything else except salt; however, there was a shortage of water because there was no spring in the city, the inhabitants relying on rainwater. But it rarely rains in that region during the summer.
|
| 181
Now the besieged had plenty of corn within the city, and indeed of allnecessaries, but they wanted water, because there was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain water; yet is it a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer,
| 181
The besieged had plenty of corn within the city and indeed of all essentials, but were short of water, as it had no fountain.
Usually the people there have enough rainwater for their needs, though in that region rain rarely falls in summer;
|
| 182
Καὶ
κατὰ
ταύτην
τὴν
ὥραν
πολιορκουμένων
ἀθυμία
δεινὴ
πρὸς
τὴν
τοῦ
δίψους
ἐπίνοιαν
ἦν,
ἀσχαλλόντων
ἤδη
ὡς
καθάπαν
ἐπιλελοιπότος
ὕδατος·
|
182
Since they were besieged at that season, there was a terrible despondency at the thought of thirst; the people were already distressed as if the water had failed entirely.
|
| 182
and at this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contrivance to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if they were already in want of water entirely,
| 182
but during the siege they were in dire straits due to thirst, as they were already very short of water.
|
| 183
ὁ
γὰρ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
τήν
τε
πόλιν
ὁρῶν
τῶν
ἄλλων
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
εὔπορον
καὶ
τὰ
φρονήματα
γενναῖα
τῶν
ἀνδρῶν,
βουλόμενός
τε
παρ᾽
ἐλπίδα
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐκτεῖναι
τὴν
πολιορκίαν,
μέτρῳ
τὸ
ποτὸν
αὐτοῖς
διένειμεν
εὐθέως.
|
183
Josephus, seeing that the city was well-supplied with other provisions and that the spirits of the men were noble, and wishing to prolong the siege beyond the Romans’ expectations, immediately began to ration the water.
|
| 183
for Josephus seeing that the city abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected, ordered their drink to be given them by measure;
| 183
Seeing that the city had plenty of other essentials and that the men were in good spirits and wanting to withstand the siege longer than the Romans expected, Josephus ordered that their drink be rationed,
|
| 184
Οἱ
δὲ
τὸ
ταμιεύεσθαι
χαλεπώτερον
ἐνδείας
ὑπελάμβανον,
καὶ
τὸ
μὴ
αὐτεξούσιον
αὐτῶν
πλέον
ἐκίνει
τὴν
ὄρεξιν,
καὶ
καθάπερ
εἰς
ἔσχατον
ἤδη
δίψους
προήκοντες
ἀπέκαμνον.
Διακείμενοι
δὲ
οὕτως
οὐκ
ἐλάνθανον
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans·
|
184
The people found this rationing more difficult than a total lack would have been; the fact that they were not their own masters in this regard further whetted their appetite, and they began to fail as if they had already reached the extreme of thirst. Their condition did not escape the notice of the Romans.
|
| 184
but this scanty distribution of water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want of it; and their not being able to drink as much as they would made them more desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were as much disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in,
| 184
but they found this scanty rationing of water even harder than the lack of it.
Not being able to drink their fill made them keener than ever to drink.
Nor were the Romans unaware of the state they were in,
|
| 185
ἀπὸ
γὰρ
τοῦ
κατάντους
ἑώρων
αὐτοὺς
ὑπὲρ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἐφ᾽
ἕνα
συρρέοντας
τόπον
καὶ
μετρουμένους
τὸ
ὕδωρ,
ἐφ᾽
ὃν
καὶ
τοῖς
ὀξυβελέσιν
ἐξικνούμενοι
πολλοὺς
ἀνῄρουν.
|
185
For from the high ground, the Romans could see the Jews over the wall flocking to one place to receive their measured water, and by aiming their bolt-throwers at that spot, they killed many.
|
| 185
for when they stood over against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither the place being within their reach, and kill a great many of them.
| 185
for when they looked at them from beyond the wall, they saw them assembling for their ration of water and by hurling their javelins there they killed many of them.
|
| 186
Καὶ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
μὲν
οὐκ
εἰς
μακρὰν
τῶν
ἐκδοχείων
κενωθέντων
ἤλπιζεν
ὑπὸ
τῆς
ἀνάγκης
αὐτῷ
παραδοθήσεσθαι
τὴν
πόλιν·
|
186
And Vespasian hoped that before long, their reservoirs would be empty and the city would be surrendered to him out of necessity.
|
| 186
Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him;
| 186
Vespasian hoped that their cisterns would soon be empty and that they would be forced to surrender the city to him,
|
| 187
ὁ
δὲ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
κλάσαι
τὴν
ἐλπίδα
ταύτην
αὐτῷ
προαιρούμενος
ἐμβρέξαι
κελεύει
πλείστους
τὰ
ἱμάτια
καὶ
κατακρεμάσαι
περὶ
τὰς
ἐπάλξεις,
ὥστε
περιρρεῖσθαι
πᾶν
ἐξαπίνης
τὸ
τεῖχος.
|
187
But Josephus, intending to crush this hope, ordered the people to soak many of their garments and hang them over the battlements, so that the whole wall was suddenly dripping with water.
|
| 187
but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water.
| 187
but wishing to frustrate this hope, Josephus ordered them to wet many of their clothes and hang them out about the battlements, until suddenly the entire wall was streaming down with water.
|
| 188
Πρὸς
τοῦτ᾽
ἀθυμία
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
καὶ
κατάπληξις
ἦν
θεασαμένων
εἰς
χλεύην
τοσοῦτον
παραναλίσκοντας
ὕδατος
οὓς
οὐδὲ
ποτὸν
ἔχειν
ὑπελάμβανον,
ὥστε
καὶ
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
ἀπογνόντα
τὴν
δι᾽
ἐνδείας
ἅλωσιν
τρέπεσθαι
πάλιν
πρὸς
ὅπλα
καὶ
βίαν.
|
188
At this, the Romans were despondent and amazed to see those whom they thought had nothing even to drink wasting so much water in mockery. Consequently, the general, despairing of taking the city by famine, turned again to arms and force.
|
| 188
At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender,
| 188
This sight dismayed and alarmed the Romans, when they saw them able to throw away so much water in sport, when they supposed they did not to have enough to drink themselves.
This made the Roman general despair of taking the city just by their lack of essentials and he again resorted to arms to try to force them to surrender,
|
| 189
Ὃ
δὴ
τοῖς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
δι᾽
ἐπιθυμίας
ἦν·
ἀπεγνωκότες
γὰρ
ἑαυτοὺς
καὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
πρὸ
λιμοῦ
καὶ
δίψης
τὸν
ἐν
πολέμῳ
θάνατον
ᾑροῦντο.
|
189
This was exactly what the Jews desired; for having despaired of themselves and the city, they preferred a death in battle to one by hunger and thirst.
|
| 189
which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of either themselves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in battle before one by hunger and thirst.
| 189
which was just what the Jews desired.
For as they despaired of saving their lives or their city, they preferred to die in battle rather than by hunger and thirst.
|
| 190
Ὁ
μέντοι
γε
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
πρὸς
τῷδε
τῷ
στρατηγήματι
καὶ
ἕτερον
ἐπενόησεν
εἰς
περιουσίαν
αὐτῷ·
|
190
However, Josephus devised another stratagem to provide himself with an abundance of supplies.
|
| 190
However, Josephus contrived another stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty of what they wanted.
| 190
Josephus managed yet another ruse, to get plenty of what they needed.
|
| 191
Διά
τινος
χαράδρας
δυσβάτου
καὶ
διὰ
τοῦθ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῶν
φυλάκων
ἀμελουμένης
κατὰ
τὰ
πρὸς
δύσιν
μέρη
τῆς
φάραγγος
ἐκπέμπων
τινὰς
γράμματά
τε
πρὸς
οὓς
ἠβούλετο
τῶν
ἔξω
ἸουδαίωνJews
διεπέμψατο
καὶ
παρ᾽
αὐτῶν
ἐλάμβανεν,
παντός
τε
ἐπιτηδείου
τῶν
ἀνὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐπιλελοιπότωνto leave behind
εὐπόρησεν,
|
191
Through a certain rugged ravine, which was neglected by the guards for that very reason, he sent out messengers through the western parts of the valley to the Jews outside whom he wished to reach, and received letters from them. He thus provided an abundance of everything necessary for those in the city whose supplies had failed.
|
| 191
There was a certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance;
| 191
Along a rough, jagged place so hard to ascend that it was not guarded by the soldiers he sent some men out along the western parts of the valley, with letters to chosen Jews who were outside and from them got plenty of what they needed in the city.
|
| 192
ἕρπειν
τὰ
πολλὰ
παρὰ
τὰς
φυλακὰς
κελεύσας
τοῖς
ἐξιοῦσιν
καὶ
τὰ
νῶτα
καλύπτειν
νάκεσιν,
ὡς
εἰ
καὶ
κατίδοι
τις
αὐτοὺς
νύκτωρ,
φαντασίαν
παρέχοιεν
κυνῶν,
μέχρι
συναισθόμενοι
τὴν
ἐπίνοιαν
οἱ
φρουροὶ
περιίσχουσιν
τὴν
χαράδραν.
|
192
He ordered those going out to crawl for the most part past the guard posts and to cover their backs with skins, so that if anyone saw them by night, they would give the appearance of dogs; this continued until the sentinels perceived the trick and surrounded the ravine.
|
| 192
he enjoined them also to creep generally along by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover their backs with such sheepskins as had their wool upon them, that if anyone should spy them out in the nighttime, they might be believed to be dogs. This was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and encompassed that rough place about themselves.
| 192
He told them to creep past the sentries as they returned to the city, covering their backs with hides in order to look like dogs; but eventually the sentries saw the ruse and blocked that gully.
|
| 193
Καὶ
τόθ᾽
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
μὲν
τὴν
πόλιν
οὐκ
εἰς
μακρὰν
ὁρῶν
ἀνθέξειν,
ἐν
ἀπόρῳ
δὲ
τὴν
ἑαυτῶν
σωτηρίαν
εἰ
μένοι,
δρασμὸν
ἅμα
τοῖς
δυνατοῖς
ἐβουλεύετο.
συναισθόμενοι
δὲ
τὸ
πλῆθος
καὶ
περιχυθὲν
αὐτῷ
κατηντιβόλουν
μὴ
σφᾶς
περιιδεῖν
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ
μόνῳ
κειμένους·
|
193
At that time, Josephus, seeing that the city would not hold out much longer and that his own safety was in doubt if he remained, deliberated on flight along with the leading men. But the multitude perceived this and, crowding around him, implored him not to neglect them, as they depended on him alone.
|
| 193
And now it was that Josephus perceived that the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he continued in it; so he consulted how he and the most potent men of the city might fly out of it. When the multitude understood this, they came all round about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely depended on him, and him alone;
| 193
Realizing that the city could not hold out much longer and fearing for his own safety if he stayed, Josephus consulted with the influential people about a means of escape.
When the people got wind of it, they surrounded him and implored him not to leave them as they depended on him alone.
|
| 194
εἶναι
γὰρ
τῇ
πόλει
καὶ
σωτηρίας
μὲν
ἐλπὶς
παραμένων,
παντὸς
ἀγωνισομένου
δι᾽
αὐτὸν
προθύμως,
κἂν
ἁλῶσιν
δέ,
παραμυθίαν.
|
194
For they said there was hope of safety for the city if he remained, since everyone would fight zealously for his sake, and even if they were captured, he would be a consolation to them.
|
| 194
for that there was still hope of the city’s deliverance, if he would stay with them, because everybody would undertake any pains with great cheerfulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort for them also, though they should be taken:
| 194
They thought there was still hope of saving the city if he stayed with them, as all would cheerfully make every effort for his sake and if they were taken, his presence would be some comfort to them.
|
| 195
πρέπειν
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
μήτε
φυγεῖν
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
μήτ᾽
ἐγκαταλιπεῖν
τοὺς
φίλους
μήτ᾽
ἀποπηδᾶν
ὥσπερ
χειμαζομένης
νεώς,
εἰς
ἣν
ἐν
γαλήνῃ
παρῆλθεν·
|
195
They said it was not fitting for him either to flee the enemies or to abandon his friends, nor to leap off a ship in a storm into which he had entered during a calm.
|
| 195
that it became him neither to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet and in a calm;
| 195
They said he should neither flee from his enemies nor desert his friends, by rushing out from the city as from a ship caught in a storm, which was peaceful and calm when he had entered it.
|
| 196
ἐπιβαπτίσειν
γὰρ
αὐτοῖς
τὴν
πόλιν
μηδενὸς
ἔτι
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
τολμῶντος
ἀνθίστασθαι
δι᾽
ὃν
ἂν
θαρσοῖεν
οἰχομένου.
|
196
For he would sink the city if he left, since no one would dare any longer to resist the enemy when the one through whom they took courage was gone.
|
| 196
for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once gone, upon whom they wholly confided.
| 196
His departure would be the city's ruin, since no one would dare oppose the enemy once the man they trusted had left.
|
| 197
Ὁ
δὲ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
τὸ
κατ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἀσφαλὲς
ὑποστελλόμενος
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν
ἔφασκεν
ποιεῖσθαι
τὴν
ἔξοδον·
|
197
But Josephus, concealing his own desire for safety, claimed he was making his exit for their sake.
|
| 197
Hereupon Josephus avoided letting them know that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he would go out of the city for their sakes;
| 197
Josephus refrained from any mention of his own safety, but said he was leaving the city for their sakes.
|
| 198
μένων
μὲν
γὰρ
οὔτ᾽
ἂν
ὠφελῆσαί
τι
μέγα
σωζομένους,
κἂν
ἁλίσκωνται,
συναπολεῖσθαι
περιττῶς,
ἐκδὺς
δὲ
τῆς
πολιορκίας
ἔξωθεν
αὐτοὺς
ὠφελήσειν
μέγιστα·
|
198
He argued that by staying he could do them no great service even if they were saved, and if they were captured, he would perish needlessly with them; but if he escaped the siege, he could help them greatly from the outside.
|
| 198
for that if he staid with them, he should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe condition; and that if they were once taken, he should only perish with them to no purpose; but that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring them very great relief;
| 198
If he stayed, there was little he could do for them as long as they were safe, and if they were captured, he would only die with them in vain; but if he could get away from the siege, he could be of great help to them.
|
| 199
τούς
τε
γὰρ
ἐκ
τῆς
χώρας
ΓαλιλαίουςGalilean
συναθροίσειν
ᾗ
τάχος
καὶ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἑτέρῳ
πολέμῳ
τῆς
πόλεως
αὐτῶν
ἀντιπερισπάσειν.
|
199
For he would quickly assemble the Galileans from the countryside and distract the Romans from their city with another war.
|
| 199
for that he would then immediately get the Galileans together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their city by another war.
| 199
Then he would gather crowds of Galileans from the countryside and start another war-zone to draw off the Romans from their city.
|
| 200
Οὐχno, not
ὁρᾶν
δέ,
τί
παρακαθεζόμενος
αὐτοῖς
χρήσιμος
εἴη
νῦν,
πλὴν
εἰ
μὴ
ῬωμαίουςRomans
παροξύνων
μᾶλλον
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πολιορκίαν,
οὓς
περὶ
πλείστου
ποιεῖσθαι
λαβεῖν
αὐτόν·
εἰ
δ᾽
ἐκδράντα
πύθοιντο,
πολὺ
τῆς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
ὁρμῆς
ἀνήσειν.
|
200
He said he did not see how he was useful by sitting beside them now, except perhaps by provoking the Romans further against the siege because they valued his capture so highly; but if they learned he had escaped, they would slacken much of their impetus against the city.
|
| 200
That he did not see what advantage he could bring to them now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it.
| 200
He did not see any advantage in staying with them, as it only provoked the Romans to tighten the siege, in order to capture him, while if they heard he had fled from the city, they would ease their attack on it.
|
| 201
Οὐκ
ἔπειθεν
δὲ
τούτοις,
ἀλλὰ
μᾶλλον
ἐξέκαυσεν
τὸ
πλῆθος
αὐτοῦ
περιέχεσθαι·
παιδία
γοῦν
καὶ
γέροντες
καὶ
γύναια
μετὰ
νηπίων
ὀδυρόμενα
προσέπιπτον
αὐτῷ
καὶ
τοῖς
ποσὶν
ἐμπλεκόμενοι
πάντες
εἴχοντο,
|
201
He did not persuade them with these words, but rather inflamed the multitude to cling to him. Children, old men, and women with wailing infants fell at his feet and held on, entangling themselves with his feet.
|
| 201
Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men, and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast,
| 201
Unmoved by this, the crowd clung to him all the more.
Youngsters and old men and women with their infants fell down mourning before him and took hold of his feet,
|
| 202
καὶ
μετὰ
κωκυτῶν
κοινωνὸν
σφίσι
τῆς
τύχης
μένειν
ἱκέτευον,
οὐ
φθόνῳ
τῆς
ἐκείνου
σωτηρίας,
ἔμοιγε
δοκεῖν,
ἀλλ᾽
ἐλπίδι
τῆς
ἑαυτῶν·
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
ἠξίουν
πείσεσθαι
δεινὸν
ἸωσήπουJoseph
μένοντος.
|
202
With cries, they begged him to stay and share their fortune—not out of envy of his safety, it seems to me, but in hope of their own; for they believed no evil would befall them while Josephus remained.
|
| 202
and besought him, with great lamentations, that he would take his share with them in their fortune;—and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but that they hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any great misfortune, provided Josephus would but stay with them.
| 202
imploring him, with sobs, to share their fate with them, not, I think, begrudging him his safety, but hoping for their own.
For they expected not to suffer any great misfortune, if only Josephus stayed with them.
|
| 203
Ὁ
δὲ
πειθομένῳ
μὲν
ἱκετηρίαν
ταῦτα
νομίσας,
βιαζομένῳ
δὲ
φρουράν,
πολὺ
δ᾽
αὐτοῦ
τῆς
εἰς
τὴν
ἀπόλειψιν
ὁρμῆς
καὶ
ὁ
τῶν
ὀδυρομένων
ἔκλασεν
οἶκτος,
μένειν
τε
ἔγνω,
|
203
Josephus, thinking that if he yielded it would be an act of mercy, but if he were forced it would be a guard over him—and also being broken in his resolution to depart by the pity of those wailing—decided to stay.
|
| 203
Now, Josephus thought, that if he resolved to stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under their lamentations had much broken that of his eagerness to leave them; so he resolved to stay,
| 203
He thought that if he stayed, it would be put down to their pleas, but if he tried to force his way out, he would be taken prisoner, and his eagerness to leave was banished by pity for their laments, so he decided to stay.
|
| 204
καὶ
τὴν
κοινὴν
τῆς
πόλεως
ἀπόγνωσιν
ὁπλισάμενος,
"
νῦν
καιρός,
εἰπών,
ἄρχεσθαι
μάχης,
ὅτ᾽when
ἐλπὶς
οὐκ
ἔστι
σωτηρίας·
καλὸν
εὔκλειαν
ἀντικαταλλαξάμενον
τοῦ
βίου
καὶ
δράσαντά
τι
γενναῖον
εἰς
μνήμην
ὀψιγενῶν
πεσεῖν
"
,
ἐπ᾽
ἔργα
τρέπεται.
|
204
Arming himself with the common despair of the city, he said, “Now is the time to begin the fight, when there is no hope of safety. It is noble to exchange life for glory and, having done something brave, to fall into the memory of future generations.” Then he turned to action.
|
| 204
and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, “Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life, and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late posterity.”
| 204
Arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, "Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there remains no hope of safety.
It is a fine thing to set glory above life and leave behind some noble deed as a memory to posterity. "
|
| 205
Καὶ
προελθὼν
μετὰ
τῶν
μαχιμωτάτων
διεσκίδνα
τε
τοὺς
φρουροὺς
καὶ
μέχρι
τοῦ
στρατοπέδου
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
κατέτρεχεν,
καὶ
τὰς
μὲν
ἐπὶ
τῶν
χωμάτων
δέρρεις,
αἷς
ὑπεσκήνουν,
διέσπα,
τοῖς
δὲ
ἔργοις
ἐνέβαλλεν
πῦρ.
|
205
Going out with the most warlike men, he dispersed the guards and ran as far as the Roman camp, tearing the skins that covered the huts on the embankments and setting fire to the siege works.
|
| 205
Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a sally, and dispersed the enemies’ outguards, and ran as far as the Roman camp itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set fire to their works.
| 205
Then he sallied out and scattered the enemies' outposts and raced to the Roman camp itself and pulled to pieces the coverings upon their earthworks and set fire to the siege-works.
|
| 206
Τῇ
τε
ἑξῆς
ὁμοίως
καὶ
τῇ
τρίτῃ
καὶ
ἐπὶ
συχνὰς
ἡμέρας
καὶ
νύκτας
πολεμῶν
οὐκ
ἔκαμνεν.
|
206
He did the same on the second and third days, and for many days and nights he did not tire of fighting.
|
| 206
And this was the manner in which he never left off fighting, neither the next day, nor the day after it, but went on with it for a considerable number of both days and nights.
| 206
On the morrow and the day following he never left off fighting and kept it up for many days and nights.
|
| 207
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τῶν
[τε]
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
κακουμένων
ταῖς
ἐκδρομαῖς,
τρέπεσθαί
τε
γὰρ
ὑπὸ
ἸουδαίωνJews
ᾐδοῦντο
καὶ
τραπέντων
ἐπιδιώκειν
βάρει
τῶν
ὅπλων
ἦσαν
βραδεῖς,
οἵ
τε
ἸουδαῖοιJews
πρίν
τι
παθεῖν
ἀεὶ
δρῶντες
ἀνέφευγον
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
|
207
Vespasian, seeing the Romans distressed by these excursions—for they were ashamed to be turned back by the Jews, and when they did turn them back, they were slow to pursue because of the weight of their armor, while the Jews always fled back into the city after doing damage before they could suffer anything—
|
| 207
Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans distressed by these sallies, (although they were ashamed to be made to run away by the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armor would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any action, and before they could be hurt themselves, still retired into the city),
| 207
Vespasian saw the Romans troubled by these raids, though they were ashamed to be put to flight by the Jews, but whenever they turned around their heavy armour hampered them, while the Jews always retreated into the city before they could be harmed.
|
| 209
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
ἀλκιμώτερον
εἶναι
τῆς
ἀπογνώσεως,
περισβέννυσθαι
δὲ
αὐτῶν
τὰς
ὁρμὰς
σκοπῶν
ἀπορουμένας
ὥσπερ
ὕλης
τὸ
πῦρ·
|
209
For he said nothing is more courageous than despair, and their impulses would be extinguished when they found no object, just as fire is for lack of fuel.
|
| 209
while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire is quenched when it wants fuel;
| 209
for nothing is more fearless than despair.
Their vigour would be quenched when their attacks came to nothing, as fire is quenched when it lacks fuel.
|
| 210
προσήκειν
γε
μὴν
καὶ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
μετὰ
ἀσφαλείας
καὶ
τὸ
νικᾶν,
ὡς
ἂν
οὐκ
ἐξ
ἀνάγκης
πολεμοῦσιν,
ἀλλὰ
προσκτωμένοις.
|
210
He added that it was proper for Romans to conquer with safety, since they did not fight out of necessity but for conquest.
|
| 210
and that it wasproper for the Romans to gain their victories as cheap as they could, since they are not forced to fight, but only to enlarge their own dominions.
| 210
The Romans should win victory as cheaply as they could, since they were fighting not from need but to extend their empire.
|
| 211
Τοῖς
δὲ
τῶν
ἈράβωνArabian
τοξόταις
καὶ
τοῖς
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ΣυρίαςSyria
σφενδονήταις
καὶ
λιθοβόλοις
τὰ
πολλὰ
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἀνέστελλεν·
ἠρέμει
δὲ
οὐδὲ
τῶν
ἀφετηρίων
ὀργάνων
τὸ
πλῆθος.
|
211
He repelled the Jews mostly with Arabian archers and Syrian slingers and stone-throwers; nor was the multitude of artillery engines idle.
|
| 211
So he repelled the Jews in great measure by the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive engines.
| 211
So he repelled the Jews with the Arabian archers and the Syrian slingers and stone-throwers, and his artillery was constantly in action.
|
| 212
Οἱ
δὲ
τούτοις
μὲν
εἶκον
κακούμενοι,
τῶν
δὲ
πόρρω
βαλλομένων
ἐνδοτέρωinner
γινόμενοι
προσέκειντο
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
χαλεποὶ
καὶ
ψυχῆς
καὶ
σώματος
ἀφειδοῦντες
ἐμάχοντο,
ἐκ
διαδοχῆς
ἑκάτεροι
τὸ
κεκμηκὸς
ἑαυτῶν
ἀναλαμβάνοντες.
|
212
The Jews gave way to these while being harassed, but when they got inside the range of the long-distance missiles, they fell upon the Romans and fought hard, sparing neither soul nor body, each side taking turns to relieve those who were exhausted.
|
| 212
Now, the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to escape from them; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succoring another by turns, when it was tired down.
| 212
These machines caused great casualties as they threw their stones or javelins a long way, but once outside their reach, the Jews pressed on the Romans and fought hard, risking both soul and body, and taking turns at helping any of their tired comrades.
|
| 213
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ἡγούμενος
τῷ
μήκει
τοῦ
χρόνου
καὶ
ταῖς
ἐκδρομαῖς
ἀντιπολιορκεῖσθαι,
τῶν
χωμάτων
ἤδη
τοῖς
τείχεσι
πελαζόντων
προσάγειν
ἔγνω
τὸν
κριόν.
|
213
Vespasian, thinking that he was himself being besieged by the length of time and the excursions, and as the embankments were now approaching the walls, decided to bring up the Battering Ram.
|
| 213
When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon himself as in a manner besieged by these sallies of the Jews, and when his banks were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram.
| 213
Vespasian, seeing himself pinned down by these Jewish raids, decided to use the battering ram, once his earthworks were not far from the walls.
|
| 214
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἐστὶν
ὑπερμεγέθης
δοκὸς
ἱστῷ
νηὸς
παραπλήσιος·
ἐστόμωται
δὲ
παχεῖ
σιδήρῳ
κατ᾽
ἄκρον
εἰς
κριοῦ
προτομήν,
ἀφ᾽
οὗ
καὶ
καλεῖται,
τετυπωμένῳ.
|
214
It is an immense beam, similar to the mast of a ship; it is tipped with thick iron at the end in the shape of a ram’s head, from which it also takes its name.
|
| 214
This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship, its forepart is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken.
| 214
The ram is a vast pole, like the mast of a ship, its front armed with a thick piece of iron, carved like a ram's head, from which it takes its name.
|
| 215
Καταιωρεῖται
δὲ
κάλοις
μέσος
ὥσπερ
ἀπὸ
πλάστιγγος
ἑτέρας
δοκοῦ,
σταυροῖς
ἑκατέρωθεν
ἑδραίοις
ὑπεστηριγμένης.
|
215
It is suspended by ropes at its middle like a balance-beam from another beam, which is supported on both sides by firm upright posts.
|
| 215
This ram is slung in the air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of it, in the nature of a cross.
| 215
It is slung in the middle on ropes, to hang like the balance of a scale from another pole, braced on both sides by strong beams, in the form of a cross.
|
| 216
Ἀνωθούμενος
δὲ
ὑπὸ
πλήθους
ἀνδρῶν
εἰς
τὸ
κατόπιν,
τῶν
αὐτῶν
ἀθρόως
πάλιν
εἰς
τοὔμπροσθεν
ἐπιβρισάντων
τύπτει
τὰ
τείχη
τῷ
προανέχοντι
σιδήρῳ.
|
216
Being pushed back by a multitude of men and then swung forward all at once with great force, it strikes the walls with the protruding iron.
|
| 216
When this ram is pulled backward by a great number of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent.
| 216
When it is pulled backward with united force by many men and then thrust forward with their combined force, it batters the walls with its iron front.
|
| 217
Καὶ
οὐδεὶς
οὕτως
καρτερὸς
πύργος
ἢ
περίβολος
πλατύς,
ὃς
κἂν
τὰς
πρώτας
πληγὰς
ἐνέγκῃ
κατίσχυσεν
τῆς
ἐπιμονῆς.
|
217
There is no tower so strong nor wall so thick that, even if it endures the first blows, it can resist its continuous impact.
|
| 217
Nor is there any tower so strong, or walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first batteries, but all are forced to yield to it at last.
| 217
And there is no tower so strong, or walls so thick, that can resist more than its first battering, but all must finally yield to it.
|
| 218
Ἐπὶ
ταύτην
τὴν
πεῖραν
ὁ
στρατηγὸς
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
μετέβαινεν
βίᾳ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἑλεῖν
σπεύδων,
ὡς
τὸ
προσκαθέζεσθαι
βλαβερὸν
ἦν
ἸουδαίωνJews
οὐκ
ἠρεμούντων.
|
218
The Roman general turned to this trial, hastening to take the city by force, as the delay was harmful while the Jews would not remain quiet.
|
| 218
This was the experiment which the Roman general betook himself to, when he was eagerly bent upon taking the city; but found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage, because the Jews would never let him be quiet.
| 218
This was the expedient used by the Roman general in his haste to take the city, as he found it useless trying to wait them out, since the Jews would never leave him in peace.
|
| 219
Οἱ
μὲν
οὖν
τούς
τε
καταπέλτας
καὶ
τὰ
λοιπὰ
τῶν
ἀφετηρίων,
ὡς
ἐξικνοῖτο
τῶν
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
κωλύειν
πειρωμένων,
ἔγγιον
προσαγαγόντες
ἔβαλλον·
ὁμοίως
δὲ
συνήγγιζον
οἱ
τοξόται
καὶ
σφενδονῆται.
|
219
They brought the catapults and other engines closer so they could reach those on the wall trying to stop them, and the archers and slingers likewise drew near.
|
| 219
So these Romans brought the several engines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach such as were upon the wall, and endeavored to frustrate their attempts; these threw stones and javelins at them; in the like manner did the archers and slingers come both together closer to the wall.
| 219
So they brought up the catapults and other machines for strafing the enemy, to stop those manning the wall from frustrating their attempts by throwing stones and javelins at them; similarly the archers and slingers came closer to the wall.
|
| 220
Διὰ
δὲ
ταῦτα
μηδενὸς
τῶν
περιβόλων
ἐπιβῆναι
τολμῶντος
προσῆγον
ἕτεροι
τὸν
κριὸν
γέρροις
τε
διηνεκέσι
καὶ
καθύπερθεν
πεφραγμένον
δέρρει
πρός
τε
αὐτῶν
καὶ
τοῦ
μηχανήματος
ἀσφάλειαν.
|
220
Because of this, no one dared to mount the battlements, and others brought up the Ram, protected by continuous wicker screens and covered above with skins for the safety of both the men and the machine.
|
| 220
This brought matters to such a pass that none of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then it was that the other Romans brought the battering ram that was cased with hurdles all over, and in the upper part was secured by skins that covered it, and this both for the security of themselves and of the engine.
| 220
The effect of this was that none of the Jews dared mount the ramparts and then the other Romans brought the battering ram that was encased with hurdles with its upper part covered in skins to protect both the men and the machine.
|
| 221
Καὶ
κατὰ
τὴν
πρώτην
πληγὴν
διεσείσθη
μὲν
τὸ
τεῖχος,
κραυγὴ
δὲ
μεγίστη
παρὰ
τῶν
ἔνδον
ἤρθη
καθάπερ
ἑαλωκότων
ἤδη.
|
221
At the first blow, the wall was shaken, and a great cry was raised by those inside as if they were already captured.
|
| 221
Now, at the very first stroke of this engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamor was raised by the people within the city, as if they were already taken.
| 221
At the first stroke of this machine, the wall was shaken and a terrible groan came from the people within the city, as if they were already taken.
|
| 222
πολλάκις
δὲ
εἰς
τὸν
αὐτὸν
παίοντας
τόπον
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ὁρῶν
ὅσον
οὔπω
καταρριφθησόμενον
τὸ
τεῖχος,
σοφίζεται
κατ᾽
ὀλίγον
τὴν
βίαν
τοῦ
μηχανήματος.
|
222
Josephus, seeing the same spot being struck repeatedly and the wall about to be thrown down, devised a trick to blunt the force of the machine.
|
| 222
And now, when Josephus saw this ram still battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine.
| 222
When this ram kept battering the same place and Josephus saw that the wall would soon be thrown down by it, he figured how to dampen the force of the ram for a while.
|
| 223
σάκκους
ἀχύρων
πληρώσαντας
ἐκέλευσεν
καθιμᾶν
καθ᾽
ὃ
φερόμενον
ἀεὶ
τὸν
κριὸν
ὁρῷεν,
ὡς
πλάζοιτό
τε
ἡ
ἐμβολή,
καὶ
δεχόμενοι
τὰς
πληγὰς
ἐκκενοῖεν
τῇ
χαυνότητι.
|
223
He ordered sacks filled with chaff to be let down by ropes wherever they saw the Ram being directed, so that the blow might be deflected and the impact emptied into the soft material.
|
| 223
With this design he gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place where they saw the ram always battering, that the stroke might be turned aside, or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the chaff.
| 223
He ordered them to fill sacks with chaff and hang them down in front of any place they saw the ram constantly battering, using the yielding nature of the chaff to lessen the impact of the strokes.
|
| 224
Τοῦτο
πλείστην
διατριβὴν
παρέσχεν
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans,
καθ᾽
ὃ
μὲν
τρέποιεν
τὴν
μηχανὴν
ἀντιπαραγόντων
τοὺς
σάκκους
τῶν
ὕπερθεν,
ὑποβαλλόντων
δὲ
ταῖς
ἐμβολαῖς,
ὡς
μηδὲν
κατ᾽
ἀντιτυπίαν
βλάπτεσθαι
τὸ
τεῖχος·
|
224
This caused the Romans the greatest delay, for wherever they turned the engine, those above moved the sacks to meet the blows, so the wall suffered nothing from the counter-impact.
|
| 224
This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, becauseit let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes,
| 224
This much delayed the attempts of the Romans, for no matter where they moved their machine, those who were above it moved the sacks to that place, so that by dulling the strokes the wall was not damaged,
|
| 225
ἕως
ἀντεπινοήσαντες
κοντοὺς
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
μακροὺς
καὶ
δρέπανα
δήσαντες
ἐπ᾽
ἄκρων
τοὺς
σάκους
ἀπέτεμνον.
|
225
Until the Romans, devising a counter-measure, tied scythes to the ends of long poles and cut down the sacks.
|
| 225
till the Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut off the sacks.
| 225
until the Romans responded by taking long poles with hooks at their ends, and cutting off the sacks.
|
| 226
Ἐνεργοῦς
δὲ
οὕτω
τῆς
ἑλεπόλεως
γενομένης
καὶ
τοῦ
τείχους,
νεοπαγὲς
γὰρ
ἦν,
ἐνδιδόντος
ἤδη,
τὸ
λοιπὸν
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἐκ
πυρὸς
ἄμυναν
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ὥρμησαν.
|
226
When the siege-engine thus became effective and the wall—which was newly built—was already giving way, Josephus and his men turned to defend by fire.
|
| 226
Now, when the battering ram thus recovered its force, and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Josephus and those about him had afterward immediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves withal;
| 226
By this the battering ram regained its force and the wall, being only newly built, was giving way, so Josephus and his men had recourse to fire as a defence.
|
| 227
Ἁψάμενοι
δὲ
ὅσον
αὔης
εἶχον
ὕλης
τριχόθεν
ἐπεκθέουσιν,
καὶ
τά
τε
μηχανήματα
καὶ
τὰ
γέρρα
καὶ
τὰ
χώματα
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ὑπεπίμπρασαν.
|
227
Taking whatever dry fuel they had, they rushed out from three directions and set fire to the engines, the screens, and the embankments of the Romans.
|
| 227
whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks of the Romans themselves;
| 227
They took whatever dry materials they had and made sorties out in three directions to set fire to the machines and the hurdles and the earthworks of the Romans.
|
| 228
Οἱ
δὲ
κακῶς
ἐπεβοήθουν
πρός
τε
τὴν
τόλμαν
αὐτῶν
καταπεπληγότες
καὶ
ὑπὸ
τῆς
φλογὸς
τὰς
ἀμύνας
φθανόμενοι·
ξηρᾶς
γὰρ
ὕλης,
πρὸς
δὲ
ἀσφάλτου
τε
καὶ
πίσσης,
ἔτι
δὲ
θείου
διίπτατο
τὸ
πῦρ
ἐπινοίας
τάχιον,
καὶ
τὰ
πολλῷ
καμάτῳ
πεπονημένα
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐπὶ
μιᾶς
ὥρας
ἐνέμετο.
|
228
The Romans were unable to help effectively, being shocked by the Jews’ boldness and overtaken by the flames, for the fire flew faster than thought through the dry wood, pitch, and sulfur, and what the Romans had labored over with much toil was consumed in a single hour.
|
| 228
nor did the Romans well know how to come to their assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews’ boldness, and being prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the materials being dry with the bitumen and pitch that were among them, as was brimstone also, the fire caught hold of everything immediately, and what cost the Romans a great deal of pains was in one hour consumed.
| 228
These did not quite know how to help their comrades, being at once alarmed by the Jews' audacity and prevented by the flames from coming to protect them, for as the materials were dry and covered with tar and pitch and brimstone, the fire quickly caught hold of everything and work that had cost the Romans such mighty effort was burned in just one hour.
|
| 229
Ἔνθα
καὶ
ἀνήρ
τις
ἐξεφάνη
ἸουδαίωνJews
λόγου
καὶ
μνήμης
ἄξιος·
Σαμίου
μὲν
παῖς
ἦν,
ἘλεάζαροςEleazar
δὲ
ἐκαλεῖτο,
Σαβὰ
δὲ
πατρὶς
αὐτῷ
τῆς
ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee·
|
229
There, a certain Jewish man appeared worthy of mention and memory; he was the son of Samias, named Eleazar, and his hometown was Saba in Galilee.
|
| 229
And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of our relation and commendation; he was the son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar, and was born at Saab, in Galilee.
| 229
In this, one Jew deserves to be particularly reported and remembered, a man named Eleazar, the son of Sameas, born at Saab, in Galilee.
|
| 230
ὑπερμεγέθη
δὲ
πέτραν
ἀράμενος
ἀφίησιν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἑλέπολιν
μετὰ
τοσαύτης
βίας,
ὥστε
ἀπορρῆξαι
τὴν
κεφαλὴν
τοῦ
μηχανήματος,
ἣν
καὶ
καταπηδήσας
ἐκ
μέσων
αἴρεται
τῶν
πολεμίων
καὶ
μετὰ
πολλῆς
ἀδείας
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἔφερεν.
|
230
Lifting an enormous stone, he hurled it from the wall onto the siege-engine with such force that he broke off the head of the machine; then he leaped down into the midst of the enemy, picked it up, and carried it back to the wall with great fearlessness.
|
| 230
This man took up a stone of a vast bigness, and threw it down from the wall upon the ram, and this with so great a force, that it broke off the head of the engine. He also leaped down, and took up the head of the ram from the midst of them, and without any concern carried it to the top of the wall,
| 230
This man took up a stone of a vast size and threw it down from the wall upon the ram with such force that it broke off the head of the machine.
Then he jumped down and grabbed the head of the ram from the middle of them and fearlessly brought it back up onto the wall,
|
| 231
σκοπὸς
δὲ
πᾶσιν
τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς
γενόμενος
καὶ
γυμνῷ
τῷ
σώματι
τὰς
πληγὰς
δεξάμενος
πέντε
μὲν
διαπείρεται
βέλεσιν,
|
231
Becoming a target for all the enemies and receiving blows on his naked body, he was pierced by five arrows.
|
| 231
and this while he stood as a fit mark to be pelted by all his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was wounded with five darts;
| 231
all this while he was being pelted by the enemy and receiving the blows on his bare body, which was wounded by five missiles.
|
| 232
πρὸς
οὐδὲν
δὲ
τούτων
ἐπιστραφείς,
ὅτε
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἀνέβη
καὶ
περίοπτος
πᾶσιν
τῆς
εὐτολμίας
ἔστη,
τότε
ἰλυσπώμενος
ὑπὸ
τῶν
τραυμάτων
μετὰ
τοῦ
κριοῦ
κατέπεσεν.
|
232
Heedless of these, once he had climbed the wall and stood visible to all for his courage, he then collapsed from his wounds and fell down with the ram’s head.
|
| 232
nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top of the wall, where he stood in the sight of them all, as an instance of the greatest boldness; after which he threw himself on a heap with his wounds upon him, and fell down together with the head of the ram.
| 232
Heedless of them he returned up the wall, where he stood in the sight of all as an example of the greatest bravery; then he fell down from his wounds, upon the head of the ram.
|
| 233
ἄριστοι
μετ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἐφάνησαν
ἀδελφοὶ
δύο
Νετείρας
καὶ
ΦίλιπποςPhilip,
ἀπὸ
ῬούμαςReuma
κώμης,
ΓαλιλαῖοιGalileans
καὶ
αὐτοί,
οἳ
προπηδῶσι
μὲν
εἰς
τοὺς
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
δεκάτου
τάγματος,
τοσούτῳ
δὲ
ῥοίζῳ
καὶ
βίᾳ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
συνέπεσον,
ὡς
διαρρῆξαί
τε
τὰς
τάξεις
καὶ
τρέψασθαι
καθ᾽
οὓς
ἐφορμήσειαν
ἅπαντας.
|
233
After him, two brothers, Netiras and Philip, also Galileans from the village of Ruma, showed themselves to be the best; they leaped out at those of the Tenth Legion and fell upon the Romans with such rush and force that they broke the ranks and turned all they attacked to flight.
|
| 233
Next to him, two brothers showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also; these men leaped upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and force as to disorder their ranks, and to put to flight all upon whomsoever they made their assaults.
| 233
After him, a courageous deed was done by two brothers named Netir and Philip, Galileans from the village of Ruma, who jumped on the soldiers of the tenth legion and attacked the Romans with such noise and force as to split their ranks and put to flight all whom they attacked.
|
| 234
μετὰ
τούτους
ὅ
τε
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
καὶ
τὸ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
ἀράμενοι
πῦρ
πάλιν
τὰ
μηχανήματα
καὶ
τὰς
ὑποδύσεις
ἅμα
τοῖς
ἔργοις
ὑφῆψαν
τοῦ
τε
πέμπτου
καὶ
τοῦ
δεκάτου
τραπέντος
τάγματος,
οἱ
λοιποὶ
δὲ
φθάσαντες
καὶ
τὰ
ὄργανα
καὶ
πᾶσαν
ὕλην
κατέχωσαν.
|
234
After these, Josephus and the rest of the multitude, taking fire, again set the engines and the shelters along with the works of the Fifth and Tenth Legions[1] on fire, while others buried the engines and all the fuel.
|
| 234
After these men’s performances, Josephus, and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the machines and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth and to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others followed them immediately, and buried those instruments and all their materials under ground.
| 234
After these, Josephus and the others with him brought fire and burned the machines and their coverings, along with the works of the fifth and the tenth legion which had been put to flight; but the others quickly buried their machines and other materials under ground.
|
[1]Fifth Legion (Legio V Macedonica); Tenth Legion (Legio X Fretensis)
| 235
περὶ
δὲ
δείλην
πάλιν
ἀναστήσαντες
προσῆγον
τὸν
κριὸν
ᾗ
προπεπονήκει
τυπτόμενον
τὸ
τεῖχος.
|
235
Toward evening, they set up the Ram again and brought it to where the wall had been battered before.
|
| 235
However, about the evening, the Romans erected the battering ram again, against that part of the wall which had suffered before;
| 235
Toward evening the Romans re-erected the battering ram against the part of the wall which had suffered before.
|
| 236
Ἔνθα
τις
τῶν
ἀμυνομένων
ἀπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
βάλλει
τὸν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
βέλει
κατὰ
τὸν
ταρσὸνwing, wrist, arm
τοῦ
ποδὸς
καὶ
τιτρώσκει
μὲν
ἐπιπολαίως
προεκλύσαντος
τὸ
βληθὲν
τοῦ
διαστήματος,
μέγιστον
δὲ
θόρυβον
ἐνεποίησεν
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans·
|
236
One of the defenders then struck Vespasian with a dart on the sole of his foot; he was wounded only superficially, as the distance had weakened the force of the missile, but it caused the greatest commotion among the Romans.
|
| 236
where a certain Jew that defended the city from the Romans hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and wounded him a little, the distance being so great, that no mighty impression could be made by the dart thrown so far off. However, this caused the greatest disorder among the Romans;
| 236
At that point one of the defenders struck Vespasian with an arrow in his foot and wounded him a little, but the distance was too great for the dart to make much impression; though it caused great alarm among the Romans.
|
| 237
πρὸς
γὰρ
τὸ
αἷμα
ταραχθέντων
τῶν
πλησίον
φήμη
διὰ
παντὸς
ἐπῄει
τοῦ
στρατοῦ,
καὶ
τῆς
πολιορκίας
οἱ
πλείους
ἀφέμενοι
μετ᾽
ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation
καὶ
δέους
ἐπὶ
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
συνέθεον.
|
237
For those nearby were troubled by the sight of blood, and the rumor spread through the whole army; most of them left the siege and ran in shock and fear to the general.
|
| 237
for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they were disturbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the general was wounded, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running together with surprise and fear to the general;
| 237
Those near him were worried when they saw his blood, and word went around the whole army that the general was wounded, and many left off the siege and gathered around the general in shock and awe.
|
| 238
Πρὸ
δὲ
πάντων
ΤίτοςTitus
δείσας
περὶ
τῷ
πατρὶ
παρῆν,
ὡς
τὸ
πλῆθος
καὶ
τῇ
πρὸς
τὸν
ἡγούμενον
εὐνοίᾳ
καὶ
τῇ
τοῦ
παιδὸς
ἀγωνίᾳ
συγχυθῆναι.
ῥᾷστα
μέντοι
τόν
τε
υἱὸν
ὁ
πατὴρ
δεδιότα
καὶ
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἔπαυσεν
τοῦ
θορύβου·
|
238
Above all, Titus, being afraid for his father, was present, so that the multitude was thrown into confusion both by their goodwill toward the leader and the agony of his son. However, the father easily calmed his son’s fear and the army’s tumult.
|
| 238
and before them all came Titus, out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to the son’s fear, and to the disorder the army was under,
| 238
Out of concern for his father, Titus came first of all and the others were distressed due to their esteem for their general and the anxiety of his son.
But the father soon calmed the son's fear and the army's distress,
|
| 239
τῶν
γὰρ
ἀλγηδόνων
ἐπάνω
γενόμενος
καὶ
πᾶσιν
τοῖς
ἐπτοημένοις
δι᾽
αὐτὸν
ὀφθῆναι
σπουδάσας
χαλεπώτερον
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ἐπῆρεν
τὸν
πόλεμον·
ἕκαστος
γὰρ
ὡς
τιμωρὸς
τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ
προκινδυνεύειν
ἤθελεν,
καὶ
βοῇ
παρακροτοῦντες
ἀλλήλους
ἐπὶ
τὸ
τεῖχος
ὥρμων.
|
239
Rising above his pain and striving to be seen by all who were terrified for him, he spurred them on more fiercely to the war against the Jews; each man, wishing to be an avenger for the general, wanted to face danger first, and cheering one another with shouts, they rushed at the wall.
|
| 239
for being superior to his pains, and endeavoring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now everybody was willing to expose himself to danger immediately, in order to avenge their general; and then they encouraged one another with loud voices, and ran hastily to the walls.
| 239
for rising above his pain and trying to be seen without delay by all who had been anxious about him, he roused them to fight the Jews more ardently.
All were willing to risk danger to avenge their general, and they urged each other aloud and ran quickly to the ramparts.
|
| 240
Οἱ
δὲ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
καίπερ
ἐπ᾽
ἀλλήλοις
πίπτοντες
ὑπὸ
τῶν
καταπελτικῶν
καὶ
τῶν
πετροβόλων,
ὅμως
οὐκ
ἀπετρέποντο
τοῦ
τείχους,
ἀλλὰ
πυρὶ
καὶ
σιδήρῳ
καὶ
πέτροις
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τὰ
γέρρα
τὸν
κριὸν
ἐπιβρίθοντας
ἔβαλλον.
|
240
Josephus and his men, though they were falling one upon another from the catapults and stone-throwers, nevertheless did not retreat from the wall, but with fire, iron, and stones they struck those who were pressing the Ram under the wicker screens.
|
| 240
But still Josephus and those with him, although they fell down dead one upon another by the darts and stones which the engines threw upon them, yet did not they desert the wall, but fell upon those who managed the ram, under the protection of the hurdles, with fire, and iron weapons, and stones;
| 240
The group with Josephus, though being thrown against each other by the spears and stones hurled by the machines, still did not desert the wall, but with fire and swords and stones attacked those wielding the ram under the protection of its hurdles.
|
| 241
Καὶ
ἤνυον
μὲν
οὐδὲν
ἢ
μικρόν,
αὐτοὶ
δὲ
ἀδιαλείπτως
Ἔπιπτον
ὑπὸ
μὴ
βλεπομένων
καθορώμενοι·
|
241
They accomplished little or nothing, while they themselves fell incessantly, being clearly seen while their enemies were not.
|
| 241
and these could do little or nothing, but fell themselves perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see,
| 241
Their efforts had little effect, however, and often they were knocked down, as they were seen by those whom they could not see,
|
| 242
αὐτοί
τε
γὰρ
ὑπὸ
τῆς
σφετέρας
περιλαμπόμενοι
φλογὸς
σκοπὸς
ἦσαν
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
εὐσύνοπτος
ὥσπερ
ἐν
ἡμέρᾳ,
καὶ
τῶν
ὀργάνων
πόρρωθεν
μὴ
βλεπομένων
δυσφύλακτον
ἦν
τὸ
βαλλόμενον.
|
242
For they themselves, illuminated by their own flames, were a clear target for the enemy as if it were day, and it was hard to guard against the missiles from the engines that were not seen from afar.
|
| 242
for the light of their own flame shone about them, and made them a most visible mark to the enemy, as they were in the daytime, while the engines could not be seen at a great distance, and so what was thrown at them was hard to be avoided;
| 242
for the light of their own flame lit them up and made them highly visible to the enemy, as though in daytime, while the machines could not be seen at a great distance and so what was thrown at them was hard to guard against.
|
| 243
ἥ
τε
οὖν
τῶν
ὀξυβελῶν
καὶ
καταπελτῶν
βία
πολλοὺς
ἅμα
διήλαυνεν,
καὶ
τῶν
ὑπὸ
τῆς
μηχανῆς
ἀφιεμένων
πετρῶν
ὁ
ῥοῖζος
ἐπάλξεις
τε
ἀπέσυρεν
καὶ
γωνίας
ἀπέθρυπτε
πύργων.
|
243
The force of the bolts and catapults drove through many at once, and the whir of the stones hurled by the machine tore away battlements and broke off corners of towers.
|
| 243
for the force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the corners of the towers;
| 243
The impetus with which these machines threw stones and spears let them hurl several at a time and the force of the stones hurled by the machines was such that they carried off the pinnacles of the wall and broke off the corners of the towers.
|
| 244
Ἀνδρῶν
μὲν
γὰρ
†
οὕτως
ἰσχυρὸν
στῖφος,
ὃ
μὴ
μέχρις
ἐσχάτης
στρώννυται
φάλαγγος
βίᾳ
τε
καὶ
μεγέθει
τοῦ
λίθου.
|
244
No mass of men was so strong that it was not laid low to the last rank by the force and size of the stone.
|
| 244
for no body of men could be so strong as not to be overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones.
| 244
There is no group of men so strong that it would not be destroyed to the last rank by the force and size of its stones.
|
[1] 3 stadia = 555 metres (600 yards)
| 246
Γυναικός
τε
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἐγκύμονος
πληγείσης
τὴν
γαστέρα,
προῄει
δὲ
νέον
ἐξ
οἰκίας,
ἐξέσεισεν
ἐφ᾽
ἡμιστάδιον
τὸ
βρέφος·
τοσαύτη
ἦν
ἡ
τοῦ
λιθοβόλου
βία.
|
246
And a pregnant woman, struck in the belly during the day as she was coming out of her house, had her fetus flung half a stadia;[1] such was the force of the stone-thrower.
|
| 246
In the daytime also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of half a furlong, so great was the force of that engine.
| 246
In the daytime a woman with child was so violently struck in the belly as she came out of her house, that the infant was thrown a distance of half a furlong, such was the force of the stone-hurler.
|
[1] 1/2 stadia = 92 metres (100 yards)
| 247
Τῶν
οὖν
ὀργάνων
φοβερώτερος
ὁ
ῥοῖζος,
τῶν
δὲ
βαλλομένων
ἦν
[ὁ
]
ψόφος.
|
247
The whir of the engines was more terrifying than the machines themselves, and so was the sound of the missiles.
|
| 247
The noise of the instruments themselves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown by them was so also;
| 247
Even more fearsome than the noise of the machines was the whirring of the missiles they threw.
|
| 248
ἐπάλληλοι
δὲ
ἐκτύπουν
οἱ
νεκροὶ
κατὰ
τοῦ
τείχους
ῥιπτόμενοι,
καὶ
δεινὴ
μὲν
ἔνδοθεν
κραυγὴ
γυναικῶν
ἠγείρετο,
συνήχουν
δ᾽
ἔξωθεν
οἰμωγαὶ
φονευομένων.
|
248
The dead bodies thudded one after another as they were thrown from the wall, and a terrible cry of women arose from within, while wails of those being slain echoed from without.
|
| 248
of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamor which these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the same time by the cries of such as were slain;
| 248
Then there was the sound of corpses falling down from the wall and the dreadful cries of the women within the city echoing back the cries of people who were being killed.
|
| 249
Αἵματι
δ᾽
ἐρρεῖτο
πᾶς
ὁ
πρὸ
τῆς
μάχης
περίβολος,
καὶ
προσβατὸν
ὑπὸ
πτωμάτων
τὸ
τεῖχος
ἐγίνετο.
|
249
The whole area in front of the battle flowed with blood, and the wall became accessible over the piles of corpses.
|
| 249
while the whole space of ground whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over by the bodies of the dead carcasses;
| 249
The whole battle area ran with blood and the bodies of the dead formed a ramp up to the wall.
|
| 250
Φοβερωτέραν
δὲ
ἐποίουν
τὴν
βοὴν
περιηχοῦντα
τὰ
ὄρη,
καὶ
οὐδὲν
ἐπ᾽
ἐκείνης
τῆς
νυκτὸς
οὔτε
εἰς
ἀκοῆς
οὔτε
εἰς
ὄψεως
κατάπληξιν
ἀπελείπετο.
|
250
The mountains echoed and made the noise more terrifying; nothing was lacking that night to cause horror to both hearing and sight.
|
| 250
the mountains also contributed to increase the noise by their echoes; nor was there on that night anything of terror wanting that could either affect the hearing or the sight:
| 250
The mountains re-echoed those terrible sounds and nothing that could terrify either hearing or sight was missing that night.
|
| 252
Οἱ
δὲ
φραξάμενοι
τοῖς
σώμασι
καὶ
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
τὸ
καταρριφθὲν
ἀντωχύρωσαν
πρὶν
βληθῆναι
τὰς
ἐπιβατηρίους
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
μηχανάς.
|
252
But they fortified the breach with their own bodies and armor, before the Romans could throw the boarding-bridges across.
|
| 252
However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city.
| 252
Then the defenders covered the breach with their bodies and weapons before the Romans laid open the entries into the city.
|
| 253
Ὑπὸ
δὲ
τὴν
ἕω
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐπὶ
τὴν
κατάληψιν
τῆς
πόλεως
συνῆγεν
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ὀλίγον
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
νυκτερινοῦ
πόνου
διαναπαύσας.
|
253
At dawn, Vespasian assembled the army to capture the city, having rested them a little from the night’s labor.
|
| 253
In the morning Vespasian got his army together, in order to take the city [by storm], after a little recreation upon the hard pains they had been at the night before;
| 253
In the morning Vespasian mustered his army to take the city, giving them little rest after their hard battle during the night.
|
| 254
βουλόμενος
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῶν
καταρριφθέντων
περισπάσαι
τοὺς
εἴργοντας
τοὺς
μὲν
γενναιοτάτους
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἀποβήσας
[τῶν
ἵππων
]
τριχῇ
διέταξεν
κατὰ
τὰ
πεπτωκότα
τοῦ
τείχους,
πάντοθεν
πεφραγμένους
τοῖς
ὅπλοις
καὶ
τοὺς
κοντοὺς
προίσχοντας,
ὡς
ὁπότεwhen
τὰς
ἐπιβατηρίους
βάλλοιεν
μηχανὰς
κατάρχοιντο
τῆς
εἰσόδου·
|
254
Wishing to distract those who were preventing the entry through the breaches, he ordered the most noble of the cavalry to dismount and stationed them in three groups at the fallen parts of the wall, protected on all sides by their armor and holding long pikes, so that when the boarding-bridges were thrown, they might lead the entrance.
|
| 254
and as he was desirous to draw off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed them in three ranks over against those ruins of the wall, but covered with their armor on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid;
| 254
Wanting to draw the defenders away from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he had the bravest of the cavalry dismount and placed them in three ranks opposite the ruins of the wall, covered on all sides with their armour and with poles in their hands, ready to begin their ascent as soon as the entry bridge was laid.
|
| 255
κατόπιν
δὲ
αὐτῶν
ἔταξεν
τοῦ
πεζοῦ
τὸ
ἀκμαιότατον,
τὸ
δὲ
λοιπὸν
ἱππικὸν
ἀντιπαρεξέτεινεν
τῷ
τείχει
κατὰ
πᾶσαν
τὴν
ὀρεινὴν
πρὸς
τὸ
μηδένα
τῶν
ἀναφευγόντων
ἐκ
τῆς
ἁλώσεως
διαλαθεῖν.
|
255
Behind them, he stationed the most vigorous of the infantry, and he extended the rest of the cavalry along the wall facing the mountain, so that no one escaping the capture might go unnoticed.
|
| 255
behind them he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered them to extend themselves over against the wall, upon the whole hilly country, in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken;
| 255
Behind them he placed the best of the infantry and had the rest of the cavalry spread out opposite the wall, along the ridge, to prevent anyone from escaping after the city was taken.
|
| 256
Κατόπιν
δὲ
τούτων
περιέστησεν
τοὺς
τοξότας
ἔχειν
κελεύσας
ἕτοιμα
τὰ
βέλη
πρὸς
ἄφεσιν,
ὁμοίως
δὲ
καὶ
σφενδονήτας
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τῶν
μηχανημάτων,
|
256
Behind these, he placed the archers, ordering them to have their arrows ready to fire, and likewise the slingers and those at the engines.
|
| 256
and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to havetheir darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to those that managed the engines,
| 256
Next to them he set the archers with orders to be ready to fire, and also the slingers and those on the ballistic machines.
|
| 257
ἑτέρους
δὲ
κλίμακας
ἀραμένουςto take up, raise
προσφέρειν
ἐπάνω
τοῖς
ἀκεραίοις
τείχεσιν,
ἵν᾽
οἱ
μὲν
τούτους
κωλύειν
πειρώμενοι
καταλίποιεν
τὴν
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
καταρριφθεῖσιν
φυλακήν,
οἱ
λοιποὶ
δὲ
ὑπ᾽
ἀθρόων
βιαζόμενοι
τῶν
βελῶν
εἴξωσιν
τῆς
εἰσόδου.
|
257
He ordered others to take ladders and bring them to the undamaged parts of the wall, so that those trying to stop them might leave the guard over the breaches, and the rest, forced by the mass of missiles, might give way to the entry.
|
| 257
and bid them to take up other ladders, and have them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an entrance into the city.
| 257
He got others to have ladders ready to set against the still intact parts of the wall, to occupy the besieged in trying to stop them climbing them, and keep them from guarding the parts that were thrown down, while the rest, under an overwhelming shower of missiles, would open the way into the city.
|
| 258
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
δὲ
συνιεὶς
τὴν
ἐπίνοιαν
ἐπὶ
μὲν
τοῦ
μένοντος
τείχους
σὺν
τοῖς
κεκμηκόσιν
ἵστησι
τοὺς
γηραιοὺς
ὡς
μηδὲν
ταύτῃ
βλαβησομένους,
εἰς
δὲ
τὰ
παρερρωγότα
τοῦ
τείχους
τοὺς
δυνατωτάτους
καὶ
πρὸ
πάντων
ἀνὰ
ἓξ
ἄνδρας,
μεθ᾽
ὧν
καὶ
αὐτὸς
εἰς
τὸ
προκινδυνεύειν
ἐκληρώσατο.
|
258
Josephus, understanding the plan, stationed the old men on the remaining wall along with the exhausted, as they would suffer no harm there; but at the broken parts of the wall, he placed the strongest men and, in front of all, six men in each group, among whom he himself drew lots to face the danger first.
|
| 258
But Josephus, understanding the meaning of Vespasian’s contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down, and before them all six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger.
| 258
But Josephus saw the plan and placed the old men, along with people who were tired, at the intact parts of the wall, expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall had been breached, with six men in the forefront, along with whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger.
|
| 259
Ἐκέλευσέν
τε
πρὸς
μὲν
τὸν
ἀλαλαγμὸν
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἀποφράξαι
τὰς
ἀκοάς,
ὡς
ἂν
μὴ
καταπλαγεῖεν,
πρὸς
δὲ
τὸ
πλῆθος
τῶν
βελῶν
συνοκλάσαντας
καλύψασθαι
καθύπερθεν
τοῖς
θυρεοῖς
ὑποχωρῆσαί
τε
πρὸς
ὀλίγον,
ἕως
τὰς
φαρέτρας
κενώσωσιν
οἱ
τοξόται.
|
259
He ordered them to block their ears against the shouting of the legions so they would not be terrified, and to crouch down and cover themselves with their shields against the multitude of arrows, and to retreat a little until the archers had emptied their quivers.
|
| 259
He also gave orders, that when the legions made a shout, they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and that, to avoid the multitude of the enemy’s darts, they should bend down on their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied their quivers;
| 259
He also ordered that when the legions raised their war-cry, they should block their ears, so as not to be frightened of it and that, to avoid the number of the enemy's spears, they should go down on their knees and cover themselves with their shields and retreat a little, until the archers had emptied their quivers.
|
| 260
βαλλόντων
δὲ
τὰς
ἐπιβατηρίους
μηχανὰς
αὐτοὺς
προπηδᾶν
καὶ
διὰ
τῶν
ἰδίων
ὀργάνων
ἀπαντᾶν
τοῖς
πολεμίοις,
ἀγωνίζεσθαί
τε
ἕκαστον
οὐχ
ὡς
ὑπὲρ
σωθησομένης,
ἀλλ᾽
ὡς
ὑπὲρ
ἀπολωλυίας
ἤδη
τῆς
πατρίδος
ἀμυνόμενον,
|
260
But when the boarding-bridges were thrown, they were to leap out and meet the enemy with their own weapons, each man fighting not for a city that could be saved, but as if to avenge a fatherland already destroyed.
|
| 260
but that When the Romans should lay their instruments for ascending the walls, they should leap out on the sudden, and with their own instruments should meet the enemy, and that every one should strive to do his best, in order not to defend his own city, as if it were possible to be preserved, but in order to revenge it, when it was already destroyed;
| 260
Then, when the Romans set up their ladders for ascending the ramparts, they should leap out suddenly and turn the enemy's machines against them.
Everyone should strive his hardest, not just to defend his city if it could be saved, but to avenge it in the event that it was to be destroyed.
|
| 261
λαμβάνειν
τε
πρὸ
ὀφθαλμῶν
σφαγησομένους
γέροντας
καὶ
τέκνα
καὶ
γυναῖκας
ἀναιρεθησομένας
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν
ὅσον
οὐδέπω,
καὶ
τὸν
ἐπὶ
ταῖς
μελλούσαις
συμφοραῖς
θυμὸν
προαλίσαντας
ἐναφεῖναι
τοῖς
δράσουσιν
αὐτάς.
|
261
He told them to keep before their eyes the old men about to be slaughtered, and the children and women about to be killed by the enemies, and to pour their anger for future calamities upon those who would commit them.
|
| 261
and that they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their children and wives were to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they would beforehand spend all their fury, on account of the calamities just coming upon them, and pour it out on the actors.
| 261
They should keep in mind how their old men would be killed and their children and wives killed by the enemy, and let them spend all their fury now, against the perpetrators of the woes coming upon them.
|
| 262
ἔταξεν
μὲν
οὖν
οὕτως
ἑκάτερον·
τὸ
δ᾽
ἀργὸν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
πόλεως·
πλῆθος,
γύναια
καὶ
παῖδες,
ὡς
ἐθεάσαντο
τριπλῇ
μὲν
φάλαγγι
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐζωσμένην,
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
εἰς
τὴν
μάχην
μετακεκίνητο
τῶν
πάλαι
φυλακῶν,
πρὸς
δὲ
τοῖς
βεβλημένοις
τείχεσιν
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ξιφήρεις
καὶ
τὴν
καθύπερθεν
ὀρεινὴν
λαμπομένην
ὅπλοις,
τά
τε
βέλη
τοῖς
τοξόταις
ἐπανέχοντα
τῶν
ἈράβωνArabian,
ὕστατόν
τινα
κωκυτὸν
ἁλώσεως
συνήχησαν
ὡς
οὐκ
ἀπειλουμένων
ἔτι
τῶν
κακῶν
ἀλλ᾽
ἤδη
παρόντων.
|
262
Thus he stationed each side. But the idle multitude in the city—women and children—when they saw the city surrounded by a triple phalanx (for the previous guards had not been moved for the battle), and the enemies with swords at the breached walls, and the mountain above shining with arms, and the arrows of the Arabians held ready, they raised a final wail of capture, as if the evils were no longer threatened but already present.
|
| 262
And thus did Josephus dispose of both his bodies of men; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and children, when they saw their city encompassed by a threefold army (for none of the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed), when they also saw, not only the walls thrown down, but their enemies with swords in their hands, as also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, and the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but actually come upon them already.
| 262
So he disposed his two groups, but when the helpless part of the citizens, the women and children, saw their city surrounded by a triple ring of troops, since the Romans had removed none of the guards posted earlier, and saw that not only were the ramparts breached, but also the enemy was coming with sword in hand, and the hill-country above them was shining with their weapons, and the spears in the hands of the Arabian archers, they wailed aloud as though the final destruction were not only imminent but had already come upon them.
|
| 263
Ὁ
δὲ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
τὰς
μὲν
γυναῖκας,
ὡς
μὴ
θηλύνοιεν
οἴκτῳ
τὰς
ὁρμὰς
τῶν
σφετέρων,
κατακλείει
ταῖς
οἰκίαις
μετ᾽
ἀπειλῆς
ἡσυχάζειν
κελεύσας·
αὐτὸς
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τῶν
ἐρειφθέντων
ᾗ
ἔλαχεν
παρῄει.
|
263
Josephus, lest the women should soften the impulses of his men with pity, shut them in their houses, ordering them with threats to keep quiet; he himself went to the breaches where his lot fell.
|
| 263
But Josephus ordered the women to be shut up in their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too effeminate, by making them commiserate their condition, and commanded them to hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself before the breach, where his allotment was;
| 263
Josephus had the women shut up in their houses in case they should soften the men's warlike spirit out of pity for their condition and threatened them to be quiet, while he himself came to his allotted place before the breach,
|
| 264
Τοῖς
μὲν
οὖν
καθ᾽
ἕτερα
προσφέρουσι
τὰς
κλίμακας
οὐ
προσεῖχεν,
ἀπεκαραδόκει
δὲ
τὴν
ὁρμὴν
τῶν
βελῶν.
|
264
He paid no attention to those bringing ladders elsewhere but awaited the rush of missiles.
|
| 264
for all those who brought ladders to the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows that was coming.
| 264
where, disregarding the men bringing ladders to the other places, he tensely awaited the coming shower of missiles.
|
| 265
Ὁμοῦ
δ᾽
οἵ
τε
σαλπικταὶ
τῶν
ταγμάτων
ἁπάντων
συνήχησαν
καὶ
δεινὸν
ἐπηλάλαξεν
ἡ
στρατιά,
καὶ
πάντοθεν
ἀφιεμένων
ἀπὸ
συνθήματος
τῶν
βελῶν
τὸ
φῶς
ὑπετέμνετο.
|
265
All at once, the trumpeters of all the legions sounded, and the army raised a terrible war-cry, and the light was cut off by the arrows released from all sides upon a signal.
|
| 265
And now the trumpeters of the several Roman legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as by order, flew so fast, that they intercepted the light.
| 265
The trumpeters of all the legions sounded together and the army made a terrifying shout, and at the signal the arrows flew so fast that they blotted out the light.
|
| 266
Μεμνημένοι
γε
μὴν
τῶν
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
προσταγμάτων
οἱ
σὺν
αὐτῷ
τάς
τε
ἀκοὰς
πρὸς
τὴν
βοὴν
καὶ
τὰ
σώματα
πρὸς
τὰς
ἀφέσεις
ἐφράξαντο,
|
266
Remembering Josephus’ commands, those with him protected their ears against the noise and their bodies against the missiles.
|
| 266
However, Josephus’s men remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds, and covered their bodies against the darts;
| 266
Josephus' men remembered his instructions and stopped their ears at the sounds and covered their bodies from the missiles,
|
| 267
καὶ
βαλλόντων
τὰς
μηχανὰς
ἐπεξέδραμον
δι᾽
αὐτῶν
πρὶν
ἐπιβῆναι
τοὺς
βαλόντας,
|
267
And when the bridges were thrown, they rushed out across them before those who threw them could set foot on them.
|
| 267
and as to the engines that were set ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have used them were gotten upon them.
| 267
and ran out against the machines that were placed ready for action, before their wielders could mount them.
|
| 268
συμπλεκόμενοί
τε
τοῖς
ἀνιοῦσιν
παντοῖα
καὶ
χειρῶν
ἔργα
καὶ
ψυχῆς
ἐναπεδείκνυντο,
πειρώμενοι
παρὰ
τὰς
ἐσχάτας
συμφορὰς
μὴ
χείρους
φαίνεσθαι
τῶν
ἐν
ἀκινδύνῳ
τῷ
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ἀνδριζομένων·
|
268
Engaging with those coming up, they displayed every kind of hand-to-hand work and courage, striving in their final calamities not to appear inferior to those who acted bravely when not in danger.
|
| 268
And now, on the ascending of the soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were exhibited; while the Jews did earnestly endeavor, in the extreme danger they were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger, fought so stoutly against them;
| 268
As the soldiers came up a mighty conflict ensued, with many gallant acts of body and soul were seen, as men in extreme danger tried to show no less courage than those who, from relative safety, fought so stoutly against them,
|
| 269
ὥστε
οὐ
πρότερον
ἀπερρήγνυντο
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
πρὶν
ἢ
πεσεῖν
ἢ
διαφθεῖραι.
|
269
They would not be torn away from the Romans until they either fell or killed them.
|
| 269
nor did they leave struggling with the Romans till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists.
| 269
not ceasing struggle with the Romans until they either felled them or were killed.
|
| 270
ὡς
δ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
ἔκαμνον
διηνεκῶς
ἀμυνόμενοι
καὶ
τοὺς
προμάχους
ἀμείβειν
οὐκ
ἔχοντες,
τὸ
κεκμηκὸς
δὲ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀκραιφνεῖς
διεδέχοντο
καὶ
ταχέως
ἀντὶ
τῶν
ἀποβιασθέντων
ἐπέβαινον
ἕτεροι,
παρακελευσάμενοί
τε
ἀλλήλοις
καὶ
πλευρὰν
μὲν
ἑνώσαντες,
τοῖς
δὲ
θυρεοῖς
καθύπερθεν
φραξάμενοι
στῖφος
ἄρρηκτον
ἐγένοντο
καὶ
καθάπερ
ἑνὶ
σώματι
πάσῃ
τῇ
φάλαγγι
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
ἀνωθοῦντες
ἤδη
τοῦ
τείχους
ἐπέβαινον.
|
270
But as the Jews were tiring from constant defense and were unable to replace their front-rank men, fresh Romans succeeded those who were exhausted, and quickly others mounted in place of those who were forced back. Encouraging one another and joining their sides, they formed an unbreakable body with their shields held above them, and as if one body, they pushed back the Jews with the whole phalanx and were already mounting the wall.
|
| 270
But the Jews grew weary with defending themselves continually, and had not enough to come in their places, and succor them,—while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men still succeeded those that were tired; and still new men soon got upon the machines for ascent, in the room of those that were thrust down; those encouraging one another, and joining side to side with their shields, which were a protection to them, they became a body of men not to be broken; and as this band thrust away the Jews, as though they were themselves but one body, they began already to get upon the wall.
| 270
But they grew tired of defending themselves constantly and had not enough to come and help them; while, on the Roman side, fresh forces replaced those who were tired, and new men ascended the machines to replace those who were thrust down, encouraging each other.
Then, joining their shields together as a barrier, they became an invulnerable column and like a single body thrust the Jews aside and began to scale the wall.
|
| 271
Ὁ
δὲ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἐν
ταῖς
ἀμηχανίαις
σύμβουλον
λαβὼν
τὴν
ἀνάγκην,
ἡ
δέ
ἐστιν
δεινὴ
πρὸς
ἐπίνοιαν,
ὅταν
αὐτὴν
ἀπόγνωσις
ἐρεθίζῃ,
ζέον
ἔλαιον
ἐκέλευσεν
καταχέειν
τῶν
συνησπικότων.
|
271
Josephus, in his helplessness, took Necessity as his counselor (who is clever at invention when despair irritates her) and ordered boiling oil to be poured over those under the shields.
|
| 271
Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress (which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair), and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them.
| 271
In this extremity, Josephus took counsel from necessity, which is clever in invention when driven by despair, and ordered them to pour scalding oil upon those who were protected by their shields.
|
| 272
Οἱ
δ᾽
ὡς
παρεσκευασμένον
ἔχοντες
μετὰ
τάχους
πολλοὶ
καὶ
πολὺ
πάντοθεν
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
κατέχεον
συνεπαφιέντες
καὶ
τὰ
ἀγγεῖα
βρασσόμενα
τῇ
θέρμῃ.
|
272
They had it prepared and quickly many men poured it from all sides over the Romans, also throwing the vessels as they were boiling with heat.
|
| 272
Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire:
| 272
With many bringing it in large amounts, they soon got it ready and poured it from all sides upon the Romans and threw down on them the vessels still hissing from the heat of the fire.
|
| 273
Τοῦτο
καιομένων
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
διεσκέδασεν
τὴν
τάξιν,
καὶ
μετὰ
δεινῶν
ἀλγηδόνων
ἀπεκυλινδοῦντο
τοῦ
τείχους·
|
273
This scattered the Roman ranks as they were burned, and they rolled off the wall in terrible agony.
|
| 273
this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled down from the wall with horrid pains,
| 273
This so burned the Romans, that it scattered that united band, who tumbled down from the wall in terrible pain,
|
| 275
Τοῖς
δὲ
θώραξιν
καὶ
τοῖς
κράνεσιν
ἐνδεδεμένων
ἀπαλλαγὴ
τῆς
καύσεως
οὐκ
ἦν,
πηδῶντες
δὲ
καὶ
συνειλούμενοι
ταῖς
ἀλγηδόσιν
ἀπὸ
τῶν
γεφυρωμάτων
Ἔπιπτον·
οἱ
δὲ
τραπέντες
εἰς
τοὺς
σφετέρους
πρόσω
βιαζομένους
εὐχείρωτοι
τοῖς
κατόπιν
τιτρώσκουσιν
ἦσαν.
|
275
Since they were bound in their breastplates and helmets, there was no escape from the burning; they leaped and twisted in their pain and fell from the platforms; those who turned back were easily struck from behind by the Jews.
|
| 275
and as the men were cooped up in their headpieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them.
| 275
Since the men were strapped in their helmets and breastplates, they had no way to escape from this burning oil, but could only leap and roll about in their agony, falling down from the bridges they had set up.
As they were beaten back and retreated toward their own group, who were still pressing forward, they were easily wounded by those who came behind them.
|
| 276
Ἐπέλιπεν
δὲ
οὔτε
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐν
ταῖς
κακοπραγίαις
ἰσχὺς
οὔτε
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
σύνεσις,
ἀλλ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
καίπερ
οἰκτρὰ
πάσχοντας
ὁρῶντες
τοὺς
καταχυθέντας
ὅμως
εἰς
τοὺς
καταχέοντας
ἐφέροντο
τὸν
πρὸ
αὐτοῦ
κακίζων
ἕκαστος
ὡς
ἐμπόδιον
ὄντα
τῆς
ῬώμηςRome·
|
276
Neither did strength fail the Romans in their misfortunes, nor did resourcefulness fail the Jews; for the Romans, although they saw those covered in oil suffering piteously, nevertheless rushed at those who were pouring it, each man blaming the one before him as a hindrance to his valor.
|
| 276
However, in this ill success of the Romans, their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them; for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon them; while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that hindered him from exerting himself;
| 276
Amid this crisis the Romans did not lack courage nor did the Jews lack prudence, for the former, seeing their men suffering and in a dire state, hotly pursued those who poured the oil upon them, each calling the man in front of him as a coward if he held up the charge.
|
| 277
Οἱ
δὲ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
δόλῳ
δευτέρῳ
τὰς
προσβάσεις
αὐτῶν
ἐπέσφαλλον
τῆλιν
ἑφθὴν
ὑποχέοντες
ταῖς
σανίσιν,
ἧς
ἐπολισθάνοντες
ὑπεσύροντο;
|
277
The Jews, with a second trick, made their footing slippery by pouring boiled fenugreek on the boards, on which they slipped and were pulled down.
|
| 277
and while the Jews made use of another stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards, in order to make them slip and fall down;
| 277
The Jews used another ruse to hinder their progress and poured boiling vegetable matter upon the boards, to make them slip and fall,
|
| 278
Καὶ
οὔτε
τῶν
τρεπομένων
οὔτε
τῶν
προσβαινόντων
τις
ὀρθὸς
ἔμενεν,
ἀλλ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῶν
ὑπτιαζόμενοι
τῶν
ἐπιβατηρίων
μηχανῶν
συνεπατοῦντο,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τὸ
χῶμα
κατέπιπτον.
|
278
Neither those retreating nor those advancing could stay upright; some fell on their backs on the boarding-machines and were trampled, and many fell down onto the embankment.
|
| 278
by which means neither could those that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but some of them fell backward upon the machines on which they ascended, and were trodden upon; many of them fell down upon the bank they had raised,
| 278
so that neither those coming up nor those going down could stand upright, but some fell backward upon their climbing machines and were trodden upon and many fell down upon the earthworks,
|
| 279
Ἐπαίοντο
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
οἱ
πεσόντες·
ἐσφαλμένων
γὰρ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
οὗτοι
τῆς
κατὰ
χεῖρα
συμπλοκῆς
ἐλευθερωθέντες
εἰς
τὰς
βολὰς
εὐσχόλουν.
|
279
Those who fell were struck by the Jews; for the Romans having slipped, the Jews were freed from hand-to-hand combat and could take their time with their missiles.
|
| 279
and when they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not keep their feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at them.
| 279
and were killed by the Jews, for when the Romans could not keep their feet, the Jews, not having to fight hand to hand, were free to throw their spears at them.
|
| 281
Ἔπεσον
δὲ
τούτων
μὲν
οὐκ
ὀλίγοι
καὶ
πλείους
ἐτρώθησαν,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἸωταπάτηςJotapatan
ἀπέθανον
μὲν
ἓξ
ἄνδρες,
τραυματίαι
δ᾽
ὑπὲρ
τριακοσίους
ἀνεκομίσθησαν.
|
281
Not a few of them fell, and more were wounded; of the men of Jotapata, six died, and over three hundred were carried back wounded.
|
| 281
of whom the number of the slain was not a few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no more than six men were killed, although more than three hundred were carried off wounded.
| 281
of whom not a few had died and even more were wounded, while no more than six of the Jotapatans were killed, but more than three hundred were carried off wounded.
|
| 282
Εἰκάδι
μὲν
ΔαισίουDaesius
μηνὸς
ἡ
παράταξις
ἦν.
|
282
This battle took place on the twentieth of the month of Desius.[1]
|
| 282
This fight happened on the twentieth day of the month Desius [Sivan].
| 282
This battle happened on the twentieth day of the month Daesius.
|
[1]Approx. June/July of 67 AD
| 283
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τοῖς
συμβεβηκόσι
τὴν
στρατιὰν
παραμυθούμενος,
ὡς
θυμουμένους
ἑώρα
καὶ
οὐ
προτροπῆς
ἀλλ᾽
ἔργων
δεομένους,
|
283
Vespasian comforted the army after what had happened, and seeing they were angry and needed action rather than encouragement,
|
| 283
Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on occasion of what had happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather wanting somewhat to do than any further exhortations,
| 283
Vespasian comforted his army after what happened but found them angry and eager to act rather than be harangued,
|
| 284
προσυψῶσαι
μὲν
τὰ
χώματα,
πύργους
δὲ
τρεῖς
πεντήκοντα
ποδῶν
τὸ
ὕψος
ἕκαστον
κατασκευάσαι
κελεύσας
πάντοθεν
σιδήρῳ
κεκαλυμμένους,
ὡς
ἑδραῖοί
τε
εἶεν
ὑπὸ
βρίθους
καὶ
δυσάλωτοι
πυρί,
|
284
he ordered the embankments to be raised higher and three towers to be built, each fifty feet high, covered on all sides with iron so they would be steady by their weight and hard to set on fire.
|
| 284
he gave orders to raise the banks still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire.
| 284
he ordered them to raise the ramparts still higher and to build three towers, each fifty feet high, covered on all sides with plates of iron, held firm by their weight and not easy to set on fire.
|
| 285
τῶν
χωμάτων
ἐπέστησεν,
συνεπιβήσας
αὐτοῖς
ἀκοντιστάς
τε
καὶ
τοξότας
καὶ
τῶν
ἀφετηρίων
ὀργάνων
τὰ
κουφότερα,
πρὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
ῥωμαλεωτάτους
σφενδονήτας·
|
285
He placed them upon the embankments and put on them javelin-throwers, archers, and the lighter artillery engines, as well as the strongest slingers.
|
| 285
These towers he set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the lighter engines for throwing stones and darts also; and besides these, he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers,
| 285
These he placed upon the earthworks, putting in them marksmen with spears and arrows, with the lighter stone-throwing and spear-throwing machines, and with them the bravest of the slingers.
|
| 286
οἳ
μὴ
καθορώμενοι
διὰ
τὸ
ὕψος
καὶ
τὰ
θωράκια
τῶν
πύργων
εἰς
καθορωμένους
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἔβαλλον.
|
286
These men, not being seen because of the height and the breastworks of the towers, struck those who were visible on the wall.
|
| 286
who not being to be seen by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were easily seen by them.
| 286
From high out of sight and behind their defences, they were to shoot at the men upon the battlements, whom they could easily see.
|
| 287
Οἱ
δὲ
μήτε
κατὰ
κόρσης
φερομένων
τῶν
βελῶν
ἐκκλίνειν
ῥᾳδίως
δυνάμενοι
μήτε
τοὺς
ἀφανεῖς
ἀμύνεσθαι,
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
ὕψος
τῶν
πύργων
δυσέφικτον
ὁρῶντες
ἐκ
χειρὸς
βέλει,
πυρὶ
δὲ
τὸν
περὶ
αὐτοῖς
σίδηρον
ἀνάλωτον,
ἔφευγον
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
τείχους
καὶ
προσβάλλειν
πειρωμένοις
ἐπεξέθεον.
|
287
The Jews could neither easily avoid the missiles coming at their heads nor defend themselves against those they could not see; and seeing the height of the towers was hard to reach with hand-thrown missiles, and the iron on them invulnerable to fire, they fled from the wall and only rushed out when the Romans tried to assault.
|
| 287
Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those that shot at them.
| 287
The defenders, unable to escape the missiles coming down upon their heads, or to get back at those whom they could not see, for the towers were so high that a spear thrown by hand could hardly reach them and the iron plates about them prevented attacking them by fire, soon left the ramparts and sallied out to attack them.
|
| 288
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἸωταπάτηςJotapatan
ἀντεῖχον
οὕτως,
ἀναιρούμενοί
τε
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
πολλοὶ
καὶ
μηδὲν
ἀντικακοῦν
τοὺς
πολεμίους,
ὅτι
μὴ
μετὰ
κινδύνων
ἀνείργειν
ἔχοντες.
|
288
Thus those in Jotapata held out, many being killed every day, and unable to harm the enemy in return except at great risk.
|
| 288
And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, while a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without danger to themselves.
| 288
In this way the Jotapatans resisted the Romans, though every day many were killed without being able to inflict harm on the enemy or to keep them back from the city without danger to themselves.
|
| 289
Κατὰ
δὲ
τὰς
αὐτὰς
ἡμέρας
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐπί
τινα
τῶν
τῆς
ἸωταπάτηςJotapatan
ἀστυγειτόνων
πόλιν,
Ἴαφα
καλεῖται,
νεωτερίζουσαν
καὶ
τῶν
Ἰωταπατηνῶν
παρὰ
δόξαν
ἀντεχόντων
ἐπαιρομένην,
ΤραιανὸνTrajan
ὄντα
τοῦ
δεκάτου
τάγματος
ἡγεμόνα
ἐκπέμπει
παραδοὺς
αὐτῷ
χιλίους
μὲν
ἱππεῖς
πεζοὺς
δὲ
δισχιλίους.
|
289
In those same days, Vespasian sent Trajan, the commander of the Tenth Legion, giving him a thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, to a city near Jotapata called Japha, which was revolting and encouraged by the unexpected resistance of the Jotapatans.
|
| 289
About this time it was that Vespasian sent out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired innovations, and was puffed up with the unexpected length of the opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen.
| 289
About this time Vespasian sent Trajan, commander of the tenth legion, off with a thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, against a city called Jaffa, near Jotapata, that was hot for revolt, buoyed up by the unexpectedly long resistance of Jotapata.
|
| 290
Ὁ
δὲ
τὴν
μὲν
πόλιν
δυσάλωτον
καταλαβών,
πρὸς
γὰρ
τῷ
φύσει
καρτερὰ
τυγχάνειν
οὖσα
καὶ
διπλῷ
περιβόλῳ
τετείχιστο,
προαπηντηκότας
δὲ
τοὺς
ἐξ
αὐτῆς
ἑτοίμους
εἰς
μάχην
ἰδὼν
συμβάλλει
καὶ
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
ἀντισχόντας
ἐδίωκεν.
|
290
He found the city hard to capture, for besides being naturally strong, it was fortified with a double wall; but seeing those from the city ready for battle and meeting him, he engaged them and, after they resisted for a little while, he pursued them.
|
| 290
When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them;
| 290
Reaching the city he found it hard to take, for besides the natural strength of its location, it was surrounded by a double wall, but when he saw the citizens coming out ready for battle, he fought them and pursued them, after they resisted a short while,
|
| 291
συμφυγόντων
δὲ
εἰς
τὸ
πρῶτον
τεῖχος
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
κατὰ
πόδας
προσκείμενοι
συνεισέπεσον.
|
291
When they fled into the first wall, the Romans followed close at their heels and broke in with them.
|
| 291
and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed them so closely, that they fell in together with them:
| 291
and as they fled within their first wall, the Romans followed so closely that they got in among them.
|
| 292
Ὁρμήσαντας
δὲ
πάλιν
εἰς
τὸ
δεύτερον
τεῖχος
ἀποκλείουσιν
τῆς
πόλεως
οἱ
σφέτεροι
δείσαντες
μὴ
συνεισβάλωσιν
οἱ
πολέμιοι.
|
292
When they rushed again toward the second wall, their own people shut them out of the city, fearing that the enemy would break in with them.
|
| 292
but when the Jews were endeavoring to get again within their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, as being afraid that the Romans would force themselves in with them.
| 292
As they sought to get back behind their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, fearing that the enemy would pile in along with them.
|
| 293
ΘεὸςGod
δ᾽
ἦν
ἄρα
ὁ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τὰ
ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee
πάθη
χαριζόμενος,
ὃς
καὶ
τότε
τὸν
τῆς
πόλεως
λαὸν
αὔτανδρον
χερσὶν
οἰκείαις
ἐκκλεισθέντα
πρὸς
ἀπώλειαν
ἔκδοτον
φονῶσιν
ἐχθροῖς
παρέστησεν.
|
293
It was surely God who granted the Galileans’ calamities to the Romans, who then delivered the people of the city to be slaughtered by the hands of their enemies, being shut out by their own people.
|
| 293
It was certainly God therefore who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their bloody enemies;
| 293
God must have caused the Romans to punish the Galileans and caused the people of the city to be locked out by their own folk and killed by their bloody enemies.
|
| 294
ἐμπίπτοντες
γὰρ
ἀθρόοι
ταῖς
πύλαις
καὶ
πολλὰ
τοὺς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτῶν
ὀνομαστὶ
καλοῦντες
ἐν
μέσαις
ἀπεσφάττοντο
ταῖς
ἱκεσίαις.
|
294
For they fell in crowds against the gates and called many of those on the walls by name, but were slaughtered in the midst of their supplications.
|
| 294
for they fell upon the gates in great crowds, and earnestly calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they their throats cut in the very midst of their supplications;
| 294
For as they called on the gate-keepers by name, they still had their throats cut in the very midst of their request.
|
| 295
Καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
αὐτοῖς
τεῖχος
οἱ
πολέμιοι,
τὸ
δεύτερον
δ᾽
ἔκλεισαν
οἱ
σφέτεροι,
|
295
The enemy shut the first wall against them, and their own people shut the second.
|
| 295
for the enemy shut the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates of the second,
| 295
The enemy shut the gates of the outer wall and their own citizens shut the gates of the second,
|
| 296
μέσοι
δὲ
τοῖν
δυοῖν
κατειλούμενοι
περιβόλων
βύζην,
πολλοὶ
μὲν
τοῖς
ἀλλήλων,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
τοῖς
ἰδίοις
περιεπείροντο
ξίφεσιν,
ἄπειροιinexperienced
δὲ
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
Ἔπιπτον
οὐδὲ
ὅσον
εἰς
ἄμυναν
ἀναθαρροῦντες·
πρὸς
γὰρ
τῷ
καταπεπλῆχθαι
τοὺς
πολεμίους
τὰς
ψυχὰς
αὐτῶν
ἔκλασεν
ἡ
τῶν
οἰκείων
προδοσία.
|
296
Being hemmed in between the two walls, many were transfixed by each other’s swords and many by their own, and countless numbers fell to the Romans, not even having the courage to defend themselves; for besides the shock of the enemy, the treachery of their own people broke their spirits.
|
| 296
so they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers together; many of them were run through by swords of their own men, and many by their own swords, besides an immense number that were slain by the Romans. Nor had they any courage to revenge themselves; for there was added to the consternation they were in from the enemy, their being betrayed by their own friends, which quite broke their spirits;
| 296
so that, caught between two walls, they died in large numbers, many by the swords of their own men and many on their own swords, besides those who were killed by the Romans.
They had no heart to defend themselves, for on top of the alarm caused by the enemy, their betrayal by their own friends quite broke their spirits.
|
| 297
Πέρας
ἔθνησκον
οὐ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἀλλὰ
τοῖς
ἰδίοις
καταρώμενοι,
μέχρι
πάντες
ἀπώλοντο
μύριοι
καὶ
δισχίλιοι
τὸν
ἀριθμὸν
ὄντες.
|
297
In the end, they died cursing not the Romans but their own people, until they all perished, being twelve thousand in number.
|
| 297
and at last they died, cursing not the Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number twelve thousand.
| 297
Finally all twelve thousand of them were killed, cursing not the Romans, but their own people.
|
| 298
κενὴν
δὲ
μαχίμων
λογιζόμενος
εἶναι
τὴν
πόλιν
ὁ
Τραιανός,
εἰ
δὲ
καί
τινες
ἔνδον
εἶεν,
οἰόμενος
μηδὲν
αὐτοὺς
τολμήσειν
ὑπὸ
δέους,
ἀνετίθει
τῷ
στρατηγῷ
τὴν
ἅλωσιν,
καὶ
στείλας
ἀγγέλους
πρὸς
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ᾐτεῖτο
πέμψαι
τὸν
υἱὸν
αὐτῷ
ΤίτονTitus
ἐπιθήσοντα
τῇ
νίκῃ
τέλος.
|
298
Trajan, thinking the city was empty of fighting men, or if any were inside, that they would not dare anything out of fear, reserved the capture for the general; he sent messengers to Vespasian asking him to send his son Titus to bring the victory to an end.
|
| 298
So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking of the city to the general. Accordingly, he sent messengers to Vespasian, and desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained.
| 298
Trajan figured that the city was empty of fighting men and even if there were still a few of them, they would be too afraid to risk any opposing him, so reserving its capture for the general, he sent messengers to Vespasian, asking him to send his son Titus to complete the victory.
|
| 299
Ὁ
δὲ
συμβαλὼν
ὑπολείπεσθαί
τινα
πόνον
μετὰ
στρατιᾶς
τὸν
υἱὸν
ἐπιπέμπει
πεντακοσίων
μὲν
ἱππέων
χιλίων
δὲ
πεζῶν.
|
299
Vespasian, thinking some labor remained, sent his son with an army of five hundred cavalry and a thousand infantry.
|
| 299
Vespasian hereupon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen.
| 299
Thinking that some efforts would still be required, the latter sent his son with an army of five hundred cavalry and a thousand infantry.
|
| 300
Ὁ
δὲ
πρὸς
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐλθὼν
διὰ
τάχους
καὶ
διατάξας
τὴν
στρατιὰν
ἐπὶ
μὲν
τοῦ
λαιοῦ
κέρως
τὸν
ΤραιανὸνTrajan
ἵστησιν,
αὐτὸς
δὲ
τὸ
δεξιὸν
ἔχων
ἐξηγεῖτο
πρὸς
τὴν
πολιορκίαν.
|
300
He came to the city quickly and, arranging the army, placed Trajan on the left wing while he himself led the right and took charge of the siege.
|
| 300
So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right himself, and led them to the siege:
| 300
He reached the city quickly and got his army into formation and set Trajan on the left wing, while he took the right himself and led them to the siege.
|
| 301
Τῶν
δὲ
στρατιωτῶν
κλίμακας
πάντοθεν
τῷ
τείχει
προσφερόντων
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
οἱ
ΓαλιλαῖοιGalileans
καθύπερθεν
ἀμυνόμενοι
λείπουσιν
τὸν
περίβολον,
|
301
When the soldiers brought ladders to the wall from all sides, the Galileans resisted from above for a little while and then left the battlements.
|
| 301
and when the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls.
| 301
As the soldiers brought ladders to set against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while but soon left the ramparts.
|
| 302
Ἐπιπηδήσαντες
δὲ
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus
τῆς
μὲν
πόλεως
ἐκράτησαν
ταχέως,
πρὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
ἔνδον
αὐτοῖς
συστραφέντας
καρτερὰ
μάχη
συρρήγνυται·
|
302
Titus and his men leaped in and quickly mastered the city, but a fierce battle broke out against those who gathered against them inside.
|
| 302
Then did Titus’s men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them;
| 302
Then Titus' men jumped into the city and seized it, but those inside re-grouped and a fierce battle was fought between them.
|
| 303
Καὶ
γὰρ
ἐν
τοῖς
στενωποῖς
οἱ
δυνατοὶ
προσέπιπτον
καὶ
ἀπὸ
τῶν
οἰκιῶν
αἱ
γυναῖκες
ἔβαλλον
πᾶν
τὸ
προστυχὸν
αὐταῖς.
|
303
For in the narrow streets, the capable men attacked them, and from the houses, the women threw whatever they could find.
|
| 303
for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women threw whatsoever came next to hand at them,
| 303
The able-bodied attacked the Romans in the narrow streets and the women threw at them whatever came to hand
|
| 304
Καὶ
μέχρι
μὲν
ἓξ
ὡρῶν
ἀντεῖχον
μαχόμενοι,
δαπανηθέντων
δὲ
τῶν
μαχίμων
τὸ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
ἔν
τε
τοῖς
ὑπαίθροις
καὶ
κατὰ
τὰς
οἰκίας
ἀπεσφάττοντο
νέοι
τε
ὁμοῦ
καὶ
γέροντες·
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
ἄρρεν
ὑπελείφθη
δίχα
νηπίων,
ἃ
μετὰ
γυναικῶν
ἐξηνδραποδίσαντο.
|
304
They held out fighting for six hours, but when the fighting men were exhausted, the rest of the multitude were slaughtered in the streets and in the houses, both young and old; for no male was left except infants, who along with the women were sold into slavery.
|
| 304
and sustained a fight with them for six hours’ time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude had their throats cut, partly in the open air, and partly in their own houses, both young and old together. So there were no males now remaining, besides infants, which, with the women, were carried as slaves into captivity;
| 304
and the opposition was kept up for six hours; but once the fighting men were finished, the rest of the people had their throats cut, some in the open air and some in their own houses, young and old alike.
No males survived, except infants, and they were taken into captivity as slaves along with the women.
|
| 306
Τοῦτο
συνέβη
τὸ
πάθος
ΓαλιλαίοιςGalileans
πέμπτῃ
καὶ
εἰκάδι
ΔαισίουDaesius
μηνός.
|
306
This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth of the month of Desius.[1]
|
| 306
This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan].
| 306
This befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Daesius.
|
[1]Approx. June/July 67 AD
| 307
ἔμειναν
δὲ
οὐδὲ
ΣαμαρεῖςSamaritans
ἀπείρατοι
συμφορῶν·
ἀθροισθέντες
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τὸ
ΓαριζεὶνGarizim
καλούμενον
ὄρος,
ὅπερ
αὐτοῖς
ἐστιν
ἅγιον,
κατὰ
χώραν
μὲν
ἔμενον,
πολέμου
δ᾽
εἶχεν
ἀπειλὴν
ἥ
τε
σύνοδος
αὐτῶν
καὶ
τὰ
φρονήματα.
|
307
The Samaritans, too, did not remain without a share of calamities. Having assembled upon the mountain called Gerizim, which is to them a holy place, they remained there; however, their gathering and their resolve carried a threat of war.
|
| 307
Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon the mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war;
| 307
Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of disaster at this time.
They assembled on the mountain called Garizim, which they regard as holy, and remained there, and such an assembly, as well as showing courage, could not but be a threat of war.
|
| 308
Καὶ
οὐδὲ
τοῖς
γειτνιῶσι
κακοῖς
ἐσωφρονίζοντο,
πρὸς
δὲ
τὰς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
εὐπραγίας
ἐν
ἀλογίστῳ
τὴν
κατὰ
σφᾶς
ἀσθένειαν
ᾤδουν
καὶ
μετέωροι
πρὸς
ταραχὴν
ὑπῆρχον.
|
308
They were not brought to their senses by the misfortunes of their neighbors, but in the face of Roman successes, they grew arrogant in their own weakness and were poised for revolt.
|
| 308
nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance.
| 308
They failed to learn from the woes that had come upon their neighbouring cities, and continued their madness in the face of the Romans' success, confident despite their weakness, and ready to join in any revolt as soon as it began.
|
| 309
Ἐδόκει
δὲ
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian
φθάσαι
τὸ
κίνημα
καὶ
τὰς
ὁρμὰς
αὐτῶν
ὑποτέμνεσθαι·
καὶ
γὰρ
φρουραῖς
ἡ
ΣαμαρεῖτιςSamaria
ὅληwhole, entire
διείληπτο
τό
τε
πλῆθος
τῶν
ἐληλυθότων
καὶ
ἡ
σύνταξις
ἦν
φοβερά.
|
309
It seemed best to Vespasian to anticipate this movement and cut off their impulses; for the whole of Samaria was already occupied by garrisons, and the size and organization of those who had gathered were alarming.
|
| 309
Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at;
| 309
Vespasian thought it best to prevent them from acting and to cut off their revolt from the start.
For though all Samaria always had garrisons stationed among them, still the number of those who had come to Mount Garizim caused some anxiety.
|
| 310
ΚερεάλιονCerealis
οὖν
ἔπαρχον
ὄντα
τοῦ
πέμπτου
τάγματος
μετὰ
ἑξακοσίων
ἱππέων
καὶ
πεζῶν
τρισχιλίων
πέμπει.
|
310
He therefore sent Cerealis, the commander of the Fifth Legion, with six hundred cavalry and three thousand infantry.
|
| 310
he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen,
| 310
So he sent Cerealius there, in command of the fifth legion, with six hundred cavalry and three thousand infantry.
|
| 311
Τούτῳ
προσβαίνειν
μὲν
τὸ
ὄρος
καὶ
συνάπτειν
μάχην
οὐκ
ἀσφαλὲς
ἔδοξεν
πολλῶν
καθύπερθεν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ὄντων,
κυκλωσάμενος
δὲ
τῇ
δυνάμει
πᾶσαν
τὴν
ὑπόρειον
δι᾽
ὅλης
αὐτοὺς
ἐφρούρει
τῆς
ἡμέρας.
|
311
To him, it did not seem safe to ascend the mountain and join battle, as the enemy held the heights in great numbers; instead, he surrounded the entire base of the mountain with his forces and kept guard over them throughout the whole day.
|
| 311
who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day.
| 311
The latter did not think it safe to go up to the mountain and fight them there, as many of the enemy were on the higher ground, so he surrounded all the base of the mountain with his army and kept watch on them all that day.
|
| 312
Συνέβη
δὲ
ὕδατος
ἀπορουμένων
τῶν
ΣαμαρέωνSamaritans
ἐκφλεγῆναι
τότε
καὶ
καῦμα
δεινόν,
ὥρα
δ᾽
ἦν
θέρους
καὶ
τῶν
ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary
τὸ
πλῆθος
ἀπαράσκευον,
|
312
It happened that the Samaritans were suffering from a lack of water, and at that time a terrible heat flared up—it being the height of summer—and the multitude was unprovided with necessities.
|
| 312
Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat (for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries),
| 312
Now the Samaritans were lacking in water and parched with the violent heat, for it was summer and the people had not laid in supplies,
|
| 313
ὡς
τοὺς
μὲν
αὐθημερὸν
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
δίψους
ἀποθανεῖν,
πολλοὺς
δὲ
τῆς
τοιαύτης
ἀπωλείας
τὸ
δουλεύειν
προαιρουμένους
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
προσφυγεῖν.
|
313
As a result, some died that very day from thirst, while many others, preferring slavery to such a death, deserted to the Romans.
|
| 313
insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans,
| 313
so that some of them died of heat that very day, while others preferred slavery before such a death and fled to the Romans.
|
| 314
Ἐξ
ὧν
συνεὶς
ὁ
ΚερεάλιοςCerealius
καὶ
τοὺς
ἔτι
συμμένοντας
ὑπὸ
τῶν
δεινῶν
κατεαγότας
ἐπαναβαίνει
τῷ
ὄρει,
καὶ
τὴν
δύναμιν
ἐν
κύκλῳ
περιστήσας
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
ἐπὶ
δεξιὰς
προυκαλεῖτο
καὶ
σώζεσθαι
παρεκάλει
διαβεβαιούμενος
ἀσφάλειαν
τὰ
ὅπλα
ῥίψασιν·
|
314
From these men, Cerealis learned that those still remaining were broken by their sufferings; he then ascended the mountain and, having surrounded the enemy with his forces, first invited them to come to terms and offered them safety if they would throw down their arms.
|
| 314
by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm;
| 314
From them Cerealius learned that those still remaining there were shattered by their misfortunes, so he went up the mountain and having surrounded the enemy with his forces, at first urged them to accept his pledge of security and come to terms and thereby save themselves, assuring them of their lives if only they laid down their weapons.
|
| 315
ὡς
δ᾽
οὐκ
ἔπειθεν,
προσπεσὼν
ἀπέκτεινεν
πάντας,
χιλίους
ἑξακοσίους
ἐπὶ
μυρίοις
ὄντας·
ἑβδόμῃ
καὶ
εἰκάδι
ΔαισίουDaesius
μηνὸς
ἐπράχθη·
Καὶ
τοιαύταις
μὲν
συμφοραῖς
ΣαμαρεῖταιSamaritans
ἐχρήσαντο.
|
315
But when he could not persuade them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being eleven thousand six hundred in number. This was done on the twenty-seventh of the month of Desius.[1] Such were the calamities that befell the Samaritans.
|
| 315
but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time.
| 315
When he could not persuade them, he attacked them and killed all eleven thousand, six hundred of them, on the twenty-seventh day of the month Daesius.
Such was the disaster of the Samaritans at this time.
|
[1]June/July 67 AD
| 316
Τῶν
δ᾽
ἀνὰ
τὰ
ἸωτάπαταJotapata
καρτερούντων
καὶ
παρ᾽
ἐλπίδα
τοῖς
δεινοῖς
ἀντεχόντων
τεσσαρακοστῇ
μὲν
ἡμέρᾳ
καὶ
ἑβδόμῃ
τὰ
χώματα
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ὑπερήρθη
τὸ
τεῖχος,
|
316
As for those holding out at Jotapata and enduring hardships beyond expectation, on the forty-seventh day of the siege, the Roman embankments overtopped the wall.
|
| 316
But as the people of Jotapata still held out manfully, and bore up under their miseries beyond all that could be hoped for, on the forty-seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up by the Romans were become higher than the wall;
| 316
As the people of Jotapata still held out manfully and bore up beyond all expectation under their predicament, by the forty-seventh day the earthworks put up by the Romans were higher than the wall.
|
| 317
αὐτομολεῖ
δέ
τις
πρὸς
τὸν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
τῆς
αὐτῆς
ἡμέρας
τήν
τε
ὀλιγότητα
τῶν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἐξαγγέλλων
καὶ
τὴν
ἀσθένειαν,
|
317
On that same day, a certain deserter came to Vespasian, reporting the small number and the weakness of those in the city.
|
| 317
on which day a certain deserter went to Vespasian, and told him how few were left in the city, and how weak they were,
| 317
That day a deserter went to Vespasian and told him how few were left in the city and how weak they were,
|
| 318
καὶ
ὡς
ἀγρυπνίᾳ
διηνεκεῖ
καὶ
μάχαις
ἐπαλλήλοις
δεδαπανημένοι
δυνατοὶ
μὲν
εἶεν
οὐδὲ
βιαζομένους
ἔτι
φέρειν,
καὶ
δόλῳ
δ᾽
ἂν
ἁλοῖεν,
εἴ
τις
ἐπιθοῖτο·
|
318
He explained that, exhausted by constant lack of sleep and successive battles, they were no longer able to resist a forced assault, and could even be taken by a stratagem if someone were to attack.
|
| 318
and that they had been so worn out with perpetual watching, and also perpetual fighting, that they could not now oppose any force that came against them, and that they might be taken by stratagem, if anyone would attack them;
| 318
worn out with continual vigilance and fighting, and unable to oppose any force assaulting them, and that they could be taken by a ruse.
|
| 319
περὶ
γὰρ
τὴν
ἐσχάτην
φυλακήν,
καθ᾽
ἣν
ἄνεσίν
τε
τῶν
δεινῶν
ἐδόκουν
ἔχειν
καὶ
καθάπτεται
μάλιστα
κεκοπωμένων
ἑωθινὸς
ὕπνος,
καταδαρθάνειν
ἔφασκεν
τοὺς
φύλακας
συνεβούλευέν
τε
κατὰ
ταύτην
τὴν
ὥραν
ἐπελθεῖν.
|
319
For he said that during the last watch of the night—at which time they expected a respite from their miseries and when morning sleep most heavily falls upon the weary—the guards would drop off to sleep; he advised that an attack be made at that hour.
|
| 319
for that about the last watch of the night, when they thought they might have some rest from the hardships they were under, and when a morning sleep used to come upon them, as they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch used to fall asleep; accordingly his advice was, that they should make their attack at that hour.
| 319
If they were attacked about the last watch of the night, as they were resting from their woes and slumbering at dawn, the sentries would be asleep, so he advised an attack at that hour.
|
| 320
Τῷ
δ᾽
ἦν
μὲν
δι᾽
ὑπονοίας
ὁ
αὐτόμολος
τό
τε
πρὸς
ἀλλήλους
πιστὸν
εἰδότι
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
καὶ
τὴν
πρὸς
τὰς
κολάσεις
ὑπεροψίαν,
|
320
Vespasian was suspicious of the deserter, knowing the loyalty the Jews had for one another and their contempt for punishments.
|
| 320
But Vespasian had a suspicion about this deserter, as knowing how faithful the Jews were to one another,
| 320
But he suspected this deserter, knowing how faithful the Jews were to each other and how they scorned the punishments they might suffer,
|
| 321
ἐπειδὴ
καὶ
πρότερον
ληφθείς
τις
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἸωταπάτηςJotapatan
πρὸς
πᾶσαν
αἰκίαν
βασάνων
ἀντέσχεν
καὶ
μηδὲν
διὰ
πυρὸς
ἐξερευνῶσι
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
περὶ
τῶν
ἔνδον
εἰπὼν
ἀνεσταυρώθηto crucify
τοῦ
θανάτου
καταμειδιῶν·
|
321
For previously, a certain man from Jotapata, having been captured, had withstood every kind of torture and, even when the enemy sought information by fire, said nothing about the state of things inside and was crucified, smiling at death.
|
| 321
and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them.
| 321
for another Jotapatan had endured all sorts of torments while being interrogated under torture, and had told them nothing about the situation inside the city and smiled at them even as he was crucified.
|
| 322
τά
γε
μὴν
εἰκότα
πιστὸν
ἐποίει
τὸν
προδότην,
καὶ
τάχα
μὲν
ἀληθεύειν
ἐκεῖνον,
μηδὲν
δ᾽
αὐτὸς
ἐξ
ἐνέδρας
πείσεσθαι
μέγα
προσδοκῶν,
τὸν
μὲν
φυλάσσειν
ἐκέλευσεν,
ἐπὶ
δὲ
τὴν
κατάληψιν
τῆς
πόλεως
παρεσκεύαζε
τὴν
στρατιάν.
|
322
Nevertheless, the probability of the story made the traitor seem credible; thinking that the man might be telling the truth and expecting no great harm even if it were an ambush, Vespasian ordered the man to be kept under guard and prepared the army for the capture of the city.
|
| 322
However, the probability there was in the relation itself did partly confirm the truth of what the deserter told them, and they thought he might probably speak the truth. However, Vespasian thought they should be no great sufferers if the report was a sham; so he commanded them to keep the man in custody, and prepared the army for taking the city.
| 322
In all likelihood what the deserter said was right, so they thought he might be telling the truth; but Vespasian wished to avoid being damaged if it was false and told them to keep the man in custody as he prepared the army to take the city.
|
| 323
Κατὰ
δὲ
τὴν
μηνυθεῖσαν
ὥραν
ᾔεσαν
ἡσυχῆ
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος.
|
323
At the hour indicated, they advanced silently toward the wall.
|
| 323
According to which resolution they marched without noise, at the hour that had been told them, to the wall;
| 323
They marched silently to the wall, at the aforementioned hour,
|
| 324
Καὶ
πρῶτος
ἐπιβαίνει
ΤίτοςTitus
σὺν
ἑνὶ
τῶν
χιλιάρχων
ΔομετίῳDomitius
ΣαβίνῳSabinus
τῶν
ἀπὸ
τοῦ
πέμπτου
καὶ
δεκάτου
τάγματος
ὀλίγους
ἄγων·
|
324
Titus was the first to mount it, along with one of the tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, leading a few men from the Fifteenth and Fifth Legions.
|
| 324
and it was Titus himself that first got upon it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of the fifteenth legion along with him.
| 324
and it was Titus himself who first got up on it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus and a few of the fifteenth legion.
|
| 325
ἀποσφάξαντες
δὲ
τοὺς
φύλακας
εἰσίασιν
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν,
μεθ᾽
οὓς
ΣέκστοςSextus
τις
ΚαλουάριοςCalvarius
χιλίαρχος
καὶ
ΠλάκιδοςPlacidus
τοὺς
ὑπὸ
σφίσι
τεταγμένους
εἰσῆγον.
|
325
Having cut the throats of the guards, they entered the city; after them, Sextus Calvarius, a tribune, and Placidus led in the men under their command.
|
| 325
So they cut the throats of the watch, and entered the city very quietly. After these came Cerealis the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those that were under them.
| 325
They cut the throats of the sentries and entered the city very quietly.
After these came Cerealius the tribune and Placidus, leading their men.
|
| 326
Κατειλημμένης
δὲ
τῆς
ἄκρας
καὶ
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἐν
μέσῳ
στρεφομένων,
ἤδη
δὲ
καὶ
ἡμέρας
οὔσης,
ὅμως
οὔπω
τῆς
ἁλώσεως
τοῖς
κρατουμένοις
αἴσθησις
ἦν·
|
326
Although the citadel was occupied and the enemy was moving about in their midst—it now being daylight—the inhabitants who were being overpowered still had no perception of the capture.
|
| 326
Now when the citadel was taken, and the enemy were in the very midst of the city, and when it was already day, yet was not the taking of the city known by those that held it;
| 326
When the citadel was taken and the enemy were in the very middle of the city at daybreak, the people were still unaware of their city's capture,
|
| 327
Καμάτῳ
τε
γὰρ
οἱ
πολλοὶ
καὶ
ὕπνῳ
διαλέλυντο,
καὶ
τῶν
διανισταμένων
ὁμίχλη
τὰς
ὄψεις
ἀπήμβλυνεν
πολλὴ
κατὰ
τύχην
τότε
τῇ
πόλει
περιχυθεῖσα,
|
327
For most were dissolved in weariness and sleep, and a thick mist, which by chance had then enveloped the city, blurred the vision of those who were waking up.
|
| 327
for a great many of them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which then by chance fell upon the city, hindered those that got up from distinctly seeing the case they were in,
| 327
Many of them were fast asleep and a great fog, which happened to fall over the city, hindered the ones who were awake from seeing their predicament clearly.
|
| 328
μέχρι
πάσης
τῆς
στρατιᾶς
εἰσπεσούσης
πρὸς
μόνην
τὴν
τῶν
κακῶν
αἴσθησιν
ἐξανέστησαν
καὶ
τὴν
ἅλωσιν
ἐπίστευον
ἀναιρούμενοι.
|
328
Until the whole army had rushed in, and they were roused only by the actual perception of their miseries, realizing the capture only as they were being slain.
|
| 328
till the whole Roman army was gotten in, and they were raised up only to find the miseries they were under; and as they were slaying, they perceived the city was taken.
| 328
They woke up after the whole army had entered, to find the extent of their disaster, and only as they were being killed did they see that the city had been taken.
|
| 329
ῬωμαίουςRomans
δὲ
κατὰ
μνήμην
ὧν
ἐκ
τῆς
πολιορκίας
ἔπαθον
οὔτε
φειδὼ
εἰσῄει
τινὸς
οὔτ᾽
ἔλεος,
ἀλλ᾽
εἰς
τὸ
κάταντες
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἄκρας
τὸν
λεὼ
συνωθοῦντες
ἐφόνευον.
|
329
The Romans, remembering what they had suffered during the siege, had no restraint or mercy for anyone, but thrust the people down the steep slope from the citadel and slaughtered them.
|
| 329
And for the Romans, they so well remembered what they had suffered during the siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, and slew them as they drove them down;
| 329
Recalling all that they had suffered during the siege, the Romans spared no one and showed no mercy, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, killing them as they went.
|
| 330
Ἔνθα
καὶ
τοὺς
ἔτι
μάχεσθαι
δυναμένους
ἡ
δυσχωρία
τὴν
ἄμυναν
ἀφείλετο·
θλιβόμενοι
γὰρ
ἐν
τοῖς
στενωποῖς
καὶ
κατὰ
τοῦ
πρανοῦς
ὑπολισθάνοντες
ῥέοντι
κατ᾽
ἄκρας
ἐκαλύπτοντο
τῷ
πολέμῳ.
|
330
There, the difficulty of the ground took away the power of defense even from those still able to fight; for being crushed in the narrow streets and slipping down the slope, they were overwhelmed by the tide of war flowing from the heights.
|
| 330
at which time the difficulties of the place hindered those that were still able to fight from defending themselves; for as they were distressed in the narrow streets, and could not keep their feet sure along the precipice, they were overpowered with the crowd of those that came fighting them down from the citadel.
| 330
The difficulties of the place hindered those who were still able to fight from defending themselves, for they were blocked in the narrow streets and could not keep their footing along the precipice, and were crushed by the warring crowds streaming down from the citadel.
|
| 331
Τοῦτο
πολλοὺς
καὶ
τῶν
περὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ἐπιλέκτων
ἐπ᾽
αὐτοχειρίαν
παρώξυνεν·
κατιδόντες
γάρ,
ὡς
οὐδένα
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀνελεῖν
δύνανται,
τό
γε
πεσεῖν
αὐτοὺς
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
προέλαβον
καὶ
συναθροισθέντες
ἐπὶ
τὰ
καταλήγοντα
τῆς
πόλεως
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ἀνεῖλον.
|
331
This urged many even of Josephus’ chosen men to suicide; for seeing that they could not kill any of the Romans, they forestalled falling by Roman hands and, gathering at the outskirts of the city, killed themselves.
|
| 331
This provoked a great many, even of those chosen men that were about Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands; for when they saw that they could kill none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent being killed by the Romans, and got together in great numbers in the utmost parts of the city, and killed themselves.
| 331
This drove many, even of the elite men around Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands, for when they saw themselves unable to kill any of the Romans, and determined not to let themselves be killed by Roman hands, they gathered in the outskirts of the city and committed suicide.
|
| 332
Ὅσοι
γε
μὴν
ὑπὸ
πρώτην
τῆς
καταλήψεως
αἴσθησιν
τῶν
φυλάκων
διαφυγεῖν
ἔφθασαν
ἀναβάντες
εἴς
τινα
τῶν
προσαρκτίων
πύργων
μέχρι
μέν
τινος
ἀπημύναντο,
περισχεθέντες
δὲ
πλήθει
τῶν
πολεμίων
ὀψὲ
παρεῖσαν
τὰς
δεξιὰς
καὶ
τοῖς
ἐφεστῶσιν
τὴν
σφαγὴν
εὔθυμοι
παρέσχον.
|
332
Those of the guards who managed to escape at the first realization of the capture fled to one of the northern towers and resisted for a time; but being surrounded by the multitude of the enemy, they eventually gave up and cheerfully offered their throats to their executioners.
|
| 332
However, such of the watch as at the first perceived they were taken, and ran away as fast as they could, went up into one of the towers on the north side of the city, and for a while defended themselves there; but as they were encompassed with a multitude of enemies, they tried to use their right hands when it was too late, and at length they cheerfully offered their necks to be cut off by those that stood over them.
| 332
Those of the sentries who first saw that capture was imminent fled as fast as they could, and going up into one of the towers on the northern side of the city defended themselves there for a while.
Surrounded by a throng of enemies, they tried to use their weapons when it was too late and in the end willingly offered their necks to the blades of those who stood over them.
|
| 333
Ἀναίμακτον
δ᾽
ἂν
ἦν
αὐχῆσαι
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τὸ
τέλος
τῆς
πολιορκίας,
εἰ
μὴ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἅλωσιν
εἷς
ἔπεσέν
τις·
ἑκατοντάρχης
ἦν
ἈντώνιοςAntony,
θνήσκει
δ᾽
ἐξ
ἐνέδρας.
|
333
The Romans could have boasted that the end of the siege was bloodless for them, had not one man fallen during the capture; he was a centurion named Antonius, and he died by a trick.
|
| 333
And the Romans might have boasted that the conclusion of that siege was without blood [on their side,] if there had not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain at the taking of the city. His death was occasioned by the following treachery;
| 333
The Romans might have even been able to boast that this siege ended without any bloodshed on their side, except for a centurion named Antonius who was killed by treachery.
|
| 334
Τῶν
γὰρ
εἰς
τὰ
σπήλαιά
τις
συμπεφευγότων,
πολλοὶ
δ᾽
οὗτοι
πλῆθος
ἦσαν,
ἱκετεύει
τὸν
ἈντώνιονAntōny
ὀρέξαι
δεξιὰν
αὐτῷ
πίστιν
τε
σωτηρίας
καὶ
βοήθειαν
πρὸς
ἄνοδον·
|
334
One of those who had fled into the caves—of whom there was a great number—begged Antonius to reach out his right hand to him as a pledge of safety and to help him up.
|
| 334
for there was one of those that were fled into the caverns, which were a great number, who desired that this Antonius would reach him his right hand for his security, and would assure him that he would preserve him, and give him his assistance in getting up out of the cavern;
| 334
For one of the many who fled to the caves asked Antonius to reach his hand as a guarantee to spare him and help him to come out.
|
| 335
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἀφυλάκτως
ὤρεγε
τὴν
χεῖρα,
καὶ
φθάσας
αὐτὸν
ἐκεῖνος
νύττει
κάτωθεν
ὑπὸ
τὸν
βουβῶνα
δόρατι
καὶ
παραχρῆμα
διεργάζεται.
|
335
He incautiously reached out his hand, and the man, forestalling him, stabbed him from below in the groin with a spear and killed him instantly.
|
| 335
accordingly, he incautiously reached him his right hand, when the other man prevented him, and stabbed him under his loins with a spear, and killed him immediately.
| 335
When, incautiously, he reached his hand, the other quickly stabbed him with a spear in the groin, killing him instantly.
|
| 336
Κατ᾽
ἐκείνην
μὲν
οὖν
τὴν
ἡμέραν
τὸ
φανερὸν
πλῆθος
ἀνεῖλον
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans,
ταῖς
δ᾽
ἐπιούσαις
ἀνερευνώμενοι
τὰς
καταδύσεις
τοὺς
ἐν
τοῖς
ὑπονόμοις
καὶ
τοῖς
σπηλαίοις
ἐπεξῄεσαν
καὶ
διὰ
πάσης
ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw
ἡλικίας
πλὴν
νηπίων
καὶ
γυναικῶν.
|
336
On that day, the Romans slew those who were found in the open; on the following days, they searched the hiding places and went after those in the tunnels and caves, sparing no age except for infants and women.
|
| 336
And on this day it was that the Romans slew all the multitude that appeared openly; but on the following days they searched the hiding-places, and fell upon those that were underground, and in the caverns, and went thus through every age, excepting the infants and the women,
| 336
That day the Romans killed all the people they found, and on the following days they searched the hiding-places and attacked the people who were under ground and in the caves and treated people of all ages the same, except the infants and the women,
|
| 337
Καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
αἰχμάλωτα
χίλια
πρὸς
τοῖς
διακοσίοις
συνήχθη,
νεκροὶ
δὲ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἅλωσιν
καὶ
τὰς
πρότερον
μάχας
συνηριθμήθησαν
τετρακισμύριοι.
|
337
The captives were found to be one thousand two hundred, and the dead during the capture and the previous battles were numbered at forty thousand.
|
| 337
and of these there were gathered together as captives twelve hundred; and as for those that were slain at the taking of the city, and in the former fights, they were numbered to be forty thousand.
| 337
of whom twelve hundred were taken captive, while forty thousand were killed at the taking of the city and in the fighting leading up to it.
|
| 338
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τήν
τε
πόλιν
κατασκάψαι
κελεύει
καὶ
τὰ
φρούρια
πάντα
προσεμπίπρησιν
αὐτῆς.
|
338
Vespasian ordered the city to be razed to the ground and burned all its fortresses.
|
| 338
So Vespasian gave order that the city should be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt down.
| 338
Vespasian ordered the city to be entirely demolished and all the fortifications burned down.
|
| 339
ἸωτάπαταJotapata
μὲν
οὖν
οὕτως
ἑάλω
τρεισκαιδεκάτῳ
τῆς
ΝέρωνοςNerō
ἡγεμονίας
ἔτει
ΠανέμουPanemus
νουμηνίᾳ.
|
339
Thus was Jotapata taken in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the new moon of Panemus.[1]
|
| 339
And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
| 339
That is how Jotapata was taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus.
|
[1]July 67 AD
Chapter 8
Josephus surrenders.
His prediction about Vespasian, and its effect
| 340
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ἀναζητοῦντες
κατά
τε
ὀργὴν
σφετέραν
καὶ
σφόδρα
τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ
φιλοτιμουμένου,
μεγίστη
γὰρ
ἦν
μοῖρα
τοῦ
πολέμου
ληφθείς,
τούς
τε
νεκροὺς
διηρεύνων
καὶ
τοὺς
ἀποκρύφους.
|
340
The Romans sought Josephus, both out of their own anger and because their general (Vespasian) was exceedingly anxious [to find him], for he was the greatest prize of the war; thus they searched the corpses and the secret hiding places.
|
| 340
And now the Romans searched for Josephus, both out of the hatred they bore him, and because their general was very desirous to have him taken; for he reckoned that if he were once taken, the greatest part of the war would be over. They then searched among the dead, and looked into the most concealed recesses of the city;
| 340
The Romans were searching for Josephus, in a rage with him and because their general wanted him captured.
And reckoning that taking him would influence the outcome of the war, they searched among the dead and into the most concealed recesses of the city
|
| 341
Ὁ
δὲ
τῆς
πόλεως
ἁλισκομένηςto be caught
δαιμονίῳ
τινὶ
συνεργίᾳ
χρησάμενος
μέσον
μὲν
ἑαυτὸν
ἐκκλέπτει
τῶν
πολεμίων,
καθάλλεται
δὲ
εἴς
τινα
βαθὺν
λάκκον,
ᾧ
πλατὺ
σπήλαιον
διέζευκτο
κατὰ
πλευρὰν
τοῖς
ἄνωθεν
ἀόρατον.
|
341
But as the city was being taken, Josephus, by some divine providence, managed to steal himself away from the enemy and leaped into a deep pit, which was connected on its side to a wide cave that was invisible to those above.
|
| 341
but as the city was first taken, he was assisted by a certain supernatural providence; for he withdrew himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which den could not be seen by those that were above ground;
| 341
However, as the city was collapsing he was helped by a supernatural force, for he pulled back from the very middle of enemy and jumped into a deep pit, to one side of which was a large cave which was invisible from above ground.
|
| 343
Μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
μὲν
οὖν
ὑπεστέλλετο
τῶν
πολεμίων
πάντα
διειληφότων,
νυκτὸς
δ᾽
ἀνιὼν
ἐζήτει
δρασμοῦ
διάδυσιν
καὶ
τὰς
φυλακὰς
κατεσκέπτετο.
φρουρουμένων
δὲ
πανταχόθεν
πάντων
δι᾽
αὐτὸν
ὡς
λαθεῖν
οὐκ
ἦν,
αὖθις
εἰς
τὸ
σπήλαιον
κατῄει.
|
343
During the day he remained hidden, for the enemy occupied every point, but at night he would go up and seek a way of escape and scout the sentries. But since every place was guarded because of him, and there was no way to go unnoticed, he descended again into the cave.
|
| 343
So in the daytime he hid himself from the enemy, who had seized upon all places, and in the nighttime he got up out of the den and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice of the watch; but as all places were guarded everywhere on his account, that there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den.
| 343
So during the day he hid from the enemy, who had captured the whole place, and at night he got up from the cave and looked around for some way of escape, carefully noting where the sentries were.
But there was no way to escape unseen, since on account of him all routes everywhere were guarded, so he returned to the cave.
|
| 344
Δύο
μὲν
οὖν
ἡμέραις
διαλανθάνει,
τῇ
δὲ
τρίτῃ
γυναικὸς
ἁλούσης
τῶν
ἅμα
αὐτοῖς
μηνύεται,
καὶ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
αὐτίκα
μετὰ
σπουδῆς
πέμπει
δύο
χιλιάρχους
ΠαυλῖνονPaulinus
καὶ
ΓαλλικανόνGallicanus,
δεξιάς
τε
τῷ
ἸωσήπῳJoseph
δοῦναι
κελεύσας
καὶ
προτρεψομένους
ἀνελθεῖν.
|
344
For two days he remained hidden, but on the third day, a woman from those with them was captured and informed on them. Vespasian immediately sent two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, ordering them to offer Josephus his right hand (a pledge of safety) and to urge him to come up.
|
| 344
Thus he concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman who had been with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespasian sent immediately and zealously two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come up.
| 344
There he remained hidden for two days, but on the third day he was betrayed, when they captured a woman who had been with them.
Vespasian quickly sent two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, with orders to give Josephus a promise to spare his life and to urge him to come up.
|
| 345
Ἀφικόμενοι
γοῦν
παρεκάλουν
οὗτοι
τὸν
ἄνδρα
καὶ
πίστεις
περὶ
σωτηρίας
ἐδίδοσαν,
οὐ
μὴν
ἔπειθον·
|
345
When they arrived, they exhorted the man and gave him pledges for his safety, yet they did not persuade him.
|
| 345
So they came and invited the man to come up, and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved: but they did not prevail with him;
| 345
So they came and invited the man to come up, assuring him that his life would be spared, but they could not persuade him.
|
| 346
ἐκ
γὰρ
ὧν
εἰκὸς
ἦν
τοσαῦτα
δράσαντα
παθεῖν,
οὐκ
ἐκ
τοῦ
φύσει
τῶν
παρακαλούντων
ἡμέρου
τὰς
ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy
συνέλεγεν
ἐδεδίει
τε
ὡς
ἐπὶ
τιμωρίαν
προκαλουμένους,
ἕως
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
τρίτον
ἐπιπέμπει
χιλίαρχον
ΝικάνοραNicanor
γνώριμον
τῷ
ἸωσήπῳJoseph
καὶ
συνήθη
πάλαι.
|
346
For he formed his suspicions based on what a man who had done so much was likely to suffer, rather than from the naturally mild character of those exhorting him; he feared they were summoning him to punishment, until Vespasian sent a third tribune, Nicanor, who was an acquaintance and long-time friend of Josephus.
|
| 346
for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that one who had done so many things against the Romans must suffer for it, though not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that he was invited to come up in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time.
| 346
His suspicions arose not from the mild temper of those who invited him but from the likelihood that one who had done such things as he had must suffer for it.
His fear that he was being invited to come up to be executed lasted until Vespasian sent him a third tribune, Nicanor, a former acquaintance and friend of Josephus.
|
| 347
Παρελθὼν
δ᾽
οὗτος
τό
τε
φύσει
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
χρηστὸν
πρὸς
οὓς
ἂν
ἅπαξ
ἕλωσι
διεξῄει,
καὶ
ὡς
δι᾽
ἀρετὴν
αὐτὸς
θαυμάζοιτο
μᾶλλον
ἢ
μισοῖτο
πρὸς
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων,
|
347
Having come forward, Nicanor explained the natural kindness of the Romans toward those they have once conquered, and how Josephus was more admired for his virtue than hated by the commanders.
|
| 347
When he was come, he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once conquered; and told him that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the commanders rather admired than hated him;
| 347
He arrived and described the innate mildness of the Romans toward the defeated, assuring him that he had behaved so valiantly that the officers rather admired than hated him.
|
| 348
σπουδάζειν
τε
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
οὐκ
ἐπὶ
τιμωρίαν
ἀναγαγεῖν
αὐτόν,
εἶναι
γὰρ
ταύτην
καὶ
παρὰ
μὴ
προιόντος
λαβεῖν,
ἀλλὰ
σῶσαι
προαιρούμενονto bring forth
ἄνδρα
γενναῖον.
|
348
And he urged that the general was not eager to lead him out for punishment—for that could be taken even from one who did not come forth—but that he preferred to save a noble man.
|
| 348
that the general was very desirous to have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of his courage.
| 348
The general wanted him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for he could do this even should he not come freely, but because he preferred to save a gallant man.
|
| 349
Προσετίθει
δ᾽
ὡς
οὔτ᾽
ἂν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐνεδρεύων
φίλον
ἔπεμπεν,
ἵνα
τοῦ
κακίστου
πράγματος
προστήσηται
τὸ
κάλλιστον,
ἀπιστίας
φιλίαν,
οὐδ᾽
ἂν
αὐτὸς
ἀπατήσων
ἄνδρα
φίλον
ὑπήκουσεν
ἐλθεῖν.
|
349
He added that Vespasian would not have sent a friend to lay a trap, using the noblest thing, friendship, to cover the foulest deed, treachery; nor would Nicanor himself have consented to come to deceive a friend.
|
| 349
He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the fairest color upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning perfidiousness; nor would he have himself acquiesced, or come to him, had it been to deceive him.
| 349
He added that Vespasian, had he wished to entrap him, would not have sent a friend to him, nor put a fair cloak on a foul deed by masking treachery with friendship; nor would he himself have agreed to come in order to deceive his friend.
|
| 350
Ἐνδοιάζοντος
δὲ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸν
ΝικάνοραNicanor
τὸ
μὲν
στρατιωτικὸν
ὑπ᾽
ὀργῆς
ἐκκαίειν
τὸ
σπήλαιον
ὥρμητο,
κατεῖχεν
δ᾽
αὐτοὺς
ὁ
πολέμαρχος
ζωγρῆσαι
τὸν
ἄνδρα
φιλοτιμούμενος.
|
350
While Josephus was hesitating, the soldiers, in their anger, were moved to set the cave on fire, but the commander (Vespasian) held them back, being anxious to take the man alive.
|
| 350
Now, as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor’s proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive.
| 350
As Josephus hesitated about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiers in their anger tried to set fire to the cave, but the tribune would not let them, being anxious to take the man alive.
|
| 351
ὡς
δ᾽
ὅ
τε
ΝικάνωρNicanor
προσέκειτο
λιπαρῶν
καὶ
τὰς
ἀπειλὰς
τοῦ
πολεμίου
πλήθους
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἔμαθεν,
ἀνάμνησις
αὐτὸν
τῶν
διὰ
νυκτὸς
ὀνείρων
εἰσέρχεται,
δι᾽
ὧν
ὁ
θεὸς
τάς
τε
μελλούσας
αὐτῷ
συμφορὰς
προεσήμαινεν
ἸουδαίωνJews
καὶ
τὰ
περὶ
τοὺς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
βασιλεῖς
ἐσόμενα.
|
351
As Nicanor pressed him with entreaties and Josephus learned of the threats of the enemy multitude, the memory of his nightly dreams came to him, through which God had foretold to him both the coming calamities of the Jews and what would happen concerning the Roman rulers.
|
| 351
And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the nighttime, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors.
| 351
While Nicanor was trying to get him to agree and he saw how many enemies threatened him, Josephus called to mind what he had dreamed in the night, how God had shown him in advance the future troubles of the Jews and what concerned the Roman emperors.
|
| 352
Ἦν
δὲ
καὶ
περὶ
κρίσεις
ὀνείρων
ἱκανὸς
συμβαλεῖν
τὰ
ἀμφιβόλως
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
θείου
λεγόμενα,
τῶν
γε
μὴν
ἱερῶν
βίβλων
οὐκ
ἠγνόειnot to know
τὰς
προφητείας
ὡς
ἂν
αὐτός
τε
ὢν
ἱερεὺς
καὶ
ἱερέων
ἔγγονος·
|
352
He was capable of interpreting dreams and understanding the ambiguous things spoken by the Deity; he was not ignorant of the prophecies of the sacred books, being himself a priest and a descendant of priests.
|
| 352
Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests:
| 352
He had skill in interpreting mysterious dreams coming from God, being a priest himself and descended from priests, and familiar with the prophecies in the sacred books.
|
| 353
ὧν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
τότε
ὥρας
ἔνθους
γενόμενος
καὶ
τὰ
φρικώδη
τῶν
προσφάτων
ὀνείρων
σπάσας
φαντάσματα
προσφέρει
τῷ
θεῷ
λεληθυῖαν
εὐχήν,
|
353
Being at that hour inspired and grasping the terrifying images of his recent dreams, he offered a secret prayer to God:
|
| 353
and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God,
| 353
Just then he was in an ecstatic state, and recalling the tremendous images of his recent dreams he secretly prayed to God,
|
| 354
κἀπειδὴ
τὸ
ἸουδαίωνJews,
ἔφη,
φῦλον
ὀκλάσαι
δοκεῖ
σοι
τῷ
κτίσαντι,
μετέβη
δὲ
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἡ
τύχη
πᾶσα,
καὶ
τὴν
ἐμὴν
ψυχὴν
ἐπελέξω
τὰ
μέλλοντα
εἰπεῖν,
δίδωμι
μὲν
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
τὰς
χεῖρας
ἑκὼν
καὶ
ζῶ,
μαρτύρομαι
δὲ
ὡς
οὐ
προδότης,
ἀλλὰ
σὸς
εἶμι
διάκονος."
|
354
“Since it seems good to You,” he said, “to break the Jewish race, You who created it, and all Fortune has passed to the Romans, and You have chosen my soul to speak of the things to come, I willingly give my hands to the Romans and live; but I call You to witness that I go not as a traitor, but as Your servant.”
|
| 354
and said, “Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee.”
| 354
"Since it pleases you, Creator of the Jewish nation, to break what you have made, and all their good fortune has gone over to the Romans, and you have chosen this soul of mine to foretell what is later to happen, I willingly surrender to the Romans to go on living, not as a deserter but as your servant."
|
| 355
Ταῦτ᾽
εἰπὼν
ἐνεδίδου
τῷ
ΝικάνοριNicanor·
Καὶ
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
οἱ
συγκαταφυγόντες
ὡς
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
συνίεσαν
εἴκοντα
τοῖς
παρακαλοῦσιν,
ἀθρόοι
περιστάντες,
|
355
Having said this, he surrendered to Nicanor. But when the Jews who had taken refuge with him realized Josephus was yielding to those exhorting him, they stood around him in a crowd,
|
| 355
When he had said this, he complied with Nicanor’s invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him understood that he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body, and cried out,
| 355
Saying this, he accepted Nicanor's invitation.
But when the Jews who had fled with him understood that Josephus was yielding to the offer, they surrounded him in a body and cried out,
|
| 356
«ἦ
μεγάλα
γ᾽
ἂν
στενάξειαν,
ἐβόων,
οἱ
πάτριοι
νόμοι,
οὓς
κατέφησεν
θεὸς
ἸουδαίοιςJews
ὁ
κτίσας
ψυχὰς
θανάτου
καταφρονούσας.
|
356
crying out: “Greatly indeed would our ancestral laws groan, which God, the creator of souls that despise death, gave to the Jews!
|
| 356
“Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our forefathers, which God ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death.
| 356
"Now may our ancestral customs, and God himself, will groan—God who created the souls of Jews to despise death!
|
| 357
Φιλοζωεῖς,
ὦ
ἸώσηπεJosephus,
καὶ
φῶς
ὑπομένεις
ὁρᾶν
δοῦλον;
ὡς
ταχέως
ἐπελάθου
σαυτοῦ.
Πόσους
ὑπὲρ
ἐλευθερίας
ἀποθνήσκειν
ἔπεισας.
|
357
Do you love life so much, Josephus, and can you endure to see the light as a slave? How quickly you have forgotten yourself! How many have you persuaded to die for liberty!
|
| 357
O Josephus! art thou still fond of life? and canst thou bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How soon hast thou forgotten thyself! How many hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for liberty!
| 357
Josephus, are you so fond of life? Can you bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How soon have you forgotten yourself! How many have you persuaded to give their lives for liberty!
|
| 358
Ψευδῆ
μὲν
ἄρα
δόξαν
ἀνδρείας,
ψευδῆ
δὲ
καὶ
συνέσεως
εἶχες,
εἴ
γε
σωτηρίαν
μὲν
ἔχειν
ἐλπίζεις
παρ᾽
οἷς
οὕτως
ἐπολέμησας,
σώζεσθαι
δὲ
ὑπ᾽
ἐκείνων,
κἂν
ᾖ
βέβαιον,
θέλεις.
|
358
You had a false reputation for courage, then, and a false reputation for wisdom, if you hope for safety from those you have fought so hard, and if you are willing to be saved by them, even if it were certain.
|
| 358
Thou hast therefore had a false reputation for manhood, and a like false reputation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for preservation from those against whom thou hast fought so zealously, and art however willing to be preserved by them, if they be in earnest.
| 358
Your famous bravery is false and likewise false is your famous wisdom, if you can hope for safety from those whom you have fought so hard, and are even willing to be spared by them, if it is true.
|
| 359
Ἀλλ᾽But
εἰ
καὶ
σοὶ
λήθην
σεαυτοῦ
κατέχεεν
ἡ
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
τύχη,
προνοητέον
ἡμῖν
τοῦ
πατρίου
κλέους.
Χρήσομέν
σοι
δεξιὰν
καὶ
ξίφος·
σὺ
δ᾽
ἂν
μὲν
ἑκὼν
θνήσκῃς,
ἸουδαίωνJews
στρατηγός,
ἂν
δ᾽
ἄκων,
προδότης
τεθνήξῃ.»
|
359
But if the Fortune of the Romans has poured forgetfulness over you, we must provide for the ancestral glory. We will lend you a right hand and a sword; if you die willingly, you die as the general of the Jews, but if unwillingly, you shall die as a traitor.”
|
| 359
But although the good fortune of the Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought to take care that the glory of our forefathers may not be tarnished. We will lend thee our right hand and a sword; and if thou wilt die willingly, thou wilt die as general of the Jews;
| 359
But if the fortune of the Romans has made you forget yourself, we will not see the glory of our ancestors tarnished.
We will lend you a right hand and a sword.
If you die willingly, you will die as a general of the Jews, but if unwillingly, you will die as a traitor to them. "
|
| 360
Ταῦθ᾽
ἅμα
λέγοντες
ἐπανετείναντο
τὰ
ξίφη
καὶ
διηπείλουν
ἀναιρήσειν
αὐτόν,
εἰ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἐνδιδοίη.
|
360
As they said this, they drew their swords and threatened to kill him if he surrendered to the Romans.
|
| 360
but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them.” As soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans.
| 360
When they said this, they began to point their swords at him and threatened to kill him if he thought of surrendering to the Romans.
|
| 361
Δείσας
δὲ
τὴν
ἔφοδον
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
καὶ
προδοσίανsurrender, treason
ἡγούμενος
εἶναι
τῶν
τοῦ
θεοῦ
προσταγμάτων,
εἰ
προαποθάνοι
τῆς
διαγγελίας,
ἤρχετο
πρὸς
αὐτοὺς
φιλοσοφεῖν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἀνάγκης·
|
361
Josephus, fearing their assault and believing it would be a betrayal of God’s commands if he died before delivering his message, began to philosophize to them in this necessity.
|
| 361
Upon this Josephus was afraid of their attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God, if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to them in the distress he was then in,
| 361
Fearing they would attack him but reckoning it would unfaithful to God's command to die before delivering his message, Josephus began to reason out of necessity.
|
| 362
τί
γὰρ
τοσοῦτον,
ἔφη,
σφῶν
αὐτῶν,
«
ἑταῖροι,
φονῶμεν;
ἢ
τί
τὰ
φίλτατα
διαστασιάζομεν,
σῶμα
καὶ
ψυχήν;
ἠλλάχθαι
τις
ἐμέ
φησιν.
|
362
“Why, my companions,” he said, “do we murder ourselves? Or why do we set at variance those dearest of things, the body and the soul? Someone may say that I have changed.
|
| 362
when he said thus to them:—“O my friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear companions, at such variance?
| 362
"Friends, are we so eager to kill ourselves? Why be so eager to separate those dear companions soul and body?
|
| 363
Ἀλλ᾽But
οἴδασιν
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τοῦτό
γε·
Καλὸν
ἐν
πολέμῳ
θνήσκειν,
ἀλλὰ
πολέμου
νόμῳ,
τουτέστιν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
κρατούντων.
|
363
But the Romans know this well enough. It is noble to die in war, but by the law of war—that is, by the hand of the conquerors.
|
| 363
Can anyone pretend that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to die in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors.
| 363
Some say I am a changed man, but the Romans know the truth about that.
Yes, it is noble to die in war, but let it be by the hand of the victors, according to the law of war.
|
| 364
Εἰ
μὲν
οὖν
τὸν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἀποστρέφομαι
σίδηρον,
ἄξιος
ἀληθῶς
εἰμι
τοὐμοῦ
ξίφους
καὶ
χειρὸς
τῆς
ἐμῆς·
εἰ
δ᾽
ἐκείνους
εἰσέρχεται
φειδὼ
πολεμίου,
πόσῳ
δικαιότερον
ἂν
ἡμᾶς
ἡμῶν
αὐτῶν
εἰσέλθοι;
καὶ
γὰρ
ἠλίθιον
ταῦτα
δρᾶν
σφᾶς
αὐτούς,
περὶ
ὧν
πρὸς
ἐκείνους
διιστάμεθα.
|
364
If, then, I am trying to escape the Roman sword, I am truly worthy of my own sword and my own hand. But if they, being enemies, are moved by mercy, how much more just is it that we be moved by mercy for ourselves? For it is foolish to do to ourselves what we are fighting against them to avoid.
|
| 364
If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with them for doing to us.
| 364
If I flinch from death by the Roman sword, I deserve to die by my own sword and my own hand.
But if it occurs to them to show mercy to an enemy, how much more ought we have to spare ourselves? It would be folly to do to ourselves what we fight to stop them from doing to us.
|
| 365
Καλὸν
γὰρ
ὑπὲρ
τῆς
ἐλευθερίας
ἀποθνήσκειν·
φημὶ
κἀγώ,
μαχομένους
μέντοι,
καὶ
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἀφαιρουμένων
αὐτήν.
Νῦν
δ᾽
οὔτ᾽
εἰς
μάχην
ἀντιάζουσιν
ἡμῖν
οὔτ᾽
ἀναιροῦσιν
ἡμᾶς·
δειλὸς
δὲ
ὁμοίως
ὅ
τε
μὴ
βουλόμενος
θνήσκειν
ὅταν
δέῃ
καὶ
ὁ
βουλόμενος,
ὅταν
μὴ
δέῃ.
|
365
It is noble to die for liberty; I agree, but let it be while fighting, and at the hands of those who are taking it away. But now they neither meet us in battle nor are they killing us. He is equally a coward who does not wish to die when it is necessary, and he who wishes to die when it is not.
|
| 365
I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us. Now, he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do.
| 365
It is a brave thing to die for freedom, but I say, let it be done in war and by those who take that freedom from us.
But now they come neither to fight us nor to kill us.
Whoever is willing to die when he is not obliged to do so is as much a coward as one who is unwilling to die when he ought to.
|
| 366
Τί
δὲ
καὶ
δεδοικότες
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
οὐκ
ἄνιμεν;
|
366
What is it that we fear that prevents us from going up to the Romans?
|
| 366
What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death?
| 366
If we won't surrender to the Romans, what are we afraid of? Is it death?
|
| 367
ἆρ᾽then, so then
οὐχὶ
θάνατον;
εἶθ᾽
ὃν
δεδοίκαμεν
ἐκ
τῶν
ἐχθρῶν
ὑποπτευόμενον
ἑαυτοῖς
βέβαιον
ἐπιστήσομεν;
ἀλλὰ
δουλείαν,
ἐρεῖ
τις.
Πάνυ
γοῦν
νῦν
ἐσμὲν
ἐλεύθεροι.
|
367
Is it not death? And shall we then inflict upon ourselves as a certainty the very death we fear when we suspect it from our enemies? ’But it is slavery,’ someone will say. As if we are at all free now!
|
| 367
If so, what we are afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves.
| 367
If so, why do we fear it when we only suspect that our enemies will kill us, and yet would inflict it for certain upon ourselves? Or slavery, perhaps? But how free are we at present?
|
| 368
Γενναῖον
γὰρ
ἀνελεῖν
ἑαυτόν,
φήσει
τις.
Οὐ
μὲν
οὖν,
ἀλλ᾽
ἀγενέστατον,
ὡς
ἔγωγε
καὶ
κυβερνήτην
ἡγοῦμαι
δειλότατον,
ὅστις
χειμῶνα
δεδοικὼς
πρὸ
τῆς
θυέλλης
ἐβάπτισεν
ἑκὼν
τὸ
σκάφος.
|
368
’It is the act of a noble man to kill himself,’ someone will say. No, on the contrary, it is the act of a most ignoble man. Just as I consider a pilot most cowardly who, fearing a storm, voluntarily sinks his own ship before the tempest even strikes.
|
| 368
And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord.
| 368
Some say that suicide is noble.
I say, no, it is most ignoble! I would reckon a helmsman to be very cowardly, if, terrified by a storm, he deliberately sinks his own ship.
|
| 369
Ἀλλὰ
μὴν
ἡ
αὐτοχειρία
καὶ
τῆς
κοινῆς
ἁπάντων
ζῴων
φύσεως
ἀλλότριον
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸν
κτίσαντα
θεὸν
ἡμᾶς
ἐστιν
ἀσέβεια.
|
369
Furthermore, self-murder is both alien to the common nature of all living creatures and an act of impiety against God our Creator.
|
| 369
Now, self-murder is a crime most remote from the common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator;
| 369
Now suicide is a crime alien to the nature of all animals and an impiety toward God our Creator.
|
| 370
Τῶν
μέν
γε
ζῴων
οὐδέν
ἐστιν
ὃ
θνήσκει
μετὰ
προνοίας
ἢ
δι᾽
αὐτοῦ·
φύσεως
γὰρ
νόμος
ἰσχυρὸς
ἐν
ἅπασιν
τὸ
ζῆν
ἐθέλειν·
διὰ
τοῦτο
καὶ
τοὺς
φανερῶς
ἀφαιρουμένους
ἡμᾶς
τούτου
πολεμίους
ἡγούμεθα
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐξ
ἐνέδρας
τιμωρούμεθα.
|
370
Indeed, there is no animal that dies by its own hand or by its own design; for the law of nature is strong in all—the desire to live. For this reason, we consider those who openly take this life from us to be enemies, and those who do so by treachery we punish.
|
| 370
nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing.
| 370
No animal wants its own death or kills itself, for the will to live is a strong law of nature, and for this reason we brand as our enemies those who take our life openly, and punish those who try to do so by stealth.
|
| 371
Τὸν
δὲ
θεὸν
οὐκ
οἴεσθε
ἀγανακτεῖν,
ὅταν
ἄνθρωπος
αὐτοῦ
τὸ
δῶρον
ὑβρίζῃ;
καὶ
γὰρ
εἰλήφαμεν
παρ᾽
ἐκείνου
τὸ
εἶναι
καὶ
τὸ
μηκέτι
εἶναι
πάλιν
ἐκείνῳ
δίδομεν.
|
371
And do you not think God is indignant when a man insults His gift? For it is from Him that we have received our being, and it is to Him alone we should leave the decision of when we shall be no more.
|
| 371
And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to his disposal to take that being away from us.
| 371
Don't you think that God is angry if a human being scorns his gift? For it is from him that we received our being and we should leave it to him when to take it away.
|
| 372
Τὰ
μέν
γε
σώματα
θνητὰ
πᾶσιν
καὶ
ἐκ
φθαρτῆς
ὕλης
δεδημιούργηται,
ψυχὴ
δὲ
ἀθάνατος
ἀεὶ
καὶ
θεοῦ
μοῖρα
τοῖς
σώμασιν
ἐνοικίζεται·
εἶτ᾽
ἐὰν
μὲν
ἀφανίσῃ
τις
ἀνθρώπου
παρακαταθήκην
ἢ
διαθῆται
κακῶς,
πονηρὸς
εἶναι
δοκεῖ
καὶ
ἄπιστος,
εἰ
δέ
τις
τοῦ
σφετέρου
σώματος
ἐκβάλλει
τὴν
παρακαταθήκην
τοῦ
θεοῦ,
δοκεῖ
τὸν
ἀδικούμενον;
|
372
For while bodies are mortal to all and created from corruptible matter, the soul is always immortal and a portion of God inhabiting our bodies. If a man destroys or misuses a deposit (trust) left by another human, he is considered wicked and faithless; if then a man casts out from his own body the deposit of God, does he think he remains hidden from the One he has wronged?
|
| 372
The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if anyone destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if anyone cast out of his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it.
| 372
Bodies are indeed mortal, created from corruptible matter, but the soul is immortal and a part of God dwells in our bodies.
So if it is reckoned wicked and wrong to destroy or abuse a deposit entrusted by a mere mortal, what if one should throw away this divine deposit? Can we escape from the One who is thereby affronted?
|
| 373
Καὶ
κολάζειν
μὲν
τοὺς
ἀποδράντας
οἰκέτας
δίκαιον
νενόμισται
κἂν
πονηροὺς
καταλείπωσι
δεσπότας,
αὐτοὶ
δὲ
κάλλιστον
δεσπότην
ἀποδιδράσκοντες
τὸν
θεὸν
οὐ
δοκοῦμεν
ἀσεβεῖν;
|
373
It is considered just to punish runaway slaves, even if they leave behind wicked masters; and shall we not be judged impious for running away from God, the best of Masters?
|
| 373
Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves which run away from their masters shall be punished, though the masters they run away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not think ourselves highly guilty of impiety?
| 373
If the law rightly ordains that slaves who run away from wicked masters must be punished, is it not impious to run away from God, the best of all masters?
|
| 374
ἆρ᾽then, so then
οὐκ
ἴστε
ὅτι
τῶν
μὲν
ἐξιόντων
τοῦ
βίου
κατὰ
τὸν
τῆς
φύσεως
νόμον
καὶ
τὸ
ληφθὲν
παρὰ
τοῦ
θεοῦ
χρέος
ἐκτινύντων,
ὅταν
ὁ
δοὺς
κομίσασθαι
θέλῃ,
κλέος
μὲν
αἰώνιον,
οἶκοι
δὲ
καὶ
γενεαὶ
βέβαιοι,
καθαραὶ
δὲ
καὶ
ἐπήκοοι
μένουσιν
αἱ
ψυχαί,
χῶρον
οὐράνιον
λαχοῦσαι
τὸν
ἁγιώτατον,
ἔνθεν
ἐκ
περιτροπῆς
αἰώνων
ἁγνοῖς
πάλιν
ἀντενοικίζονται
σώμασιν·
|
374
Do you not know that those who depart from life according to the law of nature, repaying the debt received from God when the Giver wishes to reclaim it, enjoy eternal fame? Their houses and families are secure, and their souls remain pure and obedient, obtaining a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent to inhabit pure bodies.
|
| 374
Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolution of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies;
| 374
Surely you know that eternal fame belongs to those who leave this life according to the law of nature and pay the debt to God, when it pleases the lender to require it back again.
Their houses and descendants are secure, their souls are pure and obedient and receive a holy place in heaven, from which, as the ages turn, they are reinfused into pure bodies?
|
| 375
ὅσοιςall who, as much
δὲ
καθ᾽
ἑαυτῶν
ἐμάνησαν
αἱ
χεῖρες,
τούτων
ᾅδης
μὲν
δέχεται
τὰς
ψυχὰς
σκοτεινότερος,
ὁ
δὲ
τούτων
πατὴρ
θεὸς
εἰς
ἐγγόνους
τιμωρεῖται
τοὺς
τῶν
πατέρων
ὑβριστάς.
|
375
But as for those whose hands have acted madly against themselves, a darker Hades receives their souls, and God, the Father of these souls, punishes their descendants for the insults of their fathers.
|
| 375
while the souls of those whose hands have acted madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in their posterity?
| 375
But the souls of those who madly raise hands against themselves go to the darkest place in Hades, even while God, their Father, punishes this outrage in their descendants.
|
| 376
Διὰ
τοῦτο
μεμίσηται
παρὰ
θεῷ
τοῦτο
καὶ
παρὰ
τῷ
σοφωτάτῳ
κολάζεται
νομοθέτῃ·
|
376
For this reason, this act is hated by God and is punished by our most wise Lawgiver.
|
| 376
for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legislator.
| 376
Therefore this crime is hateful to God and is punished by our wise Legislator.
|
| 378
παρ᾽
ἑτέροις
δὲ
καὶ
τὰς
δεξιὰς
τῶν
τοιούτων
νεκρῶν
ἀποκόπτειν
ἐκέλευσαν,
αἷς
ἐστρατεύσαντο
καθ᾽
ἑαυτῶν,
ἡγούμενοι
καθάπερ
τὸ
σῶμα
τῆς
ψυχῆς
ἀλλότριον,
οὕτως
καὶ
τὴν
χεῖρα
τοῦ
σώματος.
|
378
Among other nations, they even command that the right hands of such corpses be cut off, since those hands made war against themselves; they consider that just as the body is alien to the soul, so the hand is alien to the body.
|
| 378
The laws of other nations also enjoin such men’s hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body.
| 378
The laws of other nations also have the hands of such people cut off when they are dead, for raising them against themselves, and as the body was severed from the soul, so must the hand be severed from the body.
|
| 379
Καλὸν
οὖν,
ἑταῖροι,
δίκαια
φρονεῖν
καὶ
μὴ
ταῖς
ἀνθρωπίναις
συμφοραῖς
προσθεῖναι
τὴν
εἰς
τὸν
κτίσαντα
ἡμᾶς
δυσσέβειαν.
|
379
It is well, then, my companions, to think justly and not to add to our human calamities an act of impiety toward our Creator.
|
| 379
It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety towards our Creator.
| 379
My friends, we should reason justly and not add impiety toward our Creator to the woes that others inflict on us.
|
| 380
Εἰ
σώζεσθαι
δοκεῖ,
σωζώμεθα·
καὶ
γὰρ
οὐκ
ἄδοξος
ἡ
σωτηρία
παρ᾽
οἷς
διὰ
τοσούτων
ἔργων
ἐπεδειξάμεθα
τὰς
ἀρετάς·
εἰ
τεθνάναι,
καλὸν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ἑλόντων.
|
380
If we are to be saved, let us be saved; for there is no shame in being saved by those to whom we have displayed our virtues through so many deeds. If we are to die, it is noble to die at the hands of our conquerors.
|
| 380
If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us.
| 380
If we wish to save ourselves, let us do so, for it is not ignoble to be spared by those to whom we have given such proof of our courage.
But if we wish to die, let it be by the hand of our conquerors.
|
| 381
Οὐ
μεταβήσομαι
δ᾽
ἐγὼ
εἰς
τὴν
τῶν
πολεμίων
τάξιν,
ἵν᾽
ἐμαυτοῦ
προδότης
γένωμαι·
καὶ
γὰρ
ἂν
εἴην
πολὺ
τῶν
αὐτομολούντων
πρὸς
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἠλιθιώτερος,
εἴ
γ᾽
ἐκεῖνοι
μὲν
ἐπὶ
σωτηρίᾳ
τοῦτο
πράττουσιν,
ἐγὼ
δὲ
ἐπὶ
ἀπωλείᾳ,
καί
γε
τῇ
ἐμαυτοῦ.
|
381
I shall not pass over to the ranks of the enemy to become a traitor to myself; for I would be far more foolish than those who desert to the enemy for safety, if I should go over to them for my own destruction.
|
| 381
For my part, I will not run over to our enemies’ quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I should do it for destruction, for my own destruction.
| 381
For my part, I will not cross over to the enemy side in order betray myself, for then I would be much more foolish than those who deserted to the enemy, since they did it to save themselves and I would do it for destruction, my own destruction!
|
| 382
τὴν
μέντοι
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐνέδραν
εὔχομαι·
μετὰ
γὰρ
δεξιὰν
ἀναιρούμενος
ὑπ᾽
αὐτῶν
εὔθυμος
τεθνήξομαι,
τὴν
τῶν
ψευσαμένων
ἀπιστίαν
νίκης
μείζονα
ἀποφέρων
παραμυθίαν.»
|
382
However, I pray that this may be a Roman trap; for if I am killed by them after receiving their pledge,[1] I shall die with a stout heart, carrying with me their breach of faith as a consolation greater than victory.”
|
| 382
However, I heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater than victory itself.”
| 382
I pray that the Romans are setting a trap for us.
For if, after pledging their word, they should kill me, I shall die cheerfully, taking their lying treachery as a consolation greater than victory itself. "
|
[1]i.e., ‘the right hand.’
| 383
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
πολλὰ
τοιαῦτα
πρὸς
ἀποτροπὴν
τῆς
αὐτοχειρίας
ἔλεγεν·
|
383
Josephus said many such things to deter them from suicide.
|
| 383
Now these and many the like motives did Josephus use to these men to prevent their murdering themselves;
| 383
Josephus proposed these and similar motives to stop them from killing themselves.
|
| 384
οἱ
δὲ
πεφραγμένας
ἀπογνώσει
τὰς
ἀκοὰς
ἔχοντες
ὡς
ἂν
πάλαι
καθοσιώσαντες
ἑαυτοὺς
τῷ
θανάτῳ
παρωξύνοντο
πρὸς
αὐτόν,
καὶ
προστρέχων
ἄλλος
ἄλλοθεν
ξιφήρεις
ἐκάκιζόν
τε
εἰς
ἀνανδρίαν
καὶ
ὡς
ἕκαστος
αὐτίκα
πλήξων
δῆλος
ἦν.
|
384
But they, having their ears closed by despair and having long ago devoted themselves to death, were provoked against him; they ran at him from every side with swords, reviling him for cowardice, and each seemed ready to strike him at any moment.
|
| 384
but desperation had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands, one from one quarter, and another from another, and called him a coward, and everyone of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him;
| 384
However, as they had long since devoted themselves to die, desperation had shut their ears and they were angry with him and ran at him from all sides with sword in hand, calling him a coward, each seeming ready to strike him.
|
| 385
Ὁ
δὲ
τὸν
μὲν
ὀνομαστὶ
καλῶν,
τῷ
δὲ
στρατηγικώτερον
ἐμβλέπων,
τοῦ
δὲ
δρασσόμενος
τῆς
δεξιᾶς,
ὃν
δὲ
δεήσει
δυσωπῶν,
καὶ
ποικίλοις
διαιρούμενος
πάθεσιν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἀνάγκης
εἶργεν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
σφαγῆς
πάντων
τὸν
σίδηρον,
ὥσπερ
τὰ
κυκλωθέντα
τῶν
θηρίων
ἀεὶ
πρὸς
τὸν
καθαπτόμενον
ἀντιστρεφόμενος.
|
385
But he, calling one by name, looking at another with the air of a general, grasping the hand of a third, and beseeching a fourth, though distracted by various emotions in this necessity, kept the sword from his throat, turning like a wild beast surrounded by hunters toward whoever attacked him.
|
| 385
but he calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and taking a third by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various passions (as he well might in the great distress he was then in), he kept off every one of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as are encompassed about on every side, who always turn themselves against those that last touched them.
| 385
But he called one of them by name and looked imperiously on another and took a third by the hand and made a fourth ashamed of himself, asking him to hold off.
In this way, moved by various passions, as was natural in such great distress, he blocked each of their swords from killing him, just as a wild beast surrounded on all sides, turns against the last who touches it.
|
| 386
Τῶν
δὲ
καὶ
παρὰ
τὰς
ἐσχάτας
συμφορὰς
ἔτι
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
αἰδουμένων
παρελύοντο
μὲν
αἱ
δεξιαί,
περιωλίσθανεν
δὲ
τὰ
ξίφη,
καὶ
πολλοὶ
τὰς
ῥομφαίας
ἐπιφέροντες
αὐτομάτως
παρεῖσαν.
|
386
Even in their final calamities, they still felt respect for their general; their right hands were paralyzed, their swords slipped away, and many, as they were about to strike, instinctively dropped their blades.
|
| 386
Nay, some of their right hands were debilitated by the reverence they bare to their general in these his fatal calamities, and their swords dropped out of their hands; and not a few of them there were, who, when they aimed to smite him with their swords, were not thoroughly either willing or able to do it.
| 386
The hands of some were weakened by their respect for their general, even in his extremity, and their swords dropped from their hands, and others, when they aimed to strike him with their swords, were neither willing or able to do so.
|
| 387
Ὁ
δ᾽
ἐν
ταῖς
ἀμηχανίαις
οὐκ
ἠπόρησεν
ἐπινοίας,
ἀλλὰ
πιστεύων
τῷ
κηδεμόνι
θεῷ
τὴν
σωτηρίαν
παραβάλλεται,
|
387
But in his desperation, he did not lack an idea; trusting his safety to God his guardian, he put his life to the hazard.
|
| 387
However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard [in the manner following]:
| 387
Even in his extreme distress, his usual prudence did not desert him, but trusting to the providence of God, he risked his life with the words:
|
| 388
κἀπεὶ
δέδοκται
τὸ
θνήσκειν,
ἔφη,
φέρε
κλήρῳ
τὰς
ἀλλήλων
σφαγὰς
ἐπιτρέψωμεν,
|
388
“Since it is decided we must die,” he said, “come, let us commit our deaths to the lot.
|
| 388
“And now,” said he, “since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot.
| 388
"Since you are resolved to die, come on, let our deaths be decided by lot.
|
| 389
ὁ
λαχὼν
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
μετ᾽
αὐτὸν
πιπτέτω,
καὶ
διοδεύσει
πάντων
οὕτως
ἡ
τύχη,
μηδ᾽
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἰδίας
κείσθω
δεξιᾶς
ἕκαστος·
ἄδικον
γὰρ
οἰχομένων
τινὰ
τῶν
ἄλλων
μετανοήσαντα
σωθῆναι.
πιστὸς
ἔδοξεν
ταῦτα
εἰπὼν
καὶ
συνεκληροῦτο
πείσας.
|
389
Let him to whom the lot falls be killed by the one who follows him, and thus fortune shall pass through all of us, and let no one die by his own hand; for it would be unjust if, after some are gone, one of the others should change his mind and survive.” Having said this, he seemed trustworthy and, having persuaded them, they cast lots. |
| 389
He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself.” This proposal appeared to them to be very just; and when he had prevailed with them to determine this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for himself also.
| 389
Let him to whom the first lot falls be killed by him who draws the second lot, and so fate shall progress through us all and none of us need die by his own hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, the last one should repent and escape. " This proposal seemed fair to them and he also drew lots like the rest.
|
| 390
ἑτοίμην
δ᾽
ὁ
λαχὼν
τῷ
μεθ᾽
αὑτὸν
παρεῖχεν
τὴν
σφαγὴν
ὡς
αὐτίκα
τεθνηξομένου
καὶ
τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ·
ζωῆς
γὰρ
ἡδίω
τὸν
μετὰ
[τοῦ
]
ἸωσήπουJoseph
θάνατον
ἡγοῦντο.
|
390
He who drew the lot offered his throat to the next man, as the general was also to die immediately; for they thought death with Josephus sweeter than life.
|
| 390
He who had the first lot laid his neck bare to him that had the next, as supposing that the general would die among them immediately; for they thought death, if Josephus might but die with them, was sweeter than life;
| 390
He who drew the first lot laid bare his neck to him who drew the next, thinking that the general would soon die among them,for they thought death sweeter than life, if only Josephus died with them.
Whether we should say it happened by chance, or by the providence of God, he was left to the last, along with one other.
|
| 391
Καταλείπεται
δ᾽
οὗτος
εἴτε
ὑπὸ
τύχης
χρὴ
λέγειν,
εἴτε
ὑπὸ
θεοῦ
προνοίας
σὺν
ἑτέρῳ,
καὶ
σπουδάζων
μήθ᾽
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
κλήρου
καταδικασθῆναι
μήτε,
εἰ
τελευταῖος
λείποιτο,
μιᾶναι
τὴν
δεξιὰν
ὁμοφύλῳ
φόνῳ
πείθει
κἀκεῖνον
ἐπὶ
πίστει
ζῆν.
|
391
He, however—whether one should say by fortune or by the providence of God—was left with one other man; and being anxious neither to be condemned by the lot nor, if he were left last, to stain his hand with the blood of a fellow countryman, he persuaded that man also to remain alive under a pledge.
|
| 391
yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself.
| 391
Since he neither wanted to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he were left to the last, to stain his hand with the blood of his countryman, by a pledge he persuaded him to live.
|
| 392
Ὁ
μὲν
οὖν
οὕτως
τόν
τε
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
καὶ
τὸν
οἰκείων
διαφυγὼν
πόλεμον
ἐπὶ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian
ἤγετο
ὑπὸ
[τοῦ]
ΝικάνοροςNicanor.
|
392
Having thus escaped both the Roman war and that of his own people, he was led to Vespasian by Nicanor.
|
| 392
Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian.
| 392
That was how Josephus survived the war with the Romans and with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian.
|
| 393
Οἱ
δὲ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
πάντες
ἐπὶ
θέαν
αὐτοῦ
συνέτρεχον,
καὶ
τοῦ
πλήθους
συνθλιβομένου
περὶ
τῷ
στρατηγῷ
θόρυβος
ἦν
ποικίλος,
τῶν
μὲν
γεγηθότων
ἐπὶ
τῷ
ληφθέντι,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀπειλούντων,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἐγγύθεν
ἰδεῖν
βιαζομένων.
|
393
All the Romans ran together to see him, and as the multitude crowded around the general, there was a diverse clamor: some rejoicing at his capture, some threatening him, and some pushing to see him from close by.
|
| 393
But now all the Romans ran together to see him; and as the multitude pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various kind; while some rejoiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and some crowded to see him very near;
| 393
Now all the Romans assembled to see him and as they crowded around their general, there was a babble of discordant voices, some rejoicing that Josephus was captured and some threatening him and some pushing forward to see him up close.
|
| 394
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
πόρρωθεν
κολάζειν
ἐβόων
τὸν
πολέμιον,
τῶν
δὲ
πλησίον
ἀνάμνησις
αὐτοῦ
τῶν
ἔργων
εἰσῄει
καὶ
πρὸς
τὴν
μεταβολὴν
θάμβος,
|
394
Those at a distance cried out to punish the enemy, but those near him were reminded of his deeds and felt wonder at his change of fortune.
|
| 394
but those that were more remote cried out to have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind the actions he had done, and a deep concern appeared at the change of his fortune.
| 394
Those further away shouted to have their enemy put to death, while those who were near called to mind the actions he had done and were saddened by the change in his fortune.
|
| 395
τῶν
τε
ἡγεμόνων
οὐδεὶς
ἦν,
ὃς
εἰ
καὶ
πρότερον
ὠργίζετο,
τότε
πρὸς
τὴν
ὄψιν
οὐκ
ἐνέδωκεν
αὐτοῦ.
|
395
There was none of the commanders who, even if they had been angry before, did not relent at the sight of him.
|
| 395
Nor were there any of the Roman commanders, how much soever they had been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him.
| 395
All the Roman officers, however much they had raged against him before, relented when they caught sight of him.
|
| 396
Μάλιστα
δὲ
τὸν
ΤίτονTitus
ἐξαιρέτως
τό
τε
καρτερικὸν
ἐν
ταῖς
συμφοραῖς
ᾕρει
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
καὶ
πρὸς
τὴν
ἡλικίαν
ἔλεος,
ἀναμιμνησκομένῳ
τε
τὸν
πάλαι
μαχόμενον
καὶ
τὸν
ἐν
χερσὶν
ἐχθρῶν
ἄρτι
κείμενον
ὁρῶντι
παρῆν
[δὲ
]
νοεῖν,
ὅσον
δύναται
τύχη,
καὶ
ὡς
ὀξεῖα
μὲν
πολέμου
ῥοπή,
τῶν
δ᾽
ἀνθρωπίνων
οὐδὲν
βέβαιον·
|
396
Especially Titus was moved by the endurance of Josephus in his calamities and felt pity for his age; as he remembered the man who once fought and saw him now a prisoner in the hands of enemies, he reflected on the power of Fortune and how swift the turning point of war is, and that nothing in human affairs is certain.
|
| 396
Above all the rest, Titus’s own valor, and Josephus’s own patience under his afflictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he was fighting, but lay now in the hands of his enemies, which made him consider the power of fortune, and how quick is the turn of affairs in war, and how no state of men is sure;
| 396
Titus especially was moved to pity him both by his own bravery and Josephus' patience under his sufferings, and his relative youth, remembering how he had fought just a little while ago, but was now in the hands of his enemies, which made him realize the power of fortune and how quickly things can change in war and how no human standing is assured.
|
| 397
παρὸ
καὶ
τότε
συνδιέθηκεν
μὲν
πλείστους
ἑαυτῷ
καὶ
πρὸς
οἶκτον
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph,
πλείστη
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
καὶ
παρὰ
τῷ
πατρὶ
μοῖρα
σωτηρίας
ἐγένετο.
|
397
Therefore, Titus influenced many to feel pity for Josephus, and he became the chief cause of Josephus’ safety with his father.
|
| 397
for which reason he then made a great many more to be of the same pitiful temper with himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great weight in persuading his father to preserve him.
| 397
For this reason he brought many others to share his compassion for Josephus and was the main reason why his father kept him alive.
|
| 398
Ὁ
μέντοι
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
φρουρεῖν
αὐτὸν
μετὰ
πάσης
ἀσφαλείας
προσέταττεν
ὡς
ἀναπέμψων
αὐτίκα
ΝέρωνιNero.
|
398
Vespasian, however, ordered him to be guarded with all security, intending to send him immediately to Nero.
|
| 398
However, Vespasian gave strict orders that he should be kept with great caution, as though he would in a very little time send him to Nero.
| 398
However, Vespasian gave strict orders for him to be carefully guarded, intending soon to send him to Nero.
|
| 399
Τοῦτο
ἀκούσας
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
μόνῳ
τι
διαλεχθῆναι
θέλειν
ἔλεγεν
αὐτῷ.
Μεταστησαμένου
δ᾽
ἐκείνου
πλὴν
τοῦ
παιδὸς
ΤίτουTitus
καὶ
δυοῖν
φίλων
τοὺς
ἄλλους
ἅπαντας
|
399
Hearing this, Josephus said he wished to speak with him alone. When all others had been removed except for his son Titus and two friends,
|
| 399
When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said,
| 399
When Josephus heard this he asked to speak with him alone.
When all others except Titus and two of their friends were ordered to withdraw, he said,
|
| 400
«σὺ
μέν,»
ἔφη,
«
Οὐεσπασιανέ,
νομίζεις
αἰχμάλωτον
αὐτὸ
μόνον
εἰληφέναι
ἸώσηπονJoseph,
ἐγὼ
δὲ
ἄγγελος
ἥκω
σοι
μειζόνων.
Μὴ
γὰρ
ὑπὸ
θεοῦ
προπεμπόμενος
ἤιδειν
τὸν
ἸουδαίωνJews
νόμον,
καὶ
πῶς
στρατηγοῖς
ἀποθνήσκειν
πρέπει.
|
400
he said: “Vespasian, you think you have taken only Josephus as a prisoner, but I come to you as a messenger of greater things. Had I not been sent by God, I would have known the law of the Jews and how it is fitting for generals to die.
|
| 400
“Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die.
| 400
"Vespasian, you regard Josephus as just another captive, but I come to you as a messenger of good news.
If God had not sent me to you, I would follow the Jewish law in this case, about how generals ought to die.
|
| 401
Νέρωνί
με
πέμπεις·
τί
γάρ;
Οἱ
μετὰ
ΝέρωναNero
μέχρι
σοῦ
διάδοχοι
μενοῦσιν.
Σὺ
ΚαῖσαρCaesar,
Οὐεσπασιανέ,
καὶ
αὐτοκράτωρ,
σὺ
καὶ
παῖς
ὁ
σὸς
οὗτος.
|
401
You are sending me to Nero? Why? Will those who succeed Nero until you remain? You, Vespasian, are Caesar and Emperor—you and this son of yours.
|
| 401
Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero’s successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son.
| 401
Are you sending me to Nero? Then why? Will Nero have successors? You, Vespasian, will be Caesar and emperor, you and this son of yours.
|
| 402
Δέσμει
δέ
με
νῦν
ἀσφαλέστερον,
καὶ
τήρει
σεαυτῷ·
δεσπότης
μὲν
γὰρ
οὐ
μόνον
ἐμοῦ
σὺ
ΚαῖσαρCaesar,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
γῆς
καὶ
θαλάττης
καὶ
παντὸς
ἀνθρώπων
γένους,
ἐγὼ
δὲ
ἐπὶ
τιμωρίαν
δέομαι
φρουρᾶς
μείζονος,
εἰ
κατασχεδιάζω
καὶ
θεοῦ.»
|
402
Bind me now more securely and keep me for yourself; for you, Caesar, are master not only of me, but of the land and the sea and the whole human race. I ask to be guarded for punishment if I am speaking falsely even about God.”
|
| 402
Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm anything of God.”
| 402
Chain me more securely and keep me for yourself, for you, Caesar, are the master not only of me, but also of land and sea and all mankind.
And surely I deserve to be kept in even stricter custody, and to be punished, if I affirm anything rashly, as coming from God. "
|
| 403
Ταῦτ᾽
εἰπόντος
παραχρῆμα
μὲν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἀπιστεῖνto disbelieve, distrust
ἐδόκει
καὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ὑπελάμβανεν
ταῦτα
περὶ
σωτηρίας
πανουργεῖν,
|
403
When he said this, Vespasian at first seemed to disbelieve him, suspecting that Josephus was using this trickery to save himself.
|
| 403
When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation;
| 403
When he said this, Vespasian disbelieved it at first, thinking that Josephus was just scheming to save his own life.
|
| 404
κατὰ
μικρὸν
δὲ
εἰς
πίστιν
ὑπήγετο
τοῦ
θεοῦ
διεγείροντος
αὐτὸν
εἰς
τὴν
ἡγεμονίαν
ἤδη
καὶ
τὰ
σκῆπτρα
δι᾽
ἑτέρων
σημείων
προδεικνύντος.
|
404
But gradually he was lead to believe, as God was already raising him to the sovereignty and showing signs of the scepter through other omens.
|
| 404
but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs foreshowing his advancement.
| 404
But after some time he was convinced and believed what he said to be true, when God had raised his hopes of gaining the empire by other signs of his coming dominance.
|
| 405
Ἀτρεκῆ
δὲ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
καὶ
ἐν
ἄλλοις
κατελάμβανεν·
τῶν
γὰρ
τοῖς
ἀπορρήτοις
παρατυχόντων
φίλων
ὁ
ἕτερος
θαυμάζειν
ἔφη
πῶς
οὔτε
τοῖς
ἐπὶ
τῶν
ἸωταπάτωνJotapata
περὶ
ἁλώσεως,
οὔθ᾽
ἑαυτῷ
προμαντεύσαιτο
αἰχμαλωσίαν,
εἰ
μὴ
ταῦτα
λῆρος
εἴη
διακρουομένου
τὰς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτὸν
ὀργάς.
|
405
He also found Josephus to be truthful in other matters; for one of the friends present at the private interview said it was a wonder that he had neither predicted the fall of Jotapata to its inhabitants nor his own captivity to himself, unless this was all nonsense to avert the anger against him.
|
| 405
He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, “I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself.”
| 405
He also found that Josephus had been reliable on other occasions.
One of the friends present at that secret conference asked how, if he could not predict the fall of Jotapata or foretell that he himself would be captured, his present prediction could be other than a ploy to deflect the rage against him.
|
| 406
Ὁ
δὲ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
καὶ
τοῖς
ἸωταπατηνοῖςJotapata
ὅτι
μετὰ
τεσσαρακοστὴν
ἑβδόμην
ἡμέραν
ἁλώσονται
προειπεῖν
ἔφη,
καὶ
ὅτι
πρὸς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
αὐτὸς
ζωγρηθήσεται.
|
406
Josephus replied that he had indeed foretold to the people of Jotapata that they would be captured after forty-seven days, and that he himself would be taken alive by the Romans.
|
| 406
To which Josephus replied, “I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans.”
| 406
Josephus replied that he had foretold to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day and that he would be captured alive by the Romans.
|
| 407
Ταῦτα
παρὰ
τῶν
αἰχμαλώτων
κατ᾽
ἰδίαν
ὁ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐκπυθόμενος
ὡς
εὕρισκεν
ἀληθῆ,
οὕτω
πιστεύειν
περὶ
τῶν
κατ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἦρκτο.
|
407
When Vespasian privately inquired about these things from the prisoners and found them to be true, he then began to believe the things concerning himself.
|
| 407
Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself.
| 407
When Vespasian asked the captives in private about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then began believing those about himself.
|
| 408
ΦρουρᾶςPhrouras
μὲν
οὖν
καὶ
δεσμῶν
οὐκ
ἀνίει
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph,
ἐδωρεῖτο
δ᾽
ἐσθῆτι
καὶ
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
κειμηλίοις
φιλοφρονουμένων
τε
καὶ
περιέπων
διετέλει
τὰ
πολλὰ
ΤίτουTitus
τῇ
τιμῇ
συνεργοῦντος.
|
408
He did not release Josephus from his guard or his bonds, but he gifted him with clothing and other precious items, and continued to treat him with kindness and care, with Titus contributing much to his honor.
|
| 408
Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honors that were done him.
| 408
Still he did not set Josephus free, but gave him clothing and other precious gifts and continued to treat him amiably, and Titus also showed him honour.
|
Chapter 9
Roman Garrisons in Joppa and Tiberias.
Winter-quarters in Caesarea and Scythopolis
| 409
Τετάρτῃ
δὲ
ΠανέμουPanemus
μηνὸς
ἀναζεύξας
εἰς
ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais
κἀκεῖθεν
εἰς
τὴν
παράλιον
ἀφικνεῖται
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea,
μεγίστην
τῆς
τε
ἸουδαίαςJudea
πόλιν
καὶ
τὸ
πλέον
ὑφ᾽
ἙλλήνωνGreeks
οἰκουμένην.
|
409
On the fourth day of the month of Panemus,[1] Vespasian marched from Ptolemais and arrived at Caesarea Maritima, the largest city in Judea, inhabited mostly by Greeks.
|
| 409
Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus [Tamuz], and from thence he came to Caesarea, which lay by the seaside. This was a very great city of Judea, and for the greatest part inhabited by Greeks:
| 409
Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus, and proceeded from there to Caesarea, a great city of Judea, inhabited for the most part by Greeks.
|
[1]June/July 67 AD
| 410
Ἐδέχοντο
δὲ
καὶ
τὴν
στρατιὰν
καὶ
τὸν
στρατηγὸν
μετὰ
πάσης
εὐφημίας
καὶ
φιλοφροσύνης
οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι,
καὶ
κατ᾽
εὔνοιαν
μὲν
τὴν
πρὸς
ῬωμαίουςRomans,
τὸ
δὲ
πλέον
ἔχθει
τῶν
κατεστραμμένων·
διὸ
καὶ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ἀθρόοι
καταβοῶντες
ἠξίουν
κολάζειν.
|
410
The inhabitants received both the army and the general with all acclaim and goodwill, partly out of favor toward the Romans, but mostly out of hatred for the conquered Jews; for this reason, they clamored in a body against Josephus, demanding he be punished.
|
| 410
the citizens here received both the Roman army and its general, with all sorts of acclamations and rejoicings, and this partly out of the goodwill they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the hatred they bore to those that were conquered by them; on which account they came clamoring against Josephus in crowds, and desired he might be put to death.
| 410
The locals welcomed the Roman army and its general with acclamations and rejoicing of all sorts, partly from their goodwill toward the Romans, but mainly because of their hatred toward those they had conquered; so they came clamouring against Josephus in crowds and asked to have him executed.
|
| 411
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τὴν
περὶ
τούτου
δέησιν
ὡς
ὑπ᾽
ἀκρίτου
γινομένην
πλήθους
ἐξέλυσεν
ἡσυχίᾳ·
|
411
But Vespasian, considering this petition as coming from an unreasoning multitude, dismissed it with silence.
|
| 411
But Vespasian passed over this petition concerning him, as offered by the injudicious multitude, with a bare silence.
| 411
But Vespasian calmly ignored this petition about him, as coming from a thoughtless crowd.
|
| 412
τῶν
δὲ
ταγμάτων
τὰ
μὲν
δύο
χειμερίσοντα
ἐκάθισεν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
ἐπιτήδειον
ὁρῶν
τὴν
πόλιν,
τὸ
δέκατον
δὲ
καὶ
πέμπτον
εἰς
ΣκυθόπολινScythopolis,
ὡς
μὴ
θλίβοι
παντὶ
τῷ
στρατῷ
τὴν
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea.
|
412
He stationed two of his legions to winter at Caesarea, seeing the city was suitable, but sent the Tenth and the Fifth to Scythopolis, so as not to overwhelm Caesarea with the entire army.
|
| 412
Two of the legions also he placed at Caesarea, that they might there take their winter-quarters, as perceiving the city very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis, that he might not distress Caesarea with the entire army.
| 412
Seeing the city fit for the purpose, he put two of his legions in winter-quarters in Caesarea, but so as not to burden Caesarea with the entire army, he put the tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis,
|
| 413
Ἀλεεινὴ
δ᾽
ἦν
κἀκείνη
χειμῶνος
ὥρᾳ
καθ᾽
ὅσον
πνιγώδης
θέρους
ὑπὸ
καυμάτων,
πεδιὰς
οὖσα
καὶ
παράλιος.
|
413
That city (Caesarea) is mild in winter, just as it is stifling in the summer heat, being located on a plain by the sea.
|
| 413
This place was warm even in winter, as it was suffocating hot in the summertime, by reason of its situation in a plain, and near to the sea [of Galilee].
| 413
a place that was warm even in winter, just as it was suffocatingly hot in the summer, because of its situation in a plain, not far from the coast.
|
| 414
Ἐν
δὲ
τούτῳ
συναθροισθέντες
οἵ
τε
κατὰ
στάσιν
ἐκπίπτοντες
τῶν
πόλεων
καὶ
οἱ
διαφυγόντες
ἐκ
τῶν
κατεστραμμένων,
πλῆθος
οὐκ
ὀλίγον,
ἀνακτίζουσιν
ἸόππηνJoppa
ὁρμητήριον
σφίσιν,
ἐρημωθεῖσαν
ὑπὸ
ΚεστίουCestius
πρότερον,
|
414
In the meantime, those who had been driven out of other cities by sedition and those who had escaped from the destroyed places—a crowd of no small size—gathered and rebuilt Joppa as their base, which had previously been laid waste by Cestius Gallus.
|
| 414
In the meantime, there were gathered together as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies, as those that had escaped out of the demolished cities, which were in all a great number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it might serve them for a place of refuge;
| 414
Meanwhile those of the rebels who had fled from the enemy and the many who had escaped from the demolished cities, got together and repaired Joppa, which Cestius had left desolate,
|
| 415
καὶ
τῆς
χώρας
ἐκπεπολεμωμένης
ἀνειργόμενοι
μεταβαίνειν
ἔγνωσαν
εἰς
τὴν
θάλασσαν.
|
415
And because they were cut off from the country, which was already occupied by war, they resolved to turn to the sea.
|
| 415
and because the adjoining region had been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they determined to go off to sea.
| 415
to serve them for a place of refuge, and since the adjoining region had been ravaged in the war and was not capable of supporting them, they decided to go off to sea.
|
| 416
Πηξάμενοί
τε
πειρατικὰ
σκάφη
πλεῖστα
τόν
τε
ΣυρίαςSyria
καὶ
ΦοινίκηςPhoenicia
καὶ
τὸν
ἐπ᾽
ΑἰγύπτουEgypt
πόρον
ἐλῄστευον,
ἄπλωτά
τε
πᾶσιν
ἐποίουν
τὰ
τῇδε
πελάγη.
|
416
Having built a great number of pirate ships, they began plundering the trade routes of Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt, making the seas in those parts unnavigable for everyone.
|
| 416
They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavigable to all men.
| 416
They built many ships for piracy in the seas near Syria and Phoenicia and Egypt, making those seas impossible to sail.
|
| 417
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ὡς
ἔγνω
τὴν
σύνταξιν
αὐτῶν,
πέμπει
πεζούς
τε
καὶ
ἱππεῖς
ἐπὶ
τὴν
ἸόππηνJoppa,
οἳ
νύκτωρ
ὡς
ἀφύλακτον
εἰσέρχονται
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
417
When Vespasian learned of this gathering, he sent infantry and cavalry to Joppa, and they entered the city by night, as it was poorly guarded.
|
| 417
Now as soon as Vespasian knew of their conspiracy, he sent both footmen and horsemen to Joppa, which was unguarded in the nighttime;
| 417
When Vespasian learned of this gang, he sent infantry and cavalry to Joppa, which was unguarded by night.
|
| 418
Οἱ
δ᾽
ἐν
αὐτῇ
προῄσθοντο
μὲν
τὴν
εἰσβολὴν
καὶ
καταδείσαντες
τοῦ
μὲν
εἴργειν
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἀπετρέποντο,
συμφυγόντες
δὲ
εἰς
τὰς
ναῦς
ἐξωτέρω
βέλους
διενυκτέρευσαν.
|
418
Those inside perceived the incursion and, in terror, did not attempt to ward off the Romans but fled to their ships and spent the night at sea, out of range of missiles.
|
| 418
however, those that were in it perceived that they should be attacked, and were afraid of it; yet did they not endeavor to keep the Romans out, but fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night, out of the reach of their darts.
| 418
Those who were in it saw that they would be attacked and were afraid, but still did not try to keep the Romans out, fleeing instead to their ships and lying out to sea all night, beyond reach of their spears.
|
| 419
Ἀλιμένου
δ᾽
οὔσης
φύσει
τῆς
ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea,
αἰγιαλῷ
γὰρ
ἐπιλήγει
τραχεῖ
καὶ
τὸ
μὲν
ἄλλο
πᾶν
ὀρθίῳ,
βραχὺ
δὲ
συννεύοντι
κατὰ
τὰς
κεραίας
ἑκατέρωθεν·
|
419
Joppa is by nature without a harbor, for it ends in a rugged shore that is mostly straight but curves slightly at two points at its ends.
|
| 419
Now Joppa is not naturally a haven, for it ends in a rough shore, where all the rest of it is straight, but the two ends bend towards each other,
| 419
Joppa is not a natural harbour, for it ends on a rough shore which is mostly straight and is only slightly curved at the two ends.
|
| 420
αἱ
δέ
εἰσιν
κρημνοὶ
βαθεῖς
καὶ
προύχουσαι
σπιλάδες
εἰς
τὸ
πέλαγος,
ἔνθα
καὶ
τῶν
ἈνδρομέδαςAndromeda
δεσμῶν
ἔτι
δεικνύμενοι
τύποι
πιστοῦνται
τὴν
ἀρχαιότητα
τοῦ
μύθου,
|
420
These ends are deep cliffs and rocks that jut out into the sea, where the marks of Andromeda’s chains are still shown, attesting to the antiquity of the myth.
|
| 420
where there are deep precipices, and great stones that jut out into the sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound have left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable.
| 420
It has deep precipices and great stones jutting out into the sea where the chains with which Andromeda was bound have left their prints, proving the antiquity of that myth.
|
| 421
τύπτων
δὲ
τὸν
αἰγιαλὸν
ἐναντίος
βορέας
καὶ
πρὸς
ταῖς
δεχομέναις
πέτραις
ὑψηλὸν
ἀναπέμπων
τὸ
κῦμα
σφαλερώτερον
ἐρημίας
τὸν
ὅρμον
ἀπεργάζεται·
|
421
The north wind (Boreas) beats against the shore, and by driving high waves against the rocks that receive them, it makes the anchorage more dangerous than the open sea.
|
| 421
But the north wind opposes and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks which receive them, and renders the haven more dangerous than the country they had deserted.
| 421
The north wind beats against the shore and dashes mighty waves on the rocks, rendering the harbour more dangerous than the country they had left.
|
| 422
κατὰ
τοῦτον
σαλεύουσιν
τοῖς
ἀπὸ
τῆς
ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea
ὑπὸ
τὴν
ἕω
πνεῦμα
βίαιον
ἐπιπίπτει·
μελαμβόριον
ὑπὸ
τῶν
ταύτῃ
πλοιζομένων
καλεῖται·
|
422
While the people from Joppa were tossing about here, a violent wind fell upon them toward morning; it is called the “Black North Wind” (Melamboreios) by those who sail there.
|
| 422
Now as those people of Joppa were floating about in the sea, in the morning there fell a violent wind upon them; it is called by those that sail there “the black north wind,”
| 422
As those people of Joppa were floating about in this sea, in the morning a violent wind that the locals call "the black north wind" came on them,
|
| 423
καὶ
τὰς
μὲν
ἀλλήλαις
τῶν
νεῶν
αὐτόθι
συνήραξεν,
τὰς
δὲ
πρὸς
ταῖς
πέτραις,
πολλὰς
δὲ
πρὸς
ἀντίον
κῦμα
βιαζομένας
εἰς
τὸ
πέλαγος,
τόν
τε
γὰρ
αἰγιαλὸν
ὄντα
πετρώδη
καὶ
τοὺς
ἐπ᾽
αὐτοῦ
πολεμίους
ἐδεδοίκεσαν,
μετέωρος
ὑπεραρθεὶς
ὁ
κλύδων
ἐβάπτιζεν.
|
423
It dashed the ships against one another and others against the rocks; many, struggling against the waves toward the deep, were submerged by the towering surge that rose above them, for they feared both the rocky shore and the enemy upon it.
|
| 423
and there dashed their ships one against another, and dashed some of them against the rocks, and carried many of them by force, while they strove against the opposite waves, into the main sea; for the shore was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy upon it, that they were afraid to come to land; nay, the waves rose so very high, that they drowned them;
| 423
dashing their ships against each other, and drove some of them on the rocks and forced others, tossed by the waves, farther out to the sea, for the shore was so rocky and full of the enemy that they were afraid to come to land, and the waves rose and drowned them.
|
| 424
Ἦν
δ᾽
οὔτε
φυγῆς
τόπος
οὔτε
μένουσιν
σωτηρία,
βίᾳ
μὲν
ἀνέμου
τῆς
θαλάσσης
ἐξωθουμένοις,
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
δὲ
τῆς
πόλεως·
Καὶ
πολλὴ
μὲν
οἰμωγὴ
συρρηγνυμένων
ἐγίνετο
τῶν
σκαφῶν,
πολὺς
δ᾽
ἀγνυμένων
ὁ
ψόφος.
|
424
There was no place for flight nor safety for those who remained, being pushed out of the sea by the violence of the wind and out of the city by the Romans. A great wailing arose as the vessels collided, and a great noise as they broke apart.
|
| 424
nor was there any place whither they could fly, nor any way to save themselves; while they were thrust out of the sea, by the violence of the wind, if they staid where they were, and out of the city by the violence of the Romans. And much lamentation there was when the ships were dashed against one another, and a terrible noise when they were broken to pieces;
| 424
There was no way of escape by which to save themselves.
If they stayed as they were, they were driven from the sea by the force of the wind, and from the city by that of the Romans.
A great lament went up when the ships crashed against each other with an awful noise and broke to bits.
|
| 425
Καὶ
τοῦ
πλήθους
οἱ
μὲν
ὑπὸ
τῶν
κυμάτων
καλυπτόμενοι
διεφθείροντο,
πολλοὶ
δὲ
τοῖς
ναυαγίοις
ἐμπλεκόμενοι·
τινὲς
δὲ
ὡς
κουφοτέρῳ
τὴν
θάλατταν
ἔφθανον
τῷ
σιδήρῳ
σφᾶς
αὐτοὺς
ἀναιροῦντες.
|
425
Of the multitude, some were overwhelmed by the waves and perished, and many were entangled in the wreckage; some, thinking the sword a lighter death, anticipated the sea by killing themselves.
|
| 425
and some of the multitude that were in them were covered with the waves, and so perished, and a great many were embarrassed with shipwrecks. But some of them thought that to die by their own swords was lighter than by the sea, and so they killed themselves before they were drowned;
| 425
Some of the people in them sank in the waves and so died.
And many were entangled with flotsam.
And some thought it easier to die by their own swords rather than by drowning and so committed suicide.
|
| 426
Τό
γε
μὴν
πλεῖστον
ὑπὸ
τῶν
κυμάτων
ἐκφερόμενον
περιεξαίνετο
ταῖς
ἀπορρῶξιν,
ὡς
αἱμαχθῆναι
μὲν
ἐπὶ
πλεῖστον
τὸ
πέλαγος,
πληρωθῆναι
δὲ
νεκρῶν
τὴν
παράλιον·
καὶ
γὰρ
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τὸν
αἰγιαλὸν
ἐκφερομένους
ἐφεστῶτες
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
διέφθειρον.
|
426
But the majority were carried by the waves and dashed against the jagged cliffs, so that the sea was bloodied for a great distance and the shore was filled with corpses; for the Romans stood on the beach and slew those who were washed up.
|
| 426
although the greatest part of them were carried by the waves, and dashed to pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks, insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way, and the maritime parts were full of dead bodies; for the Romans came upon those that were carried to the shore, and destroyed them;
| 426
But most were carried by the waves and dashed against the high rocks, until the sea was bloody a long way out and the shore was full of corpses, for the Romans came upon those who drifted to shore and killed them.
|
| 427
ἀριθμὸς
δὲ
τῶν
ἐκβρασθέντων
σωμάτων
τετρακισχίλιοι
πρὸς
τοῖς
διακοσίοις
ἦν.
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
δὲ
λαβόντες
ἀμαχητὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
κατασκάπτουσιν.
|
427
The number of bodies washed ashore was four thousand two hundred. The Romans took the city without a fight and razed it to the ground.
|
| 427
and the number of the bodies that were thus thrown out of the sea was four thousand and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and utterly demolished it.
| 427
The number of the bodies thrown up from the sea was four thousand, two hundred.
Then the Romans took the city without opposition and demolished it.
|
| 428
ἸόππηJoppa
μὲν
οὖν
ἐν
ὀλίγῳ
χρόνῳ
δεύτερον
ὑπὸ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ἑάλω.
|
428
Thus Joppa was taken a second time by the Romans in a short period.
|
| 428
And thus was Joppa taken twice by the Romans in a little time;
| 428
So in a short period Joppa was twice taken by the Romans.
|
| 429
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
ὡς
μὴ
πάλιν
οἱ
πειραταὶ
συναλισθεῖεν
εἰς
αὐτήν,
στρατόπεδόν
τε
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἀκροπόλεως
ἐγείρει
καὶ
τὸ
ἱππικὸν
ἐν
αὐτῷ
καταλείπει
μετὰ
πεζῶν
ὀλίγων,
|
429
Vespasian, so that the pirates might not gather there again, built a camp upon the citadel and left the cavalry there with a few infantry,
|
| 429
but Vespasian, in order to prevent these pirates from coming thither any more, erected a camp there, where the citadel of Joppa had been, and left a body of horse in it, with a few footmen,
| 429
To prevent any pirates from returning to it, Vespasian built a camp where the citadel of Joppa had been, leaving a troop of cavalry and a few infantry there,
|
| 430
ἵν᾽
οὗτοι
μὲν
κατὰ
χώραν
μένοντες
φρουρῶσι
τὸ
στρατόπεδον,
οἱ
δ᾽
ἱππεῖς
προνομεύωσι
τὴν
περὶ
καὶ
τὰς
περιοίκους
κώμας
τε
καὶ
πολίχνας
ἐξαιρῶσιν
τῆς
ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea.
|
430
so that while these remained to guard the camp, the cavalry might forage in the surrounding country and destroy the neighboring villages and small towns around Joppa.
|
| 430
that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities.
| 430
to guard the camp and ravage the country around and destroy the villages and smaller cities near Joppa.
|
| 431
Οἱ
μὲν
οὖν
κατὰ
τὰ
προσταχθέντα
τὴν
χώραν
κατατρέχοντες
καθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ἔτεμνόν
τε
καὶ
ἠρήμουν
ἅπασαν.
|
431
These men, following their orders, overran the country daily, cutting down and laying waste to everything.
|
| 431
So these troops overran the country, as they were ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces and laid desolate the whole region.
| 431
As ordered, these troops overran the country and regularly ruined and ravaged the whole region.
|
| 432
ὡς
δὲ
εἰς
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
τὸ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸωταπάτηνJotapata
πάθος
ἠγγέλη,
τὸ
μὲν
πρῶτον
ἠπίστουν
οἱ
πολλοὶ
καὶ
διὰ
τὸ
μέγεθος
τῆς
συμφορᾶς
καὶ
διὰ
τὸ
μηδένα
τῶν
λεγομένων
αὐτόπτην
παρεῖναι·
|
432
When the news of the disaster at Jotapata reached Jerusalem, many at first disbelieved it, both because of the magnitude of the calamity and because no eyewitness of the events was present.
|
| 432
But now, when the fate of Jotapata was related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of the calamity, and because they had no eyewitness to attest the truth of what was related about it; for not one person was saved to be a messenger of that news,
| 432
When the fate of Jotapata was reported in Jerusalem, at first many disbelieved it, as the loss was so great and there was no eye-witness to tell of it,
|
| 433
διεσώθη
γὰρ
οὐδὲ
ἄγγελος,
ἀλλ᾽
αὐτοματὶ
διεκήρυσσεν
φήμη
τὴν
ἅλωσιν
οἰκεία
φύσει
τῶν
σκυθρωποτέρων.
|
433
For not a single messenger survived, but Rumor, which naturally carries gloomy news, spread the word of the capture.
|
| 433
but a fame was spread abroad at random that the city was taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news about.
| 433
for no one survived to bring the news, but word went around that the city had been taken, as bad news is usually spread by such reporting.
|
| 434
Κατ᾽
ὀλίγον
δὲ
διὰ
τῶν
προσχώρων
ὥδευε
τἀληθὲς
καὶ
παρὰ
πᾶσιν
ἀμφιβολίας
ἦν
ἤδη
βεβαιότερον,
προσεσχεδιάζετό
γε
μὴν
τοῖς
πεπραγμένοις
καὶ
τὰ
μὴ
γενόμενα·
τεθνεὼς
γὰρ
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ἁλώσεως
καὶ
ὁ
ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus
ἠγγέλλετο.
|
434
Gradually, the truth traveled through the neighboring regions and became more certain than any doubt; however, additions were made to the facts—for it was reported that Josephus had died during the capture.
|
| 434
However, the truth was known by degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and appeared to all to be too true. Yet were there fictitious stories added to what was really done; for it was reported that Josephus was slain at the taking of the city,
| 434
The truth became known by degrees from the surrounding places, and seemed all too true, and to the truth a rumour was added, that Josephus had died at the capture of the city.
|
| 435
Τοῦτο
μεγίστου
τὰ
ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem
πένθους
ἐπλήρωσεν·
κατὰ
μέν
γε
οἴκους
καὶ
κατὰ
συγγενείας
οἷς
προσήκων
ἕκαστος
ἦν
τῶν
ἀπολωλότων
ἐθρηνεῖτο,
|
435
This filled Jerusalem with the deepest mourning. In every house and family, those who were related to the fallen were lamented.
|
| 435
which piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In every house also, and among all to whom any of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them; but the mourning for the commander was a public one;
| 435
This news filled Jerusalem with sorrow, and there was lamentation in every house and group to whom any of the fallen were related.
|
| 436
τὸ
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τῷ
στρατηγῷ
πένθος
ἐδημεύθη,
καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ξένους,
οἱ
δὲ
συγγενεῖς,
οἱ
δὲ
φίλους
ἐθρήνουν,
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
δὲ
πάντες,
|
436
But the mourning for the general was public; some mourned for guests, some for kinsmen, some for friends, but everyone mourned for Josephus.
|
| 436
and some mourned for those that had lived with them, others for their kindred, others for their friends, and others for their brethren, but all mourned for Josephus;
| 436
The leader was mourned publicly and some grieved for companions, relatives, friends and brothers, but all mourned for Josephus.
|
| 437
ὡς
ἐπὶ
τριακοστὴν
μὲν
ἡμέραν
μὴ
διαλιπεῖν
τὰς
ὀλοφύρσεις
ἐν
τῇ
πόλει,
πλείστους
δὲ
μισθοῦσθαι
τοὺς
αὐλητάς,
οἳ
θρήνων
αὐτοῖς
ἐξῆρχον.
|
437
For thirty days the lamentations in the city did not cease, and many hired flute-players to lead their funeral dirges.
|
| 437
insomuch that the lamentation did not cease in the city before the thirtieth day; and a great many hired mourners, with their pipes, who should begin the melancholy ditties for them.
| 437
In the city the mourning lasted for thirty days, with many hired mourners to play dirges on their pipes for them.
|
| 438
ὡς
δὲ
τἀληθῆ
διεκαλύπτετο
τῷ
χρόνῳ
καὶ
τὰ
μὲν
κατὰ
τὴν
ἸωταπάτηνJotapata
ὥσπερ
εἶχεν,
ἐσχεδιασμένον
δὲ
τὸ
κατὰ
τὸν
ἸώσηπονJoseph
πάθος
εὑρίσκετο,
ζῆν
δ᾽
αὐτὸν
ἔγνωσαν
καὶ
παρὰ
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
ὄντα
καὶ
πρὸς
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
πλέον
ἢ
κατ᾽
αἰχμαλώτου
τύχην
περιέπεσθαι,
τοσοῦτον
ὀργῆς
ἐπὶ
ζῶντος
ὅσον
εὐνοίας
ἐπὶ
τεθνάναι
δοκοῦντος
πρότερον
ἀνελάμβανον.
|
438
But as time uncovered the truth and the events at Jotapata were revealed as they actually happened, the reported death of Josephus was found to be a fiction. When they learned he was alive and with the Romans, and treated by the commanders with more honor than a prisoner’s lot, they felt as much anger toward him while alive as they had felt goodwill when he was thought dead.
|
| 438
But as the truth came out in time, it appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really stood; yet was it found that the death of Josephus was a fiction; and when they understood that he was alive, and was among the Romans, and that the commanders treated him at another rate than they treated captives, they were as vehemently angry at him now as they had showed their goodwill before, when he appeared to have been dead.
| 438
As the truth finally emerged, the facts about Jotapata came to light, showing that Josephus had not died.
When they learned that he was alive and was with the Romans, and that the officers treated him differently from other captives, they hated him as much now as they had loved him before, when he seemed to have died.
|
| 439
Καὶ
παρ᾽
οἷς
μὲν
εἰς
ἀνανδρίαν,
παρ᾽
οἷς
δὲ
εἰς
προδοσίανsurrender, treason
ἐκακίζετο,
πλήρης
τε
ἀγανακτήσεως
ἦν
καὶ
τῶν
κατ᾽
αὐτοῦ
βλασφημιῶν
ἡ
πόλις.
|
439
By some he was reviled for cowardice, by others for treachery, and the city was full of indignation and blasphemies against him.
|
| 439
He was also abused by some as having been a coward, and by others as a deserter; and the city was full of indignation at him, and of reproaches cast upon him; their rage was also aggravated by their afflictions, and more inflamed by their ill-success;
| 439
Some scorned him as a coward and others as a deserter, and the whole city was furious at him.
|
| 441
μᾶλλον
γοῦν
ὥρμων
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ὡς
καὶ
ἸώσηπονJoseph
ἐν
αὐτοῖς
ἀμυνούμενοι.
|
441
Thus they were more eager to attack the Romans, as if to take vengeance on Josephus among them.
|
| 441
they therefore resolved to fall on the Romans the more vehemently, as resolving to be revenged on him in revenging themselves on the Romans.
| 441
They decided to attack the Romans more fiercely, determined to get revenge on Josephus as well.
|
| 442
Τοὺς
μὲν
οὖν
ἐπὶ
τῶν
ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem
τοιοῦτοι
θόρυβοι
κατεῖχον.
|
442
Such were the disturbances that possessed Jerusalem.
|
| 442
And this was the state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which now came upon it.
| 442
Such was the state of Jerusalem's troubles at that time.
|
| 443
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
καθ᾽
ἱστορίαν
τῆς
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
βασιλείας,
ἐνῆγεν
γὰρ
βασιλεὺς
αὐτόν,
ἅμα
καὶ
δεξιώσασθαι
τὸν
ἡγεμόνα
σὺν
τῇ
στρατιᾷ
τῷ
κατὰ
τὸν
οἶκον
ὄλβῳ
προαιρούμενος
καὶ
καταστεῖλαι
δι᾽
αὐτῶν
τὰ
νοσοῦντα
τῆς
ἀρχῆς,
ἄρας
ἀπὸ
τῆς
παράλου
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
εἰς
τὴν
ΦιλίππουPhilip
καλουμένην
μεταβαίνει
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea.
|
443
Vespasian, however, went to visit the kingdom of Agrippa (for the king had invited him), wishing to honor the king and his army with the wealth of the royal house and to settle the disorders in the kingdom. He moved from Caesarea by the sea to the city called Caesarea Philippi.
|
| 443
But Vespasian, in order to see the kingdom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do (partly in order to his treating the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his private affairs would enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their means, correct such things as were amiss in his government), he removed from that Caesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Caesarea Philippi;
| 443
King Agrippa invited Vespasian to see his kingdom, wishing to treat the general and his army in the most splendid manner he could afford, and hoping through their visit to correct some faults in his realm, so from Caesarea on the sea he went to that which is called Caesarea Philippi.
|
| 444
Ἔνθα
μέχρι
μὲν
ἡμερῶν
εἴκοσι
τὴν
στρατιὰν
διαναπαύων
καὶ
αὐτὸς
ἐν
εὐωχίαις
ἦν,
ἀποδιδοὺς
τῷ
θεῷ
χαριστήρια
τῶν
κατωρθωμένων.
|
444
There he rested his army for twenty days and joined in feasts, offering thanks-offerings to God for his successes.
|
| 444
and there he refreshed his army for twenty days, and was himself feasted by king Agrippa, where he also returned public thanks to God for the good success he had had in his undertakings.
| 444
He rested his army there for twenty days and was treated to a festival, and gave thanks to God for his success thus far.
|
| 445
ὡς
δ᾽
αὐτῷ
ΤιβεριὰςTiberias
μὲν
νεωτερίζειν,
ἀφεστάναι
δὲ
ἠγγέλλοντο
ΤαριχέᾳTarichea,
μοῖρα
δὲ
τῆς
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
βασιλείας
ἦσαν
ἀμφότεραι,
πανταχόθεν
τοὺς
ἸουδαίουςJews
καταστρέφεσθαι
διεγνωκὼς
τὴν
ἐπὶ
τούτους
στρατείαν
εὔκαιρον
ἡγεῖτο
καὶ
δι᾽
ἈγρίππανAgrippa,
ὡς
εἰς
ξενίας
ἀμοιβὴν
σωφρονίσων
αὐτῷ
τὰς
πόλεις.
|
445
But when he was told that Tiberias was in revolt and Taricheae had rebelled—both being part of Agrippa’s kingdom—Vespasian, having resolved to subdue the Jews everywhere, thought it an opportune time to march against them, also for Agrippa’s sake, to bring the cities back to his authority in return for his hospitality.
|
| 445
But as soon as he was informed that Tiberias was fond of innovations, and that Taricheae had revolted, both which cities were parts of the kingdom of Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that the Jews were everywhere perverted [from their obedience to their governors], he thought it seasonable to make an expedition against these cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and in order to bring his cities to reason.
| 445
But when he was told that Tiberias was ready to revolt and that Tarichea had rebelled, both parts of Agrippa's kingdom, and that everywhere the Jews were discontent, he decided to march against them for Agrippa's sake, to bring his cities to their senses.
|
| 446
Πέμπει
δὴ
τὸν
υἱὸν
ΤίτονTitus
εἰς
ΚαισάρειανCaesarea
μετάξοντα
τὴν
ἐκεῖθεν
στρατιὰν
εἰς
ΣκυθόπολινScythopolis·
ἡ
δ᾽
ἐστὶν
μεγίστη
τῆς
δεκαπόλεωςDecapolis
καὶ
γείτων
τῆς
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias.
|
446
He sent his son Titus to Caesarea to bring the army from there to Scythopolis, which is the largest city of the Decapolis and a neighbor of Tiberias.
|
| 446
So he sent away his son Titus to [the other] Caesarea, that he might bring the army that lay there to Scythopolis, which is the largest city of Decapolis, and in the neighborhood of Tiberias,
| 446
He sent his son Titus to Caesarea, to bring the army to Scythopolis, the largest city of Decapolis, not far from Tiberias.
|
[1]30 stadia = 5.6 km (3.4 miles)
| 448
Ἔνναβρις
ὀνομάζεται.
Πέμπει
δὲ
δεκαδάρχην
ΟὐαλεριανὸνValerian
σὺν
ἱππεῦσιν
πεντήκοντα
διαλεχθησόμενον
εἰρηνικὰ
τοῖς
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
καὶ
προτρεψόμενον
ἐπὶ
πίστεις·
ἀκηκόει
γάρ,
ὡς
ἐπιθυμοίη
μὲν
εἰρήνης
ὁ
δῆμος,
καταστασιάζοιτο
δ᾽
ὑπό
τινων
πολεμεῖν
βιαζομένων.
|
448
it is called Ennabris. He sent a decurion, Valerian, with fifty horsemen to speak peaceably to those in the city and to exhort them to give pledges of faith; for he had heard that the people desired peace but were being forced into war by a few seditious men.
|
| 448
He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to speak peaceably to those that were in the city, and to exhort them to give him assurances of their fidelity; for he had heard that the people were desirous of peace, but were obliged by some of the seditious part to join with them, and so were forced to fight for them.
| 448
He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty cavalry, to offer peace to those in the city and ask them for assurances of loyalty, hearing that the people were eager for peace, but were forced by some of the rebels to join them and fight on their side.
|
| 449
Προσελάσας
δὲ
ΟὐαλεριανὸςValerian
ἐπεὶ
πλησίον
ἦν
τοῦ
τείχους,
αὐτός
τε
καταβαίνει
καὶ
τοὺς
σὺν
αὐτῷ
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἀπέβησεν,
ὡς
μὴ
δοκοῖεν
ἀκροβολιζόμενοι
παρεῖναι·
Καὶ
πρὶν
εἰς
λόγους
ἐλθεῖν
|
449
When Valerian rode up and was near the wall, he dismounted and made his horsemen do the same, so as not to appear to have come for a skirmish. But before any words were spoken,
|
| 449
When Valerian had marched up to the place, and was near the wall, he alighted off his horse, and made those that were with him do the same, that they might not be thought to come to skirmish with them; but before they could come to a discourse one with another, the most potent men among the seditious made a sally upon them armed;
| 449
When Valerian had ridden up to the place and was near the wall, he dismounted and made his companions do the same, so as not to be thought to be coming for a fight; but before they could begin their talks, the most powerful of the rebels made an armed sortie,
|
| 451
ΟὐαλεριανὸςValerian
δὲ
οὔτε
παρὰ
τὰς
ἐντολὰς
τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ
συμβαλεῖν
ἀσφαλὲς
ἡγούμενος,
εἰ
καὶ
τὸ
νικᾶν
εἴη
βέβαιον,
καὶ
σφαλερὸν
τὸ
μάχεσθαι
πολλοῖς
μετ᾽
ὀλίγων
ἀπαρασκευάστοις
τε
πρὸς
ἑτοίμους,
|
451
Valerian, thinking it unsafe to fight against the general’s orders even if victory were certain, and knowing it was dangerous for a few unprepared men to fight many who were ready,
|
| 451
Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe to fight contrary to the commands of the general, though he were secure of a victory, and knowing that it was a very hazardous undertaking for a few to fight with many, for those that were unprovided to fight those that were ready,
| 451
Valerian did not wish to go against the commands of the general and fight a battle, even if sure of victory, and knew how dangerous it was for a few to fight against many, or for the unready to fight against men who were prepared.
|
| 452
καὶ
ἄλλως
ἐκπλαγεὶς
τὴν
ἀδόκητον
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
τόλμαν,
φεύγει
πεζός,
ἕτεροί
τε
ὁμοίως
πέντε
τοὺς
ἵππους
ἀπέλιπον,
οὓς
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸησοῦνJoshua, Joshua
ἀπήγαγον
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
γεγηθότες
ὡς
μάχῃ
ληφθέντας
οὐκ
ἐνέδρᾳ.
|
452
and being besides astonished by the unexpected boldness of the Jews, fled on foot; five others likewise left their horses, which Jesus and his men led into the city, rejoicing as if they had taken them in battle rather than by a surprise attack.
|
| 452
and being on other accounts surprised at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran away on foot, as did five of the rest in like manner, and left their horses behind them; which horses Jesus led away into the city, and rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle, and not by treachery.
| 452
So, being taken by surprise by this Jewish attack, he fled on foot, as did the other five, leaving their horses behind.
Joshua led the horses into the city, celebrating as if they had been taken in battle rather than by treachery.
|
| 453
Τοῦτο
καταδείσαντες
οἱ
γηραιοὶ
τοῦ
δήμου
καὶ
προύχειν
δοκοῦντες
φεύγουσι
μὲν
εἰς
τὸ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
στρατόπεδον,
|
453
Fearing the consequences, the elders of the people and the leading citizens fled to the Roman camp.
|
| 453
Now the seniors of the people, and such as were of principal authority among them, fearing what would be the issue of this matter, fled to the camp of the Romans;
| 453
The elders of the people and the influential people, fearing the outcome of this affair, fled to the Roman camp.
|
| 454
ἐπαγόμενοι
δὲ
τὸν
βασιλέα
προσπίπτουσιν
ἱκέται
ΟὐεσπασιανῷVespasian,
μὴ
σφᾶς
περιιδεῖν
δεόμενοι,
μηδὲ
τὴν
ὀλίγων
ἀπόνοιαν
ἡγήσασθαιto go before, lead
τῆς
πόλεως
ὅλης·
|
454
Bringing King Agrippa with them, they fell as suppliants before Vespasian, begging him not to overlook them nor to hold the whole city responsible for the madness of a few.
|
| 454
they then took their king along with them, and fell down before Vespasian, to supplicate his favor, and besought him not to overlook them, nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole city,
| 454
They brought their king with them and fell down before Vespasian, to beg his favour and ask him not to misjudge them, and not blame the whole city for the madness of a few.
|
| 455
φείσασθαι
δὲ
τοῦ
δήμου
ῬωμαίοιςRomans
φίλα
φρονοῦντος
ἀεί,
καὶ
τοὺς
αἰτίους
τιμωρήσασθαιto avenge, punish
τῆς
ἀποστάσεωςa revolt,
ὑφ᾽
ὧν
αὐτοὶ
φρουρηθῆναι
μέχρι
νῦν
ἐπὶ
δεξιὰς
ἐπειγόμενοι
πάλαι.
|
455
They asked him to spare the people, who had always been friendly to the Romans, and to punish only those responsible for the revolt, who had kept the people under guard until now.
|
| 455
to spare a people that had been ever civil and obliging to the Romans; but to bring the authors of this revolt to due punishment, who had hitherto so watched them, that though they were zealous to give them the security of their right hands of a long time, yet could they not accomplish the same.
| 455
He should spare a people who were always civil and agreeable to the Romans, but punish the authors of this revolt, who up to now had kept close watch and prevented them from making peace, as for a long time they had wanted to do.
|
| 456
Ταύταις
ἐνεδίδου
ταῖς
ἱκεσίαις
ὁ
στρατηγὸς
καίτοι
διὰ
τὴν
ἁρπαγὴν
τῶν
ἵππων
ἐφ᾽
ὅλην
ὠργισμένος
τὴν
πόλιν·
καὶ
γὰρ
ἀγωνιῶντα
περὶ
αὐτῆς
τὸν
ἈγρίππανAgrippa
ἑώρα.
|
456
The general yielded to these supplications, although he was angry at the whole city because of the capture of the horses; for he saw that Agrippa was in great distress about the city.
|
| 456
With these supplications the general complied, although he were very angry at the whole city about the carrying off his horses,
| 456
The general accepted this plea, but was angry with the whole city for stealing his horses, seeing that Agrippa was very upset about them.
|
| 457
Λαβόντων
δὲ
τούτων
τῷ
δήμῳ
δεξιὰς
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸησοῦνJoshua, Joshua
οὐκέτι
ἀσφαλὲς
ἡγούμενοι
μένειν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias
εἰς
ΤαριχέαςTarichea
ἀποδιδράσκουσιν.
|
457
When these men received the “right hand” (pledge) for the people, Jesus and his party, thinking it no longer safe to stay in Tiberias, fled to Taricheae.
|
| 457
and this because he saw that Agrippa was under a great concern for them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had accepted of their right hands by way of security, Jesus and his party thought it not safe for them to continue at Tiberias, so they ran away to Taricheae.
| 457
When these two had accepted their guarantee of intent, Joshua and his party thought it unsafe for them to remain in Tiberias, and fled to Tarichea.
|
| 458
Καὶ
μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
σὺν
ἱππεῦσιν
προπέμπει
πρὸς
τὴν
ἀκρώρειαν
ΤραιανὸνTrajan
ἀποπειραθῆναι
τοῦ
πλήθους,
εἰ
πάντες
εἰρηνικὰ
φρονοῖεν.
|
458
On the next day, Vespasian sent Trajan with horsemen to the ridge to see if all the people were peaceably inclined.
|
| 458
The next day Vespasian sent Trajan before with some horsemen to the citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whether they were all disposed for peace;
| 458
The next day Vespasian sent Trajan ahead with some cavalry to the citadel, to test the people's readiness for peace.
|
| 459
ὡς
δ᾽
ἔγνω
τὸν
δῆμον
ὁμοφρονοῦντα
τοῖς
ἱκέταις,
ἀναλαβὼν
τὴν
δύναμιν
ᾔει
πρὸς
τὴν
πόλιν.
Οἱ
δὲ
τάς
τε
πύλας
ἀνοίγουσιν
αὐτῷ
καὶ
μετ᾽
εὐφημιῶν
ὑπήντων
σωτῆρα
καὶ
ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes
ἀνακαλοῦντες.
|
459
When he found that the people were of the same mind as the suppliants, Vespasian took his force and went toward the city. The people opened the gates to him and met him with acclamations, calling him their savior and benefactor.
|
| 459
and as soon as he knew that the people were of the same mind with the petitioner, he took his army, and went to the city; upon which the citizens opened to him their gates, and met him with acclamations of joy, and called him their savior and benefactor.
| 459
When he saw that the people were of the same mind as the petitioners, he brought his army into the city, whose people opened the gates to him and met him with shouts of joy, calling him their saviour and benefactor.
|
| 460
Τῆς
δὲ
στρατιᾶς
τριβομένης
περὶ
τὴν
τῶν
εἰσόδων
στενότητα
παραρρῆξαι
τοῦ
κατὰ
μεσημβρίαν
τείχους
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
κελεύσας
πλατύνει
τὴν
εἰσβολὴν
αὐτοῖς.
|
460
As the army was being crowded by the narrowness of the gates, Vespasian ordered the southern wall to be broken down, thus widening the entrance for them.
|
| 460
But as the army was a great while in getting in at the gates, they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad passage for their entrance.
| 460
As the army took a long time getting through the narrow gates, Vespasian had the south wall broken down and so made a broad entrance for them.
|
| 461
ἁρπαγῆς
μέντοι
καὶ
ὕβρεως
ἀπέχεσθαι
παρήγγειλεν
τῷ
βασιλεῖ
χαριζόμενος,
τῶν
τε
τειχῶν
διὰ
τοῦτον
ἐφείσατο
συμμενεῖν
πρὸς
τὸ
λοιπὸν
ἐγγυωμένου
τοὺς
ἐν
αὐτοῖς,
καὶ
πολλὰ
κεκακωμένην
τὴν
πόλιν
ἐκ
τῆς
στάσεως
ἀνελάμβανενto take up.
|
461
However, he commanded the soldiers to refrain from plunder and violence out of favor to the king, and for his sake spared the walls, as the king guaranteed the future loyalty of the inhabitants; and thus he restored the city, which had been greatly distressed by the sedition.
|
| 461
However, he charged them to abstain from rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the king; and on his account spared the rest of the wall, while the king undertook for them that they should continue [faithful to the Romans] for the time to come. And thus did he restore this city to a quiet state, after it had been grievously afflicted by the sedition.
| 461
To gratify the king, he told them to abstain from looting and injustice, and so spared the rest of the wall.
On their behalf, the king undertook fidelity in future, and so he restored this city to a peaceful state, after it had been grievously threatened by the revolt.
|
Chapter 10
Vespasian captures Tarichea.
The Jordan and Gennesareth.
Titus' speech to his troops
| 462
Ἔπειτα
προελθὼν
αὐτῆς
τε
μεταξὺ
καὶ
ΤαριχεῶνTarichea
στρατοπεδεύεται,
τειχίζει
τε
τὴν
παρεμβολὴν
ὀχυρωτέραν
ὑφορώμενος
ἐκεῖ
πολέμου
τριβὴν
αὐτῷ
γενησομένην·
|
462
Moving forward from there, Vespasian encamped between Tiberias and Taricheae. He fortified his camp more strongly than usual, suspecting that the war there would cost him much time and effort.
|
| 462
And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war;
| 462
Going on, he camped between that city and Tarichea, but fortified his camp more strongly, expecting a struggle that would force him to stay there a long while.
|
| 463
συνέρρει
γὰρ
εἰς
τὰς
ΤαριχέαςTarichea
πᾶν
τὸ
νεωτερίζον,
τῇ
τε
τῆς
πόλεως
ὀχυρότητι
καὶ
τῇ
λίμνῃ
πεποιθότες,
ἣ
καλεῖται
ΓεννησὰρGennesar
πρὸς
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων.
|
463
For all the revolutionaries were flocking into Taricheae, relying both on the strength of the city and on the lake, which is called Gennesar (the Sea of Galilee) by the locals.
|
| 463
for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth.
| 463
All the rebel forces had gathered at Tarichea, in reliance on the strength of the city and on the lake beside it, that the local people call Gennesareth.
|
| 464
ἡ
μὲν
γὰρ
πόλις,
ὥσπερ
ἡ
ΤιβεριὰςTiberias
ὑπόρειος
οὖσα,
καθὰ
μὴ
τῇ
λίμνῃ
προσεκλύζετο
πάντοθεν
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ἸωσήπουJoseph
τετείχιστο
καρτερῶς,
ἔλασσον
μέντοι
τῆς
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias·
|
464
The city, located like Tiberias at the foot of a mountain, had been strongly fortified by Josephus on all sides not washed by the lake, though somewhat less so than Tiberias.
|
| 464
The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias;
| 464
The city itself, like Tiberias, is situated under a mountain and on the sides that are not washed by the lake, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias,
|
| 465
τὸν
μὲν
γὰρ
ἐκεῖ
περίβολον
ἐν
ἀρχῇ
τῆς
ἀποστάσεωςa revolt
δαψιλείᾳ
χρημάτων
καὶ
δυνάμεως
ἐκρατύνατο,
ΤαριχέᾳTarichea
δ᾽
αὐτοῦ
τὰ
λείψανα
τῆς
φιλοτιμίας
μετέλαβον.
|
465
For at the beginning of the revolt, Josephus had strengthened the fortifications of Tiberias with an abundance of money and power, while Taricheae received only what remained of his ambition.
|
| 465
for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews’ revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheae partook only the remains of that liberality.
| 465
for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the revolt, when he had plenty of money and power, while Tarichea had gotten only the remnants of that plenty.
|
| 466
σκάφη
δ᾽
ἦν
αὐτοῖς
ἐπὶ
τῆς
λίμνης
παρεσκευασμένα
πολλὰ
πρός
τε
τὸ
συμφεύγειν
ἐπὶ
γῆς
ἡττωμένους,
κἂν
εἰ
δέοι,
διαναυμαχεῖν
ἐξηρτυμένα.
|
466
Furthermore, they had many boats prepared on the lake, equipped both for fleeing if defeated on land and for engaging in a naval battle if necessary.
|
| 466
Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also.
| 466
Still, they had on the lake a number of ships to retreat to if they were defeated on land, and these were equipped so that they could also fight from the water.
|
| 467
Περιβαλλομένων
δὲ
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
τὸ
στρατόπεδον
οἱ
περὶ
τὸν
ἸησοῦνJoshua, Joshua
οὔτε
πρὸς
τὸ
πλῆθος
οὔτε
πρὸς
τὴν
εὐταξίαν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ὑποδείσαντες
προθέουσιν,
|
467
While the Romans were still throwing up their camp walls, Jesus and his party, undeterred by the number or the discipline of the enemy, rushed out.
|
| 467
But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them;
| 467
While the Romans were building a wall around their camp, Joshua and his party were neither frightened of their number, nor at their good military order;
|
| 468
καὶ
πρὸς
τὴν
πρώτην
ἔφοδον
τῶν
τειχοποιῶν
σκεδασθέντων
ὀλίγα
τῆς
δομήσεως
σπαράξαντες,
ὡς
ἑώρων
τοὺς
ὁπλίταςarmed warrior
ἀθροιζομένους,
πρίν
τι
παθεῖν
εἰς
τοὺς
σφετέρους
ἀνέφευγον·
ἐπιδιώξαντες
δὲ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
συνελαύνουσιν
αὐτοὺς
εἰς
τὰ
σκάφη.
|
468
At their first onset, the wall-builders scattered; the rebels tore down a small part of the structure, but when they saw the heavy-armed soldiers gathering, they fled back to their own men before suffering any loss. The Romans pursued them and drove them into their boats.
|
| 468
and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered anything themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships,
| 468
but made a sally out at them, scattering the builders of the wall at the first onset and pulling to pieces the little they had built, but then when they saw the infantry re-grouping and before they had suffered losses themselves, they retreated to their own lines, with the Romans in pursuit of them and chasing them into their ships.
|
| 469
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ἀναχθέντες
εἰς
ὅσον
ἐξικνεῖσθαι
τῶν
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
βάλλοντες
δύναιντο
τάς
τε
ἀγκύρας
ἔβαλλον
καὶ
πυκνώσαντες
ὥσπερ
φάλαγγα
τὰς
ναῦς
ἐπαλλήλους
τοῖς
ἐπὶ
γῆς
πολεμίοις
διεναυμάχουν·
|
469
Having put out to sea just far enough to remain within missile range of the Romans, they cast anchor and, drawing their ships close together like a phalanx, fought a naval battle against the enemy on the shore.
|
| 469
where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land.
| 469
They sailed as far out as allowed them to reach the Romans with their missiles, casting anchor and drawing their ships into a phalanx and from the sea fought the enemy on land.
|
| 470
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
τὸ
πολὺ
πλῆθος
αὐτῶν
ἠθροισμένον
ἀκούων
ἐν
τῷ
πρὸ
τῆς
πόλεως
πεδίῳ
πέμπει
τὸν
υἱὸν
σὺν
ἱππεῦσιν
ἑξακοσίοις
ἐπιλέκτοις.
|
470
But Vespasian, hearing that a great multitude of them had gathered in the plain before the city, sent his son Titus with six hundred chosen horsemen.
|
| 470
But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them.
| 470
But Vespasian, upon hearing that a large crowd of them had gathered in the plain in front of the city, sent his son with six hundred chosen cavalry, to disperse them.
|
| 471
Ὁ
δ᾽
ὑπέρογκον
εὑρὼν
τὴν
τῶν
πολεμίων
πληθὺν
πρὸς
μὲν
τὸν
πατέρα
πέμπει
πλείονος
δυνάμεως
αὐτῷ
δεῖν
λέγων.
Αὐτὸς
δὲ
τοὺς
μὲν
πλείους
τῶν
ἱππέων
ὡρμημένους
ὁρῶν
καὶ
πρὶν
ἀφικέσθαι
βοήθειαν,
ἔστιν
δ᾽
οὓς
ἡσυχῆ
πρὸς
τὸ
πλῆθος
τῶν
ἸουδαίωνJews
καταπεπληγότας,
ἐν
ἐπηκόῳlistening, attentive
στὰς
ἔλεξεν
ὧδε·
|
471
Titus, finding the enemy multitude to be immense, sent word to his father that he needed more forces. However, seeing most of his horsemen eager for battle even before reinforcements arrived, and noting that some were secretly terrified by the mass of the Jews, he stood where he could be heard and spoke thus:
|
| 471
But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them,
| 471
Seeing how numerous the enemy was, he sent a message to his father that he would need more forces.
But as he saw most of his cavalry eager for battle even before reinforcements could reach them while others of them seemed awed by the immense numbers of the Jews, he stood in a place from which he could be heard and said to them,
|
| 472
«ἄνδρες,
ἔφη,
ῬωμαῖοιRomans,
καλὸν
γὰρ
ἐν
ἀρχῇ
τῶν
λόγων
ὑπομνῆσαι
τοῦ
γένους
ὑμᾶς,
ἵν᾽
εἰδῆτε,
τίνες
ὄντες
πρὸς
τίνας
μάχεσθαι
μέλλομεν.
|
472
“Romans—for it is well to remind you of your race at the start of my speech, so you may know who we are and against whom we are about to fight:
|
| 472
“My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight.
| 472
"My men—my Romans!—for at the beginning of my speech it is right to remind you of your race, so that you may remember who you are and against whom we are going to fight.
|
| 473
Τὰς
μέν
γε
ἡμετέρας
χεῖρας
οὐδὲν
εἰς
τοῦτο
τῶν
ἐπὶ
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
διαπέφευγεν,
ἸουδαῖοιJews
δέ,
ἵν᾽
εἴπωμεν
καὶ
ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν,
μέχρι
νῦν
οὐ
κοπιῶσιν
ἡττώμενοι·
Καὶ
δεινὸν
ἐκείνων
ἑστώτων
ἐν
ταῖς
κακοπραγίαις
ἡμᾶς
τοῖς
εὐτυχήμασιν
ἐγκάμνειν.
|
473
Nothing in the inhabited world has escaped our hands, yet the Jews—to speak even on their behalf—do not yet grow weary of being defeated. It would be a terrible thing if, while they stand firm in their calamities, we should grow weary in our successes.
|
| 473
For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow weary under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes.
| 473
On our side, no part of the world has been able to escape our hands up to now, but these Jews.
We should say that although they have known defeat, they still have not given up the cause.
And it would be a mistake for us to be weak amid our success, when they bear up under failure.
|
| 474
προθυμίας
μὲν
εἰς
τὸ
φανερὸν
ὑμᾶς
εὖ
ἔχοντας
χαίρω
βλέπων,
δέδοικα
δὲ
μή
τινι
τῶν
πολεμίων
τὸ
πλῆθος
κατάπληξιν
λεληθυῖαν
ἐνεργάσηται.
|
474
I am glad to see your outward enthusiasm, but I fear the multitude of the enemy may have worked a hidden dread into some of you.
|
| 474
As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you:
| 474
I see and rejoice at your obvious commitment but I am afraid that the number of the enemy might cause some of you to be secretly afraid.
|
| 475
Λογισάσθω
δὴ
πάλιν
οἷος
πρὸς
οἵους
παρατάξεται,
καὶ
διότι
ἸουδαῖοιJews
μέν,
εἰ
καὶ
σφόδρα
τολμηταὶ
καὶ
θανάτου
καταφρονοῦντες,
ἀλλ᾽
ἀσύντακτοί
τε
καὶ
πολέμων
ἄπειροιinexperienced
καὶ
ὄχλος
ἂν
ἄλλως,
οὐ
στρατιὰ
λέγοιντο·
τὰ
δὲ
τῆς
ἡμετέρας
ἐμπειρίας
καὶ
τάξεως
τί
δεῖ
καὶ
λέγειν;
ἐπὶ
τοῦτο
μέντοι
γε
μόνοι
καὶ
κατ᾽
εἰρήνην
ἀσκούμεθα
τοῖς
ὅπλοις,
ἵν᾽
ἐν
πολέμῳ
μὴ
πρὸς
τὸ
ἀντίπαλον
ἀριθμῶμεν
ἑαυτούς.
|
475
Let such a man reflect on who he is and against whom he is arrayed. The Jews, though exceedingly bold and despisers of death, are undisciplined and unskilled in war; they are a mere rabble, not an army. Why need I speak of our own experience and discipline? We are the only people who practice with arms even in peace, so that in war we do not have to count our numbers against the opponent.
|
| 475
let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies:
| 475
Let such people again recall who is lined up against whom.
These Jews, although very bold and great despisers of death, are a disorderly bunch, unskilled in war and may rather be called a mob than an army.
I need hardly speak of our experience and discipline, for this is the reason why we Romans alone practice for war in time of peace, so that when it comes to war we need not compare our numbers with those opposed to us.
|
| 476
Ἐπεὶ
τίς
ὄνησις
τῆς
διηνεκοῦς
στρατείας,
ἂν
ἴσοι
πρὸς
ἀστρατεύτους
ἀντιτασσώμεθα;
|
476
For what is the benefit of continuous military service if we are only equal to those who are untrained?
|
| 476
for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war.
| 476
For what use would our continual training be, if we must still be equal in number to people unused to war.
|
| 477
Λογίζεσθε
δέ,
ὅτι
καὶ
πρὸς
γυμνῆτας
ὁπλῖταιheavy-armed
καὶ
ἱππεῖς
πρὸς
πεζοὺς
καὶ
στρατηγούμενοι
πρὸς
ἀστρατηγήτους
διαγωνίζεσθε,
καὶ
ὡς
ὑμᾶς
μὲν
ταῦτα
πολλαπλασίους
ποιεῖ
τὰ
πλεονεκτήματα,
πολὺ
δὲ
τοῦ
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἀριθμοῦ
[
παραιρεῖται
τὰ
ἐλαττώματα
]
.
|
477
Consider that you, heavy-armed troops, are fighting against light-armed men; you, cavalry, against infantry; you, under commanders, against those who have none. These advantages make you many times your actual number, just as the lack of them subtracts from the number of the enemy.
|
| 477
Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number.
| 477
Remember that you are going to battle well armed against men who are almost naked, with cavalry to fight against infantry, with good generals against a leaderless throng.
So these advantages in effect increase your numbers, while their failings lessen theirs.
|
| 478
κατορθοῖ
δὲ
τοὺς
πολέμους
οὐ
πλῆθος
ἀνθρώπων,
κἂν
ᾖ
μάχιμον,
ἀνδρεία
δέ,
κἂν
ἐν
ὀλίγοις·
οἱ
μέν
γε
καὶ
τάξασθαι
ῥᾴδιοι
καὶ
προσαμύνειν
ἑαυτοῖς,
αἱ
δ᾽
ὑπέρογκοι
δυνάμεις
ὑφ᾽
ἑαυτῶν
βλάπτονται
πλέον
ἢ
τῶν
πολεμίων.
|
478
It is not a multitude of men that wins wars, even if they are warlike, but courage, even in a few. A small force is easy to marshal and can support itself, while massive armies are often harmed more by themselves than by the enemy.
|
| 478
Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies.
| 478
It is not the number of men, even of warriors, that determines success in war, but their bravery, even if their numbers are few.
For a few can be set in battle-array and can easily help each other, while armies too-large suffer more harm from each other than from the enemy.
|
| 479
ἸουδαίωνJews
μὲν
οὖν
τόλμα
καὶ
θράσος
ἡγεῖται
καὶ
ἀπόνοιαmadness,
πάθη
κατὰ
μὲν
τὰς
εὐπραγίας
εὔτονα,
σβεννύμενα
δὲ
ἐν
ἐλαχίστοις
σφάλμασιν·
ἡμῶν
δ᾽
ἀρετὴ
καὶ
εὐπείθεια
καὶ
τὸ
γενναῖον,
ὃ
κἀν
τοῖς
ἄλλοις
εὐτυχήμασιν
ἀκμάζει
κἀν
τοῖς
πταίσμασιν
οὐ
μέχρι
τέλους
σφάλλεται.
|
479
The Jews are led by boldness, daring, and desperation—passions that are vigorous in success but extinguished by the slightest failure. We are led by virtue, obedience, and a nobility that flourishes in prosperity and does not utterly fail in setbacks.
|
| 479
It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not forever desert us in our ill fortune.
| 479
What moves the Jews is audacity and rashness, a kind of madness, passions that make a fine display as long as things go well, but are quenched at the least setback.
We, on the other hand, are driven by courage and obedience and fortitude, visible in times of good fortune, but which never desert us in misfortune, to the end.
|
| 480
Καὶ
ὑπὲρ
μειζόνων
δὲ
ἢ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
διαγωνιεῖσθε·
καὶ
γὰρ
εἰ
περὶ
ἐλευθερίας
καὶ
πατρίδων
ἐκείνοις
ὁ
πόλεμος
κινδυνεύεται,
τί
μεῖζον
ἡμῖν
εὐδοξίας
καὶ
τοῦ
μὴ
δοκεῖν
μετὰ
τὴν
τῆς
οἰκουμένης
ἡγεμονίαν
ἐν
ἀντιπάλῳ
τὰ
ἸουδαίωνJews
τίθεσθαι;
|
480
You will be fighting for greater stakes than the Jews; for if their war is for liberty and country, what is greater for us than glory, and the refusal to let the Jews appear as our equals after we have won the empire of the world?
|
| 480
Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us.
| 480
And you will be fighting for higher motives than the Jews, for while they risk the war for liberty and their country, what can be a greater motive than our quest of glory? Let it not be said that the Jews can withstand us, who have won control of the whole earth.
|
| 481
Σκεπτέον
δ᾽
ὅτι
καὶ
παθεῖν
μὲν
οὐδὲν
ἀνήκεστον
ἡμῖν
φόβος·
πολλοὶ
γὰρ
οἱ
βοηθήσοντες
καὶ
πλησίον·
ἁρπάσαι
δὲ
τὴν
νίκην
δυνάμεθα,
καὶ
χρὴ
τοὺς
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
πατρὸς
πεμπομένους
ἡμῖν
συμμάχους
φθάνειν,
ἵν᾽
ἀκοινώνητόν
τε
ᾖ
τὸ
κατόρθωμα
καὶ
μεῖζον.
|
481
Consider, too, that we need not fear any incurable harm, for reinforcements are many and near. Yet we are able to snatch the victory ourselves; we must anticipate the allies being sent by my father so that the success may be unshared and even greater.
|
| 481
We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us.
| 481
Reflect also that we have absolute disaster to fear, since our allies are many and nearby, even though we can win this victory by ourselves, and I think we should do so before the reserves my father is sending reach us, that our success may be our very own and our reputation is greater.
|
| 482
Νομίζω
δ᾽
ἔγωγε
ἐπὶ
τῆσδε
τῆς
ὥρας
καὶ
τὸν
πατέρα
τὸν
ἐμὸν
κρίνεσθαι
κἀμὲ
καὶ
ὑμᾶς,
εἰ
τῶν
μὲν
προκατωρθωμένων
ἄξιος
ἐκεῖνος,
ἐγὼ
δ᾽
ἐκείνου
παῖς,
στρατιῶται
δ᾽
ὑμεῖς
ἐμοῦ·
καὶ
γὰρ
ἐκείνῳ
τὸ
νικᾶν
ἔθος,
κἀγὼ
πρὸς
αὐτὸν
ὑποστρέφειν
οὐκ
ἂν
ὑπομείναιμι
λειφθείς.
|
482
I believe that in this hour my father, myself, and you are all on trial: whether he is worthy of his past successes, whether I am truly his son, and whether you are my soldiers. For victory is his habit, and I could not endure returning to him defeated.
|
| 482
And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy.
| 482
I take this as an opportunity where my father and I
,
and you, will be all be tested, to see if he can match his former exploits, if I prove worthy to be his son, and if you prove worthy to be my soldiers; for my father is used to victory, and I could not bear the thought of returning to him if you let me down.
|
| 483
Ὑμεῖς
δὲ
πῶς
οὐκ
ἂν
αἰσχύνοισθε
προκινδυνεύοντος
ἡγεμόνος
ἡττώμενοι;
προκινδυνεύσω
γάρ,
εὖ
ἴστε,
καὶ
πρῶτος
εἰς
τοὺς
πολεμίους
ἐμβαλῶ.
|
483
And how could you not be ashamed to be beaten when your commander leads the way into danger? For I will lead the charge, rest assured, and I will be the first to fall upon the enemy.
|
| 483
And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy.
| 483
And how could you live with the shame, if you did not show courage to match your commander, who will lead you into danger and be the first to attack the enemy?
|
| 484
Μὴ
λείπεσθε
δ᾽
ὑμεῖς
ἐμοῦ
πεπεισμένοι
τὴν
ἐμὴν
ὁρμὴν
παρακροτεῖσθαι
θεῷ
συμμάχῳ,
καὶ
προγινώσκετε
σαφῶς,
ὅτι
τῆς
ἔξω
μάχης
πλέον
τι
κατορθώσομεν.»
|
484
Do not fail me; be convinced that my charge is cheered on by God as our ally, and know clearly that we shall achieve more than just a battle outside the walls.”
|
| 484
Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance.”
| 484
Do not let me down, therefore, and be sure that God will be my ally, helping in the attack, and before we start, realize that after this battle in the open we shall have even better success in the future."
|
| 485
Ταῦτα
τοῦ
ΤίτουTitus
διεξιόντος
προθυμία
δαιμόνιος
ἐμπίπτει
τοῖς
ἀνδράσιν,
καὶ
προσγενομένου
πρὶν
συμβαλεῖν
ΤραιανοῦTrajan
μετὰ
τετρακοσίων
ἱππέων
ἤσχαλλον
ὡς
μειουμένης
τῆς
νίκης
αὐτοῖς
διὰ
τὴν
κοινωνίαν.
|
485
As Titus spoke these words, a divine enthusiasm fell upon the men. When Trajan arrived before the battle with four hundred more horsemen, they were actually vexed, thinking their victory would be diminished by sharing it.
|
| 485
As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many.
| 485
As Titus gave this speech, a spirit of frenzy came over the men, and when Trajan arrived with four hundred cavalry before the battle began, they were irritated that the glory of their victory would be diminished by being shared by so many.
|
| 486
Ἔπεμψεν
δὲ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
καὶ
ἈντώνιονAntōny
ΣίλωναSilo
σὺν
δισχιλίοις
τοξόταις
κελεύσας
καταλαβόντας
τὸ
ἀντικρὺ
τῆς
πόλεως
ὄρος
τοὺς
ἐπὶ
τοῦ
τείχους
ἀνείργειν.
|
486
Vespasian also sent Antonius Silo with two thousand archers, ordering them to occupy the mountain opposite the city and keep those on the walls at bay.
|
| 486
Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall;
| 486
Vespasian had also sent Antonius and Silo with two thousand archers, with the task of occupying the mountain opposite the city and driving back the people who were standing on the ramparts.
|
| 487
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
ὡς
προσετέτακτο
τοὺς
ταύτῃ
πειρωμένους
ἐκβοηθεῖν
περιέσχον,
ὁ
δὲ
ΤίτοςTitus
πρῶτος
τὸν
ἵππον
ἤλαυνενto set in motion
εἰς
τοὺς
πολεμίους
καὶ
σὺν
κραυγῇ
μετ᾽
αὐτὸν
οἱ
λοιποὶ
παρεκτείναντες
ἑαυτοὺς
εἰς
ὅσον
ἐπεῖχον
οἱ
πολέμιοι
τὸ
πεδίον·
παρὸ
καὶ
πολὺ
πλείους
ἔδοξαν.
|
487
They did as ordered and prevented any aid from coming from that direction. Then Titus, being the first, spurred his horse against the enemy, and with a shout the rest followed him, spreading themselves out across the plain as far as the enemy extended; thus they appeared much more numerous.
|
| 487
which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were.
| 487
They did as ordered and stopped them from giving any help from that angle, and now Titus on horseback made his assault on the enemy, and with a loud shout the others followed him and ranged over the plain as widely as the enemy, appearing much more numerous than they really were.
|
| 488
Οἱ
δὲ
ἸουδαῖοιJews
καίτοι
τήν
τε
ὁρμὴν
καὶ
τὴν
εὐταξίαν
αὐτῶν
καταπλαγέντες
πρὸς
ὀλίγον
μὲν
ἀντέσχον
ταῖς
ἐμβολαῖς,
νυσσόμενοι
δὲ
τοῖς
κοντοῖς
καὶ
τῷ
ῥοίζῳ
τῶν
ἱππέων
ἀνατρεπόμενοι
συνεπατοῦντο.
|
488
The Jews, though stunned by the charge and the discipline of the Romans, held out for a short time against the onset, but being pierced by long spears and overturned by the rush of the horsemen, they were trampled underfoot.
|
| 488
Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet;
| 488
The Jews, although dismayed by their onrush, made in such good order, resisted their attacks for a while, but when they were stabbed by their lances and overwhelmed by the noisy charge of the horses, they fell and were trampled.
|
| 489
Πολλῶν
δὲ
πανταχοῦ
φονευομένων
διασκίδνανται
καὶ
πρὸς
τὴν
πόλιν
ὡς
ἕκαστος
εἶχεν
τάχους
ἔφευγον.
|
489
With many being slaughtered everywhere, they were scattered and fled toward the city as fast as each man could.
|
| 489
many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able.
| 489
As many of them were killed in all directions, they scattered and ran to the city, as fast as each one could.
|
| 490
ΤίτοςTitus
δὲ
τοὺς
μὲν
κατόπιν
προσκείμενος
ἀνῄρει,
τῶν
δὲ
διεκπαίων
ἀθρόων,
οὓς
δὲ
φθάνων
κατὰ
στόμα
διήλαυνεν,
πολλοὺς
δὲ
συνηλοία
περὶ
ἀλλήλοις
πεσόντας
ἐμπηδῶν,
|
490
Titus pressed upon them from behind, slaying them; he broke through those in groups, rode down those he met head-on, and leaped over many who had fallen and were being crushed by one another.
|
| 490
So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down,
| 490
Titus pressed after the hindmost killing as he went, attacking some as they clung together and driving right through any who faced up to him, or falling upon them as they blocked each other's path.
|
| 491
πᾶσιν
δὲ
τὰς
πρὸς
τὸ
τεῖχος
φυγὰς
ὑπετέμνετο
καὶ
πρὸς
τὸ
πεδίον
ἀπέστρεφεν,
ἕως
τῷ
πλήθει
βιασάμενοι
καὶ
διεκπεσόντες
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
συνέφευγον.
|
491
He cut off their paths of flight to the wall and turned them back toward the plain, until finally, by sheer numbers, they forced their way through and fled into the city.
|
| 491
and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city.
| 491
He cut off any way of retreat to the wall and turned them back into the plain, until by sheer numbers they finally forced their way through and escaped back into the city.
|
| 492
ἐκδέχεται
δὲ
αὐτοὺς
πάλιν
στάσις
ἔσω
χαλεπή·
τοῖς
μὲν
γὰρ
ἐπιχωρίοις
διά
τε
τὰς
κτήσεις
καὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
οὐκ
ἐδόκει
πολεμεῖν
ἀπ᾽
ἀρχῆς
καὶ
τότε
διὰ
τὴν
ἧτταν
πλέον·
|
492
But once inside, a terrible sedition broke out again. For the local inhabitants, concerned for their property and the city, had not wanted to fight from the beginning, and were now even less inclined after the defeat.
|
| 492
But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten;
| 492
They were met by a serious revolt within the city, for the inhabitants were not disposed to fight from the start, on account of their property and their city, and now even less so, after the defeat,
|
| 493
ὁ
δ᾽
ἔπηλυς
πολὺς
ὢν
πλεῖον
ἐβιάζετο,
καὶ
διωργισμένων
ἐπ᾽
ἀλλήλοις
κραυγή
τε
ἦν
καὶ
θόρυβος
ὡς
ὅσον
οὔπω
φερομένων
εἰς
ὅπλα.
|
493
But the foreign crowd (the refugees), being numerous, used force; a shout and uproar arose from those enraged at each other, as they were on the verge of taking up arms.
|
| 493
but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another.
| 493
while the outsiders, who were the majority, forced them to stick to it, so that there was an uproar of angry shouting among them, and they nearly turned their weapons on each other.
|
| 494
κατακούσας
δὲ
τῆς
ταραχῆς
ΤίτοςTitus,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἦν
ἄπωθεν
τοῦ
τείχους,
"
οὗτος
ἦν
ὁ
καιρός,
ἐκβοᾷ,
καὶ
τί,
συστρατιῶται,
μέλλομεν
ἐκδιδόντος
ἡμῖν
ἸουδαίουςJews
θεοῦ;
δέξασθε
τὴν
νίκην.
|
494
Titus, hearing the disturbance, for he was not far from the wall, cried out: “Now is the moment! Why, fellow soldiers, do we delay when God is delivering the Jews to us? Take the victory!
|
| 494
And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, “Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make?
| 494
When Titus heard this uproar, for he was not far from the wall, he called out, "Now is the time, my lads! Why delay, when God is giving the Jews over to us? Seize the victory!
|
| 495
Οὐκ
ἀκούετε
βοῆς;
στασιάζουσιν
οἱ
τὰς
χεῖρας
ἡμῶν
διεκφυγόντες.
Ἔχομεν
τὴν
πόλιν,
ἐὰν
ταχύνωμεν·
δεῖ
δὲ
πόνου
πρὸς
τῷ
τάχει
καὶ
λήματος·
οὐδὲν
γὰρ
τῶν
μεγάλων
φιλεῖ
δίχα
κινδύνου
κατορθοῦσθαι.
|
495
Do you not hear the noise? Those who escaped our hands are in revolt. We have the city if we move quickly! But we need toil as well as speed and daring; for nothing great is usually achieved without danger.
|
| 495
Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger:
| 495
Do you not hear them shouting? Those who have escaped our hands are fighting each other.
We have the city if we're quick, but along with haste we must face them with effort and courage, for nothing great is achieved without danger.
|
| 496
Φθάνειν
δ᾽
οὐ
μόνον
χρὴ
τὴν
τῶν
πολεμίων
ὁμόνοιαν,
οὓς
ἀνάγκη
διαλλάξει
ταχέως,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
τὴν
τῶν
ἡμετέρων
βοήθειαν,
ἵνα
πρὸς
τῷ
νικῆσαι
τοσοῦτον
πλῆθος
ὀλίγοι
καὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἕλωμεν
μόνοι."
|
496
We must strike before the enemy reaches harmony—for necessity will soon reconcile them—and before our own reinforcements arrive, so that we, few as we are, may alone take the city as well as defeating so great a multitude.”
|
| 496
accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city.”
| 496
We must not only stop them from reuniting, which of necessity they will soon have to do, but also do so before our own men come to our help, so that despite our small numbers we can beat this whole crowd by ourselves and capture their city!"
|
| 497
Ταῦθ᾽
ἅμα
λέγων
ἐπὶ
τὸν
ἵππον
ἀνεπήδα
καὶ
καθηγεῖται
πρὸς
τὴν
λίμνην,
δι᾽
ἧς
ἐλάσας
πρῶτος
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν
εἰσέρχεται
καὶ
μετ᾽
αὐτὸν
οἱ
λοιποί.
|
497
As he said this, he leaped upon his horse and led the way toward the lake; riding through the water, he was the first to enter the city, and the others followed him.
|
| 497
As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him.
| 497
With these words he jumped on his horse and rode down to the lake and riding through the water was the first to enter the city, with the others following him.
|
| 498
Δέος
δὲ
πρὸς
τὴν
τόλμαν
αὐτοῦ
τοῖς
ἐπὶ
τῶν
τειχῶν
ἐνέπεσεν,
καὶ
μάχεσθαι
μὲν
ἢ
διακωλύειν
οὐδεὶς
ὑπέμεινεν,
λιπόντες
δὲ
τὴν
φρουρὰν
οἱ
μὲν
περὶ
τὸν
ἸησοῦνJoshua, Joshua
διὰ
τῆς
χώρας
ἔφευγον,
|
498
Terror at his daring fell upon those on the walls; no one stayed to fight or prevent him. Leaving their posts, Jesus and his party fled through the country.
|
| 498
Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst anyone venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country,
| 498
Those who were on the ramparts were terrified at the audacity of this, and no one stayed to fight him, or to block him.
They stopped guarding the city and some of Joshua's men fled to the fields
|
| 499
οἱ
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
τὴν
λίμνην
καταθέοντες
ὑπαντιάζουσιν
τοῖς
πολεμίοις
περιέπιπτον·
ἐκτείνοντο
δ᾽
οἱ
μὲν
ἐπιβαίνοντες
τῶν
σκαφῶν,
οἱ
δὲ
τοῖς
ἀναχθεῖσιν
προσπίπτειν
πειρώμενοι.
πολὺς
δὲ
τῶν
κατὰ
τὴν
πόλιν
ἦν
φόνος,
|
499
Others ran down toward the lake and fell into the hands of the enemy; some were slain as they were boarding their boats, others as they tried to swim to those already out at sea. There was a great slaughter throughout the city.
|
| 499
while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone abroad.
| 499
while others ran down to the lake and met the enemy head on, and some were killed as they were getting into the ships, and others as they tried to overtake the people who were already aboard; and there was great slaughter in the city.
|
| 500
τῶν
μὲν
ἐπηλύδων
ὅσοι
μὴ
διαφυγεῖν
ἔφθασαν
ἀντιτασσομένων,
ἀμαχητὶ
δὲ
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων·
κατὰ
γὰρ
ἐλπίδα
δεξιᾶς
καὶ
τὸ
συνειδὸς
τοῦ
μὴ
βεβουλεῦσθαι
πολεμεῖν
μάχης
ἀπετρέποντο,
|
500
Of the foreigners, as many as could not escape stood their ground and fought, but the local inhabitants offered no resistance; for in the hope of mercy, and conscious that they had not planned the war, they turned away from the battle,
|
| 500
There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus’s giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting,
| 500
Those outsiders who had not fled put up some opposition, but the local inhabitants died without fighting, since Titus had pledged them security and knowing that they had not consented to the war, they stood back
|
| 501
μέχρι
ΤίτοςTitus
τοὺς
μὲν
αἰτίους
ἀνελών,
οἰκτείρας
δὲ
τοὺς
ἐπιχωρίους
ἀνεπαύσατο
φόνου.
|
501
until Titus, having slain the instigators and pitying the locals, ceased the slaughter.
|
| 501
till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place.
| 501
until Titus had killed the authors of the revolt and then put a stop to the slaughter, out of pity of the local people.
|
| 502
Καὶ
οἱ
μὲν
εἰς
τὴν
λίμνην
καταφυγόντες
ἐπεὶ
τὴν
πόλιν
εἶδον
ἑαλωκυῖαν,
ὡς
πορρωτάτω
τῶν
πολεμίων
ἀνήχθησαν·
|
502
Those who had fled to the lake, when they saw the city was captured, put out to sea as far as possible from the enemy.
|
| 502
But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy.
| 502
Then those who had fled to the lake, seeing the city taken, sailed as far from the enemy as they possibly could.
|
| 503
ΤίτοςTitus
δ᾽
ἐκπέμψας
τινὰ
τῶν
ἱππέων
εὐαγγελίζεται
τῷ
πατρὶ
τὸ
ἔργον.
|
503
Titus sent one of the horsemen to bring the news of the achievement to his father.
|
| 503
Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done;
| 503
Titus sent one of his cavalry to his father with the good news of what he had done.
|
| 504
Ὁ
δ᾽,
ὡς
εἰκός,
ὑπερησθεὶς
τῇ
τε
τοῦ
παιδὸς
ἀρετῇ
καὶ
τῷ
κατορθώματι,
μεγίστη
γὰρ
ἐδόκει
καθῃρῆσθαι
μοῖρα
τοῦ
πολέμου,
τότε
μὲν
ἐλθὼν
περισχόντας
τὴν
πόλιν
φρουρεῖν
ἐκέλευσεν,
ὡς
μὴ
διαλάθοι
τις
ἐξ
αὐτῆς,
καὶ
κτείνειν
προσέταξεν
|
504
He (Vespasian), as was natural, was exceedingly pleased with his son’s valor and the success, for it seemed that the most significant part of the war had been demolished; then, coming himself, he ordered the city to be surrounded and guarded, so that no one might escape secretly, and commanded [the soldiers] to kill [any who tried].
|
| 504
at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do.
| 504
Naturally, he was very pleased with the courage and exploits of his son, and thought that now most of the war was over.
He then came in person and put men to guard the city with orders to let no one slip out of it, and to kill any who tried.
|
| 505
τῇ
δ᾽
ὑστεραίᾳ
πρὸς
τὴν
λίμνην
καταβὰς
σχεδίας
ἐκέλευσεν
πήσσειν
ἐπὶ
τοὺς
καταπεφευγότας·
αἱ
δ᾽
ἐγίνοντο
ταχέως
ἀφθονίᾳ
τε
ὕλης
καὶ
πλήθει
τεχνιτῶν.
|
505
On the following day, going down to the lake, he ordered rafts (schediai) to be built to pursue those who had fled; these were constructed quickly due to the abundance of wood and the many craftsmen.
|
| 505
And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also.
| 505
The next day he went down to the lake and gave orders for rafts to be fitted up, to pursue those who had escaped in the ships.
These vessels were quickly readied, as there were lots of material and many artisans.
|
| 506
ἡ
δὲ
λίμνη
ΓεννησὰρGennesar
μὲν
ἀπὸ
τῆς
προσεχοῦς
χώρας
καλεῖται,
σταδίων
δ᾽
εὖρος
οὖσα
τεσσαράκοντα
καὶ
πρὸς
τούτοις
ἑτέρων
ἑκατὸν
τὸ
μῆκος
γλυκεῖά
τε
ὅμως
ἐστὶ
καὶ
ποτιμωτάτη·
|
506
The Lake of Gennesar (Sea of Galilee) is named after the adjacent region; it is forty stades[1] wide and one hundred and forty stades long, and its water is sweet and very pleasant to drink.
|
| 506
Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking,
| 506
The lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining it.
It is forty furlongs wide and a hundred and forty long, and its water is fresh and very agreeable to drink.
|
[1]40 stadia = 7.4 km (4.6 miles)
507
καὶ
γὰρ
τῆς
ἑλώδους
παχύτητος
ἔχει
τὸ
νᾶμα
λεπτότερον
καθαρά
τ᾽
ἐστὶν
πάντοθεν
αἰγιαλοῖς
ἐπιλήγουσα
καὶ
ψάμμῳ,
πρὸς
δὲ
εὔκρατος
ἀρύσασθαι,
ποταμοῦ
μὲν
ἢ
κρήνης
προσηνεστέρα,
δὲ
ἢ
κατὰ
λίμνης
διάχυσιν
ἀεὶ
μένουσα.
|
507
Its stream is thinner than that of stagnant marshes and it is clear on all sides, ending in beaches and sand; it is of a temperate temperature for drawing, more agreeable than a river or spring, and remains cooler than one would expect for a lake of such extent.
|
| 507
for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is.
| 507
It is finer than the thick waters of marshes, for the lake is pure and on every side ends on pebbly or sandy shores.
When drawn it is of a pleasant temperature and softer than river or fountain water and yet always cooler than one would expect in such a large lake as this.
|
| 508
Τὸ
μὲν
γὰρ
ὕδωρ
οὐκ
ἀπᾴδει
χιόνος
ἐξαιθριασθέν,
ὅπερ
θέρους
νυκτὸς
ποιεῖν
ἔθος
τοῖς
ἐπιχωρίοις,
γένη
δὲ
ἰχθύων
ἐν
αὐτῇ
διάφορα
πρὸς
τοὺς
ἀλλαχοῦ
γεῦσίν
τε
καὶ
ἰδέαν.
|
508
Indeed, the water is not different from snow when exposed to the air—which the locals are accustomed to doing on summer nights—and it contains various species of fish, distinct in taste and appearance from those elsewhere.
|
| 508
Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from those elsewhere.
| 508
This water becomes as cool as snow when it is exposed in the open air, as the local people do this by night in summer; and it contains several kinds of fish, different in taste and appearance from those elsewhere.
|
| 509
Μέση
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
τοῦ
ἸορδάνουJordan
τέμνεται·
Καὶ
δοκεῖ
μὲν
ἸορδάνουJordan
πηγὴ
τὸ
ΠάνειονPanium,
φέρεται
δ᾽
ὑπὸ
γῆν
εἰς
τοῦτο
κρυπτῶς
ἐκ
τῆς
καλουμένης
ΦιάληςPhiala·
|
509
It is cut through the middle by the Jordan River. It is thought that the source of the Jordan is the Paneion (Banyas), but it is actually carried there underground secretly from the place called Phiale.
|
| 509
It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala:
| 509
The river flowing through it is the Jordan, whose source is thought to be Panium but in reality it is is borne there underground from the place called Phiala.
|
| 510
ἡ
δ᾽
ἐστὶν
ἀνιόντων
εἰς
τὴν
ΤραχωνῖτινTrachonitis
ἀπὸ
σταδίων
ἑκατὸν
εἴκοσι
ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea
τῆς
ὁδοῦ
κατὰ
τὸ
δεξιὸν
μέρος
οὐκ
ἄπωθεν.
|
510
This place (Phiale) is on the right side of the road as one ascends to Trachonitis, one hundred and twenty stades[1] from Caesarea (Philippi), and not far from it.
|
| 510
this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Caesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand;
| 510
This is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Caesarea, on the way up toward Trachonitis, and is not far to the right of the road.
|
[1]120 stadia = 22 km (14 miles)
| 511
Ἐκ
μὲν
οὖν
τῆς
περιφερόμενον
ἐτύμως
φιάλη
καλεῖται
τροχοειδὴς
οὖσα
λίμνη,
μένει
δ᾽
ἐπὶ
χείλους
αὐτῆς
ἀεὶ
τὸ
ὕδωρ
μήθ᾽
ὑπονοστοῦν
μήθ᾽
ὑπερχεόμενον.
|
511
It is aptly called Phiale (The Bowl) from its circular shape, being a wheel-shaped lake; the water always remains at its rim, neither receding nor overflowing.
|
| 511
and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without either sinking or running over.
| 511
Its name, Phiala, comes from its circular shape and its water is always up to its edges, neither sinking nor overflowing.
|
| 512
Ἀγνοούμενος
δὲ
τέως
ὁ
ἸορδάνηςJordan
ἐντεῦθεν
ἄρχεσθαι
διὰ
τοῦ
τετραρχήσαντος
ΤραχωνιτῶνTrachonites
ἠλέγχθη
ΦιλίππουPhilip·
|
512
That the Jordan began here was previously unknown until it was proven by Philip, the tetrarch of Trachonitis.
|
| 512
And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis;
| 512
This formerly unknown source of the Jordan was found when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis,
|
| 513
βαλὼν
γὰρ
οὗτος
εἰς
τὴν
φιάλην
ἄχυρα
κατὰ
τὸ
ΠάνειονPanium,
ἔνθεν
ἐδόκουν
οἱ
παλαιοὶ
γεννᾶσθαι
τὸν
ποταμόν,
εὗρεν
ἀνενεχθέντα.
|
513
For he threw chaff into Phiale and found it carried out at the Paneion, from where the ancients thought the river was born.
|
| 513
for he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Panium, where the ancients thought the fountainhead of the river was, whither it had been therefore carried [by the waters].
| 513
for he had chaff thrown into Phiala which later showed up at Panium, which had formerly been regarded as the actual source of the river.
|
| 514
Τοῦ
μὲν
οὖν
ΠανείουPanium, Paneion
τὸ
φυσικὸν
κάλλος
ὑπὸ
τῆς
βασιλικῆς
προσεξήσκηται
πολυτελείας
τῷ
ἈγρίππαAgrippa
πλούτῳ
κεκοσμημένον·
|
514
The natural beauty of the Paneion has been further embellished by royal luxury, adorned with the wealth of Agrippa.
|
| 514
As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses.
| 514
The natural beauty of Panium itself was enhanced by the royal munificence of Agrippa and adorned at his expense.
|
| 515
ἀρχόμενος
δὲ
φανεροῦ
ῥεύματος
ὁ
ἸορδάνηςJordan
ἀπὸ
τοῦδε
τοῦ
ἄντρου
κόπτει
μὲν
τὰ
τῆς
ΣεμεχωνίτιδοςSemechonitis
λίμνης
ἕλη
καὶ
τέλματα,
διαμείψας
δ᾽
ἑτέρους
ἑκατὸν
εἴκοσι
σταδίους
μετὰ
πόλιν
ἸουλιάδαJulias
διεκπαίει
τὴν
ΓεννησὰρGennesar
μέσην,
ἔπειτα
πολλὴν
ἀναμετρούμενος
ἐρημίαν
εἰς
τὴν
ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis
ἔξεισι
λίμνην.
|
515
The Jordan, starting its visible stream from this cave, cuts through the marshes and ponds of Lake Semechonitis (Lake Hula); after flowing another one hundred and twenty stades,[1] it passes the city of Julias and cuts through the middle of Gennesar, then, after measuring out much wilderness, it exits into Lake Asphaltitis (The Dead Sea).
|
| 515
Now Jordan’s visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Asphaltitis.
| 515
The visible stream of the Jordan arises from this cave and divides the marshes and fens of lake Semechonitis.
After flowing another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes the city of Julias and then through the middle of lake Gennesareth.
Then it runs a long way through the wilderness and exits into lake Asphaltitis.
|
[1]120 stadia = 22 km (14 miles)
| 516
Παρατείνει
δὲ
τὴν
ΓεννησὰρGennesar
ὁμώνυμοςhaving the same name
χώρα
θαυμαστὴ
φύσιν
τε
καὶ
κάλλος·
οὔτε
γὰρ
αὐτή
τι
φυτὸν
ἀρνεῖται
διὰ
τὴν
πιότητα,
καὶ
πᾶν
πεφυτεύκασιν
οἱ
νεμόμενοι,
τοῦ
δ᾽
ἀέρος
τὸ
εὔκρατον
ἁρμόζειto join
καὶ
τοῖς
διαφόροις.
|
516
Stretching alongside Lake Gennesar is a land of the same name, wonderful in nature and beauty. Because of its richness, it refuses no plant, and its inhabitants have planted everything; the temperate air suits diverse species.
|
| 516
The country also that lies over against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts,
| 516
The area of the same name, "Gennesareth" on the other side of this lake is remarkable and beautiful.
It is so fruitful that no kind of plant fails to grow there and the inhabitants cultivate all sorts of trees, for the quality of the air is so varied that it agrees with the differing varieties.
|
| 517
Καρύαι
μέν
γε
φυτῶν
τὸ
χειμεριώτατον
ἄπειροιinexperienced
τεθήλασιν
ἔνθα
φοίνικες,
οἳ
καύματι
τρέφονται,
συκαῖ
δὲ
καὶ
ἐλαῖαι
πλησίον
τούτων,
αἷς
μαλθακώτερος
ἀὴρ
ἀποδέδεικται.
|
517
Walnut trees, which require the most winter-like weather, flourish there alongside palms, which are nourished by heat; fig and olive trees grow near these, requiring a milder air.
|
| 517
particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate.
| 517
Walnuts, which require the coolest air, flourish there in plenty, but so do palm trees, which grow best in warm air, while figs and olives grow near them, which require a milder air.
|
| 518
Φιλοτιμίαν
ἄν
τις
εἴποι
τῆς
φύσεως
βιασαμένης
εἰς
ἓν
συναγαγεῖν
τὰ
μάχιμα
καὶ
τῶν
ὡρῶν
ἀγαθὴν
ἔριν
ἑκάστης
ὥσπερ
ἀντιποιουμένης
τοῦ
χωρίου·
καὶ
γὰρ
οὐ
μόνον
τρέφει
παρὰ
δόξαν
τὰς
διαφόρους
ὀπώρας
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
διαφυλάσσει.
|
518
One might call it an ambition of nature, having forced together hostile species into one place, a noble rivalry of the seasons, each claiming the land as its own. For it not only produces diverse fruits beyond expectation, but preserves them.
|
| 518
One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country;
| 518
One may call this place a triumph of nature, where it makes plants that are naturally incompatible to grow side by side.
The seasons are in happy competition, as though each laying claim to this district, for not only does it produce an astonishing variety of autumnal fruits, but also it does so over a long time.
|
| 519
Τὰ
μέν
γε
βασιλικώτατα
σταφυλήν
τε
καὶ
σῦκον
δέκα
μησὶν
ἀδιαλείπτως
χορηγεῖ,
τοὺς
δὲ
λοιποὺς
καρποὺς
δι᾽
ἔτους
ὅλου
περιγηράσκοντας
ἑαυτοῖς·
πρὸς
γὰρ
τῇ
τῶν
ἀέρων
εὐκρασίᾳ
καὶ
πηγῇ
διάρδεται
γονιμωτάτῃ,
ΚαφαρναοὺμCapernaum
αὐτὴν
οἱ
ἐπιχώριοι
καλοῦσιν.
|
519
It supplies the most royal fruits—grapes and figs—continually for ten months, and the other fruits through the whole year as they ripen one after another. For besides the temperate air, it is watered by a most fertile spring which the locals call Capernaum.
|
| 519
for it not only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men’s expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year; for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum.
| 519
For ten months of the year it provides a continual supply of the luxury fruits, including grapes and figs and all other fruits throughout the whole year, for besides the goodness of the air, it also has a copious source of water.
The people of the area call it Capharnaum.
|
| 520
Ταύτην
φλέβα
τινὲς
τοῦ
ΝείλουNile
ἔδοξαν,
ἐπεὶ
γεννᾷ
τῷ
κατὰ
τὴν
ἈλεξανδρέωνAlexandrians
λίμνην
κορακίνῳ
παραπλήσιον.
|
520
Some have thought this a vein of the Nile, since it produces a fish (the coracin) similar to the one in the lake of the Alexandrians.
|
| 520
Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria.
| 520
Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish like the lake near Alexandria.
|
[1]30 sadia = 5.6 km
| 522
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δέ,
ἐπεὶ
παρεσκευάσθησαν
αἱ
σχεδίαι,
τῆς
δυνάμεως
ἐπιβήσας
ὅσον
ᾤετο
τοῖς
κατὰ
τὴν
λίμνην
ἀνταρκέσειν
ἐπανήγετο.
Τοῖς
δὲ
συνελαυνομένοις
οὔτ᾽
ἐπὶ
γῆν
διαφεύγειν
ἦν
ἐκπεπολεμωμένων
πάντων
οὔτ᾽
ἐξ
ἴσου
διαναυμαχεῖν·
|
522
When the rafts were ready, Vespasian put on board as much of his force as he thought sufficient against those on the lake and put out. Those crowded together [on the boats] could neither flee to land—all being occupied by war—nor fight a naval battle on equal terms.
|
| 522
But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon shipboard as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies’ hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea,
| 522
When the vessels were ready, Vespasian put upon board as many as he considered necessary to defeat those on the lake and set sail after them.
Those who were forced onto the lake could not escape to the land, where all was in enemy hands.
Nor could they fight it out as equals on the lake,
|
| 523
τά
τε
γὰρ
σκάφη
μικρὰ
ὄντα
καὶ
λῃστρικὰ
πρὸς
τὰς
σχεδίας
ἦν
ἀσθενῆ,
καὶ
καθ᾽
ἕκαστον
ἐμπλέοντες
ὀλίγοι
πρὸς
ἀθρόους
ἐφεστῶτας
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἐγγίζειν
ἐδεδοίκεισαν.
|
523
Their boats, being small and built for piracy, were weak against the rafts, and since only a few were on each, they feared to approach the Romans who stood in massed ranks.
|
| 523
for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian’s vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers.
| 523
for their ships were small and fit only for piracy.
They were too weak for combat and the sailors in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans coming at them in large numbers.
|
| 524
Ὅμως
δ᾽
οὖν
ἐκπεριπλέοντες
τὰς
σχεδίας,
ἔστιν
δ᾽
ὅπου
καὶ
πλησιάζοντες,
πόρρωθεν
τοὺς
ῬωμαίουςRomans
ἔβαλλον
λίθοις
καὶ
παραξύοντες
ἐγγύθεν
ἔπαιον.
|
524
Nevertheless, they sailed around the rafts and sometimes approached, throwing stones at the Romans from a distance and striking them from close by.
|
| 524
However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them;
| 524
However, they outsailed the rafts and sometimes drew near them to throw stones at the Romans from a distance, or struck at them from close range,
|
| 525
Ἐκακοῦντο
δ᾽
αὐτοὶ
πλέον
κατ᾽
ἀμφότερα·
ταῖς
τε
γὰρ
χερμάσιν
οὐδὲν
δρῶντες
ὅτι
μὴ
κτύπον
ἐπάλληλον,
εἰς
γὰρ
πεφραγμένους
ἔβαλλον,
ἐφικτοὶ
τοῖς
ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin
ἐγίνοντο
βέλεσιν,
καὶ
πλησιάζειν
τολμῶντες
πρὶν
δρᾶσαί
τι
παθεῖν
ἔφθανον
καὶ
σὺν
αὐτοῖς
ἐβαπτίζοντο
τοῖς
σκάφεσιν.
|
525
But they suffered more in both ways; for their stones did nothing but make a noise, hitting men protected by armor, while they themselves were within range of Roman missiles. When they dared to approach, they were struck down before they could do anything and were submerged along with their boats.
|
| 525
yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together.
| 525
but in both cases they suffered more harm themselves.
The stones they threw at the Romans made only a rattling sound, striking men on their armour, while the Roman spears could reach the Jews themselves, and when they ventured near the Romans, they died before they could do them any harm, and were sunk with their ships.
|
| 526
Τῶν
δὲ
διεκπαίειν
πειρωμένων
πολλοὺς
μὲν
ἐφικνούμενοι
κοντοῖς
διέπειρον,
οὓς
δὲ
ξιφήρεις
ἐπιπηδῶντες
εἰς
τὰ
σκάφη,
τινὰς
δὲ
συντρεχούσαις
ταῖς
σχεδίαις
ἐναποληφθέντας
μέσους
εἷλον
ἅμα
ταῖς
ἁλιάσιν.
|
526
Those who tried to break through were pierced by long pikes, others were slain by soldiers leaping into the boats with swords, and some were caught in the middle as the rafts collided and were taken along with their vessels.
|
| 526
As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them.
| 526
Many of those who tried to come to close quarters were run through, as the Romans jumped into their ships, sword in hand, and killed them, or if they were caught between the rafts both the ships and the men were captured.
|
| 527
Τῶν
δὲ
βαπτισθέντων
τοὺς
ἀνανεύοντας
ἢ
βέλος
ἔφθανεν
ἢ
σχεδία
κατελάμβανεν,
καὶ
προσβαίνειν
ὑπ᾽
ἀμηχανίας
εἰς
τοὺς
ἐχθροὺς
πειρωμένων
ἢ
κεφαλὰς
ἢ
χεῖρας
ἀπέκοπτον
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans.
|
527
Of those submerged, if they surfaced, they were either struck by a missile or overtaken by a raft; if in their desperation they tried to climb onto the enemy rafts, the Romans cut off their heads or hands.
|
| 527
And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands;
| 527
Any who had fallen into the lake, if they lifted their heads, were either killed by spears, or caught by the rafts, and if, in desperation, they tried to swim toward the enemy, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands.
|
| 528
Πολλή
τε
ἦν
αὐτῶν
καὶ
ποικίλη
φθορὰ
πανταχοῦ,
μέχρι
τραπέντες
εἰς
γῆν
ἐξεώσθησαν
οἱ
λοιποὶ
κεκυκλωμένων
αὐτοῖς
τῶν
ἁλιάδων.
|
528
Their destruction was great and varied everywhere, until the remainder were driven toward the shore, their vessels being surrounded.
|
| 528
and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]:
| 528
Many and various were the ways they died, until the others who fled were forced back to the land, with their boats surrounded.
|
| 529
Ἐκχεόμενοι
δὲ
πολλοὶ
μὲν
ἐν
αὐτῇ
κατηκοντίζοντο
τῇ
λίμνῃ,
πολλοὺς
δ᾽
ἐκπηδήσαντας
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
διέφθειραν
ἐπὶ
γῆς.
Ἦν
δ᾽
ἰδεῖν
κεκερασμένην
μὲν
αἵματι,
πεπληρωμένην
δὲ
νεκρῶν
τὴν
λίμνην
ἅπασαν·
διεσώθη
γὰρ
οὐδείς.
|
529
Many were struck down by javelins in the lake itself, and many who leaped out were slain by the Romans on land. One could see the whole lake stained with blood and full of corpses, for not a single man was saved.
|
| 529
but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped.
| 529
Many of them were pushed back as they came ashore, or killed with spears within the lake, and the Romans jumped from their boats to kill many more on the shore, until the whole lake was bloody and full of corpses and none of them escaped.
|
| 530
Δεινὴ
δὲ
ταῖς
ἑξῆς
ἡμέραις
περιεῖχε
τὴν
χώραν
ὀδμή
τε
καὶ
ὄψις·
οἱ
μὲν
γὰρ
αἰγιαλοὶ
ναυαγίων
ἅμα
καὶ
διοιδούντων
ἔγεμον
σωμάτων,
ἐκκαιόμενοι
δὲ
καὶ
μυδῶντες
οἱ
νεκροὶ
τὸν
ἀέρα
διέφθειρον,
ὡς
μὴ
μόνον
οἰκτρὸν
ἸουδαίοιςJews
γενέσθαι
τὸ
πάθος,
ἀλλὰ
καὶ
διὰ
μίσους
τοῖς
δράσασιν
ἐλθεῖν.
|
530
In the following days, a terrible odor and sight hung over the country; the shores were full of wreckage and bloated bodies, and as the corpses rotted and decayed in the sun, they corrupted the air, so that the calamity was not only piteous to the Jews but also hateful even to those who had caused it.
|
| 530
And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery.
| 530
Afterward the district reeked for days with a terrible stench and the shores were littered with shipwrecks and swollen corpses, and as they heated in the sun and putrefied, they fouled the air in a way disgusting not only to the Jews, but also to those who hated them and had caused it all.
|
| 531
Τοῦτο
μὲν
ἐκείνης
τῆς
ναυμαχίας
τὸ
τέλος,
ἀπέθανον
δὲ
σὺν
τοῖς
ἐπὶ
τῆς
πόλεως
πρότερον
πεσοῦσιν
ἑξακισχίλιοι
ἑπτακόσιοι.
|
531
This was the end of that naval battle; the number of dead, including those who fell earlier in the city, was six thousand seven hundred.
|
| 531
This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred.
| 531
This was the upshot of the sea-battle, whose victims, including those earlier killed in the city, were six thousand, seven hundred.
|
| 532
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
δὲ
μετὰ
τὴν
μάχην
καθίζει
μὲν
ἐπὶ
βήματος
ἐν
ΤαριχέαιςTaricheans,
διακρίνων
δ᾽
ἀπὸ
τῶν
ἐπιχωρίων
τὸν
ἔπηλυν
λεώ,
κατάρξαι
γὰρ
οὗτος
ἐδόκει
πολέμου,
μετὰ
τῶν
ἡγεμόνων
εἰ
χρὴ
καὶ
τούτους
σώζειν
ἐσκέπτετο.
|
532
After the battle, Vespasian sat on a tribunal in Taricheae. Distinguishing the local people from the foreign crowd—for the latter seemed to have started the war—he consulted with his commanders whether these too should be spared.
|
| 532
After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not.
| 532
After the battle, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Tarichea, to separate the foreigners from the natives, for the foreigners seemed to have begun the war. He deliberated with the other officers, whether or not to spare the natives.
|
| 533
Φαμένων
δὲ
τούτων
βλαβερὰν
ἔσεσθαι
τὴν
ἄφεσιν
αὐτῶν,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἠρεμήσειν
ἀπολυθένταςto loose from, undo
ἀνθρώπους
ἐστερημένους
μὲν
τῶν
πατρίδων,
βιάζεσθαι
δὲ
καὶ
πρὸς
οὓς
ἂν
καταφύγωσιν
πολεμεῖν
δυναμένους,
|
533
They argued that releasing them would be harmful, for they would not remain quiet once set free—being men deprived of their homes—and they would force those to whom they fled to make war.
|
| 533
And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would be able to compel such as they fled toto fight against us,
| 533
When they held that letting them go would be to his disadvantage, for if set free they would not be at peace, as they would be homeless and could get those to whom they fled to join the enemy,
|
| 534
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ὡς
μὲν
οὔτ᾽
ἄξιοι
σωτηρίας
εἶεν
καὶ
διαφεύξονται
κατὰ
τῶν
ἀφέντων
ἐγίνωσκεν,
τὸν
δὲ
τρόπον
αὐτῶν
τῆς
ἀναιρέσεως
διενοεῖτο.
|
534
Vespasian recognized they did not deserve safety and would use their escape against those who freed them, but he deliberated on the manner of their execution.
|
| 534
Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain;
| 534
Vespasian admitted that they should not be spared since they would use their freedom against those who gave it to them, but he pondered on how to do away with them.
|
| 535
Καὶ
γὰρ
αὐτόθι
κτείνων
ἐκπολεμώσειν
ὑφωρᾶτο
τοὺς
ἐπιχωρίους,
οὐ
γὰρ
ἀνέξεσθαι
φονευομένων
ἱκετῶν
τοσούτων
παρ᾽
αὐτοῖς,
καὶ
μετὰ
πίστεις
ἐπιθέσθαι
προελθοῦσιν
οὐχ
ὑπέμενεν.
|
535
For he feared that killing them there would turn the locals into enemies, as they would not tolerate so many suppliants being slaughtered among them; yet he could not bear to attack them on the road after giving them a pledge of safety.
|
| 535
for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it.
| 535
He suspected that if he had them killed on the spot, the people of the area would thereby become his enemies, embittered that so many who had appealed to him should be violently killed, after he had assured them of their lives.
|
| 536
Ἐξενίκων
δ᾽
οἱ
φίλοι
μηδὲν
κατὰ
ἸουδαίωνJews
ἀσεβὲς
εἶναι
λέγοντες
καὶ
χρῆναι
τὸ
συμφέρον
αἱρεῖσθαι
πρὸ
τοῦ
πρέποντος,
ὅταν
ᾖ
μὴ
δυνατὸν
ἄμφω.
|
536
His friends prevailed, however, saying that nothing done against Jews was an impiety, and that utility should be chosen over decorum when both were not possible.
|
| 536
However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent.
| 536
His friends won him over with the claim that nothing he did against Jews could be wrong, and that anyway he should do what was useful rather than what was right, if both could not be combined.
|
| 537
Κατανεύσας
οὖν
αὐτοῖς
χρόνου
ἀμφίβολον
ἐπέτρεψεν
ἐξιέναι
διὰ
μόνης
τῆς
ἐπὶ
ΤιβεριάδαTiberias
φερούσης
ὁδοῦ.
|
537
Granting them an ambiguous “safe passage,” he permitted them to leave only by the road leading to Tiberias.
|
| 537
So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only.
| 537
So he gave them an ambiguous permission to do as they advised and to let the prisoners go by no other road than that leading to Tiberias.
|
’’
| 538
Τῶν
δὲ
ταχέως
πιστευσάντων
οἷς
ἤθελον
καὶ
μετὰ
φανερῶν
ἐν
ἀσφαλεῖ
τῶν
χρημάτων
ᾗπερ
ἐπετράπη
χωρούντων,
διαλαμβάνουσιν
μὲν
οἱ
ῬωμαῖοιRomans
τὴν
μέχρι
ΤιβεριάδοςTiberias
πᾶσαν,
ὡς
μή
τις
ἀποκλίνειεν,
συγκλείουσι
δ᾽
αὐτοὺς
εἰς
τὴν
πόλιν.
|
538
They, quickly believing what they wished, set out with their property in the open along the permitted route; but the Romans occupied the entire road to Tiberias so that no one could turn aside, and shut them all up in the city.
|
| 538
So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city.
| 538
These believed that their petition was granted and felt secure in going with their property, in the direction allowed to them, but the Romans blocked the road to Tiberias, so that no one could leave, and shut within the city.
|
| 539
Καὶ
ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian
ἐπελθὼν
ἵστησι
πάντας
ἐν
τῷ
σταδίῳ,
καὶ
γηραιοὺς
μὲν
ἅμα
τοῖς
ἀχρήστοις
διακοσίους
ἐπὶ
χιλίοις
ὄντας
ἀνελεῖν
ἐκέλευσεν,
|
539
Vespasian then arrived and stood them all in the stadium. He ordered the old and the useless—one thousand two hundred in number—to be killed.
|
| 539
Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred.
| 539
Then Vespasian arrived and put them all in the stadium and had the old men killed, with all who were of no use, a thousand, two hundred in number.
|
| 540
τῶν
δὲ
νέων
ἐπιλέξας
τοὺς
ἰσχυροτάτους
ἑξακισχιλίους
ἔπεμψεν
εἰς
τὸν
ἰσθμὸν
ΝέρωνιNero,
καὶ
τὸ
λοιπὸν
πλῆθος
εἰς
τρισμυρίους
καὶ
τετρακοσίους
ὄντας
πιπράσκει
χωρὶς
τῶν
ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa
χαρισθέντων·
|
540
From the young men, he chose six thousand of the strongest and sent them to the Isthmus (of Corinth) for Nero [to work on the canal], and the rest of the multitude—thirty thousand four hundred—he sold into slavery, besides those gifted to Agrippa.
|
| 540
Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa;
| 540
He chose six thousand of the strongest young men and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the rest as slaves, thirty thousand, four hundred of them, besides those he gave to Agrippa,
|
| 541
τοὺς
γὰρ
ἐκ
τῆς
τούτου
βασιλείας
ἐπέτρεψεν
αὐτῷ
ποιεῖν
εἴ
τι
βούλοιτο·
πιπράσκει
δὲ
καὶ
τούτους
ὁ
βασιλεύς.
|
541
For those who were from the king’s own realm, Vespasian permitted him to do as he pleased; but the king also sold these.
|
| 541
for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves;
| 541
for he let him do as he pleased with those who belonged to his kingdom, and the king sold them as slaves.
|
| 542
Ὁ
μέντοι
γε
ἄλλος
ὄχλος
ΤραχωνῖταιTrachontis
καὶ
ΓαυλανῖταιGaulanitis
καὶ
ἹππηνοὶHippos
καὶ
ἐκ
τῆς
ΓαδαρίτιδοςGadara
τὸ
πλέον
ὡς
στασιασταὶ
καὶ
φυγάδες
καὶ
οἷς
τὰ
τῆς
εἰρήνης
ὀνείδη
τὸν
πόλεμον
προυξένει
ἑάλωσαν
δὲ
ΓορπιαίουGorpieus
μηνὸς
ὀγδόῃ
|
542
The rest of the crowd—Trachonites, Gaulanites, Hippenes, and many from Gadaris—were rebels and fugitives whose peace-time infamy had driven them to war. They were captured on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus.
|
| 542
but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus [Elul].
| 542
The rest of the mob, who were from Trachonitis and Gaulanitis and Hippos and some from Gadara, most of them rebels and fugitives, villains who preferred war to peace were taken as slaves on the eighth day of the month Gorpiaeus.
|