FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 15

Herod, from the death of Antigonus to completion of the Temple

Chapter 1 Herod kills Antigonus' friends and sacks the city. Antigonus executed
Chapter 2 Hyrcanus returns to Herod. Alexandra vs new high priest Ananelus
Chapter 3 Aristobulus high priest, murdered; Herod's apology. Mariamne and Joseph
Chapter 4 Cleopatra comes to Judea, to be flattered and bribed by Herod
Chapter 5 Herod's war and conquest of Arabia; the great earthquake
Chapter 6 Herod kills Hyrcanus; is confirmed as king by Octavian Caesar
Chapter 7 Herod murders Mariamne, Alexandra, various friends, and the sons of Babbas
Chapter 8 Herod is hated, for his foreign customs. He builds Sebaste and Caesarea
Chapter 9 Famine in Judea and Syria. Herod marries again; builds Greek-style cities
Chapter 10 Herod retains Caesar's goodwill. Description of Pharisees and Essenes
Chapter 11 Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple; builds the Antonia tower

Chapter 1
[001-010]
Herod plunders Jerusalem.
Antony beheads Antigonus

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¹ ΣόσσιοςSosius μὲν οὖν καὶ ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς κατὰ κράτος ἔλαβον ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ πρὸς τούτοις αἰχμάλωτον ἈντίγονονAntignus , ἡ πρὸ ταύτης ἡμῖν ἐδήλωσεν βίβλος · τὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνῃ συνεχῆ νῦν ἐροῦμεν .
¹ How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides that, how they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book.	¹ How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force, and how they took Antigonus prisoner, we have reported in the previous book. We will now go on with the narrative.
¹ Barach

² ἐπειδὴ γὰρ τῆς ὅλης ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐνεχειρίσθη τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἩρώδηςHerod , τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν πλήθους ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν ἰδιωτεύοντεςto be a private person, retired ἔτι τἀκείνου φρονοῦντες ἐν προαγωγῇ τούτους ἐποιεῖτο , τοὺς δὲ τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων ἑλομένους οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τιμωρούμενος καὶ κολάζων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν .
² We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the private men in the city as had been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his enemies.	² Since Herod had now the government of all Judea in his hands, he promoted the private citizens within the city who belonged to his party, and daily punished and penalized those who had chosen the opposite side.
² Barach

³ ἐτιμῶντο δὲ μάλιστα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ΠολλίωνPollio ὁ ΦαρισαῖοςPharisee καὶ ΣαμαίαςSameas ὁ τούτου μαθητής · πολιορκουμένων γὰρ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem οὗτοι συνεβούλευον τοῖς πολίταις δέξασθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , ἀνθ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀπελάμβανονto take from another .
³ But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited.	³ Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas his disciple were honoured by him above all others, for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which they were well repaid.
³ Barach

⁴ ὁ δὲ ΠολλίωνPollio οὗτος καὶ κρινομένου ποτὲ ἩρώδουHerod τὴν‎ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προεῖπεν ὀνειδίζων ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ τοῖς δικάζουσιν , ὡς περισωθεὶς ἩρώδηςHerod ἅπαντας αὐτοὺς ἐπεξελεύσεται · καὶ τοῦτο χρόνῳ προύβη τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ‎ τελειώσαντος .
⁴ But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict punishment on them all; which had its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he had spoken.	⁴ This Pollio, at the time when Herod was once being tried for his life mockingly foretold to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they had spared, would later come back at them all, and this took place in its time, as God fulfilled the words he had spoken.
⁴ Barach

⁵ Ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε κρατήσας τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem πάντα συνεφόρει τὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κόσμον ἔτι καὶ τοὺς εὐπόρους ἀφαιρούμενος , καὶ συναγαγὼν πλῆθος ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου παντὶ τούτῳ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φίλους .
⁵ At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were about him.	⁵ Meanwhile, now that he had taken Jerusalem, he took away all the royal ornaments and despoiled the wealthy of what they had acquired. After collecting a large amount of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony and the friends in his circle.
⁵ Barach

⁶ ἀπέκτεινε δὲ τεσσαρακονταπέντε τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ τῆς αἱρέσεως ἈντιγόνουAntigonus φύλακας περιστήσας ταῖς πύλαις τῶν τειχῶν , ἵνα μή τις συνεκκομισθῇ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι , καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἠρεύνων , καὶ πᾶν τὸ εὑρισκόμενον ἀργύριον ἢ χρυσίον ἤ τι κειμήλιον ἀνεφέρετο τῷ βασιλεῖ ,
⁶ He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus’s party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them;	⁶ He also killed forty-five of the officers of Antigonus' party and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be brought out along with the dead. They also searched the corpses and any silver or gold or valuables they found, was brought to the king.
⁶ Barach

⁷ πέρας τε κακῶν οὐδὲν ἦν · τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἡ πλεονεξία τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένου διεφόρει , τὴν‎ δὲ χώραν μένειν ἀγεώργητον τὸ ἑβδοματικὸν ἠνάγκαζεν ἔτος · ἐνεστήκει γὰρ τότε , καὶ σπείρειν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ γῆν ἀπηγορευμένον ἐστὶν ἡμῖν .
⁷ and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year.	⁷ This was not the last of the troubles he caused, partly due to the greed of the ruler who needed still more and partly because of the Sabbatical year, still in progress, which left the country still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year.
⁷ Barach

⁸ ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus δέσμιον ἔγνω μέχρι θριάμβου φυλάττειν , ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἤκουσεν νεωτερίζειν τὸ ἔθνος κἀκ τοῦ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd μίσους εὔνουν ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus διαμένον , ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch πελεκίσαι · σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἠρεμεῖν ἠδύναντο οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews.
⁸ Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, he determined to keep him against his triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to behead him at Antioch,	⁸ When Antony had taken Antigonus prisoner, he decided to keep him for his triumph, but when he heard how the nation was still rebellious and in their hatred for Herod, still favoured Antigonus, he decided to behead him in Antioch, for in no other way could the Jews be pacified.
⁸ Barach

⁹ μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ ΣτράβωνStrabo ὁ ΚαππάδοξCappadocia λέγων οὕτως · " ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ ἈντίγονονAntignus τὸν ἸουδαῖονJew ἀχθένταto lead εἰς ἈντιόχειανAntioch πελεκίζει . Καὶ ἔδοξε μὲν οὗτος πρῶτος ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin βασιλέα πελεκίσαι , οὐκ οἰηθεὶςto suppose, think ἕτερον τρόπον μεταθεῖναι ἂν τὰς γνώμας τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , ὥστε δέξασθαι τὸν ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου καθεσταμένον ἩρώδηνHerōd · οὐδὲ γὰρ βασανιζόμενοι βασιλέα ἀναγορεύεινto proclaim publicly αὐτὸν ὑπέμειναν ·
⁹ for otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: “Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there to be beheaded. And this Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king in his stead; for by no torments could they he forced to call him king,	⁹ Strabo of Cappadocia supports me in this, when he says: "Antony had Antigonus the Jew brought to Antioch and beheaded there. I believe he was the first Roman to behead a king, thinking there was no other way to change the mind of the Jews to receive Herod, whom he had set in his place, for even tortures could not force them to acknowledge him as king.
⁹ Barach

¹⁰ οὕτως μέγα τι ἐφρόνουν περὶ τοῦ πρώτου βασιλέως . τὴν‎ οὖν ἀτιμίαν ἐνόμισε μειώσειν Τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν μνήμης , μειώσειν δὲ καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd μῖσος . ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ΣτράβωνStrabo.
¹⁰ so great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought that this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had for Antigonus’s memory, and at the same time would diminish the hatred they bare to Herod.” Thus far Strabo.	¹⁰ With their great fondness for their former king, he felt that this disgrace would diminish his memory and also lessen their hatred of Herod." Such is Strabo's account.
¹⁰ Barach

Chapter 2
[011-038]
Hyrcanus, freed by the Parthians, returns to Herod.
Alexandra angered by new high priest, Ananelus

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¹¹ Κατασχόντος δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἩρώδουHerod πυθόμενος ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ὁ ἀρχιερεύς , ἦν δὲ παρὰ ΠάρθοιςParthians αἰχμάλωτος , ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολυθεὶς τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ·
¹¹ Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again, and was set free from his captivity, in the manner following:	¹¹ When the high priest Hyrcanus, who had been a prisoner among the Parthians, heard that Herod had taken over the kingdom, he came to Herod after he was set free from his imprisonment in this way.
¹¹ Barach

¹² ΒαζαφράνηςBarzapharnes καὶ ΠάκοροςPacorus οἱ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians στρατηγοί , λαβόντες αἰχμαλώτους ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus τὸν πρῶτον ἀρχιερέα γενόμενον εἶτα βασιλέα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἩρώδουHerod ΦασάηλονPhasael εἰς ΠάρθουςParthians ἀνῆγον .
¹² Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyreanus, who was first made high priest and afterward king, and Herod’s brother, Phasaelus captives, and were carrying them away into Parthia.	¹² The Parthian generals Barzapharnes and Pacorus captured the former high priest and later king, Hyrcanus, along with Herod's brother Phasael, and took them away to Parthia.
¹² Barach

¹³ καὶ ΦασάηλοςPhasael μὲν οὐ φέρων τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς δεσμοῖς αἰσχύνην , πάσης δὲ ζωῆς κρείττονα τὸν μετὰ δόξης ἡγούμενος θάνατον αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ γίνεται φονεύς , καθὼς προεῖπον .
¹³ Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related.	¹³ But Phasael, unable to bear the shame of being in chains, and thinking that death with glory was better than merely clinging to life, took his own life, as I have already said.
¹³ Barach

¹⁴ ὙρκανῷHyrcanus δ᾽ ἀναχθέντι ΦραάτηςPhraates ὁ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιεικέστερον προσηνέχθη , τὸ τῆς εὐγενείας αὐτοῦ‎ διάσημον προπεπυσμένος . διὰ τοῦτο δεσμῶν μὲν ἀφῆκενto send forth , ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon δὲ κατάγεσθαι παρεῖχεν , ἔνθα καὶ πλῆθος ἦν ἸουδαίωνJews .
¹⁴ But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an illustrious family he was; on which account he set him free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon, where there were Jews in great numbers.	¹⁴ When Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia king Phraates treated him more fairly, being already aware of what an illustrious family he came from, and so he set him free from his chains and gave him a residence in Babylon, where there was a large numbers of Jews.
¹⁴ Barach

¹⁵ οὗτοι τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐτίμων ὡς ἀρχιερέα καὶ βασιλέα καὶ πᾶν τὸ μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates νεμόμενον ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος · τῷ δ᾽ ἦν ἀγαπητὰ ταῦτα .
¹⁵ These Jews honored Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to his satisfaction.	¹⁵ These honoured Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did the whole Jewish nation as far as the Euphrates, which was gratifying to him.
¹⁵ Barach

¹⁶ πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd παρειληφέναι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀντιμετεχώρει ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε φιλοστόργως διακείμενος καὶ τῆς χάριτος ἀπομνησθήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν , κρινόμενον ὅτι καὶ μέλλοντα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦσθαι τοῦ κινδύνου καὶ τῆς κολάσεως ἐρρύσατο . λόγους οὖν προσέφερε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἰέναι παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσπουδακώς .
¹⁶ But when he was informed that Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as having been himself still of a kind disposition towards him, and expecting that Herod would bear in mind what favor he had received from him; and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he delivered him from that danger, and from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jew that came often to him with great affection;	¹⁶ But when told that Herod had taken over the kingdom, he took new hope, as he had remained fond of him and expected Herod to remember his past favours, for saving him when during his trial when he stood in peril of execution and rescuing him from the impending punishment. He used to talk of this matter with the Jews who came eagerly to see him.
¹⁶ Barach

¹⁷ οἱ δὲ περιείχοντο καὶ μένειν ἠξίουν τὰς ὑπουργίας ἅμα καὶ τὰς τιμὰς λέγοντες , ὡς οὐδὲν ἐνδεὲς αὐτῷ τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς ἢ βασιλεῖς τιμῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν εἴη , καὶ τὸ μεῖζον , ὅτι μηδὲ ἐκεῖ τούτων μεταλαβεῖν δύναται κατὰ λώβην τοῦ σώματος , ἣν ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus πάθοι , τάς τε χάριτας οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀποδίδοσθαι παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων , ἃς ἔλαβον ἰδιωτεύοντεςto be a private person, retired , ἐξαλλαττούσης αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἀλόγως τῆς τύχης .
¹⁷ but they endeavored to retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that those honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they could pay to either their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater motive to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses which they received when they were private persons, the height of their fortune making usually no small changes in them.	¹⁷ They tried to get him to stay on with them, reminding him of the services and honours they showed him which were no less than the honour shown to their high priests or kings, and furthermore, that he could not enjoy such honour at home due to the physical deformity he had suffered under Antigonus, and that kings do not repay people for favours they received as commoners, as their change of fortune understandably changes their outlook too.
¹⁷ Barach

¹⁸ Τοιαῦτα κατὰ τὸ συμφέρον ὑποτεινόντων ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus πόθον εἶχεν ἀπιέναι , καὶ γράφων ἩρώδηςHerod παρεκάλει δεῖσθαι ΦραάτουPhraates καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ ἸουδαίωνJews μὴ φθονῆσαι δυνάμει κοινὴν ἕξοντι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν · ἄρτι γὰρ εἶναι καιρὸν αὐτῷ μὲν ἐκτῖσαι τὰς χάριτας ὧν εὖ πάθοι καὶ τραφεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ περισωθείς , ἐκείνῳ δὲ κομίζεσθαι .
¹⁸ Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews that were there, that they should not grudge him the royal authority, which he should have jointly with himself, for that now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the favors he had received from him, as having been brought up by him, and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it.	¹⁸ Although they argued this with him for his own good, Hyrcanus still wanted to leave, and Herod also wrote urging him to request Phraates and the Jews in that place not to begrudge him the kingship which he would share and that now was his best time for repaying him for supporting and saving him, if Hyrcanus would come to receive it.
¹⁸ Barach

¹⁹ ταῦτα γράφων ὙρκανῷHyrcanus πέμπει καὶ παρὰ τὸν ΦραάτηνPhraates πρεσβευτὴν ΣαραμάλλανSaramallas καὶ δῶρα πλείω , μὴ διακωλῦσαι τὰς εἰς τὸν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes αὐτοῦ‎ χάριτας ὁμοίως φιλανθρωπευόμενον .
¹⁹ And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired him in the most obliging way that he would be no hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor.	¹⁹ As he wrote this to Hyrcanus, he also sent an envoy, Saramallas, with many gifts to Phraates, and politely asking him not to prevent him from showing this gratitude toward his benefactor.
¹⁹ Barach

²⁰ ἦν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἡ σπουδή , διὰ δὲ τὸ μὴ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν αὐτὸς ἄρχειν δεδοίκει τὰς ἐξ εὐλόγων μεταβολὰς καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὑποχείριον ἔχειν ἔσπευδεν ἢ καὶ παντάπασιν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι · τοῦτο γὰρ ἔπραξεν ἐν ὑστέρῳ .
²⁰ But this zeal of Herod’s did not flow from that principle, but because he had been made governor of that country without having any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition, and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he effected afterwards.	²⁰ This however was not the true motive, but because he had unjustifiably come to power and was reasonably afraid that things might change, he was eager to have Hyrcanus in his power or even to dispose of him entirely, which he did later.
²⁰ Barach

²¹ Τότε μέντοι γε ἐπειδὴ παρῆν πεπεισμένος ἐφέντος τε τοῦ ΠάρθουParthia καὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews χρήματα παρασχομένων , ἁπάσῃ τιμῇ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν ἔν τε τοῖς συλλόγοις τὸν πρῶτον ἔνεμε τόπον καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἑστιάσεις προκατακλίνων ἐξηπάτα πατέρα καλῶν καὶ παντοδαπῶς τὸ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀνύποπτον πραγματευόμενος .
²¹ Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him with money, Herod received him with all possible respect, and gave him the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavored, by all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any treacherous design against him.	²¹ And so, with the permission of the king of Parthia and the help of the Jews who provided him with money, he went and was welcomed with every respect and given the first place at assemblies and banquets, and was thereby deceived. Herod called him his father and tried by all possible means to avert any suspicion that he was plotting against him.
²¹ Barach

²² ὑποκαθίστατο δὲ καὶ τἆλλα πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τῆς ἀρχῆς , ἐξ ὧν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν ἐστασιάσθη · φυλαττόμενος γάρ τινα τῶν ἐπισήμωνsplendid ἀποδεικνύειν ἀρχιερέα τοῦ θεοῦ , μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκ τῆς ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἱερέα τῶν ἀσημοτέρων Ἀνάνηλον ὀνόματι τούτῳ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην δίδωσιν .
²² He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.	²² He also did other things to secure his rule, for which trouble arose in his own family, for, wary of appointing any prominent person as God's high priest, he sent for an obscure priest from Babylon, named Ananelus and bestowed the high priesthood upon him.
²² Barach

²³ Εὐθὺς οὖν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra τὴν‎ ἐπήρειαν , θυγάτηρ μὲν ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus , γυνὴ δὲ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus βασιλέως , ἐξ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παῖδας ἔχουσα τὸν μὲν ὥρᾳ κάλλιστον ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus καλούμενον , τὴν‎ δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod συνοικοῦσανto dwell together ΜαριάμμηνMariamne εὐμορφίᾳ διάσημον .
²³ However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also.	²³ But Alexandra was immediately incensed at this. She was the daughter of Hyrcanus and wife of Alexander the son of king Aristobulus, and had borne Alexander an extremely handsome son called Aristobulus, and a celebrated beauty, Herod's wife Mariamne.
²³ Barach

²⁴ ἐτετάρακτο δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερεν τὴν‎ ἀτιμίαν τοῦ παιδός , εἰ περιόντος ἐκείνου τῶν ἐπικλήτων τις ἀξιοῦταιto think worthy τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης , καὶ γράφει ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μουσουργοῦ τινος αὐτῇ συμπραγματευομένου τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ κομιδὴν τῶν γραμμάτων αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τῷ παιδὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην .
²⁴ This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son.	²⁴ She was badly shaken by this indignity to her son, that the dignity of the high priesthood should be conferred on someone else during his lifetime. So she wrote to Cleopatra, using a musician to carry her letters, to get her to intercede with Antony to gain the high priesthood for her son.
²⁴ Barach

²⁵ ἈντωνίουAntōny δὲ ῥαθυμότερον ὑπακούοντος , ὁ Φίλος αὐτοῦ‎ ΔέλλιοςDellius εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἐλθὼν ἐπί τινας χρείας ὡς εἶδεν τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus , ἠγάσθη τε τῆς ὥρας καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθαύμασεν , οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne συνοικοῦσανto dwell together τῷ βασιλεῖ , καὶ δῆλος ἦν καλλίπαιδά τινα τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra διειληφώς .
²⁵ But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariamne, the king’s wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children.	²⁵ While Antony delayed in granting this request, his friend Dellius came to Judea on some business. When he saw Aristobulus, he admired the boy's height and beauty and not less the king's wife Mariamne, and was unstinting in his praises of Alexandra, as the mother of the most beautiful children.
²⁵ Barach

²⁶ ἐκείνης δὲ εἰς λόγους ἐλθούσης αὐτῷ πείθει γραψαμένην ἀμφοτέρων εἰκόνας ἈντωνίῳAnthony διαπέμψασθαι · θεασαμένου γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἀτευκτήσειν ὧν ἀξιοῖ .
²⁶ And when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that she should ask.	²⁶ When she came to talk with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both and to send them to Antony. For when he saw them, he would deny her nothing she might ask.
²⁶ Barach

²⁷ τούτοις ἐπαρθεῖσα τοῖς λόγοις ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra πέμπει τὰς εἰκόνας ἈντωνίῳAnthony · καὶ ΔέλλιοςDellius ἐτερατεύετο λέγων οὐκ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτῷ δοκεῖν , ἀλλά τινος θεοῦ γενέσθαι τοὺς παῖδας . ἐπραγματεύετο δὲ δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς τὰς ἡδονὰς ἑλκύσαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny .
²⁷ Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them,	²⁷ Elated by these words, Alexandra sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly and said that these children seemed not to come from mere mortals but from some god or other, although his plan in doing so was to stir the lust of Antony.
²⁷ Barach

²⁸ ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν κόρην ᾐδέσθη μεταπέμπεσθαι γεγαμημένην ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ τὰς εἰς ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου διαβολὰς φυλαττόμενος , ἐπέστελλε δὲ πέμπειν τὸν παῖδα σὺν εὐπρεπείᾳ προστιθείς , εἰ μὴ βαρὺ δοκοίη .
²⁸ who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do.	²⁸ He indeed was ashamed to send for the girl, as she was Herod's wife and also so as not to have it reported to Cleopatra. But he sent, as decently as he could, for the young man, adding "unless this seems too much to ask."
²⁸ Barach

²⁹ τούτων ἀπενεχθέντων πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔκρινεν ὥρᾳ τε κάλλιστον ὄντα τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἑκκαιδεκαέτης γὰρ ὢν ἐτύγχανεν , καὶ γένει προύχοντα πέμπειν παρὰ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny , ἰσχύοντα μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος ἐν τῷ τότε ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin , ἕτοιμον δὲ τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς αὐτὸν ὑποθεῖναι καὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς ἀπαρακαλύπτως ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι ποριζόμενον .
²⁹ When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him without control.	²⁹ When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe to send so handsome a lad as Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age and of such a noble family, and particularly not to Antony, who was then the most powerful of the Romans, who was ready to submit him to eroticism for he publicly indulged without measure in all the pleasures his power allowed him.
²⁹ Barach

³⁰ ἀντέγραψεν οὖν ὡς , εἰ μόνον ἐξέλθοι τῆς χώρας τὸ μειράκιον , ἅπαντα πολέμου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀναπλησθήσεται ἸουδαίωνJews ἐλπισάντων μεταβολὴν καὶ νεωτερισμὸν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ βασιλεῖ .
³⁰ He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them.	³⁰ So he wrote back to him, that all would be up in arms and uproar if the lad even left the country, as the Jews were full of hopes for change and revolution under another king.
³⁰ Barach

³¹ Τούτοις δὲ παραιτησάμενος τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔγνω μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀτιμάζειν τὸν παῖδα καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἐγκειμένης λιπαρῶς ἀποδοῦναι τἀδελφῷ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην , καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτῷ κρίνων , ἵνα μηδ᾽ ἀποδημῆσαι δυνατὸν ᾖ τετιμημένῳ , σύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν φίλων ᾐτιᾶτο πολλὰ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ,
³¹ When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra	³¹ Having made these excuses to Antony, he knew he could not entirely dishonour the child or Alexandra. But when his wife Mariamne vehemently urged him to restore the high priesthood to her brother, he judged it best to do so. For once he held that dignity, he could not leave the country. However he assembled his friends and accused Alexandra of many things,
³¹ Barach

³² κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra πράττειν , ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν‎ ἀρχήν , τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny .
³² privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs in his stead;	³² of secretly conspiring against the kingdom and trying through Cleopatra to have him deposed as ruler and getting Antony to give control of the affairs to this youth in his place.
³² Barach

³³ καὶ ταῦτα βούλεσθαι μὲν ἐκείνην οὐ δικαίως , ὁπότεwhen καὶ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα συναποστεροίη τῆς οὔσης αὐτῇ τιμῆς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγματεύοιτο , πολλὰ πονήσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ κτησαμένου κινδύνοις οὐ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν .
³³ and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards;	³³ In this she was acting unjustly, he said, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of her present dignity and bring uproar into the kingdom, for which he had worked so hard and which he had won at such great risk.
³³ Barach

³⁴ οὐ μὴν ἀπομνημονεύσας αὐτὸς ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἐκείνη πράξειεν ἀποστήσεσθαι τοῦ δίκαιος εἶναι περὶ αὐτούς , ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἔφη διδόναι τῷ παιδὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ πάλαι προκαταστήσασθαι τὸν Ἀνάνηλον παιδίου παντάπασιν ὄντος ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus .
³⁴ that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child.	³⁴ Still, while not forgetting the ugly things she had done, he would not cease doing right and even now would give the high priesthood to the young man, since he had appointed Ananelus earlier simply because Aristobulus was still so young a child.
³⁴ Barach

³⁵ τοιαῦτα δὲ λέγοντος οὐκ ἀσκέπτως , ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ ἠξίου μάλιστα πεφροντισμένως εἰς ἀπάτην γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν συμπαραληφθέντων φίλων , περιπαθὴς ἅμα καὶ χαρᾷ τῶν οὐ προσδοκηθέντων καὶ δέει τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra μετὰ δακρύων ἀπελογεῖτο ,
³⁵ Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself;	³⁵ He did not say this without forethought but with the utmost subtlety, in order to deceive the women and those friends whom he had taken into consultation, so that Alexandra, overjoyed at this unexpected promise after her fearful suspicions, burst out in tears and apologized to him.
³⁵ Barach

³⁶ περὶ μὲν τῆς ἱερωσύνης φαμένη πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ὑπ᾽ ἀδοξίας σπουδάσαι , βασιλείᾳ δὲ μήτε ἐπιτίθεσθαι μήτ᾽ ἄν , εἰ καὶ προσίοι , βούλεσθαι λαβεῖν , καὶ νῦν ἀποχρώντως τιμῆς ἔχουσα διὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ἄρχειν αὐτὸν ἅπαντι τῷ γένει περιοῦσαν .
³⁶ and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son’s dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family;	³⁶ She said she had cared about the disgrace regarding the priesthood but had no desire to have him made king and would not accept it even if it were offered, and was now satisfied with the dignity offered, while Herod continued to hold power and thereby provided the security that came to all of her family from his special ability in ruling.
³⁶ Barach

³⁷ νῦν τε νενικημένη ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις δέχεσθαι μὲν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὴν‎ τιμήν , ἔσεσθαι δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ὑπήκοος , παραιτεῖσθαι δὲ κἂν εἴ τι διὰ γένος καὶ τὴν‎ οὖσαν αὐτῇ παρρησίαν προπετέστερον ὑπ᾽ ἀναξιοπαθείας δράσειεν .
³⁷ that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter.	³⁷ She was now won over by his goodness and welcomed the honour given to her son and would in future be fully obedient and apologized if her lineage and the freedom which she thought it permitted had made her speak rashly or inappropriately.
³⁷ Barach

³⁸ οὕτως ἀλλήλοις ὁμιλήσαντες καὶ σπουδαιότερον ἢ θᾶττον ἐν δεξιαῖς διελύοντο πάσης ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy , ὡς ἐδόκουν , ἐξῃρημένης .
³⁸ So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away.	³⁸ When they had spoken to each other in this way they reached agreement and all suspicions seemed to vanish.
³⁸ Barach

Chapter 3
[039-087]
Herod makes Aristobulus high priest, then has him murdered.
Mariamne and Joseph

☜ ☞

³⁹ Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod εὐθὺς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην Ἀνάνηλον ὄντα μέν , ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν , οὐκ ἐπιχώριον , ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπὲρ ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ἀπῳκισμένων ἸουδαίωνJews · οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες τοῦδε τοῦ λαοῦ περὶ τὴν‎ ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon ἀπῳκίσθησαν .
³⁹ So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia,	³⁹ King Herod immediately removed the high priesthood from Ananelus, who as we said earlier was not native born but one of the Jews that had been deported beyond the Euphrates, for many thousands of the people had been deported to the area around Babylonia.
³⁹ Barach

⁴⁰ ἔνθεν ἦν ἈνάνηλοςAnanelus ἀρχιερατικοῦ γένους καὶ πάλαι κατὰ συνήθειαν ἩρώδῃHerod σπουδαζόμενος . τοῦτον αὐτὸς μὲν ἐτίμησεν , ὅτε τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν , αὐτὸς δὲ κατέλυσεν ἐπὶ τῷ παῦσαι τὰς οἰκείας ταραχὰς παράνομα ποιῶν · οὐ γὰρ ἄλλος γέ τις ἀφῃρέθη τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἅπαξ παραλαβών .
⁴⁰ whence Ananelus came. He was one of the stock of the high priests and had been of old a particular friend of Herod; and when he was first made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was any one that had once been in that dignity deprived of it.	⁴⁰ That was where Ananelus came from, a man of high-priestly stock and from of old a close friend of Herod, who when he came to the kingship conferred this honour on him, and now removed it again, to calm the troubles in his family, an unlawful thing since one should not deposed from the honour after taking it up.
⁴⁰ Barach

⁴¹ ἀλλὰ πρῶτος μὲν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁ ἘπιφανὴςEpiphanes ἔλυσε τὸν νόμον ἀφελόμενος μὲν ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua , καταστήσας δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὈνίανOnias , δεύτερος δὲ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀφείλετο τὸν ἀδελφόν , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τρίτος ἀντιπαρέδωκεν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ παιδί .
⁴¹ It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest in his stead. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, in his stead.	⁴¹ Antiochus Epiphanes was the first to break that law by deposing Joshua and making his brother Onias high priest in place of him. Aristobulus was the second, by removing his brother Hyrcanus. Herod was the third, by transferring the rule to the youth Aristobulus.
⁴¹ Barach

⁴² Καὶ τότε μὲν ἐδόκει τεθεραπευκέναι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν . οὐ μὴν ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν ἐν διαλλαγαῖς ἀνυπόπτως διετέλει , τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐγχειρηθεῖσιν ἤδη καὶ καιρὸν εἰ λάβοιτο νεωτέρων πραγμάτων ἠξιωκὼς δεδοικέναι .
⁴² And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family; yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case, of people seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that she would go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing;	⁴² Herod seemed to have pacified his family, but remained suspicious as is normal after a reconciliation. He thought that as Alexandra had already attempted something she might lead a revolt if she found a good moment to do so.
⁴² Barach

⁴³ προσέταττεν οὖν ἔν τε τοῖς βασιλείοις διατρίβειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας δρᾶν , ἐπιμελεῖς τε ἦσαν φυλακαί , λανθάνοντος οὐδ᾽ εἴ τι πρὸς τὴν‎ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δίαιταν ἐπιτηδεύοιτο .
⁴³ so he gave a command that she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no public affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in private life every day was concealed.	⁴³ So he ordered her to stay within the palace and not meddle with matters of authority. Her guards took care that nothing she did in her everyday life was hidden from him.
⁴³ Barach

⁴⁴ ταῦτα πάντα κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξηγρίου αὐτὴν καὶ μῖσος ἐπεφύετο · φρονήματος γὰρ ἔμπλεως οὖσα γυναικείου τὰς ἐκ τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἐπιμελείας ἀνηξιοπάθει , παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν ἀξιοῦσαto think worthy μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς παρρησίας στερομένη τιμῆς εὐπρεπείᾳ μετὰ δουλείας καὶ φόβων καταζῆν .
⁴⁴ All these hardships put her out of patience, by little and little and she began to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall her, than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state of slavery and terror.	⁴⁴ Little by little all this wore her down, and she began to hate Herod, for as she was chock full of womanly pride she was furious at this suspicious watch kept on her, wishing rather to undergo anything whatsoever than be deprived of her freedom of speech, and, under the fiction of a guard of honour, to live in a state of slavery and terror.
⁴⁴ Barach

⁴⁵ ἔπεμπεν οὖν παρὰ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐν οἷς εἴη συνεχὲς ὀδυρομένη καὶ παρακαλοῦσα προσβοηθεῖν αὐτῇ κατὰ δύναμιν . ἡ δὲ λαθοῦσαν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt σὺν τῷ παιδὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀποδιδράσκειν .
⁴⁵ She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt.	⁴⁵ So she sent to Cleopatra, complaining repeatedly of her circumstances and imploring her to help her in any way she could. So she [Cleopatra] advised her to take her son with her and hurry away to her in Egypt.
⁴⁵ Barach

⁴⁶ ἐδόκει ταῦτα καὶ τεχνάζεται τοιάδε · δύο λάρνακας ὡς εἰς ἐκκομιδὴν νεκρῶν παρασκευασαμένη ταύταις αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐνέβαλεν , ἐπιτάξασα τῶν οἰκετῶν τοῖς συνειδόσιν διὰ νυκτὸς ἐκφέρειν . ἦν δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ θάλατταν ὁδὸς αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖον , ὃ διαπλεύσειν εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἔμελλεν , παρεσκευασμένον .
⁴⁶ This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for getting away: She got two coffins made, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies and put herself into one, and her son into the other and gave orders to such of her servants as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the night time. Now their road was to be thence to the sea-side and there was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt.	⁴⁶ This advice was accepted and she planned it as follows. She had two coffins made as if to transport two corpses, and put herself into one and her son into the other. She ordered those of her servants who were in the know to take them away by night. Their route was to be from there to the coast, where a ship was ready to take them to Egypt.
⁴⁶ Barach

⁴⁷ ταῦτα ΣαββίωνιSabbion τῶν ἐκείνης φίλων ΑἴσωποςAesop οἰκέτης αὐτῆς ἀπαγγέλλει προπεσὼν ὡς εἰδότι φράσαι . πυθόμενος δὲ ΣαββίωνSabbion , καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἐχθρὸςhateful ἩρώδουHerod [πρότερον] , ὅτι τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater κατὰ τὴν‎ φαρμακείαν εἷς ἐνομίζετο , τὸ μῖσος ὑπαλλάξεσθαι τῇ περὶ τὴν‎ μήνυσιν εὐνοίᾳ προσεδόκησεν καὶ καταλέγει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ἐπιβουλήν .
⁴⁷ Now Aesop, one of her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this, (who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and had been esteemed one of those that laid snares for and gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he expected that this discovery would change Herod’s hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this private stratagem of Alexandra:	⁴⁷ When Aesop, one of her servants, happened to meet Sabbion, one of her friends, he spoke to him of the affair thinking he was already aware of it. When Sabbion (who had formerly been hostile to Herod and been regarded as one of the plotters who gave the poison to Antipater) heard it, he told the king of Alexandra's scheme expecting that telling him would change his hatred for him to goodwill.
⁴⁷ Barach

⁴⁸ ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν ἕως τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἐάσας προελθεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ τοῦ δρασμοῦ συνέλαβεν , παρῆκεν δὲ τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν , χαλεπὸν μὲν οὐδέν , εἰ καὶ σφόδρα βουλομένῳ ἦν αὐτῷ , διαθεῖναι τολμήσας , οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν μίσει λαβοῦσαν , ἐμφαίνων δὲ μεγαλοψυχίαν μᾶλλον ἐξ ἐπιεικείας αὐτοῖς συνεγνωκέναι .
⁴⁸ whereupon he suffered her to proceed to the execution of her project, and caught her in the very fact; but still he passed by her offense; and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not bear that he should have her accused, on account of her hatred to him; but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and his great moderation, that made him forgive them.	⁴⁸ He [Herod] let her proceed with her project and caught her in the act and then pardoned her offence. Although he had a great wish to do so, he dared not punish her severely, for he knew that Cleopatra would not endure it, due to her hatred of him. So he let it appear that it was his magnanimity and fairness that made him pardon them.
⁴⁸ Barach

⁴⁹ προύκειτο μέντοι παντάπασιν αὐτῷ τὸ μειράκιον ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι , τὸ δὲ μὴ ταχὺ μηδ᾽ ἅμα τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ἐδόκει πιθανώτερον εἰς τὸ λανθάνειν .
⁴⁹ However, he fully proposed to himself to put this young man out of the way, by one means or other; but he thought he might in all probability be better concealed in doing it, if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what had lately happened.	⁴⁹ Still, he was determined one way or another to be rid of the youth but thought the act would be better concealed if he did not do it soon after what had lately occurred.
⁴⁹ Barach

⁵⁰ Καὶ τῆς ἐπεχούσης , ἑορτὴ δέ ἐστιν αὕτη παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα τηρουμένη , ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας ὑπερεβάλλετο καὶ πρὸς εὐφροσύναις αὐτός τε καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἦν . ἐκίνησεν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὅμως κἀκ τῶν τοιούτων ἐπισπεῦσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν ἐμφανῶς παροξύνων ὁ φθόνος .
⁵⁰ And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it;	⁵⁰ At the approach of Tabernacles, a festival much observed among us, he waited until the days when both he and the rest of the people who made merry had passed. But the envy which arose in him at this time caused him to carry out his plan all the sooner.
⁵⁰ Barach

⁵¹ τὸ γὰρ μειράκιον ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἕβδομον ἐπὶ τοῖς δέκα γεγονὸς ἔτος , ἐπειδὴ κατὰ τὸν νόμον ἀνῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν συντελέσων τὰ θύματα , τόν τε κόσμον ἔχων τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἐκτελῶν , κάλλει τε κάλλιστος καὶ μεγέθει πλέον ἢ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν ὑπεράγων , τοῦ γε μὴν περὶ τὸ γένος ἀξιώματος πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ μορφῇ διαφαίνων ,
⁵¹ for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high family he was sprung from,—	⁵¹ For when this youth Aristobulus, now in the seventeenth year of age, went up to the altar adorned as high priest to offer the sacrifices required by the law, and when in performing the sacred offices, he appeared very handsome and taller than average for his age and his face seemed full of the noble birth from which he came,
⁵¹ Barach

⁵² ὁρμή τε τῷ πλήθει πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας ἐγένετο καὶ τῶν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ πάππῳ πεπραγμένων ἐναργὴςvisible ἡ μνήμη παρέστη , νικώμενοί τε κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξηλέγχοντο τὰς διαθέσεις χαίροντες ὁμοῦ καὶ συγχεόμενοι καὶ φωνὰς εὐφήμους εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφιέντες εὐχαῖς μεμιγμένας , ὡς ἐμφανῆ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων καὶ προπετεστέραν ἐν βασιλείᾳ δοκεῖν τὴν‎ ὧν πεπόνθεσαν ὁμολογίαν .
⁵² a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done.	⁵² then a wave of affection toward him appeared among the people. With the memory of the deeds of his grandfather Aristobulus fresh in their minds, their feelings for him made them unable to conceal their preference for him. They were both glad and emotional, and mixed their joyful acclamations with good wishes, until the people's love for him was all too evident. They proclaimed the prosperity they had received from his family more than was fitting under a king.
⁵² Barach

⁵³ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅπασιν ἩρώδηςHerod ἔγνω τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν , ἣν εἶχεν εἰς τὸ μειράκιον , ἐξεργάσασθαι . Καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἱστιᾶτο μὲν ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho δεχομένης αὐτοὺς τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra , φιλοφρονούμενος δὲ τὸ μειράκιον καὶ προέλκων εἰς ἀδεῆ πότον ἕτοιμοςprepared ἦν συμπαίζειν καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι κεχαρισμένως ἐκείνῳ .
⁵³ Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner.	⁵³ All this spurred Herod to carry out his intentions against the youth. When the festival ended and he was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was very pleasant to the young man and took him aside for a drink and conversed with him in a youthful and playful manner.
⁵³ Barach

⁵⁴ τοῦ δὲ περὶ τὸν τόπον ἰδιώματος θερινωτέρου τυγχάνοντος συνειλεγμένοι τάχιον ἐξῆλθον ἀλύοντες , καὶ ταῖς κολυμβήθραις ἐπιστάντες , αἳ μεγάλαι περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν ἐτύγχανον , ἀνέψυχον τὸ θερμότατον τῆς μεσημβρίας .
⁵⁴ Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was in the midst of a hot day.	⁵⁴ As the place was extremely hot, they soon went out in a group in a light-hearted mood, and as they were beside the large bathing pools around the courtyard, they went to cool themselves from the midday heat.
⁵⁴ Barach

⁵⁵ καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἑώρων τοὺς νέοντας τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ φίλων , ἔπειτα προαχθέντος καὶ τοῦ μειρακίου τῷ καὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd παροξῦναι , τῶν φίλων οἷς ταῦτα ἐπιτέτακτο σκότους ἐπέχοντος βαροῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ βαπτίζοντες ὡς ἐν παιδιᾷ νηχόμενον οὐκ ἀνῆκαν , ἕως καὶ παντάπασιν ἀποπνῖξαι .
⁵⁵ At first they were only spectators of Herod’s servants and acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod’s acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated.	⁵⁵ At first they just looked on at the young household servants and friends but after a while, prompted by Herod, the young man joined them in the water and then, while as he was swimming those of the friends assigned to it dipped him under in the dark waters as if doing so only in sport and did not let up until he drowned.
⁵⁵ Barach

⁵⁶ καὶ διεφθάρη μὲν οὕτως ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus , ὀκτωκαίδεκα μὲν οὐ πάντα βιοὺς ἔτη , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἱερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐνιαυτόν , ἣν ἈνάνηλοςAnanelus ἐκομίσατο πάλιν .
⁵⁶ And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen years, and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again.	⁵⁶ That is how Aristobulus was killed, after living for eighteen years in all, and holding the high priesthood for just one year, an office now restored to Ananelus.
⁵⁶ Barach

⁵⁷ Ἐξαγγελθέντος δὲ τοῦ πάθους ταῖς γυναιξὶν εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ μεταβολῆς θρῆνος ἦν ἐπὶ προκειμένῳ τῷ νεκρῷ καὶ πένθος ἄσχετον , ἥ τε πόλις τοῦ λόγου διαδοθέντος ὑπερήλγει πάσης ἑστίαςhome,hearth οἰκειουμένης τὴν‎ συμφορὰν ὡς οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίῳ γενομένην .
⁵⁷ When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon changed to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the spreading of this news, were in very great grief, every family looking on this calamity as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain.	⁵⁷ When the tragedy was told to the women, their joy instantly changed and their grieving lamentation was boundless on seeing his corpse lying there. There was great grief in the city too when the news spread, with every family mourning his fate as if it had happened to them.
⁵⁷ Barach

⁵⁸ ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκπαθὴς ἦν συνέσει τῆς ἀπωλείας , τὸ μὲν ἀλγοῦν ἐκ τοῦ γινώσκειν ὅπως ἐπράχθη πλεῖον ἔχουσα , τὸ δ᾽ ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἀναγκαῖον ἐπὶ μείζονος κακοῦ προσδοκίᾳ ποιουμένη .
⁵⁸ But Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was greater than that of others, by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she was under the necessity of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater mischief that might otherwise follow;	⁵⁸ Alexandra was the most grief-stricken at his demise, all the more so from knowing how it had been committed, but she was forced to bear up under it, as the lesser evil.
⁵⁸ Barach

⁵⁹ καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἦλθεν αὐτοχειρίᾳ περιγράψασθαι τὸν βίον , ἐπέστη δ᾽ ὅμως , εἰ δύναιτο ζῶσα προσαρκέσαι τῷ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὰς ἀνόμως διεφθαρμένῳ , τό τε πλέον ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῇ παρεκρότει τὸν βίον , καὶ τὸ μηδεμίαν ὑποψίαν ἐνδοῦναι τοῦ κατὰ πρόνοιαν ἀπολέσθαι τὸν υἱὸν ἱκανὸν εἰς εὐκαιρίαν ἀμύνης ἐνόμιζε .
⁵⁹ and she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill herself with her own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes she might live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus privately committed; nay, she further resolved to endeavor to live longer, and to give no occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity.	⁵⁹ Though often tempted to put an end to her own life she refrained in hopes of living long enough to revenge the unjust and premeditated murder. And so she went on with her life, giving no reason to suspect that she knew how her son had been deliberately killed and hoping to be able to avenge it when the opportunity arose.
⁵⁹ Barach

⁶⁰ κἀκείνη μὲν ἐγκρατῶς ἔφερε τὴν‎ ὑποψίαν . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔξωθεν πιθανῶς ἀπεσκευάζετο , μὴ μετὰ προνοίας γενέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ τὸν θάνατον , οὐχ ὅσα πρὸς πένθος ἐπιτηδεύων μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ δάκρυσι χρώμενος καὶ σύγχυσινconfusion τῆς ψυχῆς ἐμφαίνων ἀληθινήν , τάχα μὲν καὶ τοῦ πάθους ἀπονικῶντος αὐτὸν ἐν ὄψει τῆς τε ὥρας καὶ τοῦ κάλλους , εἰ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ὁ θάνατος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐνομίζετο , δῆλον δ᾽ ὡς ἀπολογίαν αὐτὰ πραγματευόμενος .
⁶⁰ Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad should believe that the child’s death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child’s countenance so young and so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security.	⁶⁰ So she resolutely kept her suspicions hidden. Herod sought to ensure that no one would link the boy's death to him and not only went into mourning, but also wept and appeared deeply distressed, and perhaps he really did feel that way, looking at the lad's young and beautiful face, even though the death had been to secure his own position and his concern was clearly to shield himself from blame.
⁶⁰ Barach

⁶¹ τά γε μὴν εἰς τὴν‎ πολυτέλειαν τῆς ἐκφορᾶς καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπεδείξατο , πολλὴν μὲν τὴν‎ παρασκευὴν περὶ τε τὰς θήκας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν θυμιαμάτων ποιησάμενος , πολὺν δὲ συγκαταθάπτων κόσμον , ὡς ἐκπλῆξαι τὸ λυπηρὸν τῆς ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀλγηδόνος καὶ παραμυθήσασθαι τούτῳ τῷ μέρει .
⁶¹ So far at least this grief served as to make some apology for him; and as for his funeral, that he took care should be very magnificent, by making great preparation for a sepulcher to lay his body in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and burying many ornaments together with him, till the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and received in this way some consolation.	⁶¹ He arranged a magnificent funeral, making great preparations for the burial vault and providing a large quantity of spices and burying many ornaments along with him, so that even in their deep sorrow the women were impressed and in some way consoled by it.
⁶¹ Barach

⁶² τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἥττησε μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν τοιούτων , ἀεὶ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἡ μνήμη τοῦ κακοῦ παρέχουσα τὴν‎ ὀδύνην ὀδυρτικὴν ἐποίει καὶ φιλόνεικον , καὶ γράφει τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ἩρώδουHerod τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπώλειαν τοῦ παιδός .
⁶² However, no such things could overcome Alexandra’s grief; but the remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered;	⁶² However, none of this could ease Alexandra's sorrow, but the memory of the tragedy made her grief both deep and obstinate. She wrote to Cleopatra about Herod's treachery and of how he had done away with her son.
⁶² Barach

⁶³ ἡ δὲ καὶ πάλαι σπεύδουσα προσαρκέσαι δεομένῃ καὶ τὰς ἀτυχίας οἰκτείρουσα τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra αὐτῆς ἐποιεῖτο τὸ πᾶν πρᾶγμα καὶ ἈντώνιονAntōny οὐκ ἀνίει τίσασθαι τὸν φόνον τοῦ παιδὸς παροξύνουσα · οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον ἩρώδηνHerōd δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καταστάντα βασιλέα τῆς οὐδὲν προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς εἰς τοὺς ὄννως βασιλεῖς τοιαύτας ἐπιδείκνυσθαι παρανομίας .
⁶³ but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserating Alexandra’s misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him to punish the child’s murder; for that it was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him made king of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in reality.	⁶³ She, who pitied the misfortunes of Alexandra and had in the past done all she could to help her, made the case her own. Enraged by the boy's murder, she gave Antony no peace about it, since it was not right that Herod, whom he had helped to make king of a kingdom that in no way belonged to him, should commit such terrible crimes against those who really were of the royal line.
⁶³ Barach

⁶⁴ τούτοις ἀναπειθόμενος ἈντώνιοςAntony ὡς ἐπὶ Λαοδικείας ἐστάλη , πέμπει κελεύων ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐλθόντα τῶν εἰς ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἀπολύσασθαι · πεπρᾶχθαι γὰρ οὐκ ὀρθῶς τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλήν , εἰ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γέγονεν .
⁶⁴ Antony was persuaded by these arguments; and when he came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make his defense, as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was not well done, if he had any hand in it.	⁶⁴ Antony was persuaded by this and when he came to Laodicea he sent orders for Herod to come and answer for what he had done to Aristobulus, since if he had any hand in such a plot, he had done a great wrong.
⁶⁴ Barach

⁶⁵ ὁ δὲ τήν τε αἰτίαν δεδοικὼς καὶ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra δυσμένειαν , ὡς οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἐξεργαζομένη κακῶς αὐτῷ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔχειν , ἔγνω μὲν ὑπακούειν , οὐδὲ γὰρ ἄλλο τι πράττειν ἐνῆν , καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν θεῖον αὐτοῦ‎ ἸώσηπονJoseph ἐπίτροπον τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων ἐνετείλατο λεληθότως , εἰ πάθοι τι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony , παραχρῆμα καὶ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀνελεῖν ·
⁶⁵ Herod was now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra’s ill-will to him, which was such that she was ever endeavoring to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left his uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also should kill Mariamne immediately;	⁶⁵ Frightened by the charge and by the ill-will of Cleopatra, who was always speaking evil of him to Antony, he decided to obey, as he had no way to avoid the summons. So he left his uncle Joseph to take care of the kingdom and all his affairs, with private instructions that if he suffered at the hands of Antony, Mariamne should immediately be killed too.
⁶⁵ Barach

⁶⁶ αὐτός τε γὰρ ἔχειν φιλοστόργως πρὸς τὴν‎ γυναῖκα καὶ δεδοικέναι τὴν‎ ὕβριν , εἰ καὶ τεθνηκότος ἐκείνη κατ᾽ εὐμορφίαν ἄλλῳ τινὶ σπουδάζοιτο .
⁶⁶ for that he had a tender affection for this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some other man:	⁶⁶ For he loved his wife with passion and feared the affront to himself if, after his death, she should start afresh with some other man, on account of her beauty.
⁶⁶ Barach

⁶⁷ τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐνέφαινεν ὁρμὴν ἈντωνίουAntōny περὶ τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον , ὅτι καὶ πάλαι παρακηκοὼς ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐμορφίας ἐτύγχανεν . ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν [οὖν ] ἐπιστείλας ταῦτα καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς ἔχων ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀπῄει πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny .
⁶⁷ but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of her beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony.	⁶⁷ The basis for his anxiety was that Antony had fallen in love with her as soon as he had gotten some word about her beauty. When Herod had given these instructions, and with no certainty that he would escape with his life, he went off to Antony.
⁶⁷ Barach

⁶⁸ Ὁ δὲ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως ὢν τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγμάτων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο συνεχὲς ἐντυγχάνων τῇ Μαριάμμῃ περὶ τε τὰς πραγματείας καὶ τιμῆς ἕνεκεν , ἣν ἔδει βασιλευούσῃ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γενέσθαι , καθίει συνεχεῖς ὁμιλίαςsermon ὑπὲρ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτὴν εὐνοίας καὶ φιλοστοργίας .
⁶⁸ But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his business required it, and because of the respects he ought to pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod’s kindness, and great affection towards her;	⁶⁸ While Joseph was administering the affairs of the kingdom and was therefore constantly in contact with Mariamne, for practical reasons and to pay his respects to the queen, he frequently spoke about Herod's fondness and affection for her.
⁶⁸ Barach

⁶⁹ ἐξειρωνευομένων δὲ γυναικείως τοὺς λόγους καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra , ὑπερεσπουδακὼς ὁ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἐπιδεῖξαι τὴν‎ διάνοιαν τοῦ βασιλέως προήχθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐντολὴν εἰπεῖν , πίστιν αὐτὰ ποιούμενος ὡς οὐδὲ χωρὶς ἐκείνης ζῆν δύναται κἂν εἰ πάσχοι δεινόν τι οὐκ ἀξιοῦντος οὐδὲ θανάτῳ διεζεῦχθαι .
⁶⁹ and when the women, especially Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous to demonstrate the king’s inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and thence drew his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live without her; and that if he should come to any ill end, he could not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Joseph.	⁶⁹ But when the women, and especially Alexandra, mocked his words in a feminine way, Joseph was so keen to prove the kings affection that he explained the order he had been given, as proof that Herod could not live without her, and could not bear to be parted from her, even by death, if his life was taken.
⁶⁹ Barach

⁷⁰ ταῦτα μὲν ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus . αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες , ὡς εἰκός , οὐ τὸ φιλόστοργον τῆς περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαθέσεως , τὸ δὲ χαλεπόν , εἰ μηδ᾽ ἀποθνήσκοντος ὑστερήσειεν ἀπωλείας καὶ θανάτου τυραννικοῦ , προλαμβάνουσαι χαλεπὴν τὴν‎ ὑπόνοιαν τοῦ ῥηθέντος εἶχον .
⁷⁰ 70	⁷⁰ Those were Joseph's words; but the women naturally did not take this as proof of Herod's affection but of his severity, that even when he died they could not escape destruction and tyrannical death. What had been said made them suspicious of him in future.
⁷⁰ Barach

⁷¹ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ λόγος ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem παρὰ τῶν ἐν ἔχθει τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd δυσμενῶς , ὡς ἈντώνιοςAntony αἰκισάμενος αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνειεν . ἡ δὲ φήμη πάντας μὲν ἐτάραξεν , ὡς εἰκός , τοὺς περὶ τὸ βασίλειον , μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας .
⁷¹ 71	⁷¹ Meanwhile a rumour went around among Herod's enemies in Jerusalem that Antony had tortured and executed him and this report naturally shook the people around the palace, but the women above all.
⁷¹ Barach

⁷² ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ καὶ τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀναπείθει τῶν βασιλείων ἐξελθόντα σὺν αὐταῖς προσφυγεῖν τοῖς σημείοις τοῦ ῬωμαικοῦRoman τάγματος , ὃ τότε περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπὶ φρουρᾷ τῆς βασιλείας ἐστρατοπέδευεν ἡγουμένου υἱοῦ Ἰούδα·
⁷² 72	⁷² Alexandra tried to persuade Joseph to leave the palace and escape with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which was then encamped around the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the command of the son of Judah.
⁷² Barach

⁷³ διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο πρῶτον μέν , εἰ καί τις ἀπαντήσειεν ταραχὴ περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλήν , ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ διάξειν αὐτοὶ ῬωμαίουςRomans εὐμενεῖς ἔχοντες · ἔπειτα καὶ τεύξεσθαι παντὸς ἠλπικέναι τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἈντωνίουAntōny θεασαμένου , δι᾽ οὗ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀναλήψεσθαι καὶ μηδενὸς ὑστερήσειν ὧν εἰκὸς τοῖς ἐν εὐγενείᾳ βασιλικῇ γεγονόσιν .
⁷³ 73	⁷³ For, she said, if any rioting were to take near the palace, they would be more secure by having the Romans on their side and besides, there was every hope, if Antony just saw Mariamne, that through him they could regain the kingdom and then lack for nothing, which was a feasible prospect in view of their royal blood.
⁷³ Barach

⁷⁴ Ἐπὶ τούτων δὲ τῶν λογισμῶν τετυχηκόσιν αὐτοῖς γράμματα παρ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἀφίκετο τῆς φήμης ἐναντία καὶ τῶν προλαληθέντων .
⁷⁴ 74	⁷⁴ But as they were considering this, letters were brought from Herod about all his affairs and quite contrary to what had been said earlier.
⁷⁴ Barach

⁷⁵ ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐγένετο παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony , ταχὺ μὲν αὐτὸν ἀνεκτήσατο τοῖς δώροις ἃ φέρων ἧκεν ἐκ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem , ταχὺ δὲ ταῖς ὁμιλίαιςsermon παρεστήσατο χαλεπῶς ἔχειν εἰς αὐτόν , οἵ τε τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra λόγοι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐξ ἐκείνου θεραπείαν ἧττον ἠδυνήθησαν ·
⁷⁵ 75	⁷⁵ For when he came to Antony, he said, he soon regained favour with him through the gifts he had brought with him from Jerusalem, and after some conversation, he soon got him to set aside his anger, so that Cleopatra's persuasions had less force than the arguments and gifts he had brought to regain his friendship.
⁷⁵ Barach

⁷⁶ οὐ γὰρ ἔφη καλῶς ἔχειν ἈντώνιοςAntony βασιλέα περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν γεγενημένων εὐθύνας ἀπαιτεῖνto demand back · οὕτως γὰρ ἂν οὐδὲ βασιλεὺς εἴη · δόντας δὲ τὴν‎ τιμὴν καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας καταξιώσαντας ἐᾶν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι . τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖσθαι τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς συμφέρειν .
⁷⁶ 76	⁷⁶ Antony had said that it was not good to hold a king to account about what was done to secure his power, for then he would not be king at all. Rather, those who had given him that authority should let him exercise it. At the same time he told Cleopatra that it would be best for her not to meddle with the government matters.
⁷⁶ Barach

⁷⁷ ὑπὲρ τούτων ἩρώδηςHerod ἔγραφεν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας διεξῄει τιμάς , ἃς ἔχοι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνθακῶν ἐν ταῖς διαγνώσεσιν καὶ συνεστιώμενος ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας , καὶ τούτων ὅπως τυγχάνοι χαλεπῆς εἰς τὰς διαβολὰς αὐτῷ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra οὔσης · πόθῳ γὰρ τῆς χώρας ἐξαιτουμένη τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτῇ προσγενέσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν αὐτὸν ἐσπουδάκει ποιεῖσθαι .
⁷⁷ 77	⁷⁷ Herod wrote of these things and stressed the other honours he had received from Antony; how he sat beside him in the hearing of cases and dined with him every day and that he enjoyed those favours from him, despite Cleopatra's charges against him, as she wanted his country and implored Antony to add the kingdom to her own, and tried by every means to get rid of him.
⁷⁷ Barach

⁷⁸ δικαίου μέντοι τυγχάνων ἈντωνίουAntōny μηδὲν ἔτι δυσχερὲς προσδοκᾶν , ἀλλὰ καὶ θᾶττον ἥξειν βεβαιοτέραν τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τὴν‎ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προσειληφὼς τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν .
⁷⁸ 78	⁷⁸ But he had always found Antony fair to him and no longer feared any harm from him, and soon after his return received a further assurance of his favour, regarding his rule and government.
⁷⁸ Barach

⁷⁹ καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μηκέτι προσεῖναι τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς πλεονεξίας ἈντωνίουAntōny δόντος ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἠξίου τὴν‎ κοίλην ΣυρίανSyria καὶ διὰ τούτου παρηγορήσαντος ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀποσκευασαμένου τὰς ἐντεύξεις , ἃς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐποιεῖτο .
⁷⁹ 79	⁷⁹ He need no longer fear Cleopatra's greed either, since Antony had given her Coele-Syria instead of what she had asked, thereby pacifying her and putting an end to her pleas to get Judea.
⁷⁹ Barach

⁸⁰ Τούτων τῶν γραμμάτων ἀπενεχθέντων ἐπαύσαντο μὲν ἐκείνης τῆς ὁρμῆς , ἣν ὡς ἀπολωλότος εἶχον καταφυγεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans , οὐ μὴν ἔλαθεν αὐτῶν ἡ προαίρεσις , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ παραπέμψας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπὶ ΠάρθουςParthians εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ὑπέστρεψεν , εὐθὺς μὲν ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῷ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἣν ἔσχον οἱ περὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἀπεσήμηναν ,
⁸⁰ When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king had conducted Antony on his way against the Parthians, he returned to Judea, when both his sister Salome and his mother informed him of Alexandra’s intentions.	⁸⁰ Once these letters had arrived, the women left off their attempt to flee to the Romans, which they had planned while they supposed he had died. Their intention was not kept a secret, however, for after conducting Antony on his way against the Parthians the king returned to Judea and his sister Salome and his mother soon told him their views about Alexandra.
⁸⁰ Barach

⁸¹ ἡ δὲ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ κατὰ τἀνδρὸς ἸωσήπουJoseph λόγον εἶπεν τὸ ἐν διαβολῇ ποιοῦσα καὶ τῇ Μαριάμμῃ συγγενόμενον διατελεῖν . ἔλεγεν δὲ ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ἔχουσα πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐκ πλείονος , ὅτι κατὰ τὰς διαφορὰς φρονήματι χρωμένη μείζονι τὴν‎ ἐκείνων ἐξωνείδιζεν δυσγένειαν .
⁸¹ Salome also added somewhat further against Joseph, though it was no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal conversation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had differences with one another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproached the rest for the meanness of their birth.	⁸¹ Salome added a calumny against Joseph, that he had often been with Mariamne. She said this because for a long time she had resented the fact that in their disputes Mariamne took the high ground and would mock the others for their lowly birth.
⁸¹ Barach

⁸² ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ θερμῶς ἀεὶ καὶ ἐρωτικῶς πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἔχων εὐθὺς ἐξετετάρακτο καὶ τὴν‎ ζηλοτυπίαν οὐκ ἔφερεν , ἐπικρατούμενος δ᾽ ἀεὶ τοῦ μὴ προπετές τι ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask , συντόνῳ τῷ πάθει καὶ τῷ ζήλῳ παρωξυμμένος ἰδίᾳ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀνέκρινεν ὑπὲρ τῶν πρὸς τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph .
⁸² But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jealousy together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph;	⁸² Herod, whose affection for Mariamne was always very warm, was instantly troubled by this and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was restrained from doing anything rash by his love for her. Still his passion and jealousy together made him ask Mariamne secretly about this matter of Joseph.
⁸² Barach

⁸³ ἀπομνυμένης δ᾽ ἐκείνης καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα τῇ μηδὲν ἁμαρτούσῃ προσῆν εἰς ἀπολογίαν καταλογιζομένης , ἀνεπείθετο κατὰ μικρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ μετέβαινεν ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς ἡττώμενος τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα φιλοστοργίας , ὡς ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ ὧν ἔδοξεν ἀκούσας πεπιστευκέναι καὶ περὶ τῆς κοσμιότητος αὐτῇ πολλὴν ὁμολογεῖν χάριν .
⁸³ but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say in her own defense; so that by little and little the king was prevailed upon to drop the suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a great many acknowledgments of her modest behavior,	⁸³ She denied it on her oath and said in her own defence all that an innocent woman could possibly say, so that little by little the king was persuaded to drop his suspicion and calm his anger at her. Overcome with his affection for his wife, he apologized to her for seeming to believe the rumours about her and freely acknowledged the graciousness of her behaviour.
⁸³ Barach

⁸⁴ αὐτός τε ὅπως ἔχοι στοργῆς καὶ εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀνωμολογεῖτο καὶ τέλος , ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς φιλεῖ , προύπιπτον εἰς δάκρυα μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς ἐμπεφυκότες ἀλλήλοις .
⁸⁴ and professed the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one another with a most tender affection.	⁸⁴ He declared his love and affection for her, until finally, as is usual between lovers, they both began to weep and embraced each other with most tender affection.
⁸⁴ Barach

⁸⁵ ἀεὶ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ βασιλέως πιστουμένου τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ διάθεσιν " οὐ φιλοῦντος , εἶπεν ἡ ΜαριάμμηMariamne , τὸ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐντολήν , εἰ πάσχοι τι χαλεπὸν ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny , κἀμὲ συναπολέσθαι τὴν‎ οὐδενὸς αἰτίαν .
⁸⁵ But as the king gave more and more assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavored to draw her to a like confidence in him, Mariamne said, “Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?”	⁸⁵ But as the king went on assuring her of his trust in her fidelity and tried to elicit from her a similar trust in him, Mariamne said, "Was it a sign of your love for me when you ordered that if Antony harmed you, I too should die, for no reason?"
⁸⁵ Barach

⁸⁶ τούτου προπεσόντος τοῦ λόγου περιπαθήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν αὐτὴν ἀφῆκενto send forth , ἐβόα δὲ καὶ τῶν αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ τριχῶν ἐδράττετο , περιφανὲς φώριον ἔχειν τῆς τοῦ ἸωσήπουJoseph πρὸς αὐτὴν κοινωνίας λέγων ·
⁸⁶ When these words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his own hands, and said, that “now he had an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal conversation” with his wife;	⁸⁶ When she let slip these words, the king was shocked and dropped her from his arms and shouted and tore at his hair, saying that now he had clear proof of Joseph's sexual intercourse with his wife.
⁸⁶ Barach

⁸⁷ οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐξειπεῖν ἃ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἤκουσεν μὴ μεγάλης αὐτοῖς πίστεως ἐγγενομένης . οὕτως δ᾽ ἔχων ὀλίγου μὲν ἀπέκτεινε τὴν‎ γυναῖκα , νικώμενος δὲ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρωτιlove ταύτης μὲν τῆς ὁρμῆς ἐκράτησεν ἑαυτοῦ διακαρτερήσας ὀδυνηρῶς καὶ δυσχερῶς , τὸν μέντοι ἸώσηπονJoseph οὐδ᾽ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθόντα διαχρήσασθαι προσέταξεν καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ὡς ἁπάντων παραιτίαν δήσας ἐφύλαττενto watch, guard .
⁸⁷ for that he would never have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless there had been such a great familiarity and firm confidence between them. And while he was in this passion he had like to have killed his wife; but being still overborne by his love to her, he restrained this his passion, though not without a lasting grief and disquietness of mind. However, he gave order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mischief.	⁸⁷ For unless there had been such intimacy and trust between them, he would never have revealed what he had told him in confidence. In this fit of passion he could have killed his wife; but still mastered by his love for her, he restrained his passion, though not without lingering grief and inner conflict. But he ordered them to kill Joseph, without letting him come into his sight, and he took Alexandra and kept her in custody, as the reason for all of this harm.
⁸⁷ Barach

Chapter 4
[088-107]
Cleopatra comes to Judea,
and is flattered and bribed by Herod

☜ ☞

⁸⁸ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria ταραχὰς εἶχεν οὐκ ἀνιείσης τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny μὴ πᾶσιν ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try · ἔπειθεν γὰρ ἀφαιρούμενον ἑκάστων τὰς δυναστείας αὐτῇ διδόναι καὶ πλεῖστον ἴσχυεν ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπιθυμίας .
⁸⁸ Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by Cleopatra’s constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every body’s dominions; for she persuaded him to take those dominions away from their several princes, and bestow them upon her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections.	⁸⁸ By this stage, affairs in Syria were in confusion due to Cleopatra's frequent requests that Antony take a hand in all her schemes. For she urged him to take the realms of each of the rulers and grant them to her, and her influence was strong because of his passion for her.
⁸⁸ Barach

⁸⁹ φύσει δὲ πλεονεξίᾳ χαίρουσα παρανομίας οὐδὲν ἔλιπεν , τὸν μὲν ἀδελφόν , ᾧ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ᾔδει γενησομένην , προανελοῦσα φαρμάκοις πεντεκαιδέκατον ἔτος ἔχοντα , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀδελφὴν ἈρσινόηνArsinoe ἱκετεύουσαν ἐν ἘφέσῳEphesus πρὸς τῷ τῆς ἈρτέμιδοςArtemidos ἀποκτείνασα δι᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny ·
⁸⁹ She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother, because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when she was a supplicant at Diana’s temple at Ephesus;	⁸⁹ Greedy and lawless by nature, she had already poisoned her fifteen-year-old brother, whom she feared would become king, and had her sister Arsinoe killed by Antony, as she was praying at Diana's temple at Ephesus.
⁸⁹ Barach

⁹⁰ χρημάτων μὲν γὰρ εἵνεκεν , εἴ που μόνον ἐλπισθείη , καὶ ναοὶ καὶ τάφοι παρενομήθησαν , οὔθ᾽ ἱεροῦ τινος οὕτως ἀσύλου δόξαντος , ὡς μὴ περιαιρεθῆναι τὸν ἐν αὐτῷ κόσμον , οὔτε βεβήλου μὴ πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything τῶν ἀπηγορευμένωνto forbid παθόντος , εἰ μέλλοι μόνον εἰς εὐπορίαν τῇ τῆς ἀδικούσης πλεονεξίᾳ .
⁹⁰ for if there were but any hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples and sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the most flagitious treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the covetous humor of this wicked creature:	⁹⁰ For the sake of money, or even the hope of it, she would violate both temples and tombs and there was no holy place however sacred, that she would not rob of its ornaments, or nowhere so profane but she would treat in the roughest way if it could contribute any profit to her unjust greed.
⁹⁰ Barach

⁹¹ τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον οὐδὲν αὔταρκες ἦν γυναικὶ καὶ πολυτελεῖ καὶ δουλευούσῃ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις , μὴ καὶ τὰ πάντα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐπίνοιαν ἐνδεῖν ὧν ἐσπουδάκει . διὰ ταῦτα καὶ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἤπειγεν ἀεί τι τῶν ἄλλων ἀφαιρούμενον αὐτῇ χαρίζεσθαι , καὶ διαβᾶσα σὺν ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria ἐπενόει κτῆμα ποιήσασθαι .
⁹¹ yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive others of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession;	⁹¹ But even all this was not enough for a woman so extravagant and enslaved by her desires. For she was always eager for whatever came into her mind and did her utmost to get it. For this reason, she kept nagging Antony to take the dominions of others and give them to her, so that as she crossed Syria with him, she sought to possess it herself.
⁹¹ Barach

⁹² ΛυσανίανLysanias μὲν οὖν τὸν ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy ΠάρθουςParthians αἰτιασαμένη τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπάγειν ἀποκτίννυσιν , ᾔτει δὲ παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τήν τε ἸουδαίανJudea καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀξιοῦσαto think worthy τοὺς βασιλεύοντας αὐτῶν ἀφελέσθαι .
⁹² so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors.	⁹² She had Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, killed, after accusing him of bringing the Parthians into action there, and she asked Antony to grant her Judea and Arabia, wanting him to take them lands from their kings.
⁹² Barach

⁹³ τῷ δ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony τὸ μὲν ὅλον ἡττᾶσθαι συνέβαινεν τῆς γυναικός , ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐκ τῆς ὁμιλίαςsermon , ἀλλὰ καὶ φαρμάκοις δοκεῖν ὑπακούειν εἰς ὅ τι ἂν ἐκείνη θέλῃ , τὸ μέντοι περιφανὲς τῆς ἀδικίας ἐξεδυσώπει μὴ μέχρι τοσούτου κατήκοον γινόμενον ἐπὶ μεγίστοις ἁμαρτάνειν .
⁹³ As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this woman, that one would not think her conversation only could do it, but that he was some way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities she would have persuaded him to.	⁹³ Antony was so entirely subject to her that it seemed unlikely to be by the woman's conversation alone, but by drugs or some other way that he listened to whatever she wanted. Still, her grossest injustices so embarrassed him that he would not always agree to her most flagrant enormities.
⁹³ Barach

⁹⁴ ἵν᾽ οὖν μήτ᾽ ἀρνηθῇ παντάπασιν μήθ᾽ ὅσα προσέταττεν ἐκείνη διαπραξάμενος ἐκ φανεροῦ δόξῃ κακός , μέρη τῆς χώρας ἑκατέρου παρελόμενος τούτοις αὐτὴν ἐδωρήσατο .
⁹⁴ That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man, he took some parts of each of those countries away from their former governors, and gave them to her.	⁹⁴ In order not to refuse her outright, and still not publicly appear an evildoer by doing her wrongful bidding, he took portions of each of those countries and gave them to her.
⁹⁴ Barach

⁹⁵ δίδωσιν δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐντὸς ἘλευθέρουEleutherus ποταμοῦ πόλεις ἄχρις ΑἰγύπτουEgypt χωρὶς ΤύρουTyre καὶ ΣιδῶνοςSidon , ἐκ προγόνων εἰδὼς ἐλευθέρας , πολλὰ λιπαρούσης αὐτῆς αὐτῇ δοθῆναι .
⁹⁵ Thus he gave her the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also.	⁹⁵ So he gave her the cities that were on her side of the river Eleutherus as far as Egypt, except Tyre and Sidon which he knew to have been free cities from of old, although she often cajoled him about them too.
⁹⁵ Barach

⁹⁶ Τούτων ἡ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra τυχοῦσα καὶ παραπέμψασα μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπ᾽ ἈρμενίανArmenia στρατευόμενον ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ γίνεται μὲν ἐν ἈπαμείᾳApamia καὶ ΔαμασκῷDamascus , παρῆλθεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἩρώδουHerod συντυχόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς τε ἈραβίαςArabia τὰ δοθέντα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν ἹεριχοῦνταJericho προσόδους [ ἩρώδουHerod ] μισθωσαμένου · φέρει δ᾽ ἡ χώρα τὸ βάλσαμον , ὃ τιμιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ καὶ παρὰ μόνοις φύεται , τόν τε φοίνικα πολὺν καὶ καλόν .
⁹⁶ When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind.	⁹⁶ After gaining these and accompanying Antony on his expedition to Armenia as far as the Euphrates, Cleopatra turned back and came to Apamia and Damascus and on to Judea, where Herod met her and rented from her the parts of Arabia given to her and the revenues from the region about Jericho. That land grows the precious balsam, which grows only there, along with many excellent date palms.
⁹⁶ Barach

⁹⁷ ἐν τούτοις οὖσα καὶ πλείονος αὐτῇ συνηθείας πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd γινομένης διεπείραζεν εἰς συνουσίαν ἐλθεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ , φύσει μὲν ἀπαρακαλύπτως ταῖς ἐντεῦθεν ἡδοναῖς χρωμένη , τάχα δέ τι καὶ παθοῦσα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐρωτικὸν ἢ καὶ τὸ πιθανώτερον ἀρχὴν ἐνέδρας τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ γενησομένην ὕβριν ὑποκατασκευάζουσα · τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐξ ἐπιθυμίας ἡττῆσθαι διέφαινεν .
⁹⁷ When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is most probable, she laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him.	⁹⁷ Being in the area and often in Herod's company, she sought to have sexual intercourse with the king and made no secret that she enjoyed the pleasure of that activity. Perhaps to some extent she fell in love with him though more likely she was trying to trap him and bring him into disrepute, even though in general she seems to have been ruled by her feelings.
⁹⁷ Barach

⁹⁸ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ πάλαι μὲν οὐκ εὔνους ἦν τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra χαλεπὴν εἰς ἅπαντας ἐπιστάμενος , τότε δὲ καὶ μισεῖν ἀξιῶν , εἰ δι᾽ ἀσέλγειαν εἰς τοῦτο πρόεισιν , καὶ φθῆναι τιμωρούμενος , εἰ ἐνεδρεύουσα τοιούτοις ἐγχειροίη , τοὺς μὲν λόγους αὐτῆς διεκρούσατο , βουλὴν δ᾽ ἐποιήσατο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ὑποχείριον ἔχων ἀποκτεῖναι ·
⁹⁸ Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all; and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his power;	⁹⁸ Already Herod felt no love for Cleopatra, knowing her as a supreme nuisance and now she seemed to particularly deserve his hatred, and thought he might put her to death even if her move was one of lust. So he brushed her offer aside and called his friends to advise him on whether to kill her, now that she was in his power.
⁹⁸ Barach

⁹⁹ πολλῶν γὰρ ἀπαλλάξειν κακῶν ἅπαντας οἷς ἐγένετό τε ἤδη χαλεπὴ καὶ προσεδοκᾶτο · τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ ἈντωνίῳAnthony λυσιτελήσειν οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνῳ πιστῆς ἐσομένης , εἴ τις αὐτὸν καιρὸς ἢ χρεία κατάσχοι τοιούτων δεησόμενον .
⁹⁹ for that he should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity.	⁹⁹ This could spare many a misfortune to those whom she now burdened and would still in the future, and he thought it would also be of advantage to Antony, since she would not be faithful to him, if the occasion should ever arise when he would need her.
⁹⁹ Barach

¹⁰⁰ ταῦτα βουλευόμενον ἐκώλυον οἱ φίλοι , πρῶτον μὲν διδάσκοντες , ὡς οὐκ ἄξιον μείζω πράττοντα κινδύνων τὸν φανερώτατον ἀναλαμβάνειν , ἐγκείμενοι δὲ καὶ δεόμενοι μηδὲν ἐκ προπετείας ἐπιτηδεύειν ·
¹⁰⁰ But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him; and told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly,	¹⁰⁰ His friends dissuaded him from this idea saying above all that he should not embark on so major a thing which would put him in such obvious danger and they urged him to do nothing about this rash idea.
¹⁰⁰ Barach

¹⁰¹ οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny , οὐδ᾽ εἰ σφόδρα τις αὐτῷ τὸ συμφέρον στήσειε πρὸ τῶν ὀμμάτωνeye · τόν τε γὰρ ἔρωταto ask μᾶλλον ὑπεκκαύσειν τὸ δοκεῖν βίᾳ καὶ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῆς στέρεσθαι , μέτριον δὲ οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν φανεῖσθαι , τοῦ μὲν ἐπιχειρήματος εἰς γυναῖκα γεγενημένου μέγιστον ἀξίωμα τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐσχηκυῖαν τὸν χρόνον , τῆς δ᾽ ὠφελείας , εἰ καὶ ταύτην τις οἰηθείη , σὺν αὐθαδείᾳ καὶ καταγνώσει τῆς ἐκείνου διαθέσεως φανουμένης .
¹⁰¹ for that Antony would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous method, would probably set his affections more on a flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it:	¹⁰¹ Antony would never tolerate it, even if one could clearly show him that it was to his advantage, for to deprive him of her company in such a brusque and secretive way would probably warm his love for her. Neither could he offer anything substantial in his own defence, when pitting himself against the most famous woman in the world at that time. Whatever advantage, if any, he could hope for from such a deed should be discarded because of the risk he would run by doing it.
¹⁰¹ Barach

¹⁰² ἐξ ὧν οὐκ ἄδηλον , ὡς μεγάλων καὶ ἀπαύστων κακῶν ἀναπλησθήσεται τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ γένος , ἐξὸν ἀποκρουσάμενον τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν , εἰς ἣν ἐκείνη παρακαλεῖ , θέσθαι τὸν καιρὸν εὐσχημόνως .
¹⁰² which considerations made it very plain that in so doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come off honorably at the same time.	¹⁰² From all this it was clear that if he did so he would do great and lasting harm both to his position as ruler and to his descendants, whereas he could still reject the evil she wished him to do, and end the matter honourably.
¹⁰² Barach

¹⁰³ τοιαῦτα δεδιττόμενοι καὶ τὸ κινδυνῶδες ἐξ εἰκότος παραδηλοῦντες ἐπέσχον αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως . ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra δωρεαῖς θεραπεύσας ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt προύπεμψεν .
¹⁰³ So by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt.	¹⁰³ By making him afraid and showing the risk he would run if he attempted it, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra politely and gave her gifts and conducted her on her way to Egypt.
¹⁰³ Barach

¹⁰⁴ ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ τὴν‎ ἈρμενίανArmenia λαβὼν ἈρταβάζηνArtabazes τὸν ΤιγράνουTigranes σὺν τοῖς παισὶν σατράπαις δέσμιον εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀποπέμπει , δωρούμενος τούτοις τὴν‎ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra καὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ τῆς βασιλείας , ὃν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔλαβεν .
¹⁰⁴ But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra.	¹⁰⁴ Meanwhile Antony subdued Armenia and sent the son of Tigranes, Artabazes with his children and satraps in chains to Egypt as a gift to Cleopatra, along with all the valuables of that kingdom which he had taken.
¹⁰⁴ Barach

¹⁰⁵ ἈρμενίαςArmenia δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀρταξίας ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων διαδρὰς ἐν τῷ τότε . Καὶ τοῦτον ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus καὶ ΝέρωνNero ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐκβαλόντες ΤιγράνηνTigranes τὸν νεώτερον ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν κατήγαγον . ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ .
¹⁰⁵ And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archelaus and Nero Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward.	¹⁰⁵ The eldest of that prisoner's children, Artaxias, escaped at that time and took over the kingdom of Armenia, but he was still expelled by Archelaus and Nero Caesar when they restored his younger brother, Tigranes, to the kingdom, which happened a good while later.
¹⁰⁵ Barach

¹⁰⁶ περὶ δὲ τοὺς φόρους , οὓς ἔδει τελεῖν τῆς ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny δοθείσης χώρας , ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod δίκαιος ἦν οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος διδόναι τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μίσους αἰτίαν .
¹⁰⁶ But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him.	¹⁰⁶ Herod duly paid the taxes he owed to Cleopatra for the land Antony had granted her, reckoning it unsafe for him to present her with any cause to hate him.
¹⁰⁶ Barach

¹⁰⁷ ὁ δ᾽ ἌραψArab ἩρώδουHerod τὴν‎ φορὰν ἐπιδεξαμένου χρόνον μέν τινα παρεῖχεν ἐκείνῳ τὰ διακόσια τάλαντα , μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ κακοήθης ἦν καὶ βραδὺς εἰς τὰς ἀποδόσεις καὶ μόλις εἰ καὶ μέρη τινὰ διαλύσειεν οὐδὲ ταῦτα διδόναι δοκῶν ἀζημίως .
¹⁰⁷ As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even them without some deductions.	¹⁰⁷ The Arab [king] whose tax Herod had undertaken to pay her, paid him the two hundred talents for a while, but later became vicious and slow to pay, hardly willing to pay even part of it and refusing to pay even without some bribe.
¹⁰⁷ Barach

Chapter 5
[108-160]
Herod's war and conquest of Arabia.
His courage in the face of misfortunes

☜ ☞

¹⁰⁸ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀγνωμονοῦντος καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν δικαίων ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντος εἶχεν μὲν ὡς ἐπεξελευσόμενος , προθεσμίᾳ δὲ ἐχρήσατο τῷ Ῥωμαικῷ πολέμῳ .
¹⁰⁸ Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own;	¹⁰⁸ Herod prepared to make war on him for his ingratitude and because in the end he had done him wrong. But he was delayed doing so on account of the Roman war.
¹⁰⁸ Barach

¹⁰⁹ τῆς γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium μάχης προσδοκωμένης , ἣν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδόμης καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδος συνέβη γενέσθαι , ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν ἈντωνίῳAnthony περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἔμελλεν ἀγωνιεῖσθαι πραγμάτων , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ τῆς χώρας εὐβοτουμένης αὐτῷ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον καὶ προσόδων καὶ δυνάμεως εὑρημένων , ἈντωνίῳAnthony συμμαχίαν κατέλεξεν ἐπιμελέστατα ταῖς παρασκευαῖςpreparation, supply χρησάμενος .
¹⁰⁹ for the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony.	¹⁰⁹ Just now, a battle was expected at Actium, which took place in the hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad, when Caesar and Antony would contest for the supreme power. Herod, whose land had for a long time had fruitful harvests and who had thereby raised large revenues and resources, gathered an allied force for Antony and equipped them with care.
¹⁰⁹ Barach

¹¹⁰ ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ τῆς μὲν ἐκείνου συμμαχίας οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖσθαι , τὸν δὲ ἌραβαArabian , καὶ γὰρ ἀκηκόει παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra τὴν‎ ἀπιστίαν , ἐπεξελθεῖν προσέταττεν . ἠξίου γὰρ ἡ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra ταῦτα λυσιτελεῖν αὐτῇ τὸν ἕτερον ὑπὸ θατέρου κακῶς πάσχειν ἡγουμένη .
¹¹⁰ But Antony said he had no want of his assistance; but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as great mischief as possible.	¹¹⁰ Then Antony said that he had no need of his help, but sent him off to punish the king of Arabia, after hearing from him and from Cleopatra about the man's disloyalty. For this was Cleopatra's own wish, thinking it would be to her advantage if these two kings inflicted damage on each other.
¹¹⁰ Barach

¹¹¹ τούτων αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny λεχθέντων ὑποστρέψας ἩρώδηςHerod συνεῖχεν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ὡς εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ἐμβαλῶν , καὶ παρασκευασθέντος ἱππικοῦ καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως εἰς ΔιόσπολινDiospolis ἀφικνεῖται τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐκεῖ συναντώντων · οὐ γὰρ ἐλελήθει τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτούς · καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης ἐκράτησαν οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews .
¹¹¹ Upon this message from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they were not unapprised of this war that was coming upon them; and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory.	¹¹¹ When he got Antony's message, Herod turned aside but he kept his army together to invade Arabia immediately. When his cavalry and infantry were ready, he marched to Diospolis, where the Arabs came to meet them because they were not unaware of his war plans. A great battle was fought, which the Jews won.
¹¹¹ Barach

¹¹² μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλὴ στρατιὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian εἰς ΚάναταCana συνῄει · χωρία δ᾽ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τῆς κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria · ἩρώδηςHerod τε προπεπυσμένος ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸ πλεῖστον ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως , καὶ πλησιάσας ἐν καλῷ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι διεγνώκει χάρακά τε βαλόμενος ἐξ εὐκαίρου ταῖς μάχαις ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try .
¹¹² But afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand; so he came marching against them with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking the enemy;	¹¹² Later however, another large army of Arabs gathered at Cana, a place in Coele-Syria. Forewarned of it, Herod marched against them with most of his forces. As he approached, he decided to camp at a good place, and fortified it as a vantage point from which to launch his attack.
¹¹² Barach

¹¹³ ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ διατάττοντος ἐβόα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews παρελόμενον τῆς τριβῆς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs · ὥρμητο δὲ καὶ τῷ συντετάχθαι πιστεύειν καλῶς καὶ ταῖς προθυμίαιςreadiness, eagerness ἄμεινον δυσμενῶς ὅσοι τὴν‎ πρώτην μάχην νενικήκεσαν οὐδ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέψαντες τοῖς ἐναντίοις .
¹¹³ but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order; and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them.	¹¹³ While he was arranging this, a crowd of the Jews shouted that he should lead them against the Arabs without delay. They were driven by the belief that they were in fine order, and especially as they had been victorious in the earlier battle, when their enemies had not even got close enough to fight them hand to hand.
¹¹³ Barach

¹¹⁴ θορυβούντων οὖν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπιδεικνυμένων σπουδὴν ἔγνω τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποχρήσασθαι , καὶ προειπών , ὡς οὐ λελείψεται τῆς ἐκείνων ἀρετῆς , πρῶτος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἡγήσατο πάντων κατ᾽ οἰκεῖα τέλη συνακολουθησάντων .
¹¹⁴ And when they were so tumultuous, and showed such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his armor, all the regiments following him in their several ranks:	¹¹⁴ As they were so fierce and showed such zeal for battle, the king resolved to avail of the people's ardour. After assuring them he would not be outdone by them in courage, he led the way in his armour with all of them following in their assigned regiments.
¹¹⁴ Barach

¹¹⁵ ἔκπληξιςconsternation δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἌραψινArabs · ἀντιστάντες γὰρ εἰς ὀλίγον ὡς ἑώρων ἀμάχους ὄντας καὶ μεστοὺς φρονήματος , ἔφευγον οἱ πλείους ἐγκλίναντες κἂν διεφθάρησαν ἈθηνίωνοςAthenion μὴ κακώσαντος ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews .
¹¹⁵ whereupon a consternation fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them;	¹¹⁵ A panic seized the Arabs at seeing the Jews looking so invincible, and most of them fled to avoid the battle. Indeed they would have been destroyed, if Athenius had not attacked Herod and the Jews.
¹¹⁵ Barach

¹¹⁶ οὗτος γὰρ ὢν στρατηγὸς μὲν ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ , διάφορος δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod , τὸ μέλλον οὐκ ἀπαρασκεύως ἐσκόπει , δρασάντων μέν τι λαμπρὸν τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐγνωκὼς ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν , ἡττωμένων δέ , ὃ καὶ συνέβη , τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας συνεληλυθόσι τῶν οἰκείων παρεσκευασμένος ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews .
¹¹⁶ for this man was Cleopatra’s general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle would be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing that was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for him.	¹¹⁶ This man was a general of Cleopatra's forces there and was Herod's foe. He was watching carefully to see what would be the outcome of the battle. His plan was to remain inactive if the Arabs performed very well. But if, as it turned out, they were defeated, he would attack the Jews with his own forces and the local forces that had joined him.
¹¹⁶ Barach

¹¹⁷ καὶ τότε κεκμηκόσι τε καὶ νικᾶν οἰομένοις ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιπεσὼν πολὺν ἐποίει φόνον · τάς τε γὰρ προθυμίας εἰς τοὺς ὁμολογουμένους ἐχθροὺς ἐκδαπανήσαντες οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews καὶ τῷ νικᾶν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας χρώμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἐπιχειρησάντων ἡττῶντο καὶ πολλὰς ἐλάμβανον πληγὰς ἐν χωρίοις ἀφίπποις καὶ πετρώδεσιν , ὧν πλείω τὴν‎ ἐμπειρίαν εἶχον οἱ τὴν‎ ἐπίθεσιν ποιησάμενοι .
¹¹⁷ So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of any service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better acquainted with the places than themselves.	¹¹⁷ So he made an unexpected attack with a great slaughter when they were tired and thought they had already beaten the enemy. Since the Jews had expended their force upon their known enemies and were enjoying their victory in unguarded mood, they were easily beaten by these who attacked them afresh and they suffered badly in rocky places unsuitable for their horses and where their attackers were familiar with the terrain.
¹¹⁷ Barach

¹¹⁸ κακῶς δὲ πασχόντων οἵ τε ἌραβεςArabs αὑτοὺς ἀνειλήφεσανto take up καὶ πάλιν ὑποστρέψαντες ἔκτεινον ἤδη τετραμμένους . ἐγένοντο δὲ παντοδαπαὶ κτιννυμένων ἀπώλειαι , καὶ τῶν διαπιπτόντων οὐ πολλοὶ συνέφευγον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον .
¹¹⁸ And when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew those that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into the camp.	¹¹⁸ After this reversal, the defeated Arabs took new heart and turned around to slaughter those who fled before them. Many were killed. Of those who escaped, only a few returned to the camp.
¹¹⁸ Barach

¹¹⁹ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀπεγνωκὼς τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ μάχην ἀφιππάζεται βοήθειαν ἄξων · οὐ μὴν ἔφθη καίπερ ἐσπουδακὼς ἐπαρκεῖν , ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον ἥλω τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , οἱ δ᾽ ἌραβεςArabs οὐδὲ μετρίως εὐτυχήκεσαν ἐκ παραλόγου νίκην τε ἧς πλεῖστον ἀπεδέησαν ἀνειληφότες καὶ πολλὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀφῃρημένοι δύναμιν .
¹¹⁹ So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough to do them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy’s army:	¹¹⁹ King Herod, despairing of the battle, rode up to help them; although he tried hard, he was not in time to be of much service. The Jewish camp was taken and the Arabs had an unusually lucky success, gaining a victory which had been beyond their grasp and killing most of the opposing army.
¹¹⁹ Barach

¹²⁰ τοὐντεῦθεν ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod λῃστείαις ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ πολλὰ κατατρέχων τὴν‎ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐκάκου ταῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς στρατοπεδευόμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρωνto see , καὶ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἐξίστατο κατὰ τοὐμφανὲς εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν , οὐκ ἀζήμιος δὲ γινόμενος τῇ συνεχείᾳ καὶ τῷ φιλοπόνῳ τῶν τε οἰκείων ἐπεμελεῖτο παντὶ τρόπῳ τὸ πταῖσμα διορθούμενος .
¹²⁰ whence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by any means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state.	¹²⁰ In the aftermath, Herod resorted to brigandage and raided many parts of Arabia, harassing them by sudden attacks. Camping in the mountains, he avoided ever coming to a pitched battle, but harassed the enemy by his incessant activity, taking care of his own forces and trying in every way to restore his affairs to their former state.
¹²⁰ Barach

¹²¹ Ἐν τούτῳ καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium μάχης συνεσταμένης ΚαίσαριCaesar πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἑβδόμου δ᾽ ὄντος ἩρώδῃHerod τῆς βασιλείας ἔτους σεισθεῖσα ἡ γῆ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , ὡς οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἐδόκει , τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ κτηνῶν πολὺν φθόρον ἐποίησεν .
¹²¹ At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in that country.	¹²¹ Meanwhile, the battle took place at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of Herod's reign. In that year also, there was an earthquake in Judea which was worse than any previous ones. It caused huge destruction to the livestock in the land.
¹²¹ Barach

¹²² ἐφθάρησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ ταῖς πεπτωκυίαις οἰκίαις περὶ τρισμυρίους · τὸ μέντοι στρατιωτικὸν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ διαιτώμενον οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους κατεβλάβη .
¹²² About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad accident.	¹²² About thirty thousand people died as houses fell upon them, but the army, camped in the open, was unharmed by this calamity.
¹²² Barach

¹²³ ταῦτα πυνθανομένοις τοῖς ἌραψινArabs καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ κατ᾽ ἀλήθειαν ἐξαγγελλόντων αὐτοῖς ὅσοι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγονότων λόγους τῷ μίσει τῶν ἀκουσομένων ἐχαρίζοντο μεῖζον ἐπῄει φρονεῖν , ὡς τῆς τε χώρας ἀνατετραμμένης τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ διεφθορότων τῶν ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν ἔτι μηδ᾽ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀντίπαλον καταλελεῖφθαι δοκεῖν .
¹²³ When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy’s country was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them.	¹²³ When the Arabs learned about it, for anti-Jewish people who enjoyed aggravating the rumours told them of it, their spirits soared, as if their enemy's land was crushed and the people destroyed. They thought there was now nothing left to oppose them,
¹²³ Barach

¹²⁴ καὶ τῶν τε ἸουδαίωνJews τοὺς πρέσβεις , ἧκον γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις , συλλαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν καὶ μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw ἐπὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτῶν .
¹²⁴ Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army;	¹²⁴ so they took and killed the Jewish envoys who had come to them after all this to make peace with them, and full of confidence attacked their army.
¹²⁴ Barach

¹²⁵ οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε τὴν‎ ἔφοδον ἐξεδέξαντο καὶ πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς ἀθύμως διακείμενοι προίεντο τὰ πράγματα , πλεῖστον ἀπογνώσεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες · οὐ γὰρ ἦν οὔτε ἰσοτιμίας ἐλπὶς προηττημένοις ἐν ταῖς μάχαις οὔτε βοηθείας κεκακωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν οἴκοι πραγμάτων .
¹²⁵ but the Jews durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair; for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such great distress also.	¹²⁵ The Jews did not dare to withstand them, being too downcast by their troubles to take proper care, and yielded to despair, with no hope of ever equalling them again in battle, or of getting help elsewhere while they were so badly off at home.
¹²⁵ Barach

¹²⁶ οὕτως οὖν δυσμενῶς ἐπῆγεν ὁ βασιλεὺς λόγῳ τε πείθων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ πειρώμενος ἀναλαμβάνειν αὐτῶν πεπτωκότα τὰ φρονήματα . προδιακινήσας δὲ καὶ παραθαρρύνας τινὰς τῶν ἀμεινόνων ἐτόλμησεν ἤδη καὶ τῷ πλήθει διαλέγεσθαι πρότερον ὀκνῶν αὐτό , μὴ καὶ χαλεπῷ χρήσηται διὰ τὰς ἀτυχίας . παρεκάλει δὲ τοιούτους ποιούμενος εἰς τὸν ὄχλον τοὺς λόγους ·
¹²⁶ When matters were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk; and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the multitude, in the manner following:	¹²⁶ In this state of affairs the king addressed the officers and tried to raise their spirits, which were very low. He tried first to stir up and embolden some of the better sort and then ventured to make a speech to the people, which he had previously avoided doing for fear they would be unwilling to listen, after all that had happened. So he urged the people as follows.
¹²⁶ Barach

¹²⁷ « Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν , ἄνδρες , ὅτι πολλὰ παρὰ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν γεγένηται πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ἡμῖν ἐναντιώματα , καὶ θαρρεῖν εἰκὸς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις οὐδὲ τοὺς πλεῖστον ἀνδραγαθίᾳ διενηνοχότας .
¹²⁷ “You are not unacquainted, my fellowsoldiers, that we have had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about, and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances;	¹²⁷ "Men, you are all aware that this past while our plans have met many obstacles, and probably even the bravest can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances.
¹²⁷ Barach

¹²⁸ ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ κατεπείγει τε πολεμεῖν καὶ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδέν ἐστιν τοιοῦτον , ὃ μὴ δι᾽ ἑνὸς ἔργου καλῶς πραχθέντος ἐπανορθώσεται , παρακαλέσαι προειλόμην ὑμᾶς ἅμα καὶ διδάξαι δι᾽ ὧν ἂν ἐμμείναιτε τοῖς οἰκείοις φρονήμασιν .
¹²⁸ but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude.	¹²⁸ But since we cannot avoid fighting and nothing that has happened is so bad that we cannot set things right by one well-done action, I want to encourage you and to tell you something to help you hold onto your usual courage.
¹²⁸ Barach

¹²⁹ βούλομαι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ὡς δικαίως αὐτὸ ποιοῦμεν ἐπιδεῖξαι , διὰ τὴν‎ ὕβριν τῶν ἐναντίων ἠναγκασμένοι · μέγιστον γὰρ εἰ μάθοιτε τοῦτο προθυμίας ὑμῖν αἴτιον ἔσται‎ · μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο δεῖξαι , διότι καὶ τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν δεινὸν οὐδέν ἐστιν καὶ πλείστας εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἔχομεν τὰς ἐλπίδας .
¹²⁹ I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory.	¹²⁹ First, I will show that ours is a just war forced upon us by the insolence of our opponents, for once you grasp this, it will strengthen your resolve. Then I will show that our present troubles are not so dire and that we have every reason to hope for victory.
¹²⁹ Barach

¹³⁰ ἄρξομαι δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου μάρτυρας ὑμᾶς ποιούμενος ὧν λέγω · τὴν‎ γὰρ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian παρανομίαν ἴστε μὲν δήπου καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας οὕτως ἀπίστως διακειμένων , ὡς εἰκὸς ἔχειν τὸ βάρβαρον καὶ ἀνεννόητον θεοῦ , πλεῖστα μέντοι προσέκρουσαν ἡμῖν πλεονεξίᾳ καὶ φθόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ταραχαῖς ἐφεδρεύοντες ἐξ ὑπογύου .
¹³⁰ I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden.	¹³⁰ I shall begin with the first and you can testify to what I say. You surely know of the lawlessness of the Arabs, who are faithless to all other men, as is to be expected from a barbarous race, ignorant of God. Their conflict with us is mainly due to greed and envy, and they attacked us from hiding, in our time of confusion.
¹³⁰ Barach

¹³¹ καὶ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ τί δεῖ λέγειν ; ἀλλὰ κινδυνεύοντας αὐτοὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσεῖν καὶ δουλεύειν ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra τίνες ἄλλοι τοῦ δέους ἀπήλλαξαν ; ἡ γὰρ ἐμὴ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλία κἀκείνου πρὸς ἡμᾶς διάθεσις αἰτία γεγένηται μηδὲ τούτους ἀνήκεστόν τι παθεῖν , φυλαττομένου τἀνδρὸς μηδὲν ἐπιτηδεύειν , ὃ δύναιτ᾽ ἂν ὕποπτον ἡμῖν γενέσθαι .
¹³¹ And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness:	¹³¹ Need I say much about this? When they were in danger of losing their autonomy and being enslaved by Cleopatra, who was it but ourselves who set them free from that fear? For it was my friendship with Antony and his good disposition toward us that saved these Arabs from ruination, since he was careful not to do anything to which we might take exception.
¹³¹ Barach

¹³² βουληθέντος δὲ ὅμως ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μέρη τινὰ παρασχεῖν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας τῆς ἀρχῆς , καὶ τοῦτο διῳκησάμην ἐγώ , καὶ πολλὰ δῶρα δοὺς ἰδίᾳ τὸ μὲν ἀσφαλὲς ἀμφοτέροις ἐπορισάμην , τὰς δὲ δαπάνας αὐτὸς ἀνέλαβον , διακόσια μὲν δοὺς τάλαντα , διακοσίων δ᾽ ἐγγυητὴς γενόμενος , ἃ τῇ μὲν προσοδευομένῃ γέγονεν , αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων ἀπεστερήμεθα .
¹³² but when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of,	¹³² When he wished to bestow parts of each of our kingdoms to Cleopatra, I managed, by giving him gifts of my own, to obtain security for both of us, and became guarantor for the money while giving him two hundred talents and promised two hundred more for her revenue, of which they have defrauded us.
¹³² Barach

¹³³ καίτοι γε ἄξιον ἦν μηδενὶ τῶν ὄντων ἸουδαίουςJews φόρον ἢ τῆς χώρας ἀπόμοιραν τελεῖν , εἰ δ᾽ οὖν , ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπέρ γε τούτων οὓς αὐτοὶ σεσώκαμεν , οὐδὲ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ὁμολογήσαντας ἐντεύξεως καὶ χάριτος ὅτι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐδόκουν τυγχάνειν ἀδικεῖν ἡμᾶς ἀποστεροῦντας , καὶ ταῦτα οὐ πολεμίους ὄντας , ἀλλὰ φίλους .
¹³³ although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed (and that with great integrity and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and this while we have been still not their enemies, but their friends.	¹³³ If it is not right for Jews to pay tax to anyone, or to let part of their land be taxed, even if this should happen, we surely ought not pay the tax for those whom we have saved; nor is it right for the Arabs, who have us to thank for helping them keep their autonomy, to wrong us by withholding what is our due, when we were not enemies but friends to them.
¹³³ Barach

¹³⁴ ὡς ἥ γε πίστις ἔχουσα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμιωτάτους τόπον τοῖς γε φίλοις ἀναγκαιοτάτη τετηρῆσθαι , ἀλλ᾽ οὐ παρὰ τούτοις , οἳ τὸ μὲν κερδαίνειν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου κάλλιστον ὑπειλήφασιν , τὸ δ᾽ ἄδικον οὐκ ἐπιζήμιον , εἰ μόνον κερδαίνειν δυνηθεῖεν .
¹³⁴ And whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it:	¹³⁴ Whereas a pledge is kept even between the greatest enemies, it is essential that it be kept between friends; but among these people they are not kept, for they value profit above all things, and see no harm in injustice if they can only make profit by it.
¹³⁴ Barach

¹³⁵ ἔστιν οὖν ἔτι ζήτησις ὑμῖν , εἰ δεῖ τοὺς ἀδίκους τιμωρεῖσθαι , τοῦτο καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλομένου καὶ παραγγέλλοντος ἀεὶ μισεῖν τὴν‎ ὕβριν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδικίαν , καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μόνον δίκαιον , ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον πόλεμον ἐξιόντων ;
¹³⁵ is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations;	¹³⁵ Are you still asking whether the unjust should be punished or not, when God himself wills it, and urges us always to hate insolence and injustice, even if it leads to a just but necessary war?
¹³⁵ Barach

¹³⁶ ἃ γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται παρανομώτατα τοῖς τε ἝλλησινGreek καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις , ταῦτα ἔπραξαν εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις ἀποσφάξαντες αὐτούς , τῶν μὲν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἱεροὺς καὶ ἀσύλους εἶναι φαμένων τοὺς κήρυκας , ἡμῶν δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν δογμάτων καὶ τὰ ὁσιώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δι᾽ ἀγγέλων παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων · τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα καὶ ἀνθρώποις θεὸν εἰς ἐμφάνειαν ἄγει καὶ πολεμίους πολεμίοις διαλλάττειν δύναται .
¹³⁶ for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another.	¹³⁶ These Arab have done to our envoys what both the Greeks and barbarians declare to be the grossest crime, for they beheaded them, though the Greeks say that envoys are sacred and inviolable. It was through messengers that we ourselves learned from God the best of our doctrines and the holiest of our laws, and they bring God to the knowledge of mankind and can reconcile enemies one to another.
¹³⁶ Barach

¹³⁷ ποῖον οὖν μεῖζον ἂν γένοιτο ἀσέβημα ἢ πρέσβεις ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου διαλεγομένους ; πῶς δ᾽ ἂν ἔτι δύναιντο ἢ περὶ τὸν βίον εὐσταθεῖν ἢ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον εὐτυχεῖν τοιούτων αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένων ; ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδαμῶς δοκοῦσιν .
¹³⁷ What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it possible they can either live securely in common life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible;	¹³⁷ What crime then can be worse than to kill envoys, coming to discuss a fair solution? And after doing such a thing, how can they live a secure life or be successful in war? I feel it is impossible!
¹³⁷ Barach

¹³⁸ ἴσως τοίνυν τὸ μὲν ὅσιον καὶ δίκαιόν ἐστιν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν , ἀνδρειότεροι δὲ ἢ πλείους ἐκεῖνοι τετυχήκασιν . ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν ἀνάξιον ὑμῖν ταῦτα λέγειν · μεθ᾽ ὧν γὰρ τὸ δίκαιόν ἐστιν μετ᾽ ἐκείνων ὁ θεός , θεοῦ δὲ παρόντος καὶ πλῆθος καὶ ἀνδρεία πάρεστιν .
¹³⁸ but perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them is God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage.	¹³⁸ Maybe some might object that while godliness and justice are on our side, the Arabs are more courageous or more numerous. But it is wrong for you to say so in the first place, for God is with those who are on the side of justice, and where God is, both numbers and courage will not be lacking.
¹³⁸ Barach

¹³⁹ ἵνα δὲ καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐξετάσωμεν , ἐνικήσαμεν τῇ πρώτῃ μάχῃ · συμβαλόντες τὴν‎ δευτέραν οὐδὲ ἀντέσχον ἡμῖν , ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον εὐθὺς οὐχ ὑπομείναντες τὴν‎ ἔφοδον καὶ τὰ φρονήματα · νικῶσιν ἡμῖν ἈθηνίωνAthenion ἐπέθετο πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον ἐπάγων .
¹³⁹ But to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without declaring it;	¹³⁹ Just look at our own situation. We won the first battle. When we fought again, they could not stand up to us, but fled. They were unable to resist our assault and our courage. We had beaten them when Athenion came and made undeclared war against us.
¹³⁹ Barach

¹⁴⁰ πότερον ἀνδραγαθία τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἐκείνων ἢ δευτέρα παρανομία καὶ ἐνέδρα ; τί οὖν ἔλαττονsmaller, less φρονοῦμεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς μείζους ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας ; πῶς δ᾽ ἂν καταπλαγείημεν τοὺς ὅταν μὲν ἐξ ἀληθείας ἀγωνίζωνται πάντοτε νικωμένους , ὅταν δὲ κρατεῖν νομισθῶσιν ἐξ ἀδικίας αὐτὸ ποιοῦντας ;
¹⁴⁰ and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness?	¹⁴⁰ Was this an act of courage on their part, or not just a second crime and treachery? Why are we downhearted then, in a situation which should spur us to stronger hopes? Why are we terrified of people, who are always defeated in an honest fight, and whose only victories are gained by treachery?
¹⁴⁰ Barach

¹⁴¹ πῶς δ᾽ ἄν , εἰ καὶ γενναίους ἡγεῖταί τις αὐτούς , οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ὁρμηθείη ; τὸ γὰρ εὔψυχον οὐκ ἐν τῷ τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι καὶ τῶν ἰσχυροτέρων κρατεῖν .
¹⁴¹ and if we suppose that any one should deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the most hardy.	¹⁴¹ But even if one were to reckon them as men of real courage, would this not spur us to greater efforts against them? For true bravery is not shown by fighting weaker men but in being able to overcome the stronger.
¹⁴¹ Barach

¹⁴² εἰ δέ τινα καταπλήξεται τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν σεισμὸν συμβεβηκότα , πρῶτον μὲν ἐννοηθήτω , διότι τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ἐξαπατᾷ μείζω τὰ γενόμενα τῆς ἀληθείας ὑπειληφότας , ἔπειτα ὡς οὐ καλὸν ἐκείνοις τε τόλμης καὶ ἡμῖν δειλίας τὴν‎ αὐτὴν αἰτίαν γενέσθαι ·
¹⁴² But then if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the miseries that have come by the earthquake, hath affrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us;	¹⁴² Now if anyone has become fearful by our hardships and the effects of the earthquake, let him first consider that this will lead the Arabs astray into thinking that what has happened to us is greater than it really is.
¹⁴² Barach

¹⁴³ οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείου τινὸς ἀγαθοῦ τὸ εὔψυχον ἔχουσιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς περὶ ἡμᾶς ὡς κάμνοντας ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς ἐλπίδος , ἡμεῖς δὲ χωρήσαντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς παραιρησόμεθα μὲν ἐκείνων τὸ μεῖζον φρονεῖν , ἀναληψόμεθα δ᾽ αὐτοὶ τὸ μηκέτι θαρροῦσιν μάχεσθαι .
¹⁴³ for these men, you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the battle;	¹⁴³ Then too, what emboldens them should not discourage us, for their audacity is not based on any merit of their own, but on their belief that we are worn down by our troubles. But if we march against them, we shall soon pull down their high conceit and they will not be so bold when it comes to battle.
¹⁴³ Barach

¹⁴⁴ καὶ γὰρ οὔτε κεκακώμεθα τοσοῦτον οὔθ᾽ , ὅπερ οἴονταί τινες , ὀργὴν θεοῦ παρέχει τὸ γεγονός , ἀλλὰ ταῦτα συμπτώματα γίνεται καὶ πάθη τινά . Καὶ εἰ κατὰ θεοῦ γνώμην πέπρακται , δῆλον ὡς καὶ πέπαυται κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου γνώμην ἀρκουμένου τοῖς γεγονόσιν · βουλόμενος γὰρ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖν , οὐκ ἂν μετεβάλετο .
¹⁴⁴ for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened an indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon.	¹⁴⁴ Our woes are not so great, nor do they prove, as some imagine, that God is angry with us, for such things are natural events and misfortunes. Even if we think that they happened by God's will, now by his will they are clearly over, and enough has happened, for if he wished to afflict us still more, he would not have already changed his mind.
¹⁴⁴ Barach

¹⁴⁵ τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ὅτι καὶ θέλει τοῦτον ἐνεργεῖσθαι καὶ δίκαιον οἶδεν , δεδήλωκεν αὐτός · ἐνίωνsome γὰρ ἐν τῷ σεισμῷ περὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἀπολομένων οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις , ἀλλὰ πάντες ἐσώθητε , φανερὸν ποιοῦντος τοῦ θεοῦ , διότι κἂν εἰ πανδημεὶ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐστρατεύεσθε , περιῆν ἂν ὑμῖν μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν .
¹⁴⁵ And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people in the country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much hurt you.	¹⁴⁵ He has actually indicated that he wants us to continue with the just war we are engaged in, for while some people in the country have died, none of the army has suffered anything, but all were spared. By this God makes plain to us, that if our whole people, including children and wives, had taken the field with us, none might have suffered irreparable harm.
¹⁴⁵ Barach

¹⁴⁶ ταῦτα ἐνθυμηθέντες καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ὅτι παρὰ πάντα καιρὸν προιστάμενον ἔχετε τὸν θεόνGod, ἐπεξέλθετε δικαίαις ἀνδραγαθίαιςbravery τοὺς ἀδίκους μὲν πρὸς φιλίαν , ἀσπόνδους δὲ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις , ἀνοσίους δὲ εἰς πρέσβεις , ἀεὶ δὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἡττημένους .»
¹⁴⁶ Consider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with a just bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always inferior to you in valor.”	¹⁴⁶ Think on these things, and above all that you have God for your Protector always, and with due bravery pursue those who betray their friendship, are treacherous in battle, sacrilegious toward envoys and always inferior to you in bravery."
¹⁴⁶ Barach

¹⁴⁷ Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews πολὺ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀμείνους ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὴν‎ μάχην . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ θυσίας κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ποιήσας καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs διαβὰς τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan ποταμὸν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπεδεύεται πλησίον .
¹⁴⁷ When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had offered the sacrifices appointed by the law made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that passed over Jordan,	¹⁴⁷ Hearing all this, the Jews were in better spirits and more disposed for the fight. Herod sacrificed according to the law and hurried to lead them against the Arabs, crossing the Jordan and pitching camp near that of the enemy.
¹⁴⁷ Barach

¹⁴⁸ ἐδόκει δ᾽ αὐτῷ φρούριον ἐν μέσῳ κείμενον καταλαβεῖν · οὕτως γὰρ αὐτὸς μὲν ὠφεληθήσεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὸ θᾶττον συνάψαι τὴν‎ μάχην καὶ εἰ παρέλκειν δέοι ἐρυμνὸν αὐτῷ πεπορισμένος τὸ στρατόπεδον .
¹⁴⁸ and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should by it have his camp fortified;	¹⁴⁸ He decided to seize a stronghold in the territory in between, hoping it would be an advantage and would sooner lead to a battle, and that if there were any delay, it would add to the strength of his camp.
¹⁴⁸ Barach

¹⁴⁹ τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian προνοούντων ἅμιλλα γίνεται περὶ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀκροβολισμοῖς , εἶτα δὴ καὶ πλείους εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχόμενοι παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἕως ἡττηθέντες οἱ παρὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀπεχώρουν .
¹⁴⁹ and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten and retreated.	¹⁴⁹ Since the Arabs had a similar plan, the place was contested, at first simply by skirmishes, but then more soldiers came on both sides, and they fought until the Arabs were defeated and retreated.
¹⁴⁹ Barach

¹⁵⁰ τοῦτο εὐθὺς εἰς ἐλπίδας τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews οὐ μικρὸν ἐγεγόνει . Καὶ τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐννοούμενονto have in mind πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς μάχην ἰέναι βουλόμενον θρασύτερον ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα διασπᾶν καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προσάγων ἅπτεσθαι · τούτοις γὰρ ἐκβιασθέντες προῄεσαν ἄτακτοι καὶ προθυμίας ἢ τῆς εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἐλπίδος οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ἐσχηκότες .
¹⁵⁰ This was no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; and when Herod observed that the enemy’s army was disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory;	¹⁵⁰ This was immediately a significant boost to the Jews, and as he noted that the enemy forces wanted anything rather than an open battle, he ventured a bold attack on their defences, hoping to pull them down so as to get nearer to their camp and fight them. When they were forced out in this way, they advanced in disorder with no eagerness or hope of victory.
¹⁵⁰ Barach

¹⁵¹ ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν εἰς χεῖρας ᾔεσαν πλείους τε ὄντες καὶ διὰ τὸ κατεπείγειν ἐπὶ τὸ τολμηρὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης στρατηγούμενοι , καὶ μάχη γίνεται καρτερὰ πιπτόντων ἑκατέρωθεν οὐκ ὀλίγων , τέλος δὲ τραπέντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἔφευγον .
¹⁵¹ yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition of war that they were under a necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians fled;	¹⁵¹ Still they fought hand to hand, because of their greater numbers, and their necessity made them reckless; the fighting was very stubborn and not a few fell on both sides, but in the end the Arabs fled.
¹⁵¹ Barach

¹⁵² ἦν δὲ φόνος ἐγκλινάντων , ὡς μὴ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων θνήσκειν , ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς παραιτίους γίνεσθαι τῶν κακῶν , ὑπό τε πλήθους καὶ φορᾶς ἀτάκτου συμπατουμένων καὶ περιπιπτόντων τοῖς οἰκείοις ὅπλοις ·
¹⁵² and so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot,	¹⁵² As they fell back there was a slaughter, for not only were they killed by their enemies, but they also harmed each other and were trodden down by the crowd in a great disorderly rush, and were impeded by their own armour, so that five thousand of them met their death.
¹⁵² Barach

¹⁵³ πεντακισχίλιοι γοῦν αὐτῶν ἐγένοντο νεκροί . τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἔφθη μὲν εἰς τὸ χαράκωμα συμφυγεῖν , εἶχεν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐν βεβαίῳ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary καὶ μᾶλλον ὕδατος . οἵ τε ἸουδαῖοιJews διώκοντες συνεισπεσεῖν μὲν οὐ κατίσχυσαν ,
¹⁵³ while the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water.	¹⁵³ The rest of the crowd fled for safety inside the fortress, but it provided no security, because of the lack of essentials and especially of water.
¹⁵³ Barach

¹⁵⁴ περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ τῷ ΧάρακιCharax καὶ παρατηροῦντες εἰσόδου τε τοὺς ἐπαρκοῦντας καὶ ἐξόδου φυγεῖν βουλομένους εἶργον .
¹⁵⁴ The Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark, and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to it, from running away.	¹⁵⁴ The Jews pursued them, but could not get in among them, so they besieged the stronghold and prevented any help from getting in to them and stopped anyone from escaping.
¹⁵⁴ Barach

¹⁵⁵ Ἐν τοιούτοις οὖν ὄντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως , ἔπειτα , τὸ γὰρ δίψος ἤπειγεν , πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ὑφιστάμενοι καὶ τυχεῖν εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἀδείας ἠξιωκότες .
¹⁵⁵ When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and after that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them from their present distress;	¹⁵⁵ In this situation the Arabs sent envoys to Herod, first, to propose an agreement and then, so driven by thirst, to submit to any condition, just to be freed from their present distress.
¹⁵⁵ Barach

¹⁵⁶ ὁ δ᾽ οὔτε πρέσβεις οὔτε λύτρα τῶν ἡλωκότων οὔτ᾽ ἄλλο τι μέτριον προσίετο φιλόνεικος ὢν ἐκδικῆσαι τὰς παρανομίας τὰς εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων γεγενημένας . καταναγκαζόμενοί τε τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ τῷ δίψει προιόντες αὑτοὺς ἐνεχείριζον ἄγειν καὶ δεῖν ,
¹⁵⁶ but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried away captives;	¹⁵⁶ But being determined to revenge their unjust actions against his people, he would accept no envoys and no ransom price, nor any other moderate terms. So they were forced especially by their thirst to come out and surrender to him, to be bound in chains.
¹⁵⁶ Barach

¹⁵⁷ [καὶ ] πέντε μὲν ἡμέραις τετρακισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος οὕτως ἑάλωσαν , τῇ δ᾽ ἕκτῃ πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ διέγνωσαν ἐξιέναι πολέμου νόμῳ χωρήσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐγχειρεῖν , καὶ εἰ δέοι τι πάσχειν , αἱρούμενοι καὶ μὴ διαφθείρεσθαι κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἀδόξως .
¹⁵⁷ and in five days’ time the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and ingloriously.	¹⁵⁷ After four thousand were taken prisoner within five days, all the rest resolved to come out and fight their enemies, preferring to risk disaster than to die gradually and ingloriously.
¹⁵⁷ Barach

¹⁵⁸ ταῦτα δὲ γνόντες ἐξῆλθον μὲν τοῦ χαρακώματος , διήρκεσαν δ᾽ οὐδαμῶς τῇ μάχῃ , λαμπρῶς μὲν ἀγωνίσασθαι κεκακωμένοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα τόπον οὐκ ἔχοντες , κέρδος δ᾽ εἰ θνήσκοιεν ἐν συμφορᾷ τὸ ζῆν ποιούμενοι , καὶ πίπτουσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ περὶ ἑπτακισχιλίους .
¹⁵⁸ When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert themselves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them,	¹⁵⁸ With this in mind they came out from their defences, but could not keep up the fight, being so depleted in mind and body and with no chance of victory. They thought it better to be killed and a misery to survive, so at the first battle about seven thousand of them fell.
¹⁵⁸ Barach

¹⁵⁹ τοιαύτῃ δὲ πληγῇ χρησαμένων φρονήματος μὲν ὅσον ἦν πρότερον αὐτοῖς ἀφῄρηντο , τεθαυμακότες δὲ ἐν ταῖς οἰκείαις συμφοραῖς τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod στρατηγίαν εἴς τε τὸ λοιπὸν εἶξαν καὶ προστάτην ἀπεφήναντοto display, show forth τοῦ ἔθνους .
¹⁵⁹ after which stroke they let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod’s warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation;	¹⁵⁹ After this blow all their earlier courage failed and they were impressed by Herod's warlike spirit despite his own reverses, so thereafter they yielded and made him ruler of their nation.
¹⁵⁹ Barach

¹⁶⁰ ὁ δὲ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς εὐημερήμασιν ἠξιωκὼς φρονεῖν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν , προσειληφὼς ἀξίωμα καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν‎ ἀνδραγαθίαν .
¹⁶⁰ whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and returned home, taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made.	¹⁶⁰ He was very proud of such a timely success and returned home with great prestige after his courageous exploit.
¹⁶⁰ Barach

Chapter 6
[161-201]
Herod kills Hyrcanus and is confirmed as king of Judea by Augustus Caesar,
whom he royally entertains

☜ ☞

¹⁶¹ Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα καλῶς εἶχεν αὐτῷ δυσεπιχειρήτῳ κατὰ πάντα γεγενημένῳ , κίνδυνος δ᾽ ἐμπίπτει τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν ἐξάγων ἈντώνιονAntōny ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐν τῇ κατ᾽ ἌκτιονActium μάχῃ νενικηκότος ·
¹⁶¹ Herod’s other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian];	¹⁶¹ All else was now prospering for Herod and there was no easy way to attack him on any side. But a danger still loomed that could put his entire kingship at risk, when Antony was defeated by Caesar at the battle of Actium.
¹⁶¹ Barach

¹⁶² τότε γὰρ ἀπέγνωστο αὐτῷ τε ἩρώδῃHerod τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁμοίως ἐχθροῖς τε καὶ φίλοις · οὐ γὰρ ἦν εἰκὸς ἀτιμώρητον μενεῖν τοσαύτης αὐτῷ φιλίας πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny γεγενημένης .
¹⁶² for at that time both Herod’s enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony.	¹⁶² At that time both his enemies and his friends thought Herod was finished, since he was unlikely to remain unpunished after showing such friendship to Antony.
¹⁶² Barach

¹⁶³ ἦν οὖν τοῖς μὲν φίλοις ἀπόγνωσις τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλπίδων , ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐχθρῶς εἶχον ἐδόκουν μὲν ἐξ ἐμφανοῦς συνάχθεσθαι , πάθος δὲ λεληθὸς ἐφηδομένων εἶχον ὡς ἀμείνονος τευξόμενοι τῆς μεταβολῆς .
¹⁶³ So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better.	¹⁶³ His friends utterly despaired of his survival, while all his enemies outwardly appeared to be anxious on his behalf, but were secretly delighted, hoping for a change for the better.
¹⁶³ Barach

¹⁶⁴ αὐτός τε ἩρώδηςHerod τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὁρῶν μόνον ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος βασιλικοῦ συμφέρειν ᾤετο μηκέτ᾽ ἐμποδὼν ἐᾶν , εἰ μὲν περισωθείη καὶ διαφύγοι τὸν κίνδυνον , ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ τοῖς τοιούτοις αὐτοῦ‎ καιροῖς ἐφορμεῖν ἄνδρα τυχεῖν τῆς βασιλείας ἀξιώτερον , εἰ δὲ καὶ πάσχοι τι διὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , φθόνῳ τὸν μόνον ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας γενησόμενον ἐπιθυμῶν ἐξελεῖν .
¹⁶⁴ As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it was the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after him.	¹⁶⁴ Herod himself knew that there was no one of royal dignity left, apart from Hyrcanus. He reckoned it would be to his advantage, in case he himself survived his present danger, not to leave him any longer as an obstacle in his way, but to forestall this man, more worthy of the kingship than himself, from making any move against him. At any rate, if he himself was going to be killed by Caesar, envy prompted him to kill the man who otherwise would be king after him.
¹⁶⁴ Barach

¹⁶⁵ Ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δι᾽ ἐννοίας ἔχοντος ἐνεδόθη τι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων · ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἐπιεικείᾳ τρόπου καὶ τότε καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὐκ ἠξίου πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ νεωτέρων ἅπτεσθαι , συγχωρῶν τῇ τύχῃ πᾶν τὸ δι᾽ ἐκείνης γινόμενον ἠγαπηκέναι .
¹⁶⁵ While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded him:	¹⁶⁵ While he thought over these things a good chance presented itself. Hyrcanus was so mild mannered, both then and at other times, that he did not involve himself in public affairs nor seek to change things, but left everything to fate and was satisfied with whatever it brought.
¹⁶⁵ Barach

¹⁶⁶ φιλόνεικος δ᾽ ἦν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς ἀκρατῶς φέρουσα λόγους ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα , μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀναμεῖναι τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod παρανομίαν εἰς τὸν αὐτῶν οἶκον , ἀλλὰ προλαβεῖν ἀσφαλείᾳ τὰς αὖθις ἐλπίδας ,
¹⁶⁶ but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod’s injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might;	¹⁶⁶ But Alexandra loved conflict and wanted change. So she urged her father not to put up forever with the wrong Herod had done their family. But to work for their hopes as he could safely do,
¹⁶⁶ Barach

¹⁶⁷ καὶ γράφειν ἠξίου περὶ τούτων ΜάλχῳMalchus τῷ τὴν‎ ἀραβαρχίαν ἔχοντι δέξασθαί τε αὐτὸν καὶ δι᾽ ἀσφαλείας ἔχειν · ὑπεξελθόντων γὰρ εἰ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd οὕτως χωρήσειεν , ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν ἔχθρᾳ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τοὺς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντας μόνους καὶ διὰ τὸ γένος καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων .
¹⁶⁷ and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod’s affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of Caesar’s enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to them.	¹⁶⁷ and to write to Malichus, who was then ruler of Arabia, to receive him and keep them in security. For if they went away, and Herod's affairs turned out as now seemed likely because of Caesar's hostility to him, they would be the only ones who could be called upon to rule, due to their royal background and the people's goodwill toward them.
¹⁶⁷ Barach

¹⁶⁸ ταῦτα πειθούσης ὁ μὲν ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus διωθεῖτο τοὺς λόγους , φιλόνεικον δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον αὐτῆς πεπονθυίας καὶ μήτε νύκτα μήθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπολειπομένης , ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ περὶ τούτων καὶ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιβουλῆς διαλεγομένης , ἀνεπείσθηto persuade τέλος ἐπιστολὴν δοῦναι ΔοσιθέῳDositheus τινὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν φίλων , ἐν ᾗ συντέτακτο πέμπειν αὐτῷ τὸν ἌραβαArabian τοὺς ἀναληψομένους καὶ παραπέμψοντας ἱππέας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis λίμνην · αὕτη δ᾽ ἀπέχει τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem ὅρωνto see σταδίους τριακοσίους .
¹⁶⁸ While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod’s treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs:	¹⁶⁸ Despite her persuasions, Hyrcanus ignored her at first. But with her combative, womanly nature she would not let up, night or day, always going on about these matters and Herod's treacherous intent. Finally she persuaded him to send Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter declaring his resolve, and asking the Arab to send him some cavalry to take and lead him to lake Asphaltitis, which is three hundred furlongs from the borders of Jerusalem.
¹⁶⁸ Barach

¹⁶⁹ ἐπίστευεν δὲ τῷ ΔοσιθέῳDositheus θεραπεύοντος αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd δυσνοίας οὐ μικρὰς αἰτίας ἔχοντος · ἸωσήπουJoseph τε γάρ , ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἀνῃρήκει , συγγενὴς ἦν καὶ τῶν ἐν ΤύρῳTyre φονευθέντων ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny πρότερον ἀδελφός .
¹⁶⁹ and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony:	¹⁶⁹ He entrusted this letter to Dositheus who had faithfully served him and Alexandra and had good reason to hate Herod, who had killed a relative of his named Joseph, and a brother of his had earlier been killed by Antony, in Tyre.
¹⁶⁹ Barach

¹⁷⁰ οὐ μὴν ἐπήγαγεν ταῦτα τὸν ΔοσίθεονDositheus ὙρκανῷHyrcanus πιστὸν εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπηρεσίαν γενέσθαι , προτιμήσας δὲ τῶν ἐκείνου τὰς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐλπίδας ἐπιδίδωσιν ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν .
¹⁷⁰ yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the letter.	¹⁷⁰ But not even these could keep Dositheus faithful in serving Hyrcanus, for, preferring his chances from the actual king, he handed over the letter to Herod.
¹⁷⁰ Barach

¹⁷¹ ὁ δὲ τῆς εὐνοίας ἀποδεξάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῦτο προσυπουργῆσαι παρεκελεύετο , πτύξαντα τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν καὶ κατασημηνάμενον ἀποδοῦναι τῷ ΜάλχῳMalchus καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου γράμματα λαβεῖν · οὐ γὰρ μικρὸν τὸ διάφορον καὶ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου γνώμην αὐτὸν εἰδέναι .
¹⁷¹ So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he could know Malchus’s intentions also.	¹⁷¹ The king took this as a sign of loyalty and urged him to serve him further by rolling up and sealing the letter again and delivering it to Malichus and then bringing back the letter from him, for it would be a significant advantage to know what that man intended.
¹⁷¹ Barach

¹⁷² ταῦτα δὲ τοῦ ΔοσιθέουDositheus προθύμως ὑπουργήσαντος ὁ μὲν ἌραψArab ἀντεπέστελλεν αὐτόν τε ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus δέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦσιν , δύναμίν τε πέμψειν τὴν‎ μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς κομιοῦσαν καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ἐνδεήσειν ὧν ἠξίου .
¹⁷² And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire.	¹⁷² As Dositheus promptly served him in this way too, the Arab wrote back that he would receive Hyrcanus and all his men, including all the Jews who were on his side. He would send a force to guard them on their journey, and supply everything he needed.
¹⁷² Barach

¹⁷³ ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἩρώδηςHerod ἐδέξατο τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν , εὐθύς τε Μεταπέμπεται τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ περὶ τῶν γενομένων αὐτῷ συνθηκῶν πρὸς τὸν ΜάλχονMalichus ἀνέκρινεν . ἀρνησαμένους δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς δείξας τῷ συνεδρίῳ διεχειρίσατο τὸν ἄνδρα .
¹⁷³ Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately.	¹⁷³ When Herod received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus and questioned him about his agreement with Malichus, and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrin and had the man put to death.
¹⁷³ Barach

¹⁷⁴ Ταῦτα δὲ γράφομεν ἡμεῖς , ὡς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ἩρώδουHerod περιείχετο . τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις οὐ κατὰ ταῦτα συμφωνεῖ · τὸν γὰρ ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δοκοῦσιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς μᾶλλον ὙρκανῷHyrcanus τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐπάγοντα κατὰ τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τρόπον ἀποκτεῖναι ·
¹⁷⁴ And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying a snare for him;	¹⁷⁴ We give this account as it is found in the annals of king Herod. Others do not accept it, believing that Herod did not find, but rather invented, this excuse for putting Hyrcanus to death, and laid a trap for him.
¹⁷⁴ Barach

¹⁷⁵ γράφουσι γὰρ οὕτως , ἐν συμποσίῳ τινὶ μηδὲν ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἐνδιδόνταto give in λόγον ὙρκανῷHyrcanus προσφέρειν , εἴ τινας ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τοῦ Μάλχου λάβοι , καὶ τὸν μὲν ὁμολογῆσαι προσαγορευτικὰ γράμματα κομίσασθαι ,
¹⁷⁵ for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters, but those of salutation only;	¹⁷⁵ According to their account, they were once at a banquet and without any basis, Herod asked Hyrcanus if he had received any letters from Malichus. When he replied that he had, but letters of greeting only,
¹⁷⁵ Barach

¹⁷⁶ τὸν δ᾽ , εἰ καί τινα δωρεὰν εἰληφὼς εἴη , πάλιν ἐπερέσθαι · τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν πλέον ἢ κτηνῶν ἀναβατικῶν τέτταρα πέμψαντος αὐτῷ λαβεῖν , εἰς αἰτίαν τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐπαναφέροντα δωροδοκίας καὶ προδοσίας ἀπάγχειν προστάξαι τὸν ἄνδρα .
¹⁷⁶ and when he asked further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should be led away and slain.	¹⁷⁶ he asked him further if he had not received a gift from him. He replied that he had received no more than four riding horses that he had sent him. They say that Herod took these as proof of bribery and treason and had him taken away and killed.
¹⁷⁶ Barach

¹⁷⁷ τεκμήρια δὲ τοῦ μηδὲν ἁμαρτόντα τοιούτῳ τέλει περιπεσεῖν καταλογίζονται τὴν‎ ἐπιείκειαν τοῦ τρόπου καὶ τὸ μήτ᾽ ἐν νεότητι θράσους ἢ προπετείας ἐπίδειξιν πεποιῆσθαι μήθ᾽ ὅτε τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτὸς εἶχεν , ἀλλὰ κἀν ταύτῃ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ διοίκησιν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater παρακεχωρηκέναι .
¹⁷⁷ And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater;	¹⁷⁷ To prove that he had committed no offence for which he should have been executed, they allege his gentleness and how even in his youth he had given no signs of insolence or rashness and that it was the same when he came to be king, for at that time he left the management of most things to Antipater.
¹⁷⁷ Barach

¹⁷⁸ τότε δ᾽ ἐντῶ πλείω μὲν ἢ ὀγδοήκοντα γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν ἔτη , κρατοῦντα δὲ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἠπίστατο , διαβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates τοὺς ἐν τῷ πέραν τιμῶντας αὐτὸν καταλιπὼν ὡς ὅλος ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενησόμενος · ἐγχειρεῖν οὖν τι καὶ καινοτέρων ἅπτεσθαι πάντων ἀπιθανώτατον καὶ οὐ πρὸς τῆς ἐκείνου φύσεως , ἀλλὰ ταῦτα σκῆψιν ἩρώδουHerod γενέσθαι .
¹⁷⁸ and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod’s government was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod’s government; and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod’s own contrivance.	¹⁷⁸ Now that he was more than eighty years old he knew that Herod's government was secure. He had come back across the Euphrates, leaving beyond the river those who greatly honoured him, and putting himself entirely in Herod's hands, so it was very unlikely and not at all in character for him to risk anything by way of revolt, so that the whole thing was a plot of Herod's.
¹⁷⁸ Barach

¹⁷⁹ Τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος ὙρκανῷHyrcanus συνέπεσεν τοῦ βίου ποικίλαις καὶ πολυτρόποις χρησαμένῳ ταῖς ἐν τῷ ζῆν τύχαις · εὐθὺς μὲν [γὰρ ] ἐν ἀρχῇ βασιλευούσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ἀρχιερεὺς καταστὰς τοῦ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνους ἔτεσιν ἐννέα τὴν‎ τιμὴν κατέσχεν .
¹⁷⁹ And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother Alexandra’s reign, who held the government nine years;	¹⁷⁹ This was how Hyrcanus was destined to meet his end, after suffering many different turns of fortune in his lifetime. At the very start of the reign of his mother Alexandra, he was made high priest of the Jewish nation an honour he held for nine years.
¹⁷⁹ Barach

¹⁸⁰ παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀποθανούσης τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῷ καὶ ταύτην κατασχὼν τρεῖς μῆνας ἐκπίπτει μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ , κατάγεται δ᾽ αὖθις ὑπὸ ΠομπηίουPompeius καὶ πάσας τὰς τιμὰς ἀπολαβὼν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα διετέλεσεν ἐν αὐτοῖς .
¹⁸⁰ and when, after his mother’s death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honors from him, and enjoyed them forty years;	¹⁸⁰ When, after his mother's death, he took on the kingship himself, after three months he lost it to his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey to all his honours and enjoyed them for forty years.
¹⁸⁰ Barach

¹⁸¹ ἀφαιρεθεὶς δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus καὶ λωβηθεὶς τὸ σῶμα παρὰ ΠάρθοιςParthians αἰχμάλωτος ἐγένετο . κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἐπανῄει χρόνῳ διὰ τὰς ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod προτεινομένας ἐλπίδας , ὧν οὐδὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἀπήντα πολυπαθείᾳ βίου χρησαμένῳ , τὸ δυσχερέστατον δέ , ὡς προειρήκαμεν , ἐν γήρᾳ τέλους οὐκ ἀξίου τυχεῖν ·
¹⁸¹ but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him.	¹⁸¹ But he was again deposed by Antigonus and maimed in body, and was imprisoned by the Parthians. After some time, he returned home from there due to the hopes held out to him by Herod. But nothing turned out as planned, and he endured many troubles throughout his life. Worst of all, as we have said, he came to an unworthy end.
¹⁸¹ Barach

¹⁸² δοκεῖ γὰρ ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριος ἐν πᾶσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ διοικηταῖς ἄγειν , οὐ πολυπράγμων οὐδὲ δεινὸς ὢν βασιλείας ἐπιστατεῖν , ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τε καὶ ἩρώδῃHerod μέχρι τοῦδε προελθεῖν ἐγένετο διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιείκειαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου , καὶ τὸ πέρας οὔτε δίκαιον οὔτ᾽ εὐσεβὲς ἐξ αὐτῶν εὕρατο τοιούτου τέλους .
¹⁸² His character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, who suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety.	¹⁸² He was of a mild and gentle character, who generally left the state to be administered by others under him, being reluctant to mix with the public, and without the shrewdness to govern a kingdom. Both Antipater and Herod were promoted because of his mildness, and his treatment by them in the end was neither right nor reverential.
¹⁸² Barach

¹⁸³ Ὁ δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐκποδὼν ἐποιήσατο , σπεύδων πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ μηδὲν ἐλπίσαι περὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ πραγμάτων δυνάμενος χρηστὸν ἐκ τῆς γενομένης αὐτῷ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλίας , ὕποπτον μὲν εἶχεν τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra , μὴ τῷ καιρῷ συνεπιθεμένη τὸ πλῆθος ἀποστήσῃ καὶ στασιάσῃ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πράγματα .
¹⁸³ Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom;	¹⁸³ Having disposed of Hyrcanus, Herod hurried to Caesar, but not expecting to find favour with him after his friendship with Antony, he suspected that Alexandra would take her chance to get the people to rebel and embroil the kingdom in a revolt.
¹⁸³ Barach

¹⁸⁴ παρετίθετο δὲ πάντα ΦερώρᾳPheroras τἀδελφῷ , καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα ΚύπρονCyprus καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν‎ γενεὰν ἅπασαν ἐν Μασάδοις κατεστήσατο παρακελευσάμενος , εἴ τι περὶ αὐτὸν ἀκούσαιεν δυσχερές , ἔχεσθαιto have, hold τῶν πραγμάτων .
¹⁸⁴ so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he should take care of the government.	¹⁸⁴ So he entrusted the care of everything to his brother Pheroras and placed his mother Cypros and his sister and the whole family at Masada and told him to take charge if any bad news about himself should arrive.
¹⁸⁴ Barach

¹⁸⁵ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne δὲ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ γυναῖκα , δυνατὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἦν ἐν διαφορᾷ τῇ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἐκείνου δίαιταν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἔχειν , ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείῳ σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ μητρὶ κατεστήσατο ἸώσηπονJoseph τὸν ταμιαίαν καὶ τὸν Ἰτουραῖον ΣόαιμονSohemus ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν καταλιπών , πιστοτάτους μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γενομένους αὐτῷ , τότε δὲ προφάσει τιμῆς φρουρεῖν ἀπολειφθέντας τὰς γυναῖκας .
¹⁸⁵ But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister’s mother, which made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women.	¹⁸⁵ But he placed his wife Mariamne at Alexandreion, with Alexandra her mother, because of the quarrel between her and his sister and the sister's mother, which made it impossible for them to live together. In charge of the fortress he left his treasurer, Joseph, and Soemus of Iturea who were most faithful to him from the beginning and were now left as bodyguards to the women.
¹⁸⁵ Barach

¹⁸⁶ ἦν δὲ κἀκείνοις ἐντολὴ μαθόντας τι περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ δυσχερὲς ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀμφοτέρας μεταχειρίσασθαι , τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν εἰς δύναμιν τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ‎ σὺν τἀδελφῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras διατηρεῖν .
¹⁸⁶ They also had it in charge, that if they should hear any mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.	¹⁸⁶ They had instructions to kill both of them, if they heard that any harm had happened to him, and, as far as they could, to preserve the kingdom for his sons and for his brother Pheroras.
¹⁸⁶ Barach

¹⁸⁷ Ταύτας δοὺς τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτὸς εἰς ῬόδονRhodes ἠπείγετο ΚαίσαριCaesar συντυχεῖν . κἀπειδὴ κατέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν , ἀφῄρητο μὲν τὸ διάδημα , τοῦ δ᾽ ἄλλου περὶ αὐτὸν ἀξιώματος οὐδὲν ὑφεικώς , ὅτε καὶ κοινωνῆσαι λόγου κατὰ τὴν‎ συντυχίαν ἠξιώθη , πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐνέφηνεν τὸ μεγαλεῖον τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν φρονήματος ,
¹⁸⁷ When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of a great soul;	¹⁸⁷ Leaving these instructions, he hurried to Rhodes to meet Caesar. After sailing into that city, he left off his crown, but neglected nothing else of his usual splendour. When at their meeting, he asked permission to speak to him. He showed a noble example of his courage by not launching into petitions as people usually do on such occasions.
¹⁸⁷ Barach

¹⁸⁸ οὔτ᾽ εἰς ἱκεσίαν , ὡς εἰκὸς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις , τραπόμενος οὔτε δέησίν τινα προτείνων ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἡμαρτημένοις , ἀποδοὺς δὲ τὸν λογισμὸν τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀνυποτιμήτως .
¹⁸⁸ for he did not betake himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done;	¹⁸⁸ He did not ask for anything, as if he were an offender, but boldly gave an account of his actions.
¹⁸⁸ Barach

¹⁸⁹ ἔλεγεν γὰρ τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι μεγίστην πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny καὶ πάντα πρᾶξαι κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ δύναμιν , ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενήσεται τὰ πράγματα , στρατείας μὲν οὐ κοινωνήσας κατὰ περιολκὰς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian , πέμψας δὲ καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον ἐκείνῳ .
¹⁸⁹ for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn,	¹⁸⁹ He told Caesar that he had been great friends with Antony and had done everything he could to help him gain the leadership. If he had not been with him in the battle, it was because the Arabs had sidetracked him. But he did send him money and corn.
¹⁸⁹ Barach

¹⁹⁰ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι μετριώτερα τῶν ἐπιβαλλόντων αὐτῷ γενέσθαι · τὸν γὰρ ὁμολογοῦντα μὲν εἶναι φίλον , ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes δ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐπιστάμενον , παντὶ μέρει καὶ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος καὶ περιουσίας συγκινδυνεύειν δέον ὧν αὐτὸς ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἢ καλῶς εἶχεν ἀναστραφεὶς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνό γε συνειδέναι καλῶς ἑαυτῷ πεποιηκότι τὸ μηδ᾽ ἡττηθέντα τὴν‎ ἐν ἈκτίῳActium μάχην καταλιπεῖν ,
¹⁹⁰ which was but too little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; “for if a man owns himself to be another’s friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium;	¹⁹⁰ Even this was less than what he wished to do for him. "For if a man calls himself a friend and regards the other as a benefactor, he is obliged to risk everything, and use every faculty of his soul, every limb of his body and all his wealth on his behalf, in which I confess mine was not enough. But I know that I did the right thing in not deserting him on his defeat at Actium.
¹⁹⁰ Barach

¹⁹¹ μηδὲ συμμεταβῆναι ταῖς ἐλπίσιν φανερῶς ἤδη μεταβαινούσης καὶ τῆς τύχης , φυλάξαι δ᾽ αὑτὸν , εἰ καὶ μὴ συναγωνιστὴν ἀξιόχρεων , ἀλλὰ σύμβουλόν γε δεξιώτατον ἈντωνίῳAnthony τὴν‎ μίαν αἰτίαν τοῦ κἂν σώζεσθαι καὶ μὴ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐκπεσεῖν ὑποδεικνύντα , ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐπανελέσθαι ·
¹⁹¹ nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a valuable fellowsoldier, yet certainly as a faithful counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to slay Cleopatra;	¹⁹¹ Nor did I shift my loyalty from him to another, after the evident change of his fortunes, but remained to Antony, if not a valuable military colleague, at least a faithful counsellor. I told him that his only way to save himself and not lose all his authority, was to kill Cleopatra.
¹⁹¹ Barach

¹⁹² προανῃρημένης γὰρ ἐκείνης αὐτῷ τε τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ὑπεῖναι καὶ τὰς πρὸς σὲ συμβάσεις ῥᾷον εὑρίσκεσθαι τῆς ἔχθρας . ὧν οὐδὲν ἐκεῖνος ἐννοηθεὶς ἀλυσιτελῶς μὲν αὐτῷ , συμφερόντως δὲ σοὶ προετίμησεν τὴν‎ ἀβουλίαν .
¹⁹² for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee.	¹⁹² Once she was dead, he could have retained his authority and could have brought you to make peace with him, rather than continue any longer at enmity. He listened to none of this advice, preferring his own rashness which turned out badly for him, but good for you.
¹⁹² Barach

¹⁹³ νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν τῇ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ὀργῇ κρίνεις καὶ τὴν‎ ἐμὴν προθυμίαν , οὐκ ἂν εἴη μοι τῶν πεπραγμένων ἄρνησις οὐδ᾽ ἀπαξιώσω τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ λέγειν , εἰ δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀνελών , τίς εἰμι πρὸς τοὺς εὐεργέτας καὶ ὁποῖος Φίλος ἐξετάζοις , ἐνέσται σοι πείρᾳ τῶν ἤδη γεγενημένων ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι · τοῦ γὰρ ὀνόματος ὑπαλλαγέντος οὐδὲν ἔλαττονsmaller, less αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς φιλίας βέβαιον ἐν ἡμῖν εὐδοκιμεῖν δυνήσεται ."
¹⁹³ Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by thee.”	¹⁹³ So if you judge me and my zeal in serving Antony in the light of your anger at him, I cannot deny what I have done, nor am I ashamed to publicly admit the great fondness I had for him. But if you forget him and consider my behaviour toward my benefactors and what sort of friend I am, you will find that I will do and be the same to you. It will be just a changing of names, and you will have no cause to doubt the firmness of my friendship toward you."
¹⁹³ Barach

¹⁹⁴ Τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ παράπαν ἐμφαίνων τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐλευθέριον οὐ μετρίως ἐπεσπᾶτο τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar φιλότιμον ὄντα καὶ λαμπρόν , ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας σύστασιν ἤδη τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας πραγματεύεσθαι .
¹⁹⁴ By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar’s good-will.	¹⁹⁴ By this speech and his demeanour, which showed his freedom of spirit, he greatly impressed Caesar, who was himself generous and noble. So that the very actions for which he had been accused gained him the other's goodwill.
¹⁹⁴ Barach

¹⁹⁵ καὶ τό τε διάδημα πάλιν ἀποκαθίστησιν αὐτῷ καὶ προτρεψάμενος μηδὲν ἐλάττω περὶ αὐτὸν ἢ πρότερον ἦν περὶ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny φαίνεσθαι , διὰ πάσης ἦγε τιμῆς , προσθεὶς ὅτι καιταιδιος γράψειεν , ἁπάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς μονομάχους αὐτῷ συλλαβέσθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd .
¹⁹⁵ Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators.	¹⁹⁵ He restored to him his crown, and urged him to prove himself no less a friend to him than to Antony, and showed him every sign of esteem, adding how Quintus Didius had written to him how Herod had most willingly taken his side in the matter about the gladiators.
¹⁹⁵ Barach

¹⁹⁶ τοσαύτης ἀποδοχῆς ἠξιωμένος καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ὁρῶν αὐτῷ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς βεβαιοτέραν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν δόσει ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ δόγματι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin , ὅπερ ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ βέβαιον ἐπραγματεύσατο , παρέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ΚαίσαραCaesar , δωρησάμενος ὑπὲρ δύναμιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ πᾶσαν ἐμφαίνων μεγαλοψυχίαν .
¹⁹⁶ So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Caesar’s donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself with great magnanimity.	¹⁹⁶ After being so well received and, beyond all his hopes, getting his crown confirmed more firmly than ever by Caesar's grant, and by the Roman decree which Caesar issued for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, giving to both him and his friends gifts beyond his means, and in general acting with great generosity.
¹⁹⁶ Barach

¹⁹⁷ ᾐτεῖτο δὲ καὶ τῶν ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνήθων ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὡς μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν , ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχεν ὅρκῳ προκατειλημμένου ΚαίσαροςCaesar ·
¹⁹⁷ He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition.	¹⁹⁷ He petitioned against the execution of Alexander, one of Antony's companions, but Caesar had proscribed the man under oath, and so could not grant that request.
¹⁹⁷ Barach

¹⁹⁸ ἐπανῄει δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea πλείονί τε τιμῇ καὶ παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία προσδοκήσασιν ἔκπληξιν παρέσχεν ὡς ἀεὶ τὸ λαμπρότερον ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κατ᾽ εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ προσεπικτώμενος . εὐθὺς οὖν περὶ τὴν‎ ὑποδοχὴνa reception ἐγεγόνει ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀπὸ ΣυρίαςSyria εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt εἰσβαλεῖν μέλλοντος .
¹⁹⁸ And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt;	¹⁹⁸ Returning to Judea with more honour and assurance, he struck fear into those who had expected the contrary, having greater glory than ever due to the dangers he had survived and God's favour to him, and prepared to welcome Caesar on his way from Syria to invade Egypt.
¹⁹⁸ Barach

¹⁹⁹ κἀπειδὴ παρῆν , δέχεται μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais πάσῃ‎ τῇ βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ , παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ξένια καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀφθονίανfree from envy . κἀν τοῖς εὐνουστάτοις ἐξητάζετο τάς τε δυνάμεις ἐκτάττοντος συνιππαζόμενος καὶ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους ἀνδρῶσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πᾶσιν εἰς πολυτέλειαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπηρεσίας ἠσκημένοις .
¹⁹⁹ and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends.	¹⁹⁹ On Caesar's arrival he entertained him with royal splendour at Ptolemais, giving gifts to his army and bringing them loads of provisions. He also showed himself very well disposed and put the army on parade and rode with him and had a hundred and fifty apartments, comfortably and richly equipped, to welcome him and his friends.
¹⁹⁹ Barach

²⁰⁰ παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἄνυδρον διερχομένοις τὴν‎ τῶν ἐπειγόντων χορηγίαν , ὡς μήτε οἴνου μήτε ὕδατος , ὃ καὶ μᾶλλον ἦν ἐν χρείᾳ τοῖς στρατιώταις , ὑστερηθῆναι . αὐτόν γε μὴν ΚαίσαραCaesar ταλάντοις ὀκτακοσίοις ἐδωρήσατο καὶ παρέστησεν ἅπασιν ἔννοιαν λαβεῖν , ὅτι τῆς βασιλείας ἧς εἶχεν πολὺ μείζω καὶ λαμπρότερα κατὰ τὰς ὑπουργίας ἐπεδείκνυτο .
²⁰⁰ He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford;	²⁰⁰ He also provided for their needs in crossing the desert, so that they lacked neither wine nor water, which the soldiers chiefly required. Besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents and won the goodwill of them all, for helping them so much more lavishly than the kingdom he had obtained could afford.
²⁰⁰ Barach

²⁰¹ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς πίστιν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας ἐπισυνίστη καὶ πλεῖστον ἠνέγκατο τῇ χρείᾳ τοῦ καιροῦ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἁρμόσας . ὁ δὲ καὶ πάλιν ἐπανιόντων ἀπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τῶν πρώτων οὐδενὸς τὰς ὑπηρεσίας ἥττων ἐφάνηto give light, shine .
²⁰¹ by which means he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done them.	²⁰¹ Increasingly he was trusted for his friendship and readiness to help him, and especially since his generosity came at the right time. On their return from Egypt, his services were no less than he had formerly shown them.
²⁰¹ Barach

Chapter 7
[202-266]
Murders by Herod:
Mariamne, Alexandra, various friends and the sons of Babbas

☜ ☞

²⁰² Τότε μέντοι γενόμενος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τεταραγμένην αὐτῷ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν καταλαμβάνει καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐχούσας τήν τε γυναῖκα ΜαριάμμηνMariamne καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἐκείνης ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra .
²⁰² However, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his house all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very uneasy;	²⁰² However, when he returned to his kingdom, he found that his house was in turmoil and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra were very distressed.
²⁰² Barach

²⁰³ οἰηθεῖσαι γάρ , ὅπερ ἦν ὕποπτον , οὐκ εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῶν σωμάτων εἰς ἐκεῖνο κατατεθῆναι τὸ χωρίον , ἀλλ᾽ ὡς φρουρᾷ μηθενὸς μήτε τῶν ἄλλων μήθ᾽ αὑτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοιεν , χαλεπῶς ἔφερον .
²⁰³ for as they supposed (what was easy to be supposed) that they were not put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no power over any thing, either of others or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy; and	²⁰³ They judged, quite reasonably, that they had not been placed in that place for their own safety but imprisoned in a fortress, with no power over others or over themselves, and they took it very badly.
²⁰³ Barach

²⁰⁴ ἥ τε ΜαριάμμηMariamne τὸν μὲν ἔρωταto ask τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπόκρισιν ἄλλως καὶ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον αὐτῷ γινομένην ἀπάτην ὑπελάμβανεν , ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ μηδ᾽ εἰ πάσχοι τι δεινὸν ἐκεῖνος ἐλπίδα τοῦ βιώσεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσχηκέναι καὶ τὰς ἸωσήπῳJoseph δοθείσας ἐντολὰς ἀνεμνημόνευεν , ὥστ᾽ ἤδη διὰ θεραπείας εἶχεν τοὺς φρουροὺς καὶ μᾶλλον τὸν ΣόαιμονSohemus , ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὸ πᾶν ἐπισταμένη .
²⁰⁴ Mariamne supposing that the king’s love to her was but hypocritical, and rather pretended (as advantageous to himself) than real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm himself. She also recollected what commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch that she endeavored to please her keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well apprised how all was in his power.	²⁰⁴ Mariamne reckoned that the king's love for her was a pretense intended for his own use, rather than real. She was also upset that he would not leave her any hopes of surviving him, if he himself came to any harm, remembering the orders he had given to Joseph. Now fully aware of her situation, she tried to cultivate favour with her custodians, and especially Soemus.
²⁰⁴ Barach

²⁰⁵ ΣόαιμοςSohemus δὲ κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἀρχὰς πιστὸς ἦν οὐδὲν ὧν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐνετέταλτο παριείς , λόγοις δὲ καὶ δωρεαῖς λιπαρέστερον τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκθεραπευουσῶν αὐτὸν ἡττᾶτο κατὰ μικρὸν ἤδη καὶ τέλος ἐξεῖπεν ἁπάσας τὰς ἐντολὰς τοῦ βασιλέως , μάλιστα μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὑποστρέψειν ἐξουσίας ·
²⁰⁵ And at the first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had given him in charge; but when the women, by kind words and liberal presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king’s injunctions, and this on that account principally, that he did not so much as hope he would come back with the same authority he had before;	²⁰⁵ At first Soemus faithfully observed all of Herod's instructions. But when by words and gifts the women had made him more malleable to them, he gradually gave in and finally revealed to them all of the king's commands, mainly because he [Soemus] could hardly hope to hold the same authority in the future.
²⁰⁵ Barach

²⁰⁶ ἐν ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκφυγὼν τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κίνδυνον οὐ μικρὰ χαριεῖσθαι ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὑπελάμβανεν , αἷς ἦν εἰκὸς οὐκ ἀποτεύξεσθαι τοῦ περιόντος ἀξιώματος , ἀλλὰ καὶ πλέον εἰς τὴν‎ ἀμοιβὴν ἕξειν εἰ βασιλευούσας ἢ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἀγχοῦ γενησομένας .
²⁰⁶ so that he thought he should both escape any danger from him, mid supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling of the government; nay, that they would be able to make him abundant recompense, since they must either reign themselves, or be very near to him that should reign.	²⁰⁶ So it seemed that there was little danger from him [Herod], while he could greatly gratify the women, who were unlikely to be ignored in the settling of the leadership. And they would then be able to richly reward him, since they would either be co-regents themselves or be very close to whoever was king.
²⁰⁶ Barach

²⁰⁷ ἐπήλπιζε δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐχ ἧττον , εἰ καὶ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν πράξας ὑποστρέψειεν ἩρώδηςHerod , μηδὲν ὅτι τῇ γυναικὶ δυνήσεσθαι βουλομένῃ γε ἀντειπεῖν · ἠπίστατο γὰρ τὸν πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἔρωταto ask μείζονα λόγου τῷ βασιλεῖ .
²⁰⁷ He had a further ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he could wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king’s fondness for his wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to discover what injunctions had been given him.	²⁰⁷ He had a further ground of hope that even if Herod had all the success he could wish for and returned again, he could not reject the desires of his wife, for he knew that the king was inexpressibly fond of Mariamne.
²⁰⁷ Barach

²⁰⁸ ταῦτα προσεκλύσαντα τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐξαγγεῖλαι ΜαριάμμηMariamne χαλεπῶς ἤκουσεν , εἰ μηδὲν πέρας αὐτῇ τῶν ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod κινδύνων ἔσται‎ , χαλεπῶς δὲ διέκειτο , μηδενὸς μὲν τυχεῖν αὐτὸν τῶν ἴσων εὐχομένη , δυσύποιστον δ᾽ εἰ τύχοι τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βίον κρίνουσα . Καὶ τοῦτο διέδειξεν ἐν ὑστέρῳ μηδὲν ἐπικρυψαμένη τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν πάθους .
²⁰⁸ So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was under from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might obtain no favors [from Caesar], and esteemed it almost an insupportable task to live with him any longer; and this she afterward openly declared, without concealing her resentment.	²⁰⁸ These were what persuaded Soemus to reveal his orders. Mariamne was distressed to hear that she stood in limitless danger from Herod. She hoped that he would get none of what he wanted. She considered it as insupportable to live with him any longer, which she declared later, without concealing her resentment.
²⁰⁸ Barach

²⁰⁹ Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ μεγάλοις οἷς παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας εὐτυχήκει καταπεπλευκὼς πρώτῃ μέν , ὡς εἰκός , τῇ γυναικὶ περὶ τούτων εὐηγγελίζετο , μόνην δὲ ἐκ πάντων διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask καὶ τὴν‎ οὖσαν αὐτῷ συνήθειαν προτιμῶν ἠσπάζετο .
²⁰⁹ And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good success he had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her, and her only, the good news, as preferring her before the rest, on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy there had been between them, and saluted her;	²⁰⁹ But he sailed home brimming with unexpected success. Apparently he went first to his wife to tell her the good news privately, giving her priority because of his fondness and intimacy with her.
²⁰⁹ Barach

²¹⁰ τῇ δ᾽ οὔτε τὰς εὐημερίας διηγουμένου χαίρειν μᾶλλον ἢ χαλεπῶς φέρειν συνέβαινεν οὔτ᾽ ἐπικρύπτεσθαι τὸ πάθος δυνατὸν ἦν . ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀδοξίας καὶ τῆς περιούσης εὐγενείας πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀσπασμοὺς ἀνέστενεν , τοῖς δὲ διηγήμασιν ἄχθεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ συγχαίρειν ἐνέφαινεν , ὡς οὐχ ὕποπτα μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ καταφανῆ γινόμενα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπιταράττειν .
²¹⁰ but so it happened, that as he told her of the good success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentments, but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, and this till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording him, not only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction.	²¹⁰ But when he told her of his good fortune, far from rejoicing she was rather grieved by it, nor could she conceal her feelings. But relying on her dignity and the nobility of her birth, in reply to his greetings, she groaned. She kept making it clear that she was more sorry than glad at his success until Herod was not merely uneasy but visibly shaken.
²¹⁰ Barach

²¹¹ ἠδημόνει μὲν γὰρ ὁρῶν τὸ παράλογον τῆς γυναικὸς εἰς αὐτὸν μῖσος οὐκ ἀποκεκρυμμένον , ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ πράγματι καὶ τὸν ἔρωταto ask φέρειν ἀδυνατῶν ταῖς τε ὀργαῖς καὶ ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς οὐκ ἐνέμενεν , ἀεὶ δὲ ἀπὸ θατέρου μεταβαίνων εἰς θάτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρῳ πολλὴν εἶχεν ἀπορίαν .
²¹¹ This much troubled him, to see that this surprising hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he could not continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion for another, he was still in great uncertainty,	²¹¹ It troubled him to see that his wife's surprising hatred of him was unconcealed, and he took this hard and yet was so unable to cope with it, due to his passion for her, that he could not stay long in the same mood, being at one time angry with her and at another reconciled to her, and was very confused, shifting from one mood to the other.
²¹¹ Barach

²¹² οὕτως οὖν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ στυγεῖν καὶ στέργειν ἀποληφθεὶς καὶ πολλάκις ἕτοιμοςprepared ὢν ἀμύνασθαι τῆς ὑπερηφανίας αὐτὴν διὰ τὸ προκατειλῆφθαι τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἀσθενέστερος εἰς τὸ μεταστήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον ἐγίνετο . τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἡδέως ἂν ἐκείνην κολάσας ἐδεδοίκει , μὴ λάθοι μείζονα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν ἀποθανούσης εἰσπραττόμενος.
²¹² and thus was he entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards him; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring a heavier punishment upon himself at the same time.	²¹² Thus caught between hatred and love, he often felt like punishing her for her insolence. But being captivated by her in his soul, he could not set this woman aside. In short, though he would gladly have her punished, he feared that putting her to death might unwittingly cause a greater punishment to himself.
²¹² Barach

²¹³ Συνιδοῦσαι δ᾽ οὕτως αὐτὸν ἔχοντα πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ κάλλιστον ᾠήθησαν τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ πρὸς ἐκείνην μίσους εἰληφέναι καὶ διελάλουν οὐ μικρῶς παροξύνουσαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαβολαῖς μῖσος ὁμοῦ καὶ ζηλοτυπίαν ἐμποιεῖν δυνησομέναις .
²¹³ When Herod’s sister and mother perceived that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an excellent opportunity to exercise their hatred against her and provoked Herod to wrath by telling him, such long stories and calumnies about her, as might at once excite his hatred and his jealousy.	²¹³ When his sister and mother saw how he stood regarding Mariamne, they thought they now had an excellent opportunity to vent their hatred for her and provoked Herod's fury by telling him long stories and calumnies about her, calculated to arouse his hatred and jealousy.
²¹³ Barach

²¹⁴ ὁ δ᾽ οὔτε τῶν τοιούτων ἀηδῶς ἤκουσεν λόγων οὔτε δρᾶν τι κατὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ὡς πεπιστευκὼς ἀπεθάρρει , χεῖρον μέντοι πρὸς αὐτὴν εἶχεν ἀεὶ καὶ τὸ πάθος ἀντεξεκαίετο , τῆς μὲν οὐκ ἀποκρυπτομένης τὴν‎ διάθεσιν , τοῦ δὲ τὸν ἔρωταto ask πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀεὶ μεταλαμβάνοντος .
²¹⁴ Now, though he willingly enough heard their words, yet had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he believed them; but still he became worse and worse disposed to her, and these ill passions were more and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards him, and he turned his love to her into wrath against her.	²¹⁴ Although he willingly listened to them he didn't dare to do anything to her on the strength of what they said. But he became ever more hostile to her and his anger inflamed more. Nor did she hide her feelings as his love for her turned into anger.
²¹⁴ Barach

²¹⁵ κἂν εὐθὺς ἐπράχθη τι τῶν ἀνηκέστων · νῦν δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀγγελθέντος κρατεῖν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τεθνηκότων ἈντωνίουAntōny καὶ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἔχειν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , ἐπειγόμενος εἰς τὸ ΚαίσαριCaesar ἀπαντᾶν κατέλιπεν ὡς εἶχεν τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν .
²¹⁵ But when he was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt; whereupon he made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the affairs of his family in their present state.	²¹⁵ Just before doing anything drastic, the news came that Caesar had won the war. With Antony and Cleopatra both dead, he had become master of Egypt. So he hurried to go and meet Caesar, setting aside his family affairs.
²¹⁵ Barach

²¹⁶ ἐξιόντι δὲ ΜαριάμμηMariamne παραστησομένη τὸν ΣόαιμονSohemus πολλήν τε χάριν τῆς ἐπιμελείας ὡμολόγει καὶ μεριδαρχίαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾐτήσατο .
²¹⁶ However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was setting out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the government;	²¹⁶ As he was setting out, Mariamne recommended Soemus to him, saying that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her and asking the king for a local governorship for him, so he gained that honour.
²¹⁶ Barach

²¹⁷ κἀκεῖνος μὲν τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ γενόμενος ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt ΚαίσαρίCaesar τε μετὰ πλείονος παρρησίας εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν ὡς ἤδη Φίλος καὶ μεγίστων ἠξιώθη · τῶν τε γὰρ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra δορυφορούντων ΓαλατῶνGalatian τετρακοσίοις αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ πάλιν , ἣν δι᾽ ἐκείνης ἀφῃρέθη . προσέθηκεν δὲ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ΓάδαραGadara καὶ ἽππονHippos καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ἔτι δὲ τῆς παραλίου ΓάζανGaza καὶ Ἀννίβαν καὶ ἸόπηνJoppa καὶ ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον .
²¹⁷ upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower.	²¹⁷ When Herod reached Caesar in Egypt, he spoke to him with great freedom as an old friend much honoured by him. As a gift Caesar gave him the four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra's bodyguards and restored to him the land which had been taken from him on her account, and added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos and Samaria, plus the maritime cities of Gaza and Anthedon and Joppa and Strato's Tower.
²¹⁷ Barach

²¹⁸ Ἐπιτυχὼν δὲ καὶ τούτων λαμπρότερος ἦν , καὶ τὸν μὲν ΚαίσαραCaesar παρέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch , αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν ὅσον ᾤετο τὰ πράγματα αὐτῷ διὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιδιδόναι πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν , τοσοῦτον ἔκαμνεν τοῖς οἰκείοις καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὸν γάμον , ἐν ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐτυχεῖν ἐδόκει πρότερον · ἔρωταto ask γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἐλάττω τῶν ἱστορουμένων ἐπεπόνθει μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne .
²¹⁸ Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so much the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appeared to have been most of all fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne was in no way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account celebrated in history, and this very justly.	²¹⁸ Glowing with these new acquisitions, he conducted Caesar as far as Antioch. But in contrast to his prospering through the additional territories, on his return, there was further trouble in his own family. This was mainly in the matter of his wife with whom, at first, he had seemed so fortunate. For his love for Mariamne was no less than those which are rightly celebrated in history.
²¹⁸ Barach

²¹⁹ ἡ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα σώφρων καὶ πιστὴ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦν , εἶχεν δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον ὁμοῦ καὶ χαλεπὸν ἐκ φύσεως , ἱκανῶς μὲν ἐντρυφῶσα δεδουλωμένῳ διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ τὸ βασιλεύεσθαι καὶ κρατεῖν ἄλλον αὐτῆς οὐ συγκαταλογιζομένη τῷ καιρῷ πολλάκις μὲν ὑβριστικῶς αὐτῷ προσηνέχθη καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐξειρωνευόμενος ἔφερεν ἐγκρατῶς καὶ μειζόνως ,
²¹⁹ As for her, she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider seasonably with herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was at another’s disposal, and accordingly would behave herself after a saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and bore with moderation and good temper.	²¹⁹ She was indeed a chaste woman and faithful to him, but had some feminine sharpness in her nature and treated imperiously the man who was infatuated by his passion for her. Heedless of being subject to the king and of being under another's power, she often behaved impertinently to him, and this he usually took in a jesting spirit, equably and with good temper.
²¹⁹ Barach

²²⁰ ἀναφανδὸνvisibly, openly δὲ τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν ἐπὶ δυσγενείᾳ διεχλεύαζεν καὶ κακῶς ἔλεγεν , ὥστ᾽ ἤδη στάσιν ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν εἶναι καὶ μῖσος ἄσπονδονirreconcilable , ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε καὶ διαβολὰς μείζονας .
²²⁰ She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly,	²²⁰ For she publicly mocked his mother and his sister for their lowly origins and spoke unkindly of them, so that there was already a hard, unyielding hatred between the women and now they began to accuse her all the more.
²²⁰ Barach

²²¹ ἥ τε ὑποψίαsuspicion, jealousy τρεφομένη παρέτεινεν ἐνιαυτοῦ μῆκος ἐξ οὗ παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἩρώδηςHerod ὑπεστρόφει . τέλεον μέντοι προοικονομούμενον ἐκ πλείονος ἐξερράγη τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς ἐγγενομένης ·
²²¹ which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned from Caesar. However, these misfortunes, which had been kept under some decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such an occasion as was now offered;	²²¹ Suspicions continued to grow for a whole year after Herod's return from Caesar. They were kept for a long time under a semblance of decency, until on a particular occasion they suddenly burst into the open.
²²¹ Barach

²²² κατακλινόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡς ἀναπαύσασθαι μεσημβρίας οὔσης ἐκάλει τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ὑπὸ φιλοστοργίας , ἧς ἀεὶ περὶ αὐτὴν εἶχεν . ἡ δὲ εἰσῆλθεν μέν , οὐ μὴν καὶ κατεκλίθη σπουδάζοντος ἐκφαυλίσασα καὶ προσλοιδορηθεῖσα , τόν τε πατέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ὡς ἀπεκτόνοι .
²²² for as the king was one day about noon lain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne, out of the great affection he had always for her. She came in accordingly, but would not lie down by him; and when he was very desirous of her company, she showed her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her father and her brother to be slain.	²²² One day about noon when the king was lying down for siesta, he called for Mariamne, with his usual affection for her. She came in, but though he was eager for her to lie down with him, she would not do so. Instead she expressed her contempt for him, adding the jibe that he had caused the death of her father and her brother.
²²² Barach

²²³ χαλεπῶς δ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν‎ ὕβριν ἐνηνοχότος καὶ γεγονότος εἰς προπέτειαν ἑτοίμου , τῆς ταραχῆς αἰσθομένη μείζονος ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὴ ΣαλώμηSalome παρεσκευασμένον ἐκ πλείστου τὸν οἰνοχόον εἰσπέμπει κελεύουσα λέγειν , ὡς πείθοι ΜαριάμμηMariamne φίλτρον αὐτῇ συγκατασκευάσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ .
²²³ And when he took this injury very unkindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a precipitate manner, the king’s sister Salome, observing that he was more than ordinarily disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in preparing a love potion for him;	²²³ When he took this insult badly and was about to strike her, the king's sister Salome, seeing him so troubled, sent in the royal cup-bearer, who had been prepared long in advance for such a moment, and had him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to help her prepare a potion for the king.
²²³ Barach

²²⁴ κἂν ταραχθῇ καὶ πυνθάνηται , τί ποτε τοῦτ᾽ ἦν , λέγειν ὅτι φάρμακον ἐκείνης μὲν ἐχούσης αὐτοῦ‎ δὲ διακονῆσαι παρακαλουμένου , μὴ κινηθέντος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ φίλτρῳ τὸν λόγον ἀργὸν ἐᾶν · οὐδένα γὰρ αὐτῷ κίνδυνον φέρειν . τοιαῦτα προδιδάξασα κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν εἰσπέμπει διαλεξόμενον .
²²⁴ and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and to ask what that love potion was, to tell him that she had the potion, and that he was desired only to give it him; but that in case he did not appear to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given him these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech.	²²⁴ Then, if he seemed worried and asked what it was, he should say that she had poured the drug and she had only asked him to give it to him. If however he did not seem troubled about this potion, he was to say nothing, in which case no harm would come to him. With these instructions, she sent him in to talk to him.
²²⁴ Barach

²²⁵ ὁ δὲ πιθανῶς ἅμα καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰσῄει , δῶρα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne παρεσχῆσθαι λέγων , ἀναπείθειν δὲ φίλτρον αὐτῷ διδόναι . πρὸς τοῦτο διακινηθέντος καὶ τί τὸ φίλτρον εἴη ἐρωτήσαντος , φάρμακον εἶπεν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης διδόμενον , οὗ τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰδέναι , διὸ καὶ προσαγγεῖλαι τοῦτ᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ διειληφότα .
²²⁵ So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had given him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love potion. And when this moved the king, he said that this love potion was a composition that she had given him, whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of his resolving to give him this information, as the safest course he could take, both for himself and for the king.	²²⁵ Obediently and quickly he went in and said that Mariamne had given him gifts to persuade him to give him a potion. When asked what this potion was he said it was a concoction she had given him, whose effects he did not know, and so he had decided to tell him about it, as the safest course for himself and for the king.
²²⁵ Barach

²²⁶ τοιούτων ἀκούσας ἩρώδηςHerod λόγων καὶ πρότερον κακῶς διακείμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠρεθίσθη , τόν τ᾽ εὐνοῦχον , ὃς ἦν τῇ Μαριάμμῃ πιστότατος , ἐβασάνιζεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ φαρμάκου γινώσκων , ὡς οὐ χωρὶς ἐκείνου τι δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτε ἔλαττόν τι πεπρᾶχθαι .
²²⁶ When Herod heard what he said, and was in an ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it was not possible that any thing small or great could be done without him.	²²⁶ When he heard this Herod was in a bad mood already but now he was further incenced. He had the eunuch, who was very faithful to Mariamne, tortured about this potion, knowing that nothing great or small could be done without his knowledge.
²²⁶ Barach

²²⁷ γενόμενος δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ὁ ἄνθρωπος , οὐδὲν μὲν ὧν ἕνεκεν ἐβασανίζετο λέγειν εἶχεν , τὸ μέντοι τῆς γυναικὸς ἔχθος εἰς αὐτὸν ἔφη γενέσθαι διὰ τοὺς λόγους , οὓς ὁ ΣόαιμοςSohemus αὐτῇ φράσαι .
²²⁷ And when the man was under the utmost agonies, he could say nothing concerning the thing he was tortured about, but so far he knew, that Mariamne’s hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohemus had said to her.	²²⁷ Even under such pressure, the man could say nothing about the matter for which he was being tortured; but that as far as he knew, his wife's hatred for him came from something that Soemus had told her.
²²⁷ Barach

²²⁸ ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔτι λέγοντος μέγα βοήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ ἂν ἔφη ΣόαιμονSohemus πιστότατον ὄντα τόν γε ἄλλον χρόνον αὐτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ καταπροδοῦναι τὰς ἐντολάς , εἰ μὴ καὶ περαιτέρω προεληλύθει τῆς πρὸς τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne κοινωνίας .
²²⁸ Now as he was saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times most faithful to him, and to his government, would not have betrayed what injunctions he had given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with Mariamne.	²²⁸ As he said this, Herod shouted aloud that Soemus, who otherwise had always been most faithful to him and to his rule, would not have betrayed his orders, unless he had gone too far in intimacy with Mariamne.
²²⁸ Barach

²²⁹ καὶ τὸν μὲν ΣόαιμονSohemus εὐθὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἀποκτεῖναι συλλαβόντας · τῇ δὲ γυναικὶ κρίσιν ἀπεδίδου συναγαγὼν τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ κατηγορίαν ἐσπουδασμένην ποιούμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ τὰς διαβολὰς φίλτρων καὶ φαρμάκων . ἦν δὲ ἀκρατὴς ἐν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ κρίσεως ὀργιλαίτερος , καὶ τέλος οὕτως ἔχοντα γινώσκοντες αὐτὸν οἱ παρόντες θάνατον αὐτῆς κατεψηφίσαντο .
²²⁹ So he gave order that Sohemus should be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and got together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate accusation against her for this love potion and composition, which had been charged upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in what he said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he was so resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her;	²²⁹ So he immediately gave orders for Soemus to be arrested and killed, but let his wife go for her trial. Assembling his closest retinue, he accused her in detail about the alleged drugs and potions. Then he spoke without restraint and was too angry for proper judgment. When those present saw his condition, they condemned her to death.
²²⁹ Barach

²³⁰ διενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ὑπεγίνετο μέν τι καὶ τοιοῦτον αὐτῷ τε καί τισιν τῶν παρόντων μὴ προπετῶς οὕτως ἀναιρεῖν , καταθέσθαι δὲ εἰς ἕν τι τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ φρουρίων .
²³⁰ but when the sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the kingdom:	²³⁰ But after sentence was passed, both he and some others present felt that she should not be executed in haste, but should be kept in prison in one of the fortresses of the kingdom.
²³⁰ Barach

²³¹ ἐσπουδάσθηto be busy, eager δὲ ταῖς περὶ τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον καὶ μᾶλλον ἔπεισαν τὸν βασιλέα τὰς ταραχὰς τοῦ πλήθους , εἰ ζῶσα τύχοι , φυλάξασθαι συμβουλεύουσαι . ΜαριάμμηMariamne μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἤγετο τὴν‎ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ .
²³¹ but Salome and her party labored hard to have the woman put to death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised this out of caution, lest the multitude should be tumultuous if she were suffered to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution.	²³¹ On the other side, Salome and her party worked hard to have the woman executed, and persuaded the king to do so by warning him that the people might rebel if she were left alive, and so Mariamne was led to her death.
²³¹ Barach

²³² Συνθεωρήσασα δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἡ ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra , καὶ διότι μικρὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοι μὴ καὶ αὐτὴ τῶν ὁμοίων ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod τυχεῖν , ἐναντίως πρὸς τὸ πρῶτον θράσος καὶ λίαν ἀπρεπῶς μετεβάλετο ·
²³² When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what might have been expected from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent manner;	²³² When Alexandra saw the situation and what little hope she had of escaping similar treatment from Herod, she quite indecently changed her behaviour to the reverse of her former boldness.
²³² Barach

²³³ βουλομένη γὰρ ἐμφῆναι τὴν‎ ἄγνοιαν ὧν ἐκείνη τὰς αἰτίας εἶχεν , ἐκπηδήσασα καὶ λοιδορουμένη τῇ θυγατρὶ πάντων ἀκουόντων ἐβόα κακὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ἀχάριστον γενέσθαι καὶ δίκαια πάσχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις τολμήσασαν · οὐ γὰρ ἀμείψασθαι δεόντως τὸν πάντων αὐτῶν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes .
²³³ for out of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter in the hearing of all the people; and cried out that she had been an ill woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment came justly upon her for such her insolent behavior, for that she had not made proper returns to him who had been their common benefactor.	²³³ Wanting to show how totally unaware she was of the alleged crimes, she jumped up and rebuked her daughter in everyone’s hearing for being wicked and displeasing to her husband, and said that she was being justly punished for her insolence, for not showing proper gratitude to the man who was everyone’s benefactor.
²³³ Barach

²³⁴ τοιαῦτα μεταξὺ καθυποκρινομένης ἀσχημόνωςshamefully, ugly καὶ τολμώσης ἐφάπτεσθαι καὶ τῶν τριχῶν , πολλὴ μέν , ὡς εἰκός , καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἡ κατάγνωσις ἦν τῆς ἀπρεποῦς προσποιήσεως , μᾶλλον δὲ ἐνεφάνη παρ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀπολλυμένης ·
²³⁴ And when she had for some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and had been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling behavior, as was to be expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it was principally by the poor woman who was to suffer;	²³⁴ After saying hypocritical, ugly things like that and going so far as to tear her hair, she was despised by others for her indecent pretense, but most clearly by the condemned woman herself.
²³⁴ Barach

²³⁵ οὔτε γὰρ λόγον δοῦσα τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν οὔτε ταραχθεῖσα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐκείνης δυσχέρειαν ἐπέβλεπεν ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὸ φρονήματος τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν καὶ μᾶλλον ἄχθεσθαι περιφανῶς ἀσχημονούσης ἐνέφηνεν .
²³⁵ for at the first she gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only looked at her, yet did she out of a greatness of soul discover her concern for her mother’s offense, and especially for her exposing herself in a manner so unbecoming her;	²³⁵ Seemingly untroubled by her abusive words, she said not a word at first; but only looked at her, seeming disgusted at her offence and especially for speaking out so unworthily.
²³⁵ Barach

²³⁶ αὐτή γε μὴν ἀτρεμαίῳ τῷ καταστήματι καὶ τῇ χρόᾳ τῆς σαρκὸς ἀμεταβλήτῳ πρὸς τὸν θάνατον ἀπῄει , τὴν‎ εὐγένειαν οὐδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις ἄδηλον τοῖς ἐπιθεωροῦσιν αὐτὴν ἐμφαίνουσα .
²³⁶ but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and without changing the color of her face, and thereby evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in the last moments of her life.	²³⁶ Then she went off to her death with an unshaken mind and with the colour of her face unchanged, showing her nobility to the onlookers even in her last moments of life.
²³⁶ Barach

²³⁷ Κἀκείνη μὲν οὕτως ἀπέθανεν γυνὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐγκράτειαν καὶ πρὸς μεγαλοψυχίαν ἄρισταbest γεγενημένη , τὸ δ᾽ ἐπιεικὲς ἔλιπεν αὐτῇ καὶ πλεῖον ἦν ἐν τῇ φύσει τὸ φιλόνεικον · κάλλει δὲ σώματος καὶ τῷ περὶ τὰς ἐντεύξεις ἀξιώματι μειζόνως φράσαι τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ὑπερῆγεν ,
²³⁷ And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too much of contention in her nature; yet had she all that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her majestic appearance in conversation;	²³⁷ And so she died, an excellent woman both for her chastity and magnanimity. Although lacking in prudence and of too quarrelsome a nature, she had all that could be desired in physical beauty and majesty of demeanour.
²³⁷ Barach

²³⁸ ἥ τε πλείων ἀφορμὴ τοῦ μὴ κεχαρισμένως τῷ βασιλεῖ μηδὲ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ζῆν ἐντεῦθεν ἐγεγόνει · θεραπευομένη γὰρ διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask καὶ δυσχερὲς οὐδὲν ἐξ ἐκείνου προσδοκῶσα τὴν‎ παρρησίαν ἀσύμμετρον εἶχεν .
²³⁸ and thence arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might otherwise have done; for while she was most indulgently used by the king, out of his fondness for her, and did not expect that he could do any hard thing to her, she took too unbounded a liberty.	²³⁸ Yet these proved the reasons why she did not agree with the king or live pleasantly with him. For while he lovingly paid attention to her and never wished to treat her harshly in anything, she took unmeasured liberties when speaking to him.
²³⁸ Barach

²³⁹ ἠνία δ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ ταῦτα πάντα πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὡς ἐπεπόνθει λέγειν ἠξίου , καὶ πέρας ἐξενίκησεν ἐχθρὰς αὐτῇ γενέσθαι τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως κἀκεῖνον αὐτόν , ᾧ μόνῳ τὸ μὴ παθεῖν τι δυσχερὲς ἀπεπίστευεν .
²³⁹ Moreover, that which most afflicted her was, what he had done to her relations, and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king’s mother and sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also did the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of escaping the last of punishments.	²³⁹ What troubled her the most was the matter of her relatives. She dared to speak of all they had suffered from him. Finally she provoked hatred from the king's mother and sister, and from himself too, on whom alone she depended to escape an unpleasant end.
²³⁹ Barach

²⁴⁰ Ἀναιρεθείσης δ᾽ αὐτῆς τότε καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξήφθη τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ βασιλέως ἔχοντος μὲν οὕτως , ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐδηλώσαμεν · οὐ γὰρ ἀπαθὴς οὐδ᾽ οἷος ἂν ἐκ συνηθείας ἦν ὁ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρως , ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον ἦρξεν ἐνθουσιαστικῶς καὶ τῇ παρρησίᾳ τῆς συμβιώσεως οὐκ ἀπενικήθη μὴ πλείων ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι ·
²⁴⁰ But when she was once dead, the king’s affections for her were kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power to manage;	²⁴⁰ When she died, the king's feelings for her, that old passion that we have already described, flamed up hotter than ever. His love for her was not of the usual, apathetic kind but was ardent from the start, and the familiarity of their life together never quenched it, but it was always growing greater.
²⁴⁰ Barach

²⁴¹ τότε μέντοι καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει κατὰ νέμεσίν τινα τῆς κατὰ τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀπωλείας ἐπιθέσθαι , καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἀνακλήσεις ἦσαν αὐτῆς , πολλάκις δὲ καὶ θρῆνος ἀσχήμων , ἐπενόει δὲ πᾶν εἴ τι δυνατὸν εἰς ψυχαγωγίαν πότους καὶ συνουσίας αὐτῷ πραγματευόμενος , καὶ τούτων οὐδὲν ἤρκει .
²⁴¹ but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as looked like divine vengeance upon him for the taking away of her life; for he would frequently call for her, and frequently lament for her in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought him of every thing he could make use of to divert his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would suffice;	²⁴¹ Now more than ever his love for Mariamne seemed to seize him like a nemesis for destroying her; as he often called her name and wailed unbecomingly about her. He tried all he could to turn his mind elsewhere and arranged feasts and parties for that purpose, to no avail.
²⁴¹ Barach

²⁴² τὰς οὖν διοικήσεις τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρῃτεῖτο καὶ τοσοῦτον ἥττητο τοῦ πάθους , ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤδη καὶ καλεῖν τὴν‎ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne προστάξαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ὡς ζῶσαν ἔτι καὶ δυναμένην ὑπακούειν .
²⁴² he therefore laid aside the administration of public affairs, and was so far conquered by his passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still hear them.	²⁴² It caused him to neglect the administration and he was so subject to his passion that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as though she were still alive and could still hear them.
²⁴² Barach

²⁴³ οὕτως δὲ ἔχοντος ἐπιγίνεται λοιμώδης νόσος , ἣ καὶ τῶν ὄχλων τοὺς πλείους καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ‎ τοὺς ἐντιμοτάτους διέφθειρεν καὶ παρέσχεν ἅπασιν ἐξυπονοῆσαι κατὰ μῆνιν τοῦτο συνενεχθῆναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ γενομένην παρανομίαν ἐπὶ τῇ Μαριάμμῃ .
²⁴³ And when he was in this way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and made all men suspect that this was brought upon them by the anger of God, for the injustice that had been done to Mariamne.	²⁴³ When he was in this mood there came an infectious illness that claimed the lives of many of the people and even of his dearest friends and all suspected that this had been brought upon them as a punishment for his crime against Mariamne.
²⁴³ Barach

²⁴⁴ χεῖρον οὖν διετίθει καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸν βασιλέα , καὶ τέλος εἰς τὰς ἐρημίας αὑτὸν διδοὺς καὶ προφάσει κυνηγεσίων ταύταις ἐναδημονῶν οὐκ ἔφθη πλείους διενεγκεῖν ἡμέρας καὶ περιπίπτει νόσῳ δυσχερεστάτῃ ·
²⁴⁴ This circumstance affected the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go into desert places, and there, under pretense of going a hunting, bitterly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper himself:	²⁴⁴ The king grew even worse until finally, under the pretext of hunting, he went off to remote places where he bitterly chided himself. Not many days had passed before he grew dangerously ill.
²⁴⁴ Barach

²⁴⁵ φλόγωσις γὰρ ἦν καὶ πεῖσις ἰνίου καὶ τῆς διανοίας παραλλαγή · τῶν τε θεραπευμάτων οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ἐξήνυεν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντιούμενα τέως εἰς ἀπόγνωσιν ἦγεν .
²⁴⁵ he had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with madness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no good at all, but proved contrary to his case, and so at length brought him to despair.	²⁴⁵ He had an inflammation and a pain in the back of his head and felt that he was going mad The remedies they tried did him no good but made him worse and drove him to despair.
²⁴⁵ Barach

²⁴⁶ ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν ἰατροὶ τὰ μὲν οἷς αὐτοὶ προσέφερον βοηθήμασιν οὐδὲν ὑπεικούσης τῆς νόσου , τὰ δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως οὐκ ἔχοντος ἄλλως ἢ κατὰ τὸ βιαζόμενον τῆς ἀρρωστίας διαιτᾶσθαι , πάνθ᾽ οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἐπενεχθείη παρέχειν ἠξίουν , τὸ δύσελπι τῆς σωτηρίας ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς διαίτης ἀνατιθέντες τῇ τύχῃ . κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐν ΣαμαρείᾳSamaria τῇ κληθείσῃ Σεβαστῇ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐνοσηλεύετο .
²⁴⁶ All the physicians also that were about him, partly because the medicines they brought for his recovery could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet could be no other than what his disease inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes they had of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste.	²⁴⁶ Since the medicines his doctors brought him did nothing to cure his illness, and in his weakness the king could eat nothing but what he was forced to. Eventually those around him told him to eat whatever he wished. So the little hopes they had of his recovery by his diet were gone, they entrusted him to fortune. Such was the progress of his illness, while he was in Samaria, which is now called Sebaste.
²⁴⁶ Barach

²⁴⁷ Διατρίβουσα δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ πυνθανομένηto learn τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσπουδάκει τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν φρουρίων ἐγκρατὴς γενέσθαι .
²⁴⁷ Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get possession of the fortified places that were about the city,	²⁴⁷ At that time Alexandra was living in Jerusalem and, on hearing of Herod's condition, tried to seize control of the city's fortresses.
²⁴⁷ Barach

²⁴⁸ δύο δ᾽ ἦν , ἓν μὲν αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως , ἕτερον δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ , καὶ τούτων οἱ κρατοῦντες ὑποχείριον τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐσχήκασιν · τὰς μὲν γὰρ θυσίας οὐκ ἄνευ τούτων οἷόν τε γενέσθαι , τὸ δὲ μὴ ταύτας συντελεῖν οὐδενὶ ἸουδαίωνJews δυνατὸν τοῦ ζῆν ἑτοιμότερον ἂν παραχωρησάντων ἢ τῆς θρησκείας , ἣν εἰς τὸν θεὸν εἰώθασιν συντελεῖν .
²⁴⁸ which were two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and those that could get them into their hands had the whole nation under their power, for without the command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and to think of leaving on those sacrifices is to every Jew plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose their lives than to leave off that divine worship which they have been wont to pay unto God.	²⁴⁸ These were two, one for the city itself and the other for the temple. Whoever held them had control of the whole nation, for without them it was impossible to offer their sacrifices. Abandoning those is unthinkable to every Jew, as they are prepared to lose their lives rather than abandon the rituals which they are accustomed to offer to God.
²⁴⁸ Barach

²⁴⁹ τοῖς οὖν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν φυλακτηρίων ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra προσήνεγκεν τοὺς λόγους , ὡς δέον αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod παιδίοις παραδοῦναι , μὴ καὶ φθῇ τις ἐκείνου μεταλλάξαντος ἕτερος ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων · ῥωσθέντι μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἀσφαλέστερον τῶν οἰκειοτάτων διατηρήσει .
²⁴⁹ Alexandra, therefore, discoursed with those that had the keeping of these strong holds, that it was proper for them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod’s sons, lest, upon his death, any other person should seize upon the government; and that upon his recovery none could keep them more safely for him than those of his own family.	²⁴⁹ Alexandra told those in charge of these defences to hand them over to her and Herod's sons in case anyone else should seize the leadership at his death, and even if he recovered no one could more safely hold them for him than his own family.
²⁴⁹ Barach

²⁵⁰ τούτους τοὺς λόγους αὐτῆς οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἤνεγκαν , ἀλλὰ πιστοὶ καὶ τὸν ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον ὄντες ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν τῷ τότε διέμειναν μίσει τε τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra καὶ τῷ μηδ᾽ ὅσιον ὑπολαμβάνειν ζῶντα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀπεγνωκέναι · φίλοι γὰρ ἄνωθεν ἦσαν , εἷς δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀνεψιὸς τοῦ βασιλέως ἈχίαβοςAchiabus.
²⁵⁰ These words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod’s recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german.	²⁵⁰ Unimpressed by these reasons, they decided to stick more than ever to their earlier loyalty. For they hated Alexandra and thought it indecent to despair of Herod's recovery while he was still alive, since they had been his old friends, and one of them, Achiabus, was the king's nephew.
²⁵⁰ Barach

²⁵¹ εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξήγγειλαν πέμψαντες ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ γνώμην τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra . ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν οὐδὲν ἀναβαλλόμενος ἀποκτεῖναι προσέταξεν , αὐτὸς δὲ μόλις καὶ σὺν κακοπαθείᾳ διαφυγὼν τὴν‎ νόσον χαλεπὸς ἦν ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι κεκακωμένος ὁμοῦ πρὸς τὸ δυσάρεστον καὶ πάσαις ταῖς αἰτίαις ἑτοιμοτέρως εἰς τιμωρίαν τῶν ὑποπεσόντων ἐχρῆτο .
²⁵¹ They sent messengers therefore to acquaint him with Alexandra’s design; so he made no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his hand.	²⁵¹ Immediately they sent messengers to the king to tell about Alexandra's plan. So he waited no longer and ordered her death, though it was only with difficulty and much pain that he was rid of his own illness. He was still suffering in mind and body and readier than ever to punish any who for any reason fell under his wrath.
²⁵¹ Barach

²⁵² φονεύει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους αὐτῷ φίλους ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus καὶ ΛυσίμαχονLysimachus καὶ τὸν Γαδία καλούμενον ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἔτι δὲ ΔοσίθεονDositheus ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης ·
²⁵² He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion.	²⁵² He even killed the closest of his friends, Costobarus and Lysimachus and Cadias, also called Antipater, and Dositheus, for reasons we shall now relate.
²⁵² Barach

²⁵³ ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ἦν γένει μὲν ἸδουμαῖοςIdumaean, ἀξιώματος τῶν πρώτων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ προγόνων ἱερατευσάντων τῷ Κωζαι · θεὸν δὲ τοῦτον Ἰδουμαῖοι νομίζουσιν .
²⁵³ Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god;	²⁵³ Costobarus was by birth an Idumaean and a leader highly regarded among them, whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumaeans regard as a god.
²⁵³ Barach

²⁵⁴ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus δὲ τὴν‎ πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα μεταστήσαντος ἩρώδηςHerod παραλαβὼν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἄρχοντα τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea καὶ ΓάζηςGaza ἀποδείκνυσιν τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν ΣαλώμηνSalome ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀνελὼν τὸν εἰληφότα πρότερον αὐτήν , ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν .
²⁵⁴ but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already.	²⁵⁴ But Hyrcanus had changed their system, imposing Jewish customs and law upon them , and when Herod took over the kingdom he made Costobarus ruler of Idumaea and Gaza and gave him his sister Salome in marriage, after doing away with her former husband Joseph, as we have said.
²⁵⁴ Barach

²⁵⁵ ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus δὲ τούτων τυχὼν ἀσμένως καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἤρθη μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξέβαινεν , οὔθ᾽ αὑτῷ καλὸν ἡγούμενος ἄρχοντος ἩρώδουHerod τὸ προσταττόμενον ποιεῖν οὔτε τοῖς ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews μεταλαβοῦσιν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις εἶναι .
²⁵⁵ When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them.	²⁵⁵ Pleased to be promoted beyond his expectations, Costobarus was puffed up by his success and pushed on by little stages until he refused to obey Herod as ruler, or have the Idumaeans subjected to Jewish ways.
²⁵⁵ Barach

²⁵⁶ καὶ διαπέμπεται πρὸς ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra τὴν‎ ἸδουμαίανIdumaea φάμενος ἀεὶ τῶν ἐκείνης προγόνων γεγενῆσθαι , καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι δίκαιον αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τὴν‎ χώραν · αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕτοιμοςprepared εἶναι μεταφέρειν τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν εἰς ἐκείνην .
²⁵⁶ He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans had been always under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it was but just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her;	²⁵⁶ He sent to Cleopatra to say how the Idumaeans had always been subject to her ancestors and asking her to request that country from Antony, promising to transfer his allegiance to her.
²⁵⁶ Barach

²⁵⁷ ἔπραττεν δὲ ταῦτα τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μὲν οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀρεσκόμενος , εἰ δὲ παραιρεθείη τῶν πλειόνων ἩρώδηςHerod , εὐεπιχείρητον ἤδη νομίζων καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄρξαι τοῦ τῶν ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea γένους καὶ μεῖζον πράξειν · ἐπιδιέβαινεν γὰρ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν οὐκ ὀλίγας ἀφορμὰς ἔχων γένους καὶ χρημάτων , ἃ μετὰ διηνεκοῦς αἰσχροκερδείας ἐπεπόριστο , καὶ μικρὸν οὐδὲν ἐπενόει .
²⁵⁷ and this he did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra’s government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod’s power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at.	²⁵⁷ He did this, not because he preferred to be under Cleopatra's rule, but thinking that, as Herod's power diminished, it would be easier for himself to become ruler of the Idumaean nation and perhaps achieve even more. His hopes were high, due to his birth and the wealth he had amassed by his constant attention to money, and so he was aiming high.
²⁵⁷ Barach

²⁵⁸ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra μὲν οὖν ἈντωνίουAntōny δεηθεῖσα περὶ τῆς χώρας ταύτης ἀποτυγχάνει . λέγονται δὲ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd οἱ λόγοι κἀκεῖνος ἕτοιμοςprepared ὢν ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus ὅμως τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ‎ δεηθείσης καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀφίησιν καὶ συγγνώμης ἠξίωσεν , οὐκ ἀνύποπτον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχων τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως τῆς τότε .
²⁵⁸ So Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his attempt.	²⁵⁸ Cleopatra did ask Antony for this region, but to no avail, and when it was reported to Herod, he was ready to kill Costobarus, but forgave him at the request of his sister and mother, though he never ceased to view him with suspicion on account of this attempt.
²⁵⁸ Barach

²⁵⁹ Χρόνου δὲ διελθόντος ἐπισυνέβη τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome στασιάσαι πρὸς τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus , καὶ πέμπει μὲν εὐθὺς αὐτῷ γραμμάτιον ἀπολυομένη τὸν γάμον οὐ κατὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίωνJews νόμους · ἀνδρὶ μὲν γὰρ ἔξεστιν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖν , γυναικὶ δὲ οὐδὲ διαχωρισθείσῃ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν γαμηθῆναι μὴ τοῦ πρότερον ἀνδρὸς ἐφιέντος .
²⁵⁹ But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce and dissolved her marriage with him, though this was not according to the Jewish laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife; if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be married to another, unless her former husband put her away.	²⁵⁹ Some time later when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus she sent him a bill of divorce and dissolved her marriage to him, contrary to Jewish law, for with us only the man may do so, but if a wife leaves her husband, she cannot be remarried unless her former husband sets her aside.
²⁵⁹ Barach

²⁶⁰ οὐ μὴν ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome τὸν ἐγγενῆ νόμον , ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας ἑλομένη τήν τε συμβίωσιν προαπηγόρευσεν καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἔλεγεν ὑπὸ τῆς εἰς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας ἀποστῆναι τἀνδρός · ἐγνωκέναι γὰρ αὐτὸν μετ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ ΛυσιμάχουLysimachus καὶ ΔοσιθέουDositheus νεωτέρων ἐφιέμενον . Καὶ πίστιν παρεῖχεν τοῦ λόγου τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas παῖδας , ὅτι διασώζοιντο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ χρόνον ἐνιαυτῶν ἤδη δεκαδύο .
²⁶⁰ However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years;	²⁶⁰ Salome chose to follow not the law of her own people but renounced her marriage on her own authority and told her brother Herod that she was leaving her husband for his sake, knowing how he planned a revolt against him along with Antipater, Lysimachus and Dositheus. As evidence she alleged that he had kept alive the sons of Sabbas these past twelve years.
²⁶⁰ Barach

²⁶¹ τοῦτο δὲ εἶχεν οὕτως καὶ πολλὴν ἔκπληξιν ἐνεποίησεν τῷ βασιλεῖ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἀκουσθέν , ἐκεκίνητό τε μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ τοῦ λόγου · τὰ γὰρ περὶ τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas παῖδας ἐσπουδάσθηto be busy, eager μὲν αὐτῷ πρότερον ἐπεξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς δυσμενεῖς γενομένους τῇ διαθέσει , τότε δὲ διὰ τὸ μῆκος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῆς μνήμης ἐξεληλύθεσαν .
²⁶¹ which proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to punishment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now forgotten by him, on account of the length of time [since he had ordered them to be slain].	²⁶¹ This proved to be true, although the king was amazed and shaken to hear it and it seemed incredible to him. He had formerly been at pains to execute these sons of Sabbas as enemies of his rule, but with the passage of time they had slipped from his memory.
²⁶¹ Barach

²⁶² ἡ δὲ ἔχθρα πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ μῖσος ἀπὸ τοιούτων ἦν · ἈντιγόνουAntigonus τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔχοντος ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν ἐπολιόρκει δυνάμει τὴν‎ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem πόλιν , ὑπὸ δὲ χρείας κακῶν , ὅσα τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις παρίσταται , πλείους ἦσαν οἱ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπικαλούμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπονεύοντες ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν .
²⁶² Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing, that the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and already placed their hopes on him.	²⁶² The reason for his enmity and hatred toward them was that when Antigonus was king, Herod and his army had besieged Jerusalem, where the distress of the besieged was so desperate that the majority invited Herod into the city and already placed their hopes on him.
²⁶² Barach

²⁶³ ὄντες δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος οἱ τοῦ ΣάββαSabbas παῖδες καὶ παρὰ τῷ πλήθει δυνατοί , πιστοὶ διετέλουν ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus τόν τε ἩρώδηνHerōd διέβαλλον ἀεὶ καὶ συμφυλάττειν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν τὴν‎ ἐκ γένους ἀρχὴν προύτρεπον . ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ἅμα καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτὰ νομίζοντες ἐπὶ τοιούτων ἐπολιτεύοντο .
²⁶³ Now the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and had power among the multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the government to that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own advantage;	²⁶³ The children of Sabbas held rank and power among the people and stayed faithful to Antigonus and were always telling lies against Herod and encouraged the people to keep the leadership within the royal family, which held it by inheritance. These men had acted politically in this way, and, as they thought, for their own advantage.
²⁶³ Barach

²⁶⁴ τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἁλισκομένηςto be caught καὶ κρατοῦντος τῶν πραγμάτων ἩρώδουHerod ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ἀποδειχθεὶς τὰς διεκβολὰς ἀναφράττειν καὶ φρουρεῖν τὴν‎ πόλιν , ὡς μὴ διαπίπτειν ἐξ αὐτῆς τοὺς ὑπόχρεως τῶν πολιτῶν ἢ τἀναντία τῷ βασιλεῖ πολιτευομένους , εἰδὼς ἐν ὑπολήψει καὶ τιμῇ τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas τῷ παντὶ πλήθει καὶ νομίζων μέγα μέρος αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν πραγμάτων τὴν‎ ἐκείνων σωτηρίαν ὑπεξέθετο καὶ κατέκρυψεν ἐν οἰκείοις χωρίοις .
²⁶⁴ but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his own hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms;	²⁶⁴ But when the city was taken and Herod was in control, Costobarus was appointed to guard the city and stop anyone from leaving by the gates to prevent guilty citizens who had opposed the king from escaping, knowing that the sons of Sabbas were held in respect and honour by all and thinking that if he saved them it could benefit him in any future change of government, he singled them out and hid them in his own farms.
²⁶⁴ Barach

²⁶⁵ καὶ τότε μὲν ἩρώδηνHerōd , διεληλύθει γὰρ ἡ τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποψίαsuspicion, jealousy , πιστωσάμενος ὅρκοις ἦ μὴν οὐδὲν εἰδέναι τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκείνους ἀφεῖτο τῆς ὑπονοίας . αὖθις δὲ κηρύγματα καὶ μήνυτρα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκτιθέντος καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐρεύνης ἐπινοοῦντος οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς ὁμολογίαν , ἀλλὰ τῷ τὸ πρῶτον ἔξαρνος γενέσθαι τὸ φωραθῆναι τοὺς ἄνδρας οὐκ ἀνυποτίμητον αὐτῷ πεπεισμένος οὐ μόνον ἐκ τῆς εὐνοίας , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἤδη τοῦ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς περιείχετο .
²⁶⁵ and when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and had put in practice all sorts of methods for searching out this matter, he would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if the men were found, he should not escape unpunished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary regard to his own preservation also.	²⁶⁵ When this was suspected, he assured Herod on oath that he knew nothing about it and so turned his suspicion aside. Later on, when the king publicly offered a reward for finding them and tried by every means to clarify the matter, he would not admit it, convinced that having denied it at the start, he would be punished if the men were found. Therefore he was forced to keep them secret, not only for their sake but also for his own.
²⁶⁵ Barach

²⁶⁶ περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους , ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν , ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν , ὥστ᾽ εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus συγγενείας , ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις .
²⁶⁶ But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws.	²⁶⁶ But when this was reported to the king by his sister, he sent men to the places where he heard that they were hiding, with orders that they be killed as well as those accused along with them. As a result no relatives of Hyrcanus remained. The kingdom was fully in Herod's power since there was no prominent person who could put a stop to his transgressions.
²⁶⁶ Barach

Chapter 8
[267-298]
Plot against Herod, for introducing foreign customs.
He builds Sebaste and Caesarea

☜ ☞

²⁶⁷ Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέβαινεν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὑποδιέφθειρεν τὴν‎ πάλαι κατάστασιν ἀπαρεγχείρητον οὖσαν , ἐξ ὧν οὐ μικρὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν αὖθις χρόνον ἠδικήθημεν ἀμεληθέντων ὅσα πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν ἦγεν τοὺς ὄχλους ·
²⁶⁷ On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected;	²⁶⁷ This was how Herod abandoned the ancestral laws and by foreign practices corrupted their ancient lifestyle which should have been kept inviolable. As a result much harm befell us later, when the devotions that used to lead the people to piety were neglected.
²⁶⁷ Barach

²⁶⁸ πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα πενταετηρικὸν ἀθλημάτων κατεστήσατο ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ θέατρον ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ᾠκοδόμησεν , αὖθίς τ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μέγιστον ἀμφιθέατρον , περίοπτα μὲν ἄμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ , τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἔθους ἀλλότρια · χρῆσίς τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδίδοται .
²⁶⁸ for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us;	²⁶⁸ In the first place, he established athletic games to be celebrated every fifth year in honour of Caesar, and built a theatre in Jerusalem, and a huge amphitheatre in the plain. Both of them were ornate works, but contrary to Jewish custom, for our tradition does not include the exhibiting of shows like that.
²⁶⁸ Barach

²⁶⁹ τὴν‎ μέντοι πανήγυριν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιφανεστάτην τὴν‎ τῆς πενταετηρίδος συνετέλει καταγγείλας τε τοῖς περὶ καὶ συγκαλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους . οἱ δ᾽ ἀθληταὶ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων ἀπὸ πάσης γῆς ἐκαλοῦντο κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῶν προκειμένων καὶ τῆς νίκης εὐδοξίᾳ , συνελέγησάν τε οἱ κορυφαιότατοι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ·
²⁶⁹ yet did he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together,	²⁶⁹ Every five years he celebrated these games most solemnly and splendidly, sending out proclamations around and calling together people from every nation. The athletes and the rest of the contestants were invited from every land by the hope of winning the prizes and by the glory of victory, and the influential people assembled for the competitions.
²⁶⁹ Barach

²⁷⁰ οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοῖς περὶ τὰς γυμνικὰς ἀσκήσεις , ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ μουσικῇ διαγινομένοις καὶ θυμελικοῖς καλουμένοις προυτίθει μέγιστα νικητήρια · καὶ διεσπούδαστο πάντας τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἅμιλλαν .
²⁷⁰ for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory.	²⁷⁰ Large prizes were offered for victory, not only to the naked athletes, but also to those who played music and were called Thymelici. He sought to induce all who were most famous to come to the contest.
²⁷⁰ Barach

²⁷¹ προύθηκεν δὲ καὶ τεθρίπποις καὶ συνωρίσιν καὶ κέλησιν οὐ μικρὰς δωρεάς , καὶ πάνθ᾽ , ὅσα κατὰ πολυτέλειαν ἢ σεμνοπρέπειαν παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐσπούδαστο φιλοτιμίαι τοῦ διάσημον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπίδειξιν ἐξεμιμήσατο .
²⁷¹ He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration of his grandeur.	²⁷¹ Furthermore, he offered considerable prizes for the chariot-races drawn by four or two horses, imitating whatever was costly or magnificent in other nations, in his ambition to give the most public proof of his grandeur.
²⁷¹ Barach

²⁷² τό γε μὴν θέατρον ἐπιγραφαὶ κύκλῳ περιεῖχον ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τρόπαια τῶν ἐθνῶν , ἃ πολεμήσας ἐκεῖνος ἐκτήσατο , χρυσοῦ τε ἀπέφθου καὶ ἀργύρου πάντων αὐτῷ πεποιημένων .
²⁷² Inscriptions also of the great actions of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theater itself;	²⁷² Inscriptions of the great actions of Caesar and trophies from the nations he had conquered in his wars, all made of the purest gold and silver, surrounded the theatre itself.
²⁷² Barach

²⁷³ τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν οὐδὲν οὕτως ἦν οὔτ᾽ ἐσθῆτοςgarment, clothing τίμιον οὔτε σκευῆς λίθων , ὃ μὴ τοῖς ὁρωμένοις ἀγωνίσμασιν συνεπεδείκνυτο . παρασκευὴ δὲ καὶ θηρίων ἐγένετο λεόντων τε πλείστων αὐτῷ συναχθέντων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων , ὅσα καὶ τὰς ἀλκὰς ὑπερβαλλούσας ἔχει καὶ τὴν‎ φύσιν ἐστὶν σπανιώτερα ·
²⁷³ nor was there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen.	²⁷³ Anything that could serve his purpose, be it sumptuous clothing or vessels of precious stones, was also on display during these games. He had many wild beasts including lions and other beasts of unusual strength, or of a kind rarely seen.
²⁷³ Barach

²⁷⁴ τούτων αὐτῶν τε πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλοκαὶ καὶ μάχαι πρὸς αὐτὰ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων ἀνθρώπων ἐπετηδεύοντο , τοῖς μὲν ξένοις ἔκπληξιςconsternation ὁμοῦ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ψυχαγωγία τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ θέαν κινδύνων , τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπιχωρίοις φανερὰ κατάλυσις τῶν τιμωμένων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν ·
²⁷⁴ These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration.	²⁷⁴ These were set either to fight each other, or with men condemned to die. Visitors were amazed at the expense and delighted by the dangerous spectacle, while to the natives it was a glaring destruction of the customs they so revered.
²⁷⁴ Barach

²⁷⁵ ἀσεβὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐκ προδήλου κατεφαίνετο θηρίοις ἀνθρώπους ὑπορρίπτειν ἐπὶ τέρψει τῆς ἀνθρώπων θέας , ἀσεβὲς δὲ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐξαλλάττειν τοὺς ἐθισμούς .
²⁷⁵ It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises:	²⁷⁵ It seemed grossly wrong to throw people to wild beasts for the delight of others, and impious to exchange their own laws for such foreign customs.
²⁷⁵ Barach

²⁷⁶ πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον ἐλύπει τὰ τρόπαια · δοκοῦντες γὰρ εἰκόνας εἶναι τὰς τοῖς ὅπλοις περιειλημμένας , ὅτι μὴ πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα σέβειν , οὐ μετρίως ἐδυσχέραινον .
²⁷⁶ but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images.	²⁷⁶ But the trophies were worst of all, since they regarded them as images surrounded by armour that hung around them, and were hugely enraged by them, for it was not their tradition to pay honour to such images.
²⁷⁶ Barach

²⁷⁷ Ἐλάνθανον δ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐκταραττόμενοι · καὶ βίαν μὲν ἐπάγειν ἌκαιρονEucerus ᾤετο , καθωμίλει δ᾽ ἐνίους καὶ παρηγόρει τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρούμενος . οὐ μὴν ἔπειθεν , ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ δυσχερείας ὧν ἐδόκουν ἐκεῖνον πλημμελεῖν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐξεβόων , εἰ καὶ πάντα δοκοῖεν οἰστά , μὴ φέρειν εἰκόνας ἀνθρώπων ἐν τῇ πόλει , τὰ τρόπαια λέγοντες · οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πάτριον αὐτοῖς .
²⁷⁷ Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country.	²⁷⁷ Herod was not unaware that they were outraged, and thinking it untimely to use force on them, he addressed some of them with familiarity, seeking to free them from their superstitious fear. Still he could not pacify them, but in displeasure they roared out with one voice against him, that although they could endure all the rest they would never allow images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was contrary to their ancestral laws.
²⁷⁷ Barach

²⁷⁸ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τεταραγμένους ὁρῶν καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἂν μεταπεσόντας , εἰ μὴ τύχοιεν παρηγορίας , καλέσας αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρήγαγεν καὶ δείξας τὰ τρόπαια , τί ποτ᾽ ἔστιν ὃ δοκεῖ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire .
²⁷⁸ Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution unless they received satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what sort of things they took these trophies to be;	²⁷⁸ When Herod saw them so stirred up and that they would not easily move them unless they were satisfied in this point, he called their officers into the theatre and showed them the trophies and asked them what they took them to be.
²⁷⁸ Barach

²⁷⁹ τῶν δὲ ἐκβοησάντων ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνες , ἐπιτάξας ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὸν περιθέσιμον κόσμον ἐπιδείκνυσιν αὐτοῖς γυμνὰ τὰ ξύλα . τὰ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἦν ἀποσυληθέντα γέλως καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς διάχυσιν ἐδυνήθη τὸ καὶ πρότερον αὐτοὺς ἐν εἰρωνείᾳ τίθεσθαι τὰς κατασκευὰς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων .
²⁷⁹ and when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images themselves in derision.	²⁷⁹ When they cried out that they were the images of men, he ordered them stripped of their outward trappings and showed them the bare pieces of wood. Once the trophies were stripped they became a matter of fun to them, but they were confused since previously they had mocked the ornaments as a concealment for graven images.
²⁷⁹ Barach

²⁸⁰ Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον αὐτοῦ‎ παρακρουσαμένου τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν ἣν ἐπεπόνθεισαν ἐξ ὀργῆς διαχέαντος , οἱ μὲν πλείους εἶχον ὡς μεταβεβλῆσθαι καὶ μὴ χαλεπαίνειν ἔτι ,
²⁸⁰ When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer;	²⁸⁰ In this way, when he had mollified the crowd and cooled the heat of their passion, most of the people tended to be swayed and complain no more about him.
²⁸⁰ Barach

²⁸¹ τινὲς δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπέμενον τῇ δυσχερείᾳ τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτηδευμάτων , καὶ τὸ καταλύεσθαι τὰ πάτρια μεγάλων ἡγούμενοι ἀρχὴν κακῶν ὅσιον ᾠήθησαν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι μᾶλλον ἢ δοκεῖν ἐξαλλαττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πολιτείας περιορᾶν ἩρώδηνHerōd πρὸς βίαν ἐπεισάγοντα τὰ μὴ δι᾽ ἔθους ὄντα , καὶ λόγῳ μὲν βασιλέα , τῷ δ᾽ ἔργωιdeed πολέμιον φαινόμενον τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους .
²⁸¹ but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation;	²⁸¹ But some stayed angry with him for introducing new customs. They regarded the violation of their ancestral laws as the start of great evils and so reckoned it a pious duty to risk their lives rather than let Herod change their mode of government and force on them customs they had never known before, for while claiming to be king, he showed himself an enemy to their whole nation.
²⁸¹ Barach

²⁸² ἐκ δὲ τούτου συνομοσάμενοι πάντα κίνδυνον ὑποδύεσθαι δέκα τῶν πολιτῶν ἄνδρες , ξιφίδια τοῖς ἱματίοις ὑποβαλόντες ,
²⁸² on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod].	²⁸² Therefore ten of the citizens conspired together against him and swore to each other to risk any dangers in the attempt and took daggers with them under their cloaks.
²⁸² Barach

²⁸³ ἦν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς δι᾽ ἀναξιοπάθειαν ὧν ἤκουεν καὶ τῶν διεφθορότων τις τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς συνομωμοσμένος , οὐχ ὡς ἐνεργῆσαί τι καὶ δρᾶν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack ἱκανός , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἑτοίμῳ κατατιθεὶς αὑτὸν παθεῖν εἴ τι κἀκείνοις συμβαίνοι δυσχερές , ὥστε μὴ μετρίαν τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν τοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσι δι᾽ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι ,
²⁸³ Now there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great encourager of the rest of the undertakers.	²⁸³ Among them was a blind man who had joined the conspirators in his rage at what he heard had been done. Though unable to help the others in the deed, he was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if they came to any harm. So he was a great boost to the others.
²⁸³ Barach

²⁸⁴ ταῦτα γνόντες ἀπὸ συνθήματος εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw , ἐλπίσαντες μὲν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαφευξεῖσθαι προσπεσόντων ἐξ ἀφανοῦς , πολλοὺς δ᾽ , εἰ καὶ μὴ τυγχάνοιεν ἐκείνου , τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀναιρήσειν οἰόμενοι · καὶ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀρκέσειν , εἰ καὶ θνήσκοιεν , εἰς ἔννοιαν ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξυβρίζειν ἐδόκει τὸ πλῆθος καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀγαγεῖν .
²⁸⁴ When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity;	²⁸⁴ When they had decided this by common consent, they went to the theatre hoping that Herod could not escape them if they attacked him unexpectedly. Even if they missed him, they would kill many of his followers. They resolved on this at the risk of their lives, to show up the wrongs the king had done to the people. Having planned it, they were eager to carry it through.
²⁸⁴ Barach

²⁸⁵ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν προκαταστάντες ἐπὶ τοιαύτης ἦσαν προθυμίας · εἷς δὲ τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ διαγγέλλειν τὰ τοιαῦτα τεταγμένων ἐξευρηκὼς ὅλην τὴν‎ ἐπίθεσιν εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσιέναι μέλλοντι τῷ βασιλεῖ κατεμήνυσεν .
²⁸⁵ but there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theater.	²⁸⁵ But one of the spies sent by Herod to investigate and inform him of anything of the kind found out the whole affair. He told the king about it as he was about to go into the theatre.
²⁸⁵ Barach

²⁸⁶ ὁ δ᾽ , οὐ γὰρ ἀνοίκειον ᾠήθη τὸν λόγον εἴς τε τὸ μῖσος ἀφορῶν , ὃ συνῄδει παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων αὐτῷ , καὶ τὰς ταραχὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστα γινομένοις παρυφισταμένας , ἀναχωρήσας εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ὀνομαστὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐκάλει .
²⁸⁶ So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names;	²⁸⁶ Knowing how most of the people hated him and seeing the disturbances that arose on every occasion, he thought the story was not improbable. So he retreated to his palace and called to him by name those who were accused of this conspiracy.
²⁸⁶ Barach

²⁸⁷ προσπιπτόντων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν ὑπηρετῶνassistant minister αὐτόφωροι λαμβανόμενοι τὸ μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἂν διαφύγοιεν ᾔδεσαν , ἐπεκόσμησαν δὲ τὴν‎ ἀναγκαίαν καταστροφὴν τοῦ τέλους τῷ μηδὲν ὑφιέναι τοῦ φρονήματος ·
²⁸⁷ and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute behavior,	²⁸⁷ When the guards attacked them they were caught and knew they could not escape, so they prepared to die as decently as they could, without flinching.
²⁸⁷ Barach

²⁸⁸ οὐ γὰρ ἐντραπέντες οὐδ᾽ ἀρνησάμενοι τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν ἀνέδειξαν μὲν ἤδη κρατούμενα τὰ ξίφη , διωμολογήσαντο δὲ καλῶς καὶ σὺν εὐσεβείᾳ τὴν‎ συνωμοσίαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι , κέρδους μὲν οὐδενὸς οὐδ᾽ οἰκείων ἕνεκεν παθῶν , τὸ δὲ πλέον ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν ἐθῶν , ἃ καὶ πᾶσιν ἢ φυλάττειν ἢ θνήσκειν πρὸ αὐτῶν ἄξιον .
²⁸⁸ for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them.	²⁸⁸ They showed no regret and did not deny it. But when they were seized, they showed their daggers and claimed that the conspiracy to which they had sworn was a holy and righteous action. It was not meant for gain or to indulge their passions, but for the communal customs which all Jews must observe or be willing to die for.
²⁸⁸ Barach

²⁸⁹ τοιαῦτα μὲν ἐκεῖνοι τῇ προαιρέσει τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐμπαρρησιασάμενοι περιστάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν βασιλικῶν ἤγοντο καὶ πᾶσαν αἰκίαν ὑπομείναντες διεφθάρησαν . μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ τὸν ταῦτα μηνύσαντα κατὰ μῖσος ἁρπασάμενοί τινες οὐκ ἀπέκτειναν μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ μελιστὶ διελόντες προύθεσαν κυσίν .
²⁸⁹ This was what these men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away to execution by the king’s guards that stood about them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs.	²⁸⁹ This was what they said, openly defending the conspiracy. They were led away to execution surrounded by the king's guards, and patiently endured all the torments inflicted on them until they died. Before long the spy who had revealed them was captured by some who hated him. He was not only killed but also pulled to pieces and thrown to the dogs.
²⁸⁹ Barach

²⁹⁰ ἑωρᾶτο δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν πολιτῶν τὰ γινόμενα καὶ κατεμήνυσεν οὐδείς , ἕως ἩρώδουHerod πικροτέραν καὶ φιλόνεικον ποιουμένου τὴν‎ ἔρευνανinquiry ἐκβασανισθεῖσαι γυναῖκές τινες ὡμολόγησαν ἃ πραχθέντα εἶδον . Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐνεργησάντων ἐγένετο τιμωρία πανοικὶ τὴν‎ προπέτειαν αὐτῶν ἐπεξιόντος ,
²⁹⁰ This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod’s making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt;	²⁹⁰ This was seen by many of the citizens, but no one would reveal who did it until, after Herod held a sharp and severe inquiry. Some women confessed under torture what they had seen done. The doers of this deed were so punished that their entire families were destroyed for their rashness.
²⁹⁰ Barach

²⁹¹ ἡ δ᾽ ἐπιμονὴ τοῦ πάθους καὶ τὸ τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων πίστεως ἀκατάπληκτον οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐποίει τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , εἰ μὴ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας κρατοίη , καὶ διέγνω πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τὸ πλῆθος , ὡς μὴ νεωτεριζόντων φανερὰν γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἀπόστασινa revolt .
²⁹¹ yet did not the obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the defense of their laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion.	²⁹¹ But the people's obstinacy and their unshaken constancy in defending their laws did not make Herod any more lenient to them. But he continued to guard himself more securely and decided to hem in the people on all sides in case such disorders should grow into open rebellion.
²⁹¹ Barach

²⁹² Ἐξωχυρωμένης οὖν αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς , ἐν ᾗ διῃτᾶτο , τοῦ δὲ ἱεροῦ τῇ περὶ τὸ φρούριον ὀχυρότητι τὸ καλούμενον ἈντωνίανAntonia κατασκευασθὲν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ , τρίτον παντὶ τῷ λαῷ τὴν‎ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ἐνόησεν ἐπιτείχισμα , καλέσας μὲν αὐτὴν Σεβαστήν ,
²⁹² Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste,	²⁹² Since he now had the city fortified by the palace where he lived and the temple with its strong fortress called Antonia beside it, which he had rebuilt, he arranged to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people and called it Sebaste.
²⁹² Barach

²⁹³ οἰόμενος δὲ κατὰ τῆς χώρας οὐδὲν ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἰσχυροποιεῖν τὸν τόπον , ἀπέχοντα μὲν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἡμέρας , εὔχρηστον δ᾽ ὄντα καὶ κοινὸν ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ γενησόμενον . τῷ δὲ ἔθνει παντὶ φρούριον ἐνῳκοδόμησεν τὸ πάλαι μὲν καλούμενον ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον , ΚαισάρειανCaesarea δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προσαγορευθέν .
²⁹³ supposing that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day’s journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato’s Tower, but it was by him named Caesarea.	²⁹³ He reckoned that this place too, which was a day's journey from Jerusalem, would secure him against the country, no less than the former, so he fortified it too, to keep both the country and the city in check. He also built another fortress for the whole nation at a place formerly called Strato's Tower, but was named by him Caesarea.
²⁹³ Barach

²⁹⁴ ἔν τε τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκληρώσας χωρίον συνέκτισεν ἐπί τε τῇ ΓαλιλαίᾳGalilee ΓάβαGaba καλούμενον καὶ τῇ ΠεραίᾳPerea τὴν‎ ἘσεβωνῖτινHesebonitis .
²⁹⁴ Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea.	²⁹⁴ Moreover, he took some elite cavalry and stationed them in the great plain, and built a place in Galilee, called Gaba and Hesebonitis in Perea.
²⁹⁴ Barach

²⁹⁵ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος αἰεί τι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐπεξευρίσκων καὶ διαλαμβάνων φυλακαῖς τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος , ὡς ἥκιστα μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας εἰς ταραχὰς προπίπτειν , αἷς καὶ μικροῦ κινήματος ἐγγενομένου συνεχὲς ἐχρῶντο , λανθάνειν δὲ μηδ᾽ εἰ παρακινοῖεν ἐφεστηκότων αἰεί τινων πλησίον , οἳ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ κωλύειν ἐδύναντο .
²⁹⁵ And these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it.	²⁹⁵ These places he built for his own security for he was always thinking of this issue and surrounding the whole nation with guards, to prevent them escaping from under his power, or raising riots, which they continually did on the smallest pretext, to keep them from starting any upheaval unknown to him, and so that his spies in the area would find it out and prevent it.
²⁹⁵ Barach

²⁹⁶ τότε δὲ τὴν‎ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ὡρμημένος τειχίζειν πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν συμμαχησάντων αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους , πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ὁμόρωνhaving common border συμπολίζειν ἐπετήδευεν , ὑπό τε φιλοτιμίας τοῦ νέον ἐγείρειν καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρότερον οὐκ ἐν ταῖς ἐπισήμοις οὖσαν , καὶ μᾶλλον ὅτι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐπετηδεύετο , τήν τε προσηγορίαν ὑπήλλαττε ΣεβαστὴνSebaste καλῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀρίστηνbest οὖσαν τὴν‎ πλησίον κατεμέριζεν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν , ὡς εὐθὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνιόντας οἰκεῖν ,
²⁹⁶ And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellowcitizens with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been before; but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit.	²⁹⁶ When he was busy with building the wall of Samaria, he arranged to bring there many of the allies in his wars and many of the local people too, to whom he granted citizenship. He did this from an ambitious desire to build a temple and make the city more prominent than it was before, but mainly for his own security and to leave a memorial of his magnificence. He changed its name and called it Sebaste, and divided up the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the people of Samaria, that they could prosper when they came to live there.
²⁹⁶ Barach

²⁹⁷ καὶ τείχει καρτερῷ τὴν‎ πόλιν περιέβαλεν τό τε τοῦ χωρίου πρόσαντες εἰς ἐρυμνότητα κατασκευαζόμενος καὶ μέγεθος οὐχ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων πόλεων περιλαμβάνων · στάδιοι γὰρ ἦσαν εἴκοσιν .
²⁹⁷ Besides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of the place made now so small as it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in circumference.	²⁹⁷ Besides, he surrounded the city with a strong wall and used the slope of the place to strengthen its fortifications. The extent of the place was greater than before, so as to make it not inferior to the most famous cities, twenty stadia in circumference.
²⁹⁷ Barach

²⁹⁸ ἐντὸς δὲ καὶ κατὰ μέσην τριῶν ἡμισταδίων τέμενος ἀνῆκεν παντοίως κεκοσμημένον καὶ ναὸν ἐν αὐτῷ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων ἤγειρεν , ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος διὰ πάντων ἐκόσμει τὴν‎ πόλιν , τὸ μὲν ἀναγκαῖον τῆς ἀσφαλείας ὁρῶν καὶ τῇ τῶν περιβόλων ἐρυμνότητι φρούριον αὐτὴν ποιούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ μείζονι , τὸ δ᾽ εὐπρεπὲς ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοῦ φιλοκαλεῖν καὶ μνημεῖα φιλανθρωπίας ἀπολιπεῖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ .
²⁹⁸ Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages.	²⁹⁸ In the middle of it he built a sacred precinct measuring a furlong and a half and adorned with decorations of all sorts and in it built a temple renowned for size and beauty. He adorned the various parts of the city also, and for his own security he made the walls very strong and made most of it a citadel, and took care that the building was elegant, to leave to future ages monuments to his fine taste and benevolence.
²⁹⁸ Barach

Chapter 9
[299-341]
Famine in Judea and Syria.
Herod builds Greek-style cities.

☜ ☞

²⁹⁹ Κατὰ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τρισκαιδέκατον ὄντα τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας πάθη μέγιστα τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπέλαβεν , εἴτε δὴ τοῦ θεοῦ μηνίσαντος ἢ καὶ κατὰ περιόδους οὕτως ἀπαντήσαντος τοῦ κακοῦ ·
²⁹⁹ Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time,	²⁹⁹ That year, the thirteenth of Herod's reign, great misfortune came upon the country either from the wrath of God, or possibly such things recur naturally, at intervals.
²⁹⁹ Barach

³⁰⁰ πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐχμοὶ διηνεκεῖς ἐγένοντο , καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄκαρπος ἡ γῆ μηδ᾽ ὅσα κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀναβλαστάνειν , ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς διαίτης κατὰ τὴν‎ ἔνδειαν τῶν σιτίων ἐξαλλαττομένης νόσοι τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πάθος ἤδη λοιμικὸν ἐκράτει , διηνεκῶς ἀντεφοδιαζομένων αὐτοῖς τῶν κακῶν .
³⁰⁰ for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another;	³⁰⁰ First there were continual droughts and for that reason the ground was barren and did not bring forth its usual extent of fruits. After this barrenness of the soil, the change of food caused by the lack of corn produced illnesses in the bodies of men and disease prevailed, one misery following upon another.
³⁰⁰ Barach

³⁰¹ τό τε γὰρ ἠπορῆσθαι θεραπείας καὶ τροφῆς ἐπέτεινεν εἰς πλέον ἀρξαμένην ἰσχυρῶς τὴν‎ λοιμώδη νόσον ἥ τε φθορὰ τῶν οὕτως ἀπολλυμένων ἀφῃρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περιόντας εὐθυμίας , ἐπεὶ προσαρκεῖν ταῖς ἀπορίαις ἐξ ἐπιμελείας [οὐκ ] ἐδύναντο .
³⁰¹ and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner deprived those that survived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in.	³⁰¹ The fact that they were without healing and food made the illness, which began violently, the more lasting; and the loss of people in such a manner robbed those who survived of all courage, for they had no remedy for their plight.
³⁰¹ Barach

³⁰² φθαρέντων γε μὴν τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἔτος καρπῶν καὶ τῶν ὅσοι πρότερον ἀπέκειντο δεδαπανημένων , οὐδὲν εἰς ἐλπίδα χρηστὴν ὑπελείπετο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἐπιτείνοντος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ οὐδὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν μόνον , ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἶναι μὲν οὐδὲν ὑπόλοιπον , ἀπολωλέναι δὲ καὶ τῶν περιόντων τὰ σπέρματα μηδὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀνείσης τῆς γῆς .
³⁰² When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year.	³⁰² So when the fruits of that year were spoiled and all they had laid up in advance was spent, there was no hope of relief, but the hardship still increased upon them contrary to their expectations, and this not only on that year, but also while they had nothing left, and the seed they had sown also rotted, since the land did not bear fruit on the second year.
³⁰² Barach

³⁰³ ἥ τε ἀνάγκη πολλὰ διὰ τὰς χρείας ἐκαινούργει . Καὶ τὰς ἀπορίαςperplexity οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ , τῶν τε φόρων , οὓς ἐλάμβανεν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς , ἀφῃρημένῳ καὶ τὰ χρήματα δεδαπανηκότι πρὸς φιλοτιμίαν ὧν τὰς πόλεις ἐπεσκεύαζεν .
³⁰³ This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built;	³⁰³ The famine made them eat many things they were not accustomed to eat and the king himself was no more exempt from this need than other men, lacking the tax he used to have from the fruits of the earth and having already spent the money he had, in his generosity to the whose cities he had built.
³⁰³ Barach

³⁰⁴ Ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ βοηθείας ἄξιον ἐδόκει προκατειληφότος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ μῖσος εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχομένων · τὸ γὰρ οὐκ εὖ πράττειν φιλαίτιον αἰεὶ κατὰ τῶν προεστηκότων .
³⁰⁴ nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern.	³⁰⁴ Anyway he had no people deserving of his help, since this miserable plight had gained him the hatred of his subjects. For troubles are always blamed on those who are in charge.
³⁰⁴ Barach

³⁰⁵ Ἐν τοιούτοις διενοεῖτο βοηθεῖν τῷ καιρῷ · χαλεπὸν δ᾽ ἦν οὔτε τῶν πλησίον δυσμενῶς ἀποδόσθαι σιτία τῷ μηδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω πεπονθέναι , χρημάτων τε οὐκ ὄντων , εἰ καὶ δυνατὸν ὀλίγων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς εὐπορηθῆναι .
³⁰⁵ In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price.	³⁰⁵ In the situation, he pondered how to get some help in time. But this was hard to do since their neighbours had no food to sell them. Their money was spent, even if it were possible to buy a little food at a high price.
³⁰⁵ Barach

³⁰⁶ καλῶς μέντοι νομίζων ἔχειν πάντως εἰς τὴν‎ βοήθειαν [μὴ ] ἀμελεῖν , τὸν ὄντα κόσμον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ‎ συνέκοψεν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ , μήτε τῆς ἐν ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπιμελείας μήτ᾽ εἴ τι τέχνῃ τίμιον ἦν τούτου φεισάμενος .
³⁰⁶ However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers,	³⁰⁶ Still, he thought it best not to neglect to help them by all means. So he cut away the silver and gold from the rich furnishings in his palace, not sparing the finest vessels he had or those made with the artisans' elaborate skill.
³⁰⁶ Barach

³⁰⁷ ἔπεμπε δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὰ χρήματα Πετρωνίου τὴν‎ ἐπαρχίαν ἀπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar εἰληφότος . Οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταπεφευγότων διὰ τὰς αὐτὰς χρείας , ἰδίᾳ τε Φίλος ὢν ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ διασώσασθαι θέλων τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ , πρώτοις μὲν ἔδωκεν ἐξάγειν τὸν σῖτον , εἰς ἅπαντα δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ ὠνὴν καὶ τὸν ἔκπλουν συνήργησεν , ὡς μέγα μέρος ἢ τὸ πᾶν γενέσθαι ταύτης τῆς βοηθείας .
³⁰⁷ but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had.	³⁰⁷ He sent the money to Petronius, whom Caesar had made prefect of Egypt. Since quite a few had already fled to him in their necessity and as he was a particular friend to Herod and eager to save his subjects, he let them export wheat and helped them in every way to buy and export it, so that he was their main, if not their only source of help.
³⁰⁷ Barach

³⁰⁸ ὁ γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod , τούτων ἀφικομένων ἐν ἀφορμῇ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ προστιθεὶς οὐ μόνον ἀντιμετέστησεν τὰς γνώμας τῶν πρότερον χαλεπῶς δυσμενῶς , ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγίστην ἐποιήσατο τὴν‎ ἐπίδειξιν τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς προστασίας .
³⁰⁸ And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them;	³⁰⁸ Herod took care that this help was known to come through him, and thereby not only removed their former hatred for him, but also gave them the greatest possible proof of his goodwill and care for them.
³⁰⁸ Barach

³⁰⁹ πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὅσοιςall who, as much οἷόν τε δι᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκπονεῖν ἔνειμε τοῦ σίτου τὴν‎ ἔκταξιν ἀκριβεστάτην ποιούμενος , ἔπειτα πολλῶν ὄντων , οἳ κατὰ γῆρας ἤ τινα προσοῦσαν ἄλλην ἀσθένειαν οὐχ ἱκανῶς εἶχον αὐτοῖς παρασκευάζειν τὰ σιτία , προυνόει καταστήσας ἀρτοποιοὺς καὶ παρέχων ἑτοίμας τὰς τροφάς .
³⁰⁹ for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, that the bakers should make their bread ready for them.	³⁰⁹ First of all, he measured their ration of wheat very precisely to those who could provide for their own food. But for the many who could not provide for themselves, because of age or infirmity, he arranged that bakers should bake their bread for them.
³⁰⁹ Barach

³¹⁰ ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάσαι μετὰ κινδύνων αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συγκατειληφυίας καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπορίαςperplexity , ἐφθαρμένων καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξαναλωθέντων τῶν βοσκημάτων , ὡς οὔτε ἐρίων εἶναι χρῆσιν οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων σκεπασμάτων .
³¹⁰ He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal.	³¹⁰ He also made provision against the dangers of winter, since they were in great need of clothing on account of the utter ruin of their sheep and goats, so that they had no wool or other material to use to cover themselves.
³¹⁰ Barach

³¹¹ ἐκπορισθέντων δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τούτων ταῖς πλησίον ἤδη πόλεσιν ἐπεβάλλετο τὰς ὠφελείας παρέχειν σπέρματα τοῖς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria διαδούς . Καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ὤνησεν οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸν εὐστοχηθείσης εἰς εὐφορίαν τῆς χάριτος , ὡς ἅπασιν ἱκανὰ τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς γενέσθαι .
³¹¹ And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food.	³¹¹ When he had provided these for his own subjects, he went further to provide essentials for their neighbours. He gave seed to the Syrians, which resulted to his own advantage, for when this help was seasonably given to their fruitful soil, all now had a plentiful supply of food.
³¹¹ Barach

³¹² τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀμήτου περὶ τὴν‎ γῆν ὑποφανέντος οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἢ πέντε μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων , οὓς αὐτὸς ἔθρεψεν καὶ περιεποίησεν , εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν διέπεμψεν , καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον κακωθεῖσαν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὑπὸ πάσης φιλοτιμίας καὶ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἐν ταῖς αὐταῖς κακοπαθείαις ὄντας ἐπεκούφισεν .
³¹² Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities;	³¹² Finally, as the harvest time approached, he sent into the country no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained. In this way, he both repaired the damage to his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence and eased the problems of his neighbours who were in the same need.
³¹² Barach

³¹³ οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽sometimes ὅστις ὑπὸ χρείας ἐντυχὼν ἀπελείφθη μὴ βοήθειαν εὕρασθαι κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν . ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆμοι καὶ πόλεις καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὅσοιςall who, as much ἀπορία διὰ τὸ πλειόνων προίστασθαι συνετύγχανεν , ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταφεύγοντες ἔσχον ὧν ἐδεήθησαν ,
³¹³ for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of,	³¹³ No one in want was left without suitable help. No populace or city or individual in need of support who had recourse to him to provide for them, failed to receive what they needed.
³¹³ Barach

³¹⁴ ὥστε γενέσθαι λογιζομένων τοὺς μὲν ἔξω τῆς ἀρχῆς δοθέντας σίτου κόρους μυρίους , ὁ δὲ κόρος δύναται μεδίμνους ἈττικοὺςAthenian δέκα , τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν περὶ ὀκτάκις μυρίους .
³¹⁴ insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand.	³¹⁴ It is estimated that the number of cori of wheat, valued at ten Attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand. The amount given in his own kingdom was about eighty thousand.
³¹⁴ Barach

³¹⁵ ταύτην δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν‎ τῆς χάριτος εὐκαιρίαν οὕτως ἐν αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἰσχῦσαι συνέβη καὶ διαβοηθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις , ὥστε τὰ μὲν πάλαι μίση κινηθέντα διὰ τὸ παραχαράττειν ἔνια τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξαιρεθῆναι καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους , ἀντικατάλλαγμα δὲ φαίνεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν δεινοτάτων φιλοτιμίαν.
³¹⁵ Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature,	³¹⁵ His providence and timely intervention had such an influence on the Jews and was so publicized among other nations, that the old hatred he had earned by violating some of their customs and the royal succession was wiped out among all the nation. The generosity of his help in their terrible necessity had made full satisfaction for it.
³¹⁵ Barach

³¹⁶ Εὔκλεια δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἦν , καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ δυσχερῆ συμβῆναι μὲν αὐτῷ μείζω λόγου , κακώσαντα δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν οὐχ ἥκιστα πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ὠφελῆσαι · τὸ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις μεγαλόψυχον παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀντιμετέστησε τοὺς πολλούς , ὡς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς δοκεῖν οὐχ οἷον ἡ πεῖρα τῶν πάλαι γεγενημένων , ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ἡ μετὰ τῆς χρείας ἐπιμέλεια παρεστήσατο .
³¹⁶ as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be.	³¹⁶ He also gained great fame among foreigners. So it looked as if the troubles that had so afflicted his land were sent only to heighten his glory and to serve his advantage. His greatness of spirit in that plight, which he had shown beyond all expectation, changed many people's view of him, so that they were ready to think that from the start he had not been as their experience seemed to show, but the man whose care in supplying their needs he now proved to be.
³¹⁶ Barach

³¹⁷ περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ συμμαχικὸν ἔπεμψεν ΚαίσαριCaesar πεντακοσίους ἐπιλέκτους τῶν σωματοφυλάκωνbodyguard , οὓς ΓάλλοςGallus ΑἴλιοςAelius ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἘρυθρὰνRed θάλασσαν ἦγεν εἰς πολλὰ χρησίμους αὐτῷ γενομένους .
³¹⁷ About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus led to the Red Sea, and who were of great service to him there.	³¹⁷ About this time he sent five hundred elite troops from his bodyguard as allies to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus led to the Red Sea and who were of great service to him there.
³¹⁷ Barach

³¹⁸ πάλιν οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς ἐπίδοσιν εὐθηνουμένων βασίλειον ἐξῳκοδόμει περὶ τὴν‎ ἄνω πόλιν ὑπερμεγέθεις οἴκους ἐγείρων καὶ κόσμῳ κατασκευάζων πολυτελεστάτῳ χρυσοῦ καὶ λίθων καὶ περιαλειμμάτων ὡς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν κλισίας μὲν ἔχειν παμπόλλους ἄνδρας ὑποδέχεσθαι Κατὰ μέτρα δὲ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας · ὁ μὲν γὰρ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , ὁ δὲ ἈγρίππαAgrippa κέκλητο .
³¹⁸ When therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold, and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given them;	³¹⁸ When his affairs had so improved and were again flourishing, he built himself a palace in the upper city, with two very high apartments adorned with expensive golden furniture and marble seats and beds, large enough to hold whole groups of men. These were named after Caesar and Agrippa.
³¹⁸ Barach

³¹⁹ προσέλαβεν δὲ καὶ γάμον αὐτῷ κινηθεὶς ἐξ ἐρωτικῆς ἐπιθυμίας μηδένα τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἡδονὴν ζῆν ὑπολογισμὸν ποιούμενος . ἀρχὴ δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῶν γάμων ἐγένετο τοιάδε ·
³¹⁹ for one apartment was called Caesar’s, another Agrippa’s. He also fell in love again, and married another wife, not suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion of this his marriage was as follows:	³¹⁹ He fell in love again and married another wife, not allowing reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The cause of his marriage was as follows.
³¹⁹ Barach

³²⁰ ΣίμωνSimon ἦν ἹεροσολυμίτηςJerusalem υἱὸς ΒοηθοῦBoethus τινος ἈλεξανδρέωςAlexandria, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις , εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην .
³²⁰ There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time;	³²⁰ A man of Jerusalem called Simon the son of Boethus of Alexandria, was a priest of great note and had a daughter, who was regarded as the most beautiful woman of the time.
³²⁰ Barach

³²¹ ὄντος οὖν λόγου παρὰ τοῖς Ἱεροσολυμίταις(people of ) Jerusalem αὐτῆς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκοῆς τὸν ἩρώδηHerod κεκινῆσθαι συνέβαινεν , ὡς δὲ καὶ θεασάμενον ἡ τῆς παιδὸς ἐξέπληξεν ‎ὥρα , τὸ μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας χρώμενον διατελεῖν ἅπαν ἀπεδοκίμαζεν ὑποπτεύων ὅπερ ἦν , εἰς βίαν καὶ τυραννίδα διαβληθήσεσθαι , βέλτιον δ᾽ ᾤετο γάμῳ τὴν‎ κόρην λαβεῖν .
³²¹ and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he thought it best to take the damsel to wife.	³²¹ Since the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in praise of her, Herod was moved by the report. When he saw the girl, he was struck with her beauty, but entirely rejected the idea of using his authority to abuse her, believing, as was the truth, that if he did so he would be blamed for violence and tyranny. So he thought it best to take the girl as his wife.
³²¹ Barach

³²² καὶ τοῦ ΣίμωνοςSimon ὄντος ἀδοξοτέρου μὲν ἢ πρὸς οἰκειότητα , μείζονος δὲ ἢ καταφρονεῖσθαι , τὸν ἐπιεικέστερον τρόπον μετῄει τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν αὔξων αὐτοὺς καὶ τιμιωτέρους ἀποφαίνων · αὐτίκα γοῦν ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua μὲν τὸν τοῦ Φοαβιτος ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην , ΣίμωναSimon δὲ καθίστησιν ἐπὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τὸ κῆδος πρὸς αὐτὸν συνάπτεται .
³²² And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter].	³²² Since Simon was of too lowly a dignity to be allied to him, but still too great to be scorned, he reasonably achieved his inclinations by raising the dignity of the family and making them more honourable. So he immediately deposed Joshua son of Phabet from the high priesthood and gave that dignity to Simon and so joined in alliance with him.
³²² Barach

³²³ τελεσθέντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ τοῦ γάμου προσκατεσκευάσατο φρούριον ἐπὶ τῶν τόπων , ἐν οἷς ἐνίκα ἸουδαίουςJews , ὅτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσόντος ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἦν .
³²³ When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that place where he had conquered file Jews when he was driven out of his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it.	³²³ When this wedding was over, he built a citadel in that place where he had conquered the Jews when he was driven from the kingship and Antigonus held it.
³²³ Barach

³²⁴ τοῦτο δὲ τὸ φρούριον ἀπέχει μὲν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem περὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίους , φύσει δὲ ἐχυρὸν καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν ἐπιτηδειότατόν ἐστιν ἐγγὺς ἐπιεικῶς κολωνὸς εἰς ὕψος ἀνιὼν χειροποίητον , ὡς εἶναι μαστοειδὴς τὴν‎ περιφοράν , διείληπται δὲ κυκλοτερέσι πύργοις ὀρθίαν ἔχων ἄνοδον ξεσταῖς βαθμίσιν ἐξῳκοδομημένην εἰς διακοσίους . ἐντὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καταγωγαὶ βασίλειοι πολυτελεῖς εἰς ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοῦ καὶ κόσμον πεποιημέναι ·
³²⁴ This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a further height by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a woman’s breast. It is encompassed with circular towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent is composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that provided both for security and for beauty.	³²⁴ This citadel is about sixty furlongs from Jerusalem in a naturally strong place suited to such a building, on a medium-sized hill, raised up higher by man's handiwork, until shaped like a woman's breast. It is surrounded with circular towers and has a narrow ascent to it, composed of steps of polished stones, two hundred in number. Within are very rich royal apartments, that provide both for security and beauty.
³²⁴ Barach

³²⁵ περὶ δὲ τὴν‎ βάσιν τοῦ λόφου διατριβαὶ κατασκευῆς ἀξιοθεάτου τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τῆς εἰσαγωγῆς τῶν ὑδάτων , οὐ γὰρ οὗτος ὁ τόπος ἔσχηκεν , ἐκ μακροῦ καὶ διὰ πλειόνων ἀναλωμάτωνexpense, cost πεποιημένης . τὰ δ᾽ ἐπίπεδα περιῳκοδόμηται πόλις οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλάσσων τὸν λόφον ἀκρόπολιν ἔχουσα τῆς ἄλλης οἰκήσεως .
³²⁵ About the bottom there are habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account of the water which is brought thither from a great way off, and at vast expenses, for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle.	³²⁵ About the bottom of the hill there are dwellings of a structure well worth seeing, among other things, for the water which is brought there from a long way off at a great cost, for the place itself has no water. The plain around this citadel is full of buildings, no less than a city in size and with the hill above it like a castle.
³²⁵ Barach

³²⁶ Πάντων δ᾽ αὐτῷ προκεχωρηκότων εἰς δέον ὧν ἠλπίκει τὰς μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ταραχὰς οὐδ᾽ ὁπωσοῦν δι᾽ ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy εἶχεν ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπηκόους παραστησάμενος , φόβῳ μὲν ὧν ἀπαραίτητος εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας , τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ ὧν μεγαλόψυχος ἐν ταῖς περιπετείαις εὑρίσκετο .
³²⁶ And now, when all Herod’s designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magnanimous manner, when they were under their distresses.	³²⁶ When all his plans had succeeded according to his hopes, he had no suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, for he kept his people obedient both by fear, for he was implacable in punishing, and because of his provident, magnanimous care for them, in their time of need.
³²⁶ Barach

³²⁷ περιεβάλλετο δὲ τὴν‎ ἔξωθεν ἀσφάλειαν ὥσπερ ἐπιτείχισμα καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀρχομένοιςto rule, reign ποιούμενος · πόλεσίν τε γὰρ ὡμίλει δεξιῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως καὶ τοὺς δυνάστας ἐθεράπευεν εὐκαιρίαις ὧν ἑκάστους ἐδωρεῖτο μείζους τὰς χάριτας ἐμποιῶν καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον φύσει πρὸς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν εὐπρεπὲς ἔχων , ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντα διὰ πάντων αὔξεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ἀεὶ προχωρούντων .
³²⁷ But still he took care to have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more augmented.	³²⁷ But he still took care to secure his rule and defend himself against his subjects, for his speeches in the [non-Jewish] cities were very fine and full of goodwill, and he cultivated their officers by lavishing gifts on each of them, courting their friendship and using his generosity to secure his grip on the kingdom, until all his concerns were flourishing in every way.
³²⁷ Barach

³²⁸ ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας , ἣν ἐθεράπευεν ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους , ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν , πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων , οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ,
³²⁸ But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,—	³²⁸ But his munificence and the submission and generosity he showed to Caesar and the men of power, caused him to overstep the customs of his nation and ignore many of their laws, as he built cities and temples of of ambition.
³²⁸ Barach

³²⁹ οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο τῶν τοιούτων ἀπηγορευμένωνto forbid ἡμῖν ὡς ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους τιμᾶν πρὸς τὸν ἙλληνικὸνGreek τρόπον , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἔξω χώραν καὶ τὰ περὶ οὕτως κατεσκευάζετο ,
³²⁹ not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof.	³²⁹ These were not in Judea, for that would not have been borne, as we are forbidden to pay honour to images or representations of animals in the style of the Greeks, but outside our boundaries in the surrounding territories.
³²⁹ Barach

³³⁰ ἸουδαίοιςJews μὲν ἀπολογούμενος μὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐντολῆς καὶ προσταγμάτων αὐτὰ ποιεῖν , ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ καὶ ῬωμαίοιςRomans τὸ μηδὲ τῶν οἰκείων ἐθῶν ὅσον τῆς ἐκείνων τιμῆς ἐστοχάσθαι χαριζόμενος , αὐτὸς μέντοι τὸ σύμπαν αὐτοῦ‎ στοχαζόμενος ἢ καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος μείζω τὰ μνημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς αὖθις ὑπολιπέσθαι . ὅθεν καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐπισκευὰς τῶν πόλεων ἐκεκίνητο καὶ πλείστας εἰς τοῦτο τὰς δαπάνας ἐποιεῖτο .
³³⁰ The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them.	³³⁰ To the Jews he explained that this was done not of his own will, but at the command of others, to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he gave less honour to Jewish customs than to those of those Romans. The truth was that it was all for himself for he was keen to leave to posterity great monuments of his realm, and that is why he was so eager to build such fine cities and spent such vast sums upon them.
³³⁰ Barach

³³¹ κατιδὼν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον δέξασθαι πόλιν , ὃ πάλαι ΣτράτωνοςStrato ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος , τῇ τε διαγραφῇ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπεβάλλετο καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ἀνιστὰς ἅπασαν οὐ παρέργως , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ λευκῆς πέτρας , καὶ διακοσμῶν καὶ βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις καὶ διαίταις πολιτικαῖς ,
³³¹ Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato’s Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing the people;	³³¹ Noticing near the sea a site very suited for a city, a place previously called Strato's Tower, he set about planning a magnificent city and diligently built it up with many buildings in white stone. He furnished it with sumptuous palaces and large buildings for gatherings of the people.
³³¹ Barach

³³² τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ πλείστην ἐργασίαν παρασχόν , ἀκλύστῳ λιμένι , μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ , καταγωγὰς δ᾽ ἔνδον ἔχοντι καὶ δευτέρους ὑφόρμους , τῇ δὲ δομήσει περίβλεπτον , ὅτι μηδ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τὴν‎ ἐπιτηδειότητα τῆς μεγαλουργίας εἶχεν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεισάκτοις καὶ πολλαῖς ἐξετελειώθη ταῖς δαπάναις .
³³² and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses.	³³² Then, as the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a harbour that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its size was not less than the Pyraeus and had toward the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship, all the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was fitted out with materials from other places, at great expense.
³³² Barach

³³³ κεῖται μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ ΦοινίκῃPhoenicia κατὰ τὸν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt παράπλουν ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea μεταξὺ καὶ ΔώρωνDōr , πολισμάτια ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς , αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ ΠόντουPontus θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ᾐόνα σύρουσαι καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν , ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας .
³³³ This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself.	³³³ This city is situated in Phoenicia, on the sea-route to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, smaller coastal cities not suitable for harbours, due to the strong south winds beating upon them, which roll the sands of the sea against the shores, and do not allow for docking, and merchants there are generally forced to ride at anchor, out to sea.
³³³ Barach

³³⁴ τοῦτο τὸ δυσδιάθετον τῆς χώρας διορθούμενος καὶ περιγράψας τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἦν αὔταρκες πρὸς τῇ χέρσῳ μεγάλοις στόλοις ἐνορμεῖσθαι λίθους ὑπερμεγέθεις καθίει εἰς τὸ βάθος εἰς ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσι . πεντήκοντα ποδῶν ἦσαν οἱ πλείους τὸ μῆκος καὶ πλάτος οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less δεκαοκτώ , βάθος δὲ ἐννέα , τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν μείζους οἱ δὲ ἐλάττους .
³³⁴ So Herod endeavored to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions.	³³⁴ To rectify this lacuna in the landscape, he laid out a large circular harbour where large ships could safely anchor. This he achieved by letting down vast stones more than fifty feet long, no less than eighteen feet wide and nine feet deep, into twenty fathoms deep, though some were less and some were larger than that.
³³⁴ Barach

³³⁵ ἡ δὲ ἐνδόμησις ὅσον ἦν † ἐβάλλετο κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διακοσίους πόδας . τούτων τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ προβέβλητο κυματωγαῖς , ὡς ἀπομάχεσθαι περικλώμενον ἐκεῖ τὸν κλύδωνα · προκυμία γοῦν ἐκαλεῖτο · τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν περιεῖχεν λίθινον τεῖχος πύργοις διειλημμένον ,
³³⁵ This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves;	³³⁵ This mole which he built along the sea was two hundred feet wide, with half of it facing to the surge of the waves, so as to take the burnt of the waves breaking upon it, and it was called Breakwater.
³³⁵ Barach

³³⁶ ὧν ὁ μέγιστος ΔρούσιονDrusus ὀνομάζεται , πάνυ καλόν τι χρῆμα , τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν εἰληφὼς ἀπὸ ΔρούσουDrusus τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar προγόνου τελευτήσαντος νέου .
³³⁶ but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young.	³³⁶ The other half had on it a wall with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus and was a work of great excellence, named after Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young.
³³⁶ Barach

³³⁷ ψαλίδες δὲ ἐμπεποίηνται συνεχεῖς καταγωγαὶ τοῖς ναυτίλοις , τὸ δὲ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἀπόβασις πλατεῖα κύκλῳ περιεστεφάνωκεν τὸν πάντα λιμένα , περίπατος τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἥδιστος . ὁ δ᾽ εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στόμα πεποίηται πρὸς βορέαν ἀνέμων αἰθριώτατον .
³³⁷ There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place:	³³⁷ There were also many arches where the sailors lived, and in front of them a quay which ran around the entire harbour and was a most agreeable walk for anyone so inclined. The entrance or mouth of the port was on the north side, which was the least windy of all in this place.
³³⁷ Barach

³³⁸ βάσις δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου παντὸς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν εἰσπλεόντων πύργος νενασμένος ἐπὶ πολὺ στερρῶς ἀντέχειν , κατὰ δεξιὰν δὲ δύο λίθοι μεγάλοι καὶ τοῦ κατὰ θάτερα πύργου μείζους , ὀρθοὶ καὶ συνεζευγμένοι .
³³⁸ and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and were joined together.	³³⁸ The foundations of the whole harbour wall on the left side entering the port is supported around a turret, strongly built to resist the mightiest waves; while on the right side were two huge stones, each larger than the turret, which was across from them; these stood upright and linked together.
³³⁸ Barach

³³⁹ περίκεινται δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευὴ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις , ἐφ᾽ οὗ νεὼς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν ἄγαλμά τε τὸ μὲν ῬώμηςRome , τὸ δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar · ἥ τε πόλις αὐτὴ ΚαισάρειαCaesar καλεῖται καλλίστης καὶ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τετυχηκυῖα .
³³⁹ Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city itself was called Caesarea, which was also itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine structure;	³³⁹ There were buildings all along the circular harbour made of highly polished stone, and a platform in the middle on which was built a temple, visible in the distance by those who were sailing for that harbour. In it were two statues, one of Rome, the other of Caesar, and the city itself was called Caesarea, and was well built of fine materials.
³³⁹ Barach

³⁴⁰ τὰ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὑπόνομοί τε καὶ λαῦραι πραγματείαν οὐκ ἐλάττω τῶν ὑπερῳκοδομημένων ἔχουσαι . τούτων αἱ μὲν κατὰ σύμμετρα διαστήματα φέρουσιν εἰς τὸν λιμένα καὶ τὴν‎ θάλατταν , μία δ᾽ ἐγκαρσία πάσας ὑπέζωκεν , ὡς τούς τε ὄμβρους εὐμαρῶς καὶ τὰ λύματα τῶν οἰκητόρων συνεκδίδοσθαι τήν τε θάλατταν , ὅταν ἔξωθεν ἐπείγηται , διαρρεῖν καὶ τὴν‎ σύμπασαν ὑποκλύζειν πόλιν .
³⁴⁰ nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean.	³⁴⁰ Even the subterranean vaults and cellars were planned no less than the buildings above ground. Some of these led at equal distances to the harbour and to the sea, but one of them ran at an angle and connected all the others, so that it easily carried away both the rainwater and the citizens sewage, since the sea flowed from outside into the city and washed it all clean.
³⁴⁰ Barach

³⁴¹ κατεσκεύαζεν δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ θέατρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον πολὺν ὄχλον ἀνθρώπων δέχεσθαι δυνάμενον καὶ κείμενον ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν‎ θάλασσαν . ἡ μὲν δὴ πόλις οὕτως ἐξετελέσθη δωδεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐργασίαις οὐκ ἐγκαμόντος καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις ἐπαρκέσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως .
³⁴¹ Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary.	³⁴¹ He also made there a stone-built theatre, and to the south behind the port, an amphitheatre also, capable of holding a large crowd of people and well situated with a view of the sea. So this city was completed in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to proceed with the work and to pay the necessary expenses.
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Chapter 10
[342-379]
Herod retains Caesar's goodwill.
Description of Pharisees and Essenes

☜ ☞

³⁴² Ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δὲ ὢν καὶ τῆς Σεβαστῆς ἤδη πεπολισμένης ἔγνω τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ‎ πέμπειν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus , συντευξομένους ΚαίσαριCaesar .
³⁴² When Herod was engaged in such matters, and when he had already re-edified Sebaste, [Samaria,] he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to enjoy the company of Caesar;	³⁴² When Herod was engaged in these matters and had already rebuilt Sebaste, he decided to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome to meet with Caesar.
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³⁴³ τούτοις ἀνελθοῦσιν καταγωγὴ μὲν ἦν Πολλίωνος οἶκος ἀνδρὸς τῶν μάλιστα σπουδασάντων περὶ τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod φιλίαν , ἐφεῖτο δὲ κἀν τοῖς ΚαίσαροςCaesar κατάγεσθαι · καὶ γὰρ ἐξεδέξατο μετὰ πάσης φιλανθρωπίας τοὺς παῖδας · καὶ δίδωσιν ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὅτῳ βούλεται βεβαιοῦν τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ γεγονότων , καὶ χώραν ἔτι τόν τε ΤράχωναTrachonitis καὶ ΒαταναίανBatanea καὶ ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis · ἔδωκεν δὲ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν παραλαβών .
³⁴³ who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio, who was very fond of Herod’s friendship; and they had leave to lodge in Caesar’s own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which he gave him on the occasion following:	³⁴³ When they arrived there, they lodged at the house of Pollio, who treasured Herod's friendship. Then they were allowed lodgings in Caesar's own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with goodwill and allowed Herod to leave his kingdom to whichever of his sons he wished. Besides, he gave him Trachonits and Batanea and Auranitis, for the following reason.
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³⁴⁴ Ζηνόδωρός τις ἐμεμίσθωτο τὸν οἶκον τὸν ΛυσανίουLysanias . τούτῳ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὰς προσόδους οὐκ ἤρκει , τὰ λῃστήρια δὲ ἔχων ἐν τῷ ΤράχωνιTrachonitis πλείω τὴν‎ πρόσοδον ἔφερεν · οἰκοῦσι γὰρ ἄνδρες ἐξ ἀπονοίας ζῶντες τοὺς τόπους , οἳ τὰ ΔαμασκηνῶνDamascus ἐλῄζοντο , καὶ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus οὔτ᾽ εἶργεν αὐτός τε τῶν ὠφελειῶν ἐκοινώνει .
³⁴⁴ One Zenodorus had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired.	³⁴⁴ Zenodorus had rented what was called the house of Lysanias. This man, dissatisfied with its revenues, was supported by the brigands who lived in Trachonitis. So he gained for himself a larger income, for the people of those places lived in a mad way and pillaged the district of Damascus. While Zenodorus did not restrain them, he did however share in what they robbed.
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³⁴⁵ κακῶς δὲ πάσχοντες οἱ πλησιόχωροι Οὐάρρωνος κατεβόων τοῦ τότε ἡγεμονεύοντος καὶ γράφειν ἠξίουν ΚαίσαριCaesar τοῦ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus τὴν‎ ἀδικίαν . ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ἀνενεχθέντων τούτων ἀντέγραφεν ἐξελεῖν τὰ λῃστήρια τήν τε χώραν ἩρώδῃHerod προσένειμεν , ὡς διὰ τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς ἐκείνου μηκέτ᾽ ἂν ὀχληρῶν τῶν περὶ τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis γενησομένων τοῖς πλησίον ·
³⁴⁵ Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites;	³⁴⁵ Since the neighbouring people suffered greatly from this, they complained to the governor, Varro, imploring him to write to Caesar about the crimes of Zenodorus. When this was laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of brigands and to give the land to Herod, that under his care the neighbourhood might be no longer troubled by these doings of the Trachonites.
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³⁴⁶ οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾴδιον ἦν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἔθει τὸ λῃστεύειν πεποιημένους καὶ βίον οὐκ ἄλλοθεν ἔχοντας · οὔτε γὰρ πόλεις αὐτοῖς οὔτε κτήσεις ἀγρῶν , ὑποφυγαὶ δὲ κατὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ σπήλαια καὶ κοινὴ μετὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων δίαιτα . μεμηχάνηνται δὲ καὶ συναγωγὰς ὑδάτων καὶ προπαρασκευὰς σιτίων αἳ δύνανται πλεῖστον ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ἀντέχειν .
³⁴⁶ for it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them;	³⁴⁶ For it was no easy thing to restrain them, since a life of robbery had been their usual practice and they had no other way to earn their living, as they owned neither city or lands, but only some caves and dens in the earth where they and their livestock lived all together. But they had arranged for some cisterns of water and had corn in granaries and could offer stiff resistance, by suddenly coming out from their hiding places.
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³⁴⁷ αἵ γε μὴν εἴσοδοι στεναὶ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα παρερχομένων , τὰ δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀπίστως μεγάλα πρὸς εὐρυχωρίαν ἐξειργασμένων · τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὰς οἰκήσεις ἔδαφος οὐχ ὑψηλόν , ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ἐξ ἐπιπέδου . πέτρα δὲ τὸ σύμπαν σκληρὰ καὶ δύσοδος , εἰ μὴ τρίβῳ χρῷτό τις ἐξ ὁδηγίας · οὐδὲ γὰρ αὗται κατ᾽ ὀρθὸν ἀλλὰ πολλὰς ἕλικας ἐξελίττονται .
³⁴⁷ for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions.	³⁴⁷ The entrances of their caves were narrow, and only one at a time could enter. The spaces inside were incredibly large and very wide though the ground over their dwellings was not very high, and rather flat. But the rocky entrances are very difficult to find, unless one gets there by the guidance of another, for the roads are not straight, but wind many times.
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³⁴⁸ τούτοις ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τοὺς πλησίον κακουργημάτων ἐκωλύοντο , καὶ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἦν ὁ τῆς λῃστείας τρόπος , ὡς μηδὲν ἀνομίας ἐν τούτῳ λελεῖφθαι . λαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ χάριν ἩρώδηςHerod παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ὁδηγῶν ἐμπειρίᾳ τούς τε πονηρευομένους αὐτῶν κατέπαυσεν καὶ τοῖς περὶ ἀδεῆ τὴν‎ εἰρήνην παρέσχεν .
³⁴⁸ But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people.	³⁴⁸ When these are hindered from wickedly preying on their neighbours, their custom is to prey on each other, so that no sort of wrong is foreign to them. When Herod had received his grant from Caesar and came into this area, he got skilled guides and put a stop to their wickedness and provided peace and calm for the neighbouring people.
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³⁴⁹ Ὁ δὲ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ἀχθόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἀφαιρέσει , μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ φθόνῳ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἩρώδουHerod μετειληφότος , ἀνῆλθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome κατηγορήσων αὐτοῦ‎ . κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἄπρακτος ἀναστρέφει .
³⁴⁹ Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success.	³⁴⁹ Now Zenodorus was agitated, first, at having the leadership taken from him, and still more by his envy of Herod, who had acquired it. So he went to Rome to accuse him, but returned without success.
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³⁵⁰ πέμπεται δ᾽ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa τῶν πέραν ἸονίουIonian διάδοχος ΚαίσαριCaesar · καὶ τούτῳ περὶ ΜιτυλήνηνMitylene χειμάζοντι συντυχὼνto meet together ἩρώδηςHerod , ἦν γὰρ εἰς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος καὶ συνήθης , πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀνέστρεφεν .
³⁵⁰ Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again.	³⁵⁰ Now Agrippa was sent to succeed Caesar in ruling the countries beyond the Ionian Sea. Herod met him when he was wintering near Mitylene, for he was his particular friend and companion, and then returned to Judea again.
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³⁵¹ Γαδαρέων δέ τινες ἐπ᾽ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἦλθον κατηγοροῦντες αὐτοῦ‎ , καὶ τούτους ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς δοὺς ἀναπέμπει τῷ βασιλεῖ δεσμίους . οἵ τε ἌραβεςArabs καὶ πάλαι δυσμενῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod διεκεκίνηντο καὶ στασιάζειν ἐπεχείρουν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα τότε καὶ μετ᾽ αἰτίας , ὡς ἐδόκουν , εὐλογωτέρας ·
³⁵¹ However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod’s government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion;	³⁵¹ Then some of the Gadarenes came to Agrippa and accused Herod, but he sent them back in chains to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabs, who of old bore ill-will to Herod's rule, were nettled and attempted to raise a rebellion against him, as they thought, for a more justified cause.
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³⁵² ὁ γὰρ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ἀπογινώσκων ἤδη τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἔφθη τῆς ἐπαρχίας μέρος τι τὴν‎ ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis αὐτοῖς ἀποδόσθαι ταλάντων πεντήκοντα . ταύτης ἐμπεριεχομένης τῇ δωρεᾷ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὡς μὴ δικαίως ἀφαιρούμενοιto separate διημφισβήτουν , πολλάκις μὲν ταῖς καταδρομαῖς καὶ τῷ βιάζεσθαι θέλειν , ἄλλοτε δὲ καὶ πρὸς δικαιολογίαν ἰόντες .
³⁵² for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him.	³⁵² Zenodorus, who already despaired of succeeding in his own affairs, had sold to those Arabs a part of his area, called Auranitis, for fifty talents, and as this was included in the donation of Caesar, they contested it with Herod, as if he unjustly deprived them of what they had bought. Often they did this by making raids upon him and often by attempting force against him and at other times by going to law with him.
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³⁵³ ἀνέπειθον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ δυσμενεῖς , ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐπελπίζοντες ἀεὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸν νεωτερισμὸν ἐνδιδόντες , ᾧ μάλιστα χαίρουσιν οἱ κακῶς πράττοντεςto do, accomplish τῷ βίῳ . ταῦτα δὲ ἐκ μακροῦ πραττόμενα γινώσκων ἩρώδηςHerod ὅμως οὐκ εἰς τὸ δυσμενές , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιλογισμοῦ παρηγόρει ταῖς ταραχαῖς οὐκ ἀξιῶν ἀφορμὰς ἐνδιδόναι .
³⁵³ Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while apprised of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tumults.	³⁵³ They persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them and caused him trouble, always hoping for a rebellion. In things like this, the poorest people are always to the fore. Although Herod had long known of these attempts, he did not treat them with severity, but aimed to calm things by reason, unwilling to cause any disturbance.
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³⁵⁴ Ἤδη δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς βασιλείας ἑπτακαιδεκάτου προελθόντος ἔτους ΚαῖσαρCaesar εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἀφίκετο . Καὶ τότε τῶν ΓάδαραGadara κατοικούντων οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεβόων ἩρώδουHerod βαρὺν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτάγμασιν καὶ τυραννικὸν εἶναι .
³⁵⁴ Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical.	³⁵⁴ When he had ruled for seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria. By then most of the people of Gadara complained that Herod was a heavy-handed tyrant.
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³⁵⁵ ταῦτα δὲ ἀπετόλμων μάλιστα μὲν ἐγκειμένου καὶ διαβάλλοντος αὐτὸν ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus καὶ παρασχόντος ὅρκους , ὡς οὐκ ἐγκαταλείψει μὴ πάντα τρόπον ἀφελέσθαι μὲν τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας , προσθήσειν δὲ τῇ διοικήσει τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar .
³⁵⁵ These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod’s kingdom, and joined to Caesar’s province.	³⁵⁵ They dared to make these insults, encouraged by Zenodorus, who swore that he would never stop trying until he got them detached from Herod's kingdom and joined to Caesar's province.
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³⁵⁶ τούτοις ἀναπεισθέντεςto persuade, convince οἱ ΓαδαρεῖςGadara οὐ μικρὰν καταβοὴν ἐποιήσαντο θράσει τοῦ μηδὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ ἈγρίππαAgrippa παραδοθέντας ἐν τιμωρίᾳ γενέσθαι διιέντος ἩρώδουHerod καὶ μηδὲν κακὸν εἰργασμένου · καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἐδόκει δυσπαραίτητος μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις , μεγαλόψυχος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις ἁμαρτόντας ἀφιέναι .
³⁵⁶ The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere.	³⁵⁶ Persuaded by this, the Gadarenes made a major outcry against him all the more boldly because those whom Agrippa had handed over were not punished by Herod, who let them go unharmed. He had the reputation of being inflexible in punishing crimes within his own family, but very generous in forgiving offences committed elsewhere.
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³⁵⁷ κατηγορούντων οὖν ὕβρεις καὶ ἁρπαγὰς καὶ κατασκαφὰς ἱερῶν ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ἀταρακτήσας ἕτοιμοςprepared ἦν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν , ἐδεξιοῦτο δὲ ΚαῖσαρCaesar αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ταραχῆς τοῦ πλήθους μεταβαλὼν τῆς εὐνοίας .
³⁵⁷ And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude;	³⁵⁷ And while they accused Herod of wrongs and of looting and subverting temples, he stood there calmly and was about to make his defence, but Caesar took his hand and in no way changed his esteem for him on account of the people's agitation.
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³⁵⁸ καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὴν‎ πρώτην ἡμέραν οἱ περὶ τούτων ἐρρέθησαν λόγοι , ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς οὐ προῆλθεν ἡ διάγνωσις · οἱ γὰρ ΓαδαρεῖςGadara ὁρῶντες τὴν‎ ῥοπὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τε ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ προσδοκήσαντες ὅπερ ἦν εἰκὸς ἐκδοθήσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ , κατὰ φόβον αἰκίας οἱ μὲν ἀπέσφαττον αὑτοὺς ἐν τῇ νυκτί , τινὲς δὲ καθ᾽ ὕψους ἠφίεσαν , ἄλλοι δ᾽ εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπίπτοντες ἑκοντὶ διεφθείροντο .
³⁵⁸ and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord;	³⁵⁸ These things were said on the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further. For noting the mood of Caesar and of the meeting, the Gadarenes expected, with reason, to be handed over to the king. Some of them, dreading the tortures they might undergo, cut their throats that night and some jumped down from a height and others committed suicide by jumping into the river.
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³⁵⁹ ταῦτα δὲ ἐδόκει κατάγνωσις τῆς προπετείας καὶ ἁμαρτίας , ἔνθεν οὐδὲ μελλήσας ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἀπέλυεν τῶν αἰτιῶν ἩρώδηνHerōd . ἐπισυμπίπτει δὲ οὐ μέτριον εὐτύχημα τοῖς ἤδη γεγονόσιν · ὁ γὰρ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ῥαγέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ σπλάγχνου καὶ πολλοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀσθένειαν ὑποχωροῦντος αἵματος ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐκλείπει τὸν βίον .
³⁵⁹ which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus’s belly burst, and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria;	³⁵⁹ This seemed to condemn their rashness and crimes, so Caesar did not hesitate to clear Herod from the crimes of which he was accused. Something else happened at this time to Herod's great advantage, for Zenodorus' belly burst and in his sickness lost a large amount of blood and departed this life in Antioch in Syria.
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³⁶⁰ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ τούτου μοῖραν οὐκ ὀλίγην οὖσαν ἩρώδῃHerod δίδωσιν , ἣ μεταξὺ τοῦ ΤράχωνοςTrachonitis ἦν καὶ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee , ΟὐλάθανUlatha καὶ ΠανιάδαPaneas καὶ τὴν‎ περὶ χώραν . ἐγκαταμίγνυσιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐπιτροπεύουσιν τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐντειλάμενος μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης τὰ πάντα ποιεῖν .
³⁶⁰ so Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation;	³⁶⁰ Caesar then bestowed his country, which was a significant one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachonitis and Galilee and contained Ulatha and Paneas and the country around. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria and ordered that they should do everything with his approval.
³⁶⁰ Barach

³⁶¹ τό τε σύνολον εἰς τοῦτο προῆλθεν εὐτυχίας , ὥστε δύο τούτων τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin διεπόντων τοσήνδε τὸ μέγεθος οὖσαν , ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἈγρίππουAgrippa , κατὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν οὐδένα μετὰ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἩρώδουHerod προετίμησεν , ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ μετὰ ΚαίσαραCaesar πρῶτον ἀπεδίδου φιλίας τόπον ἩρώδῃHerod .
³⁶¹ and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and then Agrippa, who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than Herod besides Caesar.	³⁶¹ In short, he arrived at such a level of prosperity that though there were just two men ruling the vast Roman empire, first Caesar and then Agrippa, who was his principal favourite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod but Agrippa and Agrippa had no closer friend than Herod but Caesar.
³⁶¹ Barach

³⁶² τοσαύτης δὲ ἐχόμενος παρρησίας τῷ μὲν ἀδελφῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ᾐτήσατο τετραρχίαν αὐτὸς ἀπονείμας ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας πρόσοδον ἑκατὸν ταλάντων , ὡς εἰ καί τι πάσχοι , τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν καὶ μὴ τοὺς υἱεῖς αὐτῆς κρατεῖν .
³⁶² And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him.	³⁶² After gaining this confidence, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, and he himself gave him a revenue of a hundred talents from his own kingdom, so that if he came to any harm himself, his brother would be in safe and his sons would not have power over him.
³⁶² Barach

³⁶³ ΚαίσαραCaesar δ᾽ ἐπὶ θάλατταν προπέμψας ὡς ἐπανῆκεν , ἐν τῇ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus περικαλλέστατον αὐτῷ ναὸν ἐγείρει πέτρας λευκῆς πλησίον τοῦ Πανίου καλουμένου .
³⁶³ So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus’s country, near the place called Panium.	³⁶³ When he had conducted Caesar to the sea and returned home, he built for him a most beautiful temple, of white stone, in the land of Zenodorus, near the place called Panium.
³⁶³ Barach

³⁶⁴ σπήλαιον ἐν ὄρει περικαλλές ἐστιν , ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸ δὲ γῆς ὀλίσθημα καὶ βάθος ἀπερρωγὸς ἄβατον ὕδατος ἀκινήτου πλέον , καθύπερθε δ᾽ ὄρος παμμέγεθες , ὑπὸ δὲ τὸ σπήλαιον ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan ποταμοῦ . τοῦτον ἐπισημότατον ὄντα τὸν τόπον καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσεκόσμησεν , ὃν ἀφιέρου ΚαίσαριCaesar .
³⁶⁴ This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and frill of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to Caesar.	³⁶⁴ This is a lovely cave in a mountainside, under which is a great cavity and the cave is steep and tremendously deep and full of still water. Above it is a huge mountain, and under the cave are the sources of the river Jordan. This place, which was already remarkable, he adorned still further by building a temple dedicated to Caesar.
³⁶⁴ Barach

³⁶⁵ Τότε καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀφῆκε τῶν φόρων τοῖς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ , πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν ἐκ τῆς ἀφορίας , τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀνακτώμενος ἔχοντας δυσμενῶς · κατὰ γὰρ τὴν‎ ἐξεργασίαν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὡς ἂν λυομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ μεταπιπτόντων τῶν ἐθῶν χαλεπῶς ἔφερον , καὶ λόγοι δὲ πόντων ἐγίνοντο παροξυνομένων ἀεὶ καὶ ταραττομένων .
³⁶⁵ At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure;	³⁶⁵ Then Herod reduced by a third the taxes of those in his kingdom under the pretext of relieving their poverty, but mainly to regain their goodwill. By now they disliked him because of the changes he had made to their tradition and his neglect of their religion and customs. Everywhere the people spoke against him, outraged and provoked by his behaviour.
³⁶⁵ Barach

³⁶⁶ ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον πολλὴν τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν ἐπῆγεν , ἀφαιρούμενος μὲν τὰς εὐκαιρίας , ἐπιτάττων δ᾽ ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι πρὸς τοῖς πόνοις , ἦν δ᾽ οὔτε σύνοδος ἐφειμένη τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν οὔτε κοινωνία Περιπάτου καὶ διαίτης , ἀλλ᾽ ἐτετήρητο τὰ πάντα . Καὶ χαλεπαὶ τῶν φωραθέντων ἦσαν αἱ κολάσεις , πολλοί τε καὶ φανερῶς καὶ λεληθότως εἰς τὸ φρούριον ἀναγόμενοι τὴν‎ Ὑρκανίαν ἐκεῖ διεφθείροντο , κἀν τῇ πόλει κἀν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ἦσαν οἱ τοὺς συνιόντας εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπισκοποῦντες .
³⁶⁶ against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the opportunities they might have to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to walk or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were severely punished; and many there were who were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met together;	³⁶⁶ He was on guard against such critics, forestalling any chance of their disturbing him by having them always at work. And he did not allow the citizens to meet in groups, or to walk or eat together, but watched all that they did. When any were caught, they were severely punished. Many were brought to the citadel of Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, to be executed. Spies were everywhere, both in the city and on the roads, to keep an eye on any who assembled.
³⁶⁶ Barach

³⁶⁷ ἤδη δέ φασιν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀμελεῖν τοῦ τοιούτου μέρους , ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἰδιώτου σχῆμα λαμβάνοντα καταμίγνυσθαι νύκτωρ εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους , καὶ πεῖραν αὐτῶν , ἣν ἔχουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς , λαμβάνειν .
³⁶⁷ nay, it is reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government:	³⁶⁷ It is even reported that he himself did not neglect this task, but often dressed up like a private citizen at night and mixed among the people to sound out their opinion of his rule.
³⁶⁷ Barach

³⁶⁸ τοὺς μὲν οὖν παντάπασιν ἐξαυθαδιζομένους πρὸς τὸ μὴ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν πάντας ἐπεξῄει τοὺς τρόπους , τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅρκοις ἠξίου πρὸς τὴν‎ πίστιν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ συνηνάγκαζεν ἐνώμοτον αὐτῷ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν ἦ μὴν διαφυλάξειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμολογεῖν .
³⁶⁸ and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government;	³⁶⁸ Any who in no way could be forced to submit to his rule were prosecuted in various ways, and he required the rest of the people to take an oath of loyalty to him and made them swear an oath of their goodwill and to continue under him as their leader.
³⁶⁸ Barach

³⁶⁹ οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ κατὰ θεραπείαν καὶ δέος εἶκον οἷς ἠξίου , τοὺς δὲ φρονήματος μεταποιουμένους καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ καταναγκάζεσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο .
³⁶⁹ and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them.	³⁶⁹ In fact most people, whether to please him or for fear of him, submitted to his demands, while in one way or another he did away with those of a more generous temper who objected to the compulsion he used on them.
³⁶⁹ Barach

³⁷⁰ συνέπειθεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Πολλίωνα τὸν ΦαρισαῖονPharisee καὶ Σαμαίαν καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συνδιατριβόντων τοὺς πλείστους ὀμνύειν · οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε συνεχώρησαν οὔθ᾽ ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀρνησαμένοις ἐκολάσθησαν ἐντροπῆς διὰ τὸν Πολλίωνα τυχόντες .
³⁷⁰ He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio.	³⁷⁰ He even tried to persuade Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas and most of their scholars to take the oath, but though they would not submit to it they were not punished along with the others, on account of his esteem for Pollio.
³⁷⁰ Barach

³⁷¹ ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν Ἐσσαῖοι καλούμενοι · γένος δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ᾽ ἝλλησινGreek ὑπὸ ΠυθαγόρουPythagoras καταδεδειγμένῃ .
³⁷¹ The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere.	³⁷¹ The Essenes too, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this obligation. This group live the same kind of life as those called Pythagoreans among the Greeks, and I shall discuss them more fully elsewhere.
³⁷¹ Barach

³⁷² περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι . τοὺς δὲ Ἐσσηνοὺς ἀφ᾽ οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν‎ θνητὴν φύσιν , εἰπεῖν ἄξιον · οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς ὁ λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν .
³⁷² However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes.	³⁷² But I should give here the reasons why he honoured these Essenes so much and esteemed them more highly than other mortals. Such an aside is not unsuited to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion people had of them.
³⁷² Barach

³⁷³ Ἦν τις τῶν ἘσσηνῶνEssenes ΜανάημοςManahem ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων . Οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ἸουδαίωνJews προσηγόρευσεν .
³⁷³ Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews;	³⁷³ One of these Essenes named Manahem not only led an excellent life, but also it is said that God gave him knowledge of future events. This man once saw Herod as a child going to school, and called him king of the Jews.
³⁷³ Barach

³⁷⁴ ὁ δ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν ἢ κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν . ΜανάημοςManahem δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν " ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις , ἔφη , καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις · ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ . Καὶ μέμνησο τῶν ΜαναήμουManahem πληγῶν , ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ τύχην μεταπτώσεων .
³⁷⁴ but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, “However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune.	³⁷⁴ Thinking that either he did not know him, or was joking, the boy reminded him that he was just a commoner, but Manahem smiled quietly and gave him a slap on the behind and said, "But you will be king and the beginning of your reign will be happy, for God has found you worthy. But remember how Manahem has struck you, as a sign that your fortune will change.
³⁷⁴ Barach

³⁷⁵ ἄριστος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος λογισμός , εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας · ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος .
³⁷⁵ And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one,	³⁷⁵ Now here is your best policy: to love justice, piety toward God and mercy to the citizens. But knowing your whole future career, you will not always live up to this.
³⁷⁵ Barach

³⁷⁶ εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου , λήθην δ᾽ εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου . ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν
³⁷⁶ for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them.”	³⁷⁶ Though you will prosper like no one else and win everlasting fame, you will forget piety and righteousness, and at the end of your life your crimes will not be hidden from God, who will recall them and punish you for them."
³⁷⁶ Barach

³⁷⁷ ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης . τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ἩρώδηςHerod , κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς Μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο .
³⁷⁷ Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign.	³⁷⁷ At the time Herod paid no attention to him, having no hopes of such promotion, but later, when he had the good fortune to rise to royal dignity and was in the height of his reign, he sent for Manahem and asked him how long he would reign.
³⁷⁷ Barach

³⁷⁸ ΜανάημοςManahem δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν · ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ‎ , μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκενto send forth δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου τοὺς Ἐσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει .
³⁷⁸ Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, “Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;” but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes.	³⁷⁸ Manahem did not speak at all, so as he was silent he asked him again if he would reign for even ten years. He answered, "Yes, twenty, or even thirty years" but would not say the exact limit set to it. Herod was satisfied with these replies and shook Manahem's hand and dismissed him, and from then on he continued to honour the Essenes.
³⁷⁸ Barach

³⁷⁹ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰ καὶ παράδοξα δηλῶσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐμφῆναι , διότι πολλοὶ [διὰ ] τοιούτων ὑπὸ καλοκαγαθίας καὶ τῆς τῶν θείων ἐμπειρίας ἀξιοῦνται .
³⁷⁹ We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essenes have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations.	³⁷⁹ We thought it right to tell our readers these facts, however strange, and to state what happened among us, for on account their great virtue many of these Essenes have been gifted with the knowledge of divine things.
³⁷⁹ Barach

Chapter 11
[380-425]
Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple,
and builds the Antonia tower

☜ ☞

³⁸⁰ Τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὀκτωκαιδεκάτου τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας γεγονότος ἐνιαυτοῦ μετὰ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις ἔργον οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ἐπεβάλετο , τὸν νεὼν τοῦ θεοῦ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατασκευάσασθαι μείζω τε τὸν περίβολον καὶ πρὸς ὕψος ἀξιοπρεπέστερον ἐγείρειν , ἡγούμενος ἁπάντων αὐτῷ τῶν πεπραγμένων περισημότερον , ὥσπερ ἦν , ἐκτελεσθήσεσθαι τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς αἰώνιον μνήμην ἀρκέσειν .
³⁸⁰ And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him;	³⁸⁰ In the eighteenth year of his reign and after the actions already mentioned, Herod undertook a great work, to build the temple of God, and make it larger in size and raise it to a magnificent height, thinking it the most glorious of all his actions, as indeed it really was, and that to complete it would make him forever remembered.
³⁸⁰ Barach

³⁸¹ οὐχ ἕτοιμον δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιστάμενος οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἠξίου λόγῳ προκαταστησάμενος ἐγχειρῆσαι τῷ παντί , καὶ συγκαλέσας αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε τοιάδε ·
³⁸¹ but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them:	³⁸¹ Since he knew that the people were not ready or willing to help him in so vast a plan, he sought to prepare them first with words before setting about the work itself. So he called them together and said :
³⁸¹ Barach

³⁸² " τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πεπραγμένων , ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοιof the same race , περισσὸν ὑπολαμβάνω λέγειν . καίτοι τοῦτον ἐγένετο τὸν τρόπον , ὡς ἐλάττω μὲν ἐμοὶ τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κόσμον , πλείω δὲ ὑμῖν τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν φέρειν .
³⁸² “I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself;	³⁸² "I hardly need to tell you, my countrymen, about the other works I have done since I came to power, although I may say they were done more for your security for than my own glory.
³⁸² Barach

³⁸³ οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς δυσχερεστάτοις ἀμελήσας τῶν εἰς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας διαφερόντων οὔτε ἐν τοῖς κατασκευάσμασιν ἐπιτηδεύσας ἐμαυτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν τὸ ἀνεπηρέαστονfree from injury , οἶμαι σὺν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήσει πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ὅσον οὐ πρότερον ἀγηοχέναι τὸ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος .
³⁸³ for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God’s assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before;	³⁸³ I have not neglected what was for your good in the most difficult times, nor were the building I have not aimed at my own security rather than yours. I dare say that, with God's help, I have brought the Jewish nation to a level of prosperity they never enjoyed before.
³⁸³ Barach

³⁸⁴ τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐξεργασθέντα περὶ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ πόλεις ὅσαςall who, as much ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐπικτήτοις ἐγείραντες κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ηὐξήσαμεν , περίεργά μοι δοκεῖ λέγειν εἰδόσιν . τὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως , ᾗ νῦν ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try ἐπιβάλλομαι , παντὸς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ κάλλιστον ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν γενέσθαι νῦν ἐκφανῶ ·
³⁸⁴ and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you.	³⁸⁴ It seems needless to tell you of the buildings in our own country and in the cities we have lately acquired, which we have built up and adorned, thereby adding to the dignity of our nation, as you know them well yourselves. Let me rather speak of the work I now want to undertake, the most pious and excellent we could possibly achieve.
³⁸⁴ Barach

³⁸⁵ τὸν γὰρ ναὸν τοῦτον ᾠκοδόμησαν μὲν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ πατέρες ἡμέτεροι μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἐπάνοδον , ἐνδεῖ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος εἰς ὕψος ἑξήκοντα πήχεις · τοσοῦτον γὰρ ὑπερεῖχεν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος , ὃν Σολομῶν ἀνῳκοδόμησεν .
³⁸⁵ Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple;	³⁸⁵ Our fathers, after their return from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, but its height is sixty feet less than the first temple built by Solomon.
³⁸⁵ Barach

³⁸⁶ καὶ μηδεὶς ἀμέλειαν εὐσεβείας τῶν πατέρων καταγνώτω · γέγονεν γὰρ οὐ παρ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐλάττων ὁ ναός , ἀλλὰ ταῦτα καὶ ΚῦροςCyrus καὶ ΔαρεῖοςDarius ὁ ὙστάσπουHystaspes τὰ μέτρα τῆς δομήσεως ἔδοσαν , οἷς ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις δουλεύσαντες καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ΜακεδόσινMacedonians οὐκ ἔσχον εὐκαιρίαν τὸ πρῶτον τῆς εὐσεβείας ἀρχέτυπον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἀναγαγεῖν μέγεθος .
³⁸⁶ nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude;	³⁸⁶ No one should condemn our fathers for laziness or lack of piety in this, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher, for it was Cyrus and Darius the son of Hystaspes who decided the dimensions for its rebuilding, and since our fathers were subject to them and their descendants and after them to the Macedonians, they lacked the chance to restore this holy building to its original form and size.
³⁸⁶ Barach

³⁸⁷ ἐπειδὴ δὲ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄρχω θεοῦ βουλήσει , περίεστιν δὲ καὶ μῆκος εἰρήνης καὶ κτῆσις χρημάτων καὶ μέγεθος προσόδων , τὸ δὲ μέγιστον φίλοι καὶ δι᾽ εὐνοίας οἱ πάντων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν κρατοῦντες ῬωμαῖοιRomans , πειράσομαι τὸ παρημελημένον ἀνάγκῃ καὶ δουλείᾳ τοῦ πρότερον χρόνου διορθούμενος τελείαν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ τὴν‎ ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἔτυχον τῆσδε τῆς βασιλείας εὐσέβειαν ."
³⁸⁷ but since I am now, by God’s will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able.”	³⁸⁷ But since by God's will I am now your ruler and we have had a long period of peace with abundant wealth and large revenues, and above all, since the Romans, who, so to speak, are masters of everything, are friendly disposed toward me, I will try to set right what was lacking due to the scarcity and slavery of former times, in thanksgiving to God for giving me this kingdom."
³⁸⁷ Barach

³⁸⁸ Ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν , ἐξέπληξε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ λόγος παρὰ δόξαν ἐμπεσών . Καὶ τὸ μὲν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἄπιστον οὐκ ἐπήγειρεν αὐτούς , ἠδημόνουν δέ , μὴ φθάσας καταλῦσαι τὸ πᾶν ἔργον οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει πρὸς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν · ὅ τε κίνδυνος αὐτοῖς μείζων ἐφαίνετο καὶ δυσεγχείρητον ἐδόκει τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς .
³⁸⁸ And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this speech affrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished.	³⁸⁸ Herod said this and what he said astonished the crowd as something unexpected, but as it seemed unrealizable it did not enthuse but rather depressed them. They feared he would pull down the whole structure and then be unable to carry out his rebuilding plans, a danger all the greater since the size of the project made it hard to achieve.
³⁸⁸ Barach

³⁸⁹ οὕτως δ᾽ αὐτῶν διακειμένων παρεθάρρυνεν ὁ βασιλεύς , οὐ πρότερον καθαιρήσειν φάμενος τὸν ναὸν μὴ πάντων αὐτῷ τῶν εἰς συντέλειαν παρεσκευασμένων . Καὶ ταῦτα προειπὼνto predict οὐκ ἐψεύσατο ·
³⁸⁹ But while they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them,	³⁸⁹ While they were in this mood the king encouraged them by saying he would not pull down their temple until everything was ready for building it up again. This he promised them in advance, and it was no lie.
³⁸⁹ Barach

³⁹⁰ χιλίας γὰρ εὐτρεπίσας ἁμάξας , αἳ βαστάσουσι τοὺς λίθους , ἐργάτας δὲ μυρίους τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος καὶ ἱερεῦσιν τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλίοις ἱερατικὰς ὠνησάμενος στολάς , καὶ τοὺς μὲν διδάξας οἰκοδόμους , ἑτέρους δὲ τέκτονας , ἥπτετο τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προθύμως προευτρεπισμένων .
³⁹⁰ but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work.	³⁹⁰ He got ready a thousand wagons to carry the stones and chose ten thousand of the most skilled workmen and bought a thousand vestments for as many priests and had some trained as stone-cutters, others as carpenters; only then did building begin, when he had everything well prepared.
³⁹⁰ Barach

³⁹¹ Ἀνελὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀρχαίους θεμελίους καὶ καταβαλόμενος ἑτέρους ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ναὸν ἤγειρεν μήκει μὲν ἑκατὸν ὄντα πηχῶν , τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος εἴκοσι περιττοῖς , οὓς τῷ χρόνῳ συνιζησάντων τῶν θεμελίων ὑπέβη . Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ΝέρωνοςNerō καιροὺς ἐπεγείρειν ἐγνώκειμεν .
³⁹¹ So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero.	³⁹¹ He removed the old foundations and laid others and on them built the temple, a hundred feet long and twenty additional feet high, which subsided as the foundations settled, and this was the part we resolved to build again in the days of Nero.
³⁹¹ Barach

³⁹² ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ὁ ναὸς ἐκ λίθων λευκῶν τε καὶ κραταιῶν τὸ μέγεθος ἑκάστων περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι πήχεις ἐπὶ μῆκος , ὀκτὼ δὲ ὕψος , εὖρος δὲ περὶ δώδεκα .
³⁹² Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve;	³⁹² The temple was built of large white stones, each twenty-five feet long and eight feet high and about twelve wide.
³⁹² Barach

³⁹³ καὶ παντὸς αὐτοῦ‎ καθότι καὶ τῆς βασιλείου στοᾶς τὸ μὲν ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν ταπεινότατον , ὑψηλότατον δὲ τὸ μεσαίτατον , ὡς περίοπτον ἐκ πολλῶν σταδίων εἶναι τοῖς τὴν‎ χώραν νεμομένοις , μᾶλλον δ᾽ εἴ τινες κατ᾽ ἐναντίον οἰκοῦντες ἢ προσιόντες τύχοιεν .
³⁹³ and the whole structure, as also the structure of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower, but the middle was much higher, till they were visible to those that dwelt in the country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived over against them, and those that approached to them.	³⁹³ The whole structure, and the royal portico, was much lower on each side and the middle much higher, so that they were visible for many furlongs by those living in the country, but mainly by those living across from them or approaching them.
³⁹³ Barach

³⁹⁴ θύρας δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς εἰσόδου σὺν τοῖς ὑπερθυρίοις ἴσον ἐχούσας τῷ ναῷ ποικίλοις ἐμπετάσμασιν κεκόσμητο , τὰ μὲν ἄνθη ἁλουργέσιν , κίονας δὲ ἐνυφασμένους .
³⁹⁴ The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels over them, of the same height with the temple itself. They were adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and pillars interwoven;	³⁹⁴ The temple had entrance doors topped by lintels as high as the temple itself, adorned with embroidered veils, interwoven with flowers of purple and designs of pillars.
³⁹⁴ Barach

³⁹⁵ καθύπερθε δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς τριχώμασιν ἄμπελος διετέτατο χρυσῆ τοὺς βότρυας ἀπαιωρουμένους ἔχουσα , θαῦμα καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς τέχνης τοῖς ἰδοῦσιν , οἷον ἐν πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης τὸ κατασκευασθὲν ἦν .
³⁹⁵ and over these, but under the crown-work, was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the spectators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done.	³⁹⁵ Under the cornice stretched out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down, whose size and workmanship amazed the viewers by the costly materials of which it was made.
³⁹⁵ Barach

³⁹⁶ περιελάμβανεν δὲ καὶ στοαῖς μεγίσταις τὸν ναὸν ἅπαντα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀναλογίαν ἐπιτηδεύων καὶ τὰς δαπάνας τῶν πρὶν ὑπερβαλλόμενος , ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος τις δοκεῖ ἐπικεκοσμηκέναι τὸν ναόν . ἄμφω δ᾽ ἦσαν μετὰ τοῦ τείχους , αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ τεῖχος ἔργον μέγιστον ἀνθρώποις ἀκουσθῆναι .
³⁹⁶ He also encompassed the entire temple with very large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto; and he laid out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before him, till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple as he had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters, which wall was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard of by man.	³⁹⁶ He surrounded the entire temple with large porticoes, having them in due proportion to it, spending so much more than his predecessors that no one else seemed to have adorned the temple. There was a large wall supporting both porticoes, the most mighty work that people ever heard of.
³⁹⁶ Barach

³⁹⁷ λόφος ἦν πετρώδης ἀνάντης ἠρέμα πρὸς τοῖς ἑῴοις μέρεσιν τῆς πόλεως ὑπτιούμενος ἐπὶ τὴν‎ κορυφὴν ἄκραν .
³⁹⁷ The hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an elevated level.	³⁹⁷ The hill was a rocky slope gradually rising toward the eastern parts of the city, until it reached its summit.
³⁹⁷ Barach

³⁹⁸ τοῦτον ὁ πρῶτος ἡμῶν βασιλεὺς Σολομῶν κατ᾽ ἐπιφροσύνην μεγάλαις ἐργασίαις ἀπετείχιζεν τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἄκραν ἄνωθεν , ἀπετείχιζεν δὲ κάτωθεν ἀπὸ τῆς ῥίζης ἀρχόμενος , ἣν βαθεῖα περιθεῖ φάραγξ ἠλιβάτοις πέτραις μολίβδῳ δεδεμέναις πρὸς ἀλλήλας , ἀπολαμβάνων αἰεί τι τῆς ἔσω χώρας καὶ προβαίνων εἰς βάθος ,
³⁹⁸ This hill it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings, by divine revelation, encompassed with a wall; it was of excellent workmanship upwards, and round the top of it. He also built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was encompassed by a deep valley; and at the south side he laid rocks together, and bound them one to another with lead, and included some of the inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height,	³⁹⁸ This was the topmost part which, by divine revelation, Solomon first surrounded with a wall of fine workmanship. Below, in the part surrounded by a deep valley, he laid rocks side by side, fastening them together with lead, always enclosing more within it as it grew taller,
³⁹⁸ Barach

³⁹⁹ ὥστ᾽ ἄπειρον εἶναι τό τε μέγεθος τῆς δομῆς καὶ τὸ ὕψος τετραγώνου γεγενημένης , ὡς τὰ μὲν μεγέθη τῶν λίθων ἀπὸ μετώπου κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν ὁρᾶσθαι , τὰ δ᾽ ἐντὸς σιδήρῳ διησφαλισμένα συνέχειν τὰς ἁρμογὰς ἀκινήτους τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ .
³⁹⁹ and till both the largeness of the square edifice and its altitude were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward parts were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints immovable for all future times.	³⁹⁹ so that the size and height of the square building were immense and the huge stones in front were plainly visible on the outside, while their inner sides were fastened with iron to hold them immovable for all time.
³⁹⁹ Barach

⁴⁰⁰ τῆς δ᾽ ἐργασίαςwork, labour οὕτω συναπτούσης εἰς ἄκρον τὸν λόφον ἀπεργασάμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ κορυφὴν καὶ τὰ κοῖλα τῶν περὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐμπλήσας ἰσόπεδον τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν τὴν‎ ἄνω καὶ λεῖον ἐποίησεν . τοῦτ᾽ ἦν τὸ πᾶν περίβολος τεττάρων σταδίων τὸν κύκλον ἔχων , ἑκάστης γωνίας στάδιον μῆκος ἀπολαμβανούσης .
⁴⁰⁰ When this work [for the foundation] was done in this manner, and joined together as part of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow places which were about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round, and in compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle containing in length a furlong:	⁴⁰⁰ When this work reached the top of the hill, he joined the whole outer surface into one and filled up the hollow places near the wall and smoothly levelled its upper surface. The perimeter wall of this hill measured four furlongs, each side being a furlong.
⁴⁰⁰ Barach

⁴⁰¹ ἐνδοτέρωinner δὲ τούτου καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν‎ ἄκραν ἄλλο τεῖχος ἄνω λίθινον περιθεῖ , κατὰ μὲν ἑῴαν ῥάχιν ἰσομήκη τῷ τείχει στοὰν ἔχονto have, hold διπλῆν , ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ νεὼ τετυχηκότος ἀφορῶσαν εἰς τὰς θύρας αὐτοῦ‎ .
⁴⁰¹ but within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran another wall of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double cloister, of the same length with the wall; in the midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by many kings in former times;	⁴⁰¹ Within this wall at its highest part ran another stone wall, with a double portico on the east side, the full length of the wall, facing the doors of the temple.
⁴⁰¹ Barach

⁴⁰² ταύτην πολλοὶ βασιλεῖς οἱ πρόσθεν κατεσκεύασαν . τοῦ δ᾽ ἱεροῦ παντὸς ἦν ἐν κύκλῳ πεπηγμένα σκῦλα βαρβαρικά , καὶ ταῦτα πάντα βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀνέθηκαν προσθεὶς ὅσα καὶ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἔλαβεν .
⁴⁰² and round about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those he had taken from the Arabians.	⁴⁰² This had been adorned by many former kings, and around the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarians; all of them dedicated by Herod, including those he had taken from the Arabs.
⁴⁰² Barach

⁴⁰³ Κατὰ δὲ τὴν‎ βόρειον πλευρὰν ἀκρόπολις ἐγγώνιος εὐερκὴς ἐτετείχιστο διάφορος ἐχυρότητι . ταύτην οἱ πρὸ ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ ἈσαμωναίωνHasmonean γένους βασιλεῖς καὶ ἀρχιερεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν καὶ βᾶριν ἐκάλεσαν , ὡς ἐκεῖ τὴν‎ ἱερατικὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεῖσθαι στολήν , ἣν ὅταν δέῃ θύειν τότε μόνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀμφιέννυται .
⁴⁰³ Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice.	⁴⁰³ On the north side was built a citadel, with squared and exceptionally solid walls, built by the kings of the Hasmonean family, who were high priests before Herod. They called it the Tower, and in it was deposited the high priestly vestment, which the high priest wore only when he was to offer sacrifice.
⁴⁰³ Barach

⁴⁰⁴ ταύτην ἩρώδηςHerod ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐφύλαξεν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ καὶ μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τελευτὴν ὑπὸ ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἦν μέχρι τῶν ΤιβερίουTiberius ΚαίσαροςCaesar χρόνων .
⁴⁰⁴ These vestments king Herod kept in that place; and after his death they were under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar;	⁴⁰⁴ King Herod kept the vestment in that place, and after his death it was under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar.
⁴⁰⁴ Barach

⁴⁰⁵ ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius ὁ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἡγεμὼν ἐπιδημήσας τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem , δεξαμένου τοῦ πλήθους αὐτὸν λαμπρότατα πάνυ θέλων αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐποιίας ἀμείψασθαι , ἐπεὶ παρεκάλεσαν τὴν‎ ἱερὰν στολὴν ὑπὸ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν , ἔγραψεν περὶ τούτων ΤιβερίῳTiberius ΚαίσαριCaesar κἀκεῖνος ἐπέτρεψεν , καὶ παρέμεινεν ἡ ἐξουσία τῆς στολῆς τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews μέχρις ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa .
⁴⁰⁵ under whose reign Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently received by the multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for the kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar, who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa;	⁴⁰⁵ In his reign the governor of Syria, Vitellius, on a visit to Jerusalem got a splendid reception from the people and wanted to give them something in return for their goodwill toward him, so they asked to have this holy vestment back in their own power, and he wrote about it to Tiberius Caesar, who allowed it. So the priestly vestment remained in the custody of the Jews until the death of king Agrippa.
⁴⁰⁵ Barach

⁴⁰⁶ μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ΚάσσιοςCassius ΛογγῖνοςLonginus ὁ τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria τότε διοικῶν καὶ ΚούσπιοςCuspius ΦᾶδοςFadus ὁ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐπίτροπος κελεύουσιν τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντωνίανAntonia καταθέσθαι τὴν‎ στολήν · ῬωμαίουςRomans γὰρ αὐτῆς εἶναι δεῖν κυρίους , καθὼς καὶ πρότερον ἦσαν .
⁴⁰⁶ but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the tower of Antonia,	⁴⁰⁶ After that the governor of Syria, Cassius Longinus, and Cuspius Fadus, procurator of Judea, ordered the Jews to return the vestment to the Antonia tower, to be under the Romans as before.
⁴⁰⁶ Barach

⁴⁰⁷ πέμπουσιν οὖν ἸουδαῖοιJews πρέσβεις πρὸς ΚλαύδιονClaudius ΚαίσαραCaesar περὶ τούτων παρακαλέσοντας . ὧν ἀναβάντων ὁ νεώτερος βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐν ῬώμῃRome τυγχάνων αἰτησάμενος παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἔλαβεν ἐντειλαμένου Οὐιτελλίῳ τῷ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἀντιστρατήγῳ .
⁴⁰⁷ for that they ought to have them in their power, as they formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and obtained the power over them from the emperor, who gave command to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give it them accordingly.	⁴⁰⁷ The Jews sent envoys to Claudius Caesar to petition him about it. When they arrived, king Agrippa, junior, who was then in Rome, asked for and obtained from the emperor charge over it, and he ordered Vitellius, then commander in Syria, to give it to them.
⁴⁰⁷ Barach

⁴⁰⁸ πρότερον δ᾽ ἦν ὑπὸ σφραγῖδα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων , καὶ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin φρούραρχον ἀναβαίνοντες οἱ γαζοφύλακες καὶ καταμανθάνοντες τὴν‎ ἑαυτῶν σφραγῖδα τὴν‎ στολὴν ἐλάμβανον . εἶτ᾽ αὖθις τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν κομίσαντες τόπον καὶ τῷ φρουράρχῳ δείξαντες σύμφωνον τὴν‎ σφραγῖδα κατετίθεντο .
⁴⁰⁸ Before that time they were kept under the seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of the temple; which treasurers, the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards, and viewed their own seal, and received the vestments; and again, when the festival was over, they brought it to the same place, and showed the captain of the temple guards their seal, which corresponded with his seal, and reposited them there.	⁴⁰⁸ Up to then it was kept under the seal of the high priest and the treasurers, and on the day before a festival, the treasurers went to the Roman officer of the temple guards and checked their own seal and received the vestment. Again, after the festival, they would bring it back to the same place and showing the corresponding seal to the officer of the temple guards, re-deposit it there.
⁴⁰⁸ Barach

⁴⁰⁹ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τῶν ἐπισυμβεβηκότων παρεδηλώθη . τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ ταύτην τὴν‎ βᾶριν ὀχυρωτέραν κατασκευάσας ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ ἱεροῦ , χαριζόμενος ἈντωνίῳAnthony φίλῳ μὲν αὐτοῦ‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δὲ ἄρχοντι προσηγόρευσεν ἈντωνίανAntonia .
⁴⁰⁹ And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia.	⁴⁰⁹ That this was the state of affairs is shown by the misfortunes that happened to us later. But when Herod was king of the Jews he fortified the tower more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, and to gratify Antony, who was his friend and the leading Roman, he named it the Antonia Tower.
⁴⁰⁹ Barach

⁴¹⁰ Ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μέρεσιν τοῦ περιβόλου πύλαι τέτταρες ἐφέστασαν , ἡ μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια τείνουσα τῆς ἐν μέσῳ φάραγγος εἰς δίοδον ἀπειλημμένης , αἱ δύο δὲ εἰς τὸ προάστειον , ἡ λοιπὴ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἄλλην πόλιν βαθμίσιν πολλαῖς κάτω τε εἰς τὴν‎ Φάραγγα διειλημμένη καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἄνω πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πρόσβασιν · ἄντικρυς γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἔκειτο τοῦ ἱεροῦ θεατροειδὴς οὖσα περιεχομένη βαθείᾳ φάραγγι κατὰ πᾶν τὸ νότιον κλίμα .
⁴¹⁰ Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king’s palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter;	⁴¹⁰ In the western side of the temple court there were four gates; the first led to the king's palace via a passage over the intervening valley. Two more led to the suburbs, and the last led to the other side of the city, where the road descended by many steps down into the valley and from there back up again. The city lay opposite the temple as in a theatre and was surrounded with a deep valley along its entire south side.
⁴¹⁰ Barach

⁴¹¹ τὸ δὲ τέταρτον αὐτοῦ‎ μέτωπον τὸ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν εἶχε μὲν καὶ αὐτὸ πύλας κατὰ μέσον , ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δὲ τὴν‎ βασίλειον στοὰν τριπλῆν κατὰ μῆκος διιοῦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας φάραγγος ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἑσπέριον · οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἐκτεῖναι προσωτέρω δυνατόν .
⁴¹¹ but the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had indeed itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal cloisters, with three walks, which reached in length from the east valley unto that on the west, for it was impossible it should reach any farther:	⁴¹¹ The fourth face of the temple, to the south, had gates in the middle, and the triple royal portico, stretching from the east valley to that on the west, the farthest it could possibly reach.
⁴¹¹ Barach

⁴¹² ἔργον δ᾽ ἦν ἀξιαφηγητότατον τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἡλίῳ · μεγάλου γὰρ ὄντος τοῦ τῆς φάραγγος ἀναλήμματος καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἀνεκτοῦ κατιδεῖν , εἴ τις ἄνωθεν εἰς τὸν βυθὸν εἰσκύπτοι , παμμέγεθες ὕψος ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ τῆς στοᾶς ἀνέστηκεν , ὡς εἴ τις ἀπ᾽ ἄκρου τοῦ ταύτης τέγους ἄμφω συντιθεὶς τὰ βάθη διοπτεύοι , σκοτοδινιᾶν οὐκ ἐξικνουμένης τῆς ὄψεως εἰς ἀμέτρητον τὸν βυθόν .
⁴¹² and this cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the valley was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked from above into the depth, this further vastly high elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, insomuch that if any one looked down from the top of the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to such an immense depth.	⁴¹² This structure is more noteworthy than any other under the sun, for the valley was so deep that its bottom was invisible looking down into it from above, and the added elevation of the portico made it higher still. If one looked down from the top of the battlements, with these combined altitudes, he would be light-headed, and his vision could not penetrate such a measureless depth.
⁴¹² Barach

⁴¹³ κίονες δ᾽ ἐφέστασαν κατ᾽ ἀντίστοιχον ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ μῆκος τέτραχα , συνεδέδετο γὰρ ὁ τέταρτος στοῖχος λιθοδομήτῳ τείχει , καὶ πάχος ἦν ἑκάστου κίονος εἰς τρεῖς ἐπισυναπτόντων ἀλλήλοις τὰς ὀργυιὰς περιλαβεῖν , μῆκος δὲ ποδῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι διπλῆς σπείρας ὑπειλημένης .
⁴¹³ This cloister had pillars that stood in four rows one over against the other all along, for the fourth row was interwoven into the wall, which [also was built of stone]; and the thickness of each pillar was such, that three men might, with their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their hands again, while its length was twenty-seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis;	⁴¹³ The pillars stood in four parallel rows along the length of the portico, for the fourth row was embedded in the stone wall. Each pillar was so thick that three men with outstretched arms could barely encircle it, and was twenty-seven feet long, with a double spiral at its base.
⁴¹³ Barach

⁴¹⁴ πλῆθος δὲ συμπάντων δύο καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν κιονοκράνων αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν ΚορίνθιονCorinthian τρόπον ἐπεξειργασμένων γλυφαῖς ἔκπληξιν ἐμποιούσαις διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ παντὸς μεγαλουργίαν .
⁴¹⁴ and the number of all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement [to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur of the whole.	⁴¹⁴ There were a hundred and sixty-two pillars in all. Their capitals were carved in the Corinthian style and were remarkable for the grandeur of the whole effect.
⁴¹⁴ Barach

⁴¹⁵ τεττάρων δὲ στίχων ὄντων τρεῖς ἀπολαμβάνουσι τὰς διὰ μέσου χώρας ταῖς στοαῖς . τῶν δὲ αἱ μὲν δύο παράλληλοι τὸν αὐτὸν γεγόνασι τρόπον , εὖρος ἑκατέρας πόδες τριάκοντα , μῆκος δὲ στάδιον , ὕψος δὲ πόδες ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα · τῆς δὲ μέσης εὖρος μὲν ἡμιόλιον , ὕψος δὲ διπλάσιον · ἀνεῖχεν γὰρ πλεῖστον παρὰ τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν .
⁴¹⁵ These four rows of pillars included three intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister; two of which walks were made parallel to each other, and were contrived after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet; but the breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other, and the height was double, for it was much higher than those on each side;	⁴¹⁵ These four rows of pillars incorporated three aisles; two of which were parallel and had the same form; each of them was thirty feet wide, a furlong long and fifty feet high. The middle aisle of the portico was half as wide again as the others and its height was twice that of the side aisles.
⁴¹⁵ Barach

⁴¹⁶ αἱ δ᾽ ὀροφαὶ ξύλοις ἐξήσκηντο γλυφαῖς πολυτρόποις σχημάτων ἰδέαις , καὶ τὸ τῆς μέσης βάθος ἐπὶ μεῖζον ἠγείρετο περιδεδομημένου τοῖς ἐπιστυλίοις προμετωπιδίου τοίχου κίονας ἔχοντος ἐνδεδομημένους καὶ ξεστοῦ παντὸς ὄντος , ὡς ἄπιστα τοῖς οὐκ εἰδόσιν καὶ σὺν ἐκπλήξει θεατὰ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν εἶναι .
⁴¹⁶ but the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, representing many sorts of figures. The middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were interwoven into it, and that front was all of polished stone, insomuch that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as had seen it, was greatly amazing.	⁴¹⁶ The ceilings were adorned with carvings in wood, representing many sorts of figures, with the middle one being much higher than the others. Its front wall was adorned with beams resting on pillars that were interwoven into it and was all made of polished stone, so that its splendour was incredible to those who had not seen it, and truly amazing to those who had.
⁴¹⁶ Barach

⁴¹⁷ τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ πρῶτος περίβολος ἦν . ἐν μέσῳ δὲ ἀπέχων οὐ πολὺ δεύτερος , προσβατὸς βαθμίσιν ὀλίγαις , ὃν περιεῖχεν ἑρκίον λιθίνου δρυφάκτου γραφῇ κωλῦον εἰσιέναι τὸν ἀλλοεθνῆ θανατικῆς ἀπειλουμένης τῆς ζημίας .
⁴¹⁷ Thus was the first enclosure. In the midst of which, and not far from it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to go in under pain of death.	⁴¹⁷ Such was the outer enclosure. Enclosed by it and close by, was the second, reached by a few steps. This was surrounded by a stone wall as a partition, with an inscription, forbidding any foreigner to go in under pain of death.
⁴¹⁷ Barach

⁴¹⁸ εἶχεν δ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐντὸς περίβολος κατὰ μὲν τὸ νότιον καὶ βόρειον κλίμα τριστοίχους πυλῶνας ἀλλήλων διεστῶτας , κατὰ δὲ ἡλίου βολὰς ἕνα τὸν μέγαν , δι᾽ οὗ παρῄειμεν ἁγνοὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν .
⁴¹⁸ Now this inner enclosure had on its southern and northern quarters three gates [equally] distant one from another; but on the east quarter, towards the sun-rising, there was one large gate, through which such as were pure came in, together with their wives;	⁴¹⁸ On its southern and northern sides this inner enclosure had three gates equidistant from each other, but facing the sunrise there was one large gate, through which the purified could come in, with their wives.
⁴¹⁸ Barach

⁴¹⁹ ἐσωτέρω δὲ κἀκείνου γυναιξὶν ἄβατον ἦν τὸ ἱερόν . ἐκείνου δ᾽ ἐνδοτέρωinner τρίτον , ὅπου τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰσελθεῖν ἐξὸν ἦν μόνοις . [ὁ ναὸς ἐν τούτῳ ] καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βωμὸς ἦν , ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰς θυσίας ὡλοκαυτοῦμεν τῷ θεῷ .
⁴¹⁹ but the temple further inward in that gate was not allowed to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself was within this; and before that temple was the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings to God.	⁴¹⁹ Farther in than that no women were allowed, and still farther in there was a third temple area, which none but the priests could enter. The actual temple was within this, in front of which stood the altar on which we offer our sacrifices and holocausts to God.
⁴¹⁹ Barach

⁴²⁰ τούτων εἰς οὐδένα τῶν τριῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod παρῆλθεν · ἐκεκώλυτο γὰρ οὐκ ὢν ἱερεύς . ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ἔργοις τὰ περὶ τὰς στοὰς καὶ τοὺς ἔξω περιβόλους ἐπραγματεύετο καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἔτεσιν ὀκτώ .
⁴²⁰ Into none of these three did king Herod enter, for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest. However, he took care of the cloisters and the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight years.	⁴²⁰ None of these three spaces was entered by king Herod, for they were forbidden to him, not being a priest. But he was involved in building the porticoes and the outer enclosures and these were built in eight years.
⁴²⁰ Barach

⁴²¹ Τοῦ δὲ ναοῦ διὰ τῶν ἱερέων οἰκοδομηθέντος ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ μησὶν πέντε ἅπας ὁ λαὸς ἐπληρώθη χαρᾶς καὶ τοῦ τάχους πρῶτον μὲν τῷ θεῷ τὰς εὐχαριστηρίους ἐποιοῦντο , μετὰ δὲ καὶ τῆς προθυμίας τοῦ βασιλέως ἑορτάζοντες καὶ κατευφημοῦντες τὴν‎ ἀνάκτισιν .
⁴²¹ But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted and celebrated this rebuilding of the temple:	⁴²¹ The actual temple was built by the priests in a year and six months; then all the people were filled with joy, and prompt to give thanks, first of all to God, and then for the zeal shown by the king, and they feasted and celebrated this rebuilding.
⁴²¹ Barach

⁴²² ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τριακοσίους ἔθυσε τῷ θεῷ βοῦς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ κατὰ δύναμιν , ὧν οὐχ οἷόν τε τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰπεῖν · ἐκφεύγει γὰρ τὸ δύνασθαι πρὸς ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν ·
⁴²² and for the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the rest every one according to his ability; the number of which sacrifices is not possible to set down, for it cannot be that we should truly relate it;	⁴²² The king sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the others, each according to his ability, and its countless sacrifices were offered, more than we can properly estimate.
⁴²² Barach

⁴²³ συνεπεπτώκει γὰρ τῇ προθεσμίᾳ τοῦ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἔργου καὶ τὴν‎ ἡμέραν τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ἀρχῆς , ἣν ἐξ ἔθους ἑώρταζον , ἐς ταὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν , καὶ περισημοτάτην ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν γενέσθαι .
⁴²³ for at the same time with this celebration for the work about the temple fell also the day of the king’s inauguration, which he kept of an old custom as a festival, and it now coincided with the other, which coincidence of them both made the festival most illustrious.	⁴²³ Coinciding with this celebration for the temple was the day of the king's inauguration, which by ancient custom he kept as a festival and as it now coincided with the other, it was a very glorious festivity indeed.
⁴²³ Barach

⁴²⁴ κατεσκευάσθη δὲ καὶ κρυπτὴ διώρυξ τῷ βασιλεῖ , φέρουσα μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia μέχρι τοῦ ἔσωθεν ἱεροῦ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀνατολικὴν θύραν , ἐφ᾽ ἧς αὐτῷ καὶ πύργον κατεσκεύασεν , ἵν᾽ ἔχῃ διὰ τῶν ὑπογέων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀνιέναι , τὸν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου νεωτερισμὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι φυλαττόμενος .
⁴²⁴ There was also an occult passage built for the king; it led from Antonia to the inner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he also erected for himself a tower, that he might have the opportunity of a subterraneous ascent to the temple, in order to guard against any sedition which might be made by the people against their kings.	⁴²⁴ A secret passage was built for the king, from the Antonia to inside the temple area, at the eastern gate, over which he had built himself a tower, to provide him with a subterranean access to the temple, for security against any revolt the people might make against their kings.
⁴²⁴ Barach

⁴²⁵ λέγεται δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν οἰκοδομουμένου τοῦ ναοῦ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας οὐχ ὕειν , ἐν δὲ ταῖς νυξὶ γίνεσθαι τοὺς ὄμβρους , ὡς μὴ κωλυσιεργεῖν . Καὶ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῖν παρέδωκαν , οὐδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπιστον , εἰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας ἀπίδοι τις ἐμφανείας τοῦ θεοῦ . τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐξῳκοδομήθη τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον .
⁴²⁵ It is also reported, that during the time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if any one have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the rebuilding of the temple.	⁴²⁵ It is also reported that while the temple was being built in the daytime it never rained, but the showers fell at night so that the work was not held up. This is what our fathers passed this on to us; nor is it incredible, if one pays heed to how God manifests himself. And that is how the temple was rebuilt.
⁴²⁵ Barach

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 15

Herod, from the death of Antigonus to completion of the Temple

Chapter 1[001-010]Herod plunders Jerusalem.Antony beheads Antigonus

Chapter 2 [011-038] Hyrcanus, freed by the Parthians, returns to Herod. Alexandra angered by new high priest, Ananelus

Chapter 3 [039-087] Herod makes Aristobulus high priest, then has him murdered. Mariamne and Joseph

Chapter 4 [088-107] Cleopatra comes to Judea, and is flattered and bribed by Herod

Chapter 5 [108-160] Herod's war and conquest of Arabia. His courage in the face of misfortunes

Chapter 6 [161-201] Herod kills Hyrcanus and is confirmed as king of Judea by Augustus Caesar, whom he royally entertains

Chapter 7 [202-266] Murders by Herod: Mariamne, Alexandra, various friends and the sons of Babbas

Chapter 8 [267-298] Plot against Herod, for introducing foreign customs. He builds Sebaste and Caesarea

Chapter 9 [299-341] Famine in Judea and Syria. Herod builds Greek-style cities.

Chapter 10 [342-379] Herod retains Caesar's goodwill. Description of Pharisees and Essenes

Chapter 11[380-425] Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple, and builds the Antonia tower

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 15