Herod, from the death of Antigonus to completion of the Temple
Chapter 1 Herod kills Antigonus' friends and sacks the city. Antigonus executed
Chapter 2 Hyrcanus returns to Herod. Alexandra vs new high priest Ananelus
Chapter 3 Aristobulus high priest, murdered; Herod’s apology. Mariamne and Joseph
Chapter 4 Cleopatra comes to Judea, to be flattered and bribed by Herod
Chapter 5 Herod’s war and conquest of Arabia; the great earthquake
Chapter 6 Herod kills Hyrcanus; is confirmed as king by Octavian Caesar
Chapter 7 Herod murders Mariamne, Alexandra, various friends, and the sons of Babbas
Chapter 8 Herod is hated, for his foreign customs. He builds Sebaste and Caesarea
Chapter 9 Famine in Judea and Syria. Herod marries again; builds Greek-style cities
Chapter 10 Herod retains Caesar’s goodwill. Description of Pharisees and Essenes
Chapter 11 Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple; builds the Antonia tower
| Translation Format | |
| Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895) | English: John Barach, Canada, 2025 |
| English: William Whiston, 1737 | English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016 |
[001-010]
Herod plunders Jerusalem.
Antony beheads Antigonus
| 1 ΣόσσιοςSosius μὲν οὖν καὶ ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς κατὰ κράτος ἔλαβον ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ πρὸς τούτοις αἰχμάλωτον ἈντίγονονAntignus, ἡ πρὸ ταύτης ἡμῖν ἐδήλωσεν βίβλος· τὰ δ᾽ ἐκείνῃ συνεχῆ νῦν ἐροῦμεν. | 1 "How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force, and took Antigonus prisoner besides, our previous book has shown; we shall now relate the events that followed. |
| 1 How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force; and besides that, how they took Antigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book. | 1 How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force, and how they took Antigonus prisoner, we have reported in the previous book. We will now go on with the narrative. |
| 2 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ τῆς ὅλης ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐνεχειρίσθη τὴν ἀρχὴν ἩρώδηςHerod, τοῦ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πλήθους ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν ἰδιωτεύοντεςto be a private person, retired ἔτι τἀκείνου φρονοῦντες ἐν προαγωγῇ τούτους ἐποιεῖτο, τοὺς δὲ τὰ τῶν ἐναντίων ἑλομένους οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τιμωρούμενος καὶ κολάζων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν. | 2 For when Herod was entrusted with the government of all Judea, he showed favor to those among the common people of the city who, while still private citizens, had supported his cause, and he promoted them to high honors. However, he never ceased punishing and chastising on a daily basis those who had chosen the side of his opponents. |
| 2 We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the private men in the city as had been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his enemies. | 2 Since Herod had now the government of all Judea in his hands, he promoted the private citizens within the city who belonged to his party, and daily punished and penalized those who had chosen the opposite side. |
| 3 ἐτιμῶντο δὲ μάλιστα παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ΠολλίωνPollio ὁ ΦαρισαῖοςPharisee καὶ ΣαμαίαςSameas ὁ τούτου μαθητής· πολιορκουμένων γὰρ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem οὗτοι συνεβούλευον τοῖς πολίταις δέξασθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ἀπελάμβανονto take from another. | 3 Among those most honored by him were Pollion the Pharisee and Samaias his disciple; for while Jerusalem was being besieged, these men had advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which reason they now received their rewards. |
| 3 But Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honored by him above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which advice they were well requited. | 3 Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas his disciple were honoured by him above all others, for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod, for which they were well repaid. |
| 4 ὁ δὲ ΠολλίωνPollio οὗτος καὶ κρινομένου ποτὲ ἩρώδουHerod τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ προεῖπεν ὀνειδίζων ὙρκανῷHyrcanus καὶ τοῖς δικάζουσιν, ὡς περισωθεὶς ἩρώδηςHerod ἅπαντας αὐτοὺς ἐπεξελεύσεται· καὶ τοῦτο χρόνῳ προύβη τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ τελειώσαντος. | 4 This same Pollion, on an earlier occasion when Herod was on trial for his life, had reproached Hyrcanus and the judges, foretelling that if Herod were preserved, he would eventually go after them all. And in time, this came to pass, as God brought his words to fulfillment." |
| 4 But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict punishment on them all; which had its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he had spoken. | 4 This Pollio, at the time when Herod was once being tried for his life mockingly foretold to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they had spared, would later come back at them all, and this took place in its time, as God fulfilled the words he had spoken. |
Josephus notes that Herod punished his enemies "καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν" (every single day). This was not a sudden explosion of violence, but a systematic "cleansing" of the Hasmonean loyalists. By stretching the executions out over time, Herod maintained a constant climate of fear in Jerusalem, ensuring that the remaining aristocracy was too terrified to organize.
Pollion and Samaias (Hillel and Shammai?)
Scholars often identify Pollion and Samaias with the famous Rabbinic pair Hillel and Shammai (or possibly Abtalion and Shemaya). Their presence here is highly significant. It shows that Herod—a king with no traditional or religious legitimacy—was desperate for the "endorsement" of the Pharisees. By honoring these religious leaders, he signaled to the pious masses that he would respect the Law, even while he was slaughtering the political elites.
The "Prophecy" of Pollion
Josephus recounts a famous courtroom drama from years earlier (found in Antiq. 14.172). When Herod was a young, arrogant governor of Galilee, he was summoned to the Sanhedrin to answer for his extrajudicial executions. While the other judges trembled, Pollion (or Samaias) stood up and predicted that Herod would one day kill them all for their cowardice.
Herod’s decision to spare Pollion now is not just about gratitude; it’s a dark acknowledgment of that prophecy. By rewarding the man who predicted his tyranny, Herod effectively "owns" the narrative of his own ruthlessness.
The Divine Irony
Josephus adds a theological layer, stating that "τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ τελειώσαντος" (God brought his words to fulfillment). This is a classic Josephan theme: even the rise of a "wicked" king like Herod is part of a divine plan to punish the corruption of the previous Hasmonean leaders (like Hyrcanus II).
Private Citizens to Public Officials
Herod’s promotion of "ἰδιωτεύοντες" (private citizens/commoners) to high office was a classic despotic move. By destroying the old Hasmonean nobility and replacing them with men who owed their entire careers to him, Herod created a "new aristocracy" that was totally loyal, as they had no independent power base of their own.
| 5 Ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε κρατήσας τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem πάντα συνεφόρει τὸν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ κόσμον ἔτι καὶ τοὺς εὐπόρους ἀφαιρούμενος, καὶ συναγαγὼν πλῆθος ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου παντὶ τούτῳ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐδωρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φίλους. | 5 "At that time, having mastered Jerusalem, he [Herod] began to gather all the ornaments of the kingdom, further stripping the wealthy of their possessions; and having amassed a great quantity of silver and gold, he bestowed all of this upon Antony and the friends around him. |
| 5 At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony, and his friends that were about him. | 5 Meanwhile, now that he had taken Jerusalem, he took away all the royal ornaments and despoiled the wealthy of what they had acquired. After collecting a large amount of silver and gold, he gave it all to Antony and the friends in his circle. |
| 6 ἀπέκτεινε δὲ τεσσαρακονταπέντε τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ τῆς αἱρέσεως ἈντιγόνουAntigonus φύλακας περιστήσας ταῖς πύλαις τῶν τειχῶν, ἵνα μή τις συνεκκομισθῇ τοῖς τεθνεῶσι, καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἠρεύνων, καὶ πᾶν τὸ εὑρισκόμενον ἀργύριον ἢ χρυσίον ἤ τι κειμήλιον ἀνεφέρετο τῷ βασιλεῖ, | 6 He put to death forty-five of the leading men from the faction of Antigonus, placing guards at the gates of the walls so that no one might be smuggled out with the dead. He even searched the corpses, and whatever silver, gold, or precious treasure was found was carried up to the King. |
| 6 He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus’s party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be carried out together with their dead bodies. They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them; | 6 He also killed forty-five of the officers of Antigonus' party and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be brought out along with the dead. They also searched the corpses and any silver or gold or valuables they found, was brought to the king. |
| 7 πέρας τε κακῶν οὐδὲν ἦν· τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἡ πλεονεξία τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένου διεφόρει, τὴν δὲ χώραν μένειν ἀγεώργητον τὸ ἑβδοματικὸν ἠνάγκαζεν ἔτος· ἐνεστήκει γὰρ τότε, καὶ σπείρειν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γῆν ἀπηγορευμένον ἐστὶν ἡμῖν. | 7 There was no end to these evils. For on one hand, the greed of the ruler—who had fallen into great need—scattered their goods, while on the other, the Sabbatical Year forced the land to remain uncultivated; for it had begun then, and sowing the earth is forbidden to us during that year. |
| 7 and this distress was in part occasioned by the covetousness of the prince regent, who was still in want of more, and in part by the Sabbatic year, which was still going on, and forced the country to lie still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. | 7 This was not the last of the troubles he caused, partly due to the greed of the ruler who needed still more and partly because of the Sabbatical year, still in progress, which left the country still uncultivated, since we are forbidden to sow our land in that year. |
| 8 ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον τὸν ἈντίγονονAntignus δέσμιον ἔγνω μέχρι θριάμβου φυλάττειν, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἤκουσεν νεωτερίζειν τὸ ἔθνος κἀκ τοῦ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd μίσους εὔνουν ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus διαμένον, ἔγνω τοῦτον ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch πελεκίσαι· σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἠρεμεῖν ἠδύναντο οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews. | 8 Now Antony, having taken Antigonus as a captive, intended to keep him in chains until his Triumph. However, when he heard that the nation was revolting and remained loyal to Antigonus out of hatred for Herod, he decided to behead him in Antioch; for the Jews were hardly able to remain quiet in any other way. |
| 8 Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, he determined to keep him against his triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to behead him at Antioch, for otherwise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet. | 8 When Antony had taken Antigonus prisoner, he decided to keep him for his triumph, but when he heard how the nation was still rebellious and in their hatred for Herod, still favoured Antigonus, he decided to behead him in Antioch, for in no other way could the Jews be pacified. |
| 9 μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ ΣτράβωνStrabo ὁ ΚαππάδοξCappadocia λέγων οὕτως· " ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ ἈντίγονονAntignus τὸν ἸουδαῖονJew ἀχθένταto lead εἰς ἈντιόχειανAntioch πελεκίζει. Καὶ ἔδοξε μὲν οὗτος πρῶτος ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin βασιλέα πελεκίσαι, οὐκ οἰηθεὶςto suppose, think ἕτερον τρόπον μεταθεῖναι ἂν τὰς γνώμας τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews, ὥστε δέξασθαι τὸν ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου καθεσταμένον ἩρώδηνHerōd· οὐδὲ γὰρ βασανιζόμενοι βασιλέα ἀναγορεύεινto proclaim publicly αὐτὸν ὑπέμειναν· | 9 Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to my account, saying as follows: 'Antony brought Antigonus the Jew to Antioch and beheaded him. He is thought to have been the first of the Romans to behead a king, believing that in no other way could he change the minds of the Jews so that they would accept Herod, who had been set up in his place. For even under torture, they could not be brought to proclaim Herod as King; |
| 9 And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there to be beheaded. And this Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king instead of him; for by no torments could they he forced to call him king, | 9 Strabo of Cappadocia supports me in this, when he says: "Antony had Antigonus the Jew brought to Antioch and beheaded there. I believe he was the first Roman to behead a king, thinking there was no other way to change the mind of the Jews to receive Herod, whom he had set in his place, for even tortures could not force them to acknowledge him as king. |
| 10 οὕτως μέγα τι ἐφρόνουν περὶ τοῦ πρώτου βασιλέως. τὴν οὖν ἀτιμίαν ἐνόμισε μειώσειν Τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν μνήμης, μειώσειν δὲ καὶ τὸ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd μῖσος. ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ΣτράβωνStrabo. | 10 Such was their high regard for their former king. He [Antony] therefore believed that this dishonor [the beheading] would diminish the memory of Antigonus and also diminish the hatred toward Herod.' This is the account of Strabo." |
| 10 so great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought that this dishonorable death would diminish the value they had for Antigonus’s memory, and at the same time would diminish the hatred they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo. | 10 With their great fondness for their former king, he felt that this disgrace would diminish his memory and also lessen their hatred of Herod." Such is Strabo’s account. |
The "forty-five leading men" mentioned here were likely the core of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish high court). By killing them, Herod didn't just remove political rivals; he executed the nation's wealthiest "donors." Josephus’s detail about searching the corpses at the gates shows a frantic, almost pathological need for liquidity. Herod was effectively "paying off the mortgage" of his kingdom with the blood of its previous owners.
The "Perfect Storm": Famine and Taxes
The mention of the Sabbatical Year (ebdomatikon etos) adds a layer of economic tragedy. Herod was extracting massive wealth at the exact moment the agricultural economy was legally frozen. The people were being taxed for a war they lost, using resources they weren't allowed to replenish by farming. This ensured that the first year of Herod’s reign was defined by starvation and bankruptcy for the masses.
Antony's Break with Roman Tradition
Usually, a captured foreign king was a "trophy" for a Roman Triumph (a massive parade in Rome). By beheading (pelekisai—literally "to axe") Antigonus in Antioch, Antony broke a long-standing Roman taboo against executing royalty like common criminals. This shows the desperation of the Roman-Herodian alliance; they realized that as long as a Hasmonean lived, the Jewish public would never view Herod as anything more than a Roman puppet.
The Martyrdom of the Hasmonean Name
Strabo’s quote (which Josephus uses to validate his history for a Roman audience) is telling. The Jews refused to recognize Herod even "βασανιζόμενοι" (while being tortured). This resistance was not just political; it was religious. To the people, the Hasmonean house was divinely appointed through the priesthood. Beheading Antigonus was intended to be a "disgrace" (atimian), but it ironically turned the last Hasmonean king into a martyr.
Herod as "The Great Debtor"
Josephus notes that Herod was "ἐν χρείᾳ" (in need). We often think of "Herod the Great" as a man of infinite wealth because of his buildings, but at his start, he was a man in massive debt to Rome. His early reign was characterized by a "mobster-like" extraction of capital to ensure that Mark Antony stayed interested in keeping him on the throne.
The End of the Old Guard
The execution of the forty-five marked the end of the traditional Jewish aristocracy that had ruled since the time of the Maccabees. From this point forward, Herod would appoint his own priests and officials—often from the diaspora (Babylon or Egypt)—who had no local roots and were entirely dependent on his favor.
[011-038]
Hyrcanus, freed by the Parthians, returns to Herod.
Alexandra angered by new high priest, Ananelus
| 11 Κατασχόντος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ἩρώδουHerod πυθόμενος ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ὁ ἀρχιερεύς, ἦν δὲ παρὰ ΠάρθοιςParthians αἰχμάλωτος, ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἀπολυθεὶς τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ· | 11 "When Herod had taken possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the High Priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, heard of it and came to Herod after being released from captivity in the following manner: |
| 11 Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again, and was set free from his captivity, in the manner following: | 11 When the high priest Hyrcanus, who had been a prisoner among the Parthians, heard that Herod had taken over the kingdom, he came to Herod after he was set free from his imprisonment in this way. |
| 12 ΒαζαφράνηςBarzapharnes καὶ ΠάκοροςPacorus οἱ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians στρατηγοί, λαβόντες αἰχμαλώτους ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus τὸν πρῶτον ἀρχιερέα γενόμενον εἶτα βασιλέα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἩρώδουHerod ΦασάηλονPhasael εἰς ΠάρθουςParthians ἀνῆγον. | 12 Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the Parthian generals, having taken as captives Hyrcanus—who had first been High Priest and then King—and Herod’s brother Phasael, brought them back to Parthia. |
| 12 Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyreanus, who was first made high priest and afterward king, and Herod’s brother, Phasaelus captives, and were carrying them away into Parthia. | 12 The Parthian generals Barzapharnes and Pacorus captured the former high priest and later king, Hyrcanus, along with Herod’s brother Phasael, and took them away to Parthia. |
| 13 καὶ ΦασάηλοςPhasael μὲν οὐ φέρων τὴν ἐν τοῖς δεσμοῖς αἰσχύνην, πάσης δὲ ζωῆς κρείττονα τὸν μετὰ δόξης ἡγούμενος θάνατον αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ γίνεται φονεύς, καθὼς προεῖπον. | 13 And Phasael, unable to bear the shame of his chains and considering death with glory superior to any life, became his own slayer, as I have related before. |
| 13 Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related. | 13 But Phasael, unable to bear the shame of being in chains, and thinking that death with glory was better than merely clinging to life, took his own life, as I have already said. |
| 14 ὙρκανῷHyrcanus δ᾽ ἀναχθέντι ΦραάτηςPhraates ὁ τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιεικέστερον προσηνέχθη, τὸ τῆς εὐγενείας αὐτοῦ διάσημον προπεπυσμένος. διὰ τοῦτο δεσμῶν μὲν ἀφῆκενto send forth, ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon δὲ κατάγεσθαι παρεῖχεν, ἔνθα καὶ πλῆθος ἦν ἸουδαίωνJews. | 14 But when Hyrcanus was brought up, Phraates, the King of the Parthians, behaved more mildly toward him, having previously learned of the distinction of his noble birth. For this reason, he released him from his bonds and allowed him to reside in Babylon, where there was a great multitude of Jews. |
| 14 But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an illustrious family he was; on which account he set him free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon, where there were Jews in great numbers. | 14 When Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia king Phraates treated him more fairly, being already aware of what an illustrious family he came from, and so he set him free from his chains and gave him a residence in Babylon, where there was a large numbers of Jews. |
| 15 οὗτοι τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐτίμων ὡς ἀρχιερέα καὶ βασιλέα καὶ πᾶν τὸ μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates νεμόμενον ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος· τῷ δ᾽ ἦν ἀγαπητὰ ταῦτα. | 15 These Jews honored Hyrcanus as High Priest and King, as did the entire Jewish nation dwelling as far as the Euphrates; and these things were pleasing to him. |
| 15 These Jews honored Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates; which respect was very much to his satisfaction. | 15 These honoured Hyrcanus as their high priest and king, as did the whole Jewish nation as far as the Euphrates, which was gratifying to him. |
| 16 πυθόμενος δὲ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd παρειληφέναι τὴν βασιλείαν ἀντιμετεχώρει ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε φιλοστόργως διακείμενος καὶ τῆς χάριτος ἀπομνησθήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν, κρινόμενον ὅτι καὶ μέλλοντα θανάτῳ ζημιοῦσθαι τοῦ κινδύνου καὶ τῆς κολάσεως ἐρρύσατο. λόγους οὖν προσέφερε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἰέναι παρ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσπουδακώς. | 16 But when he learned that Herod had taken over the kingdom, his hopes shifted. He had been affectionately disposed toward Herod from the beginning and expected that Herod would remember his favor—considering that when Herod was once about to be punished with death, he [Hyrcanus] had rescued him from that danger and penalty. He therefore spoke to the Jews there, being eager to go to him. |
| 16 But when he was informed that Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as having been himself still of a kind disposition towards him, and expecting that Herod would bear in mind what favor he had received from him; and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he delivered him from that danger, and from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jew that came often to him with great affection; | 16 But when told that Herod had taken over the kingdom, he took new hope, as he had remained fond of him and expected Herod to remember his past favours, for saving him when during his trial when he stood in peril of execution and rescuing him from the impending punishment. He used to talk of this matter with the Jews who came eagerly to see him. |
| 17 οἱ δὲ περιείχοντο καὶ μένειν ἠξίουν τὰς ὑπουργίας ἅμα καὶ τὰς τιμὰς λέγοντες, ὡς οὐδὲν ἐνδεὲς αὐτῷ τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς ἢ βασιλεῖς τιμῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν εἴη, καὶ τὸ μεῖζον, ὅτι μηδὲ ἐκεῖ τούτων μεταλαβεῖν δύναται κατὰ λώβην τοῦ σώματος, ἣν ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus πάθοι, τάς τε χάριτας οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀποδίδοσθαι παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων, ἃς ἔλαβον ἰδιωτεύοντεςto be a private person, retired, ἐξαλλαττούσης αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἀλόγως τῆς τύχης. | 17 But they tried to restrain him and urged him to stay, speaking of the services and honors they provided, saying that among them, he lacked nothing in the honor due to High Priests or Kings. And more importantly, they argued that he could not receive those honors there [in Jerusalem] because of the mutilation of his body which he had suffered at the hands of Antigonus; and they warned that Kings do not return the favors they received when they were private citizens in the same way, for their change in fortune reasonably alters their character." |
| 17 but they endeavored to retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting him in mind of the kind offices and honors they did him, and that those honors they paid him were not at all inferior to what they could pay to either their high priests or their kings; and what was a greater motive to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to requite men for those kindnesses which they received when they were private persons, the height of their fortune making usually no small changes in them. | 17 They tried to get him to stay on with them, reminding him of the services and honours they showed him which were no less than the honour shown to their high priests or kings, and furthermore, that he could not enjoy such honour at home due to the physical deformity he had suffered under Antigonus, and that kings do not repay people for favours they received as commoners, as their change of fortune understandably changes their outlook too. |
It is striking that Phraates IV treated Hyrcanus with "ἐπιεικέστερον" (mildness/clemency). In the ancient Near East, a captive king was a powerful political pawn. By allowing Hyrcanus to live in Babylon—a major center of Jewish life outside of Roman control—the Parthians maintained a potential "anti-Herod" candidate in their back pocket. Hyrcanus’s status in Babylon was effectively that of a "King in Exile."
The Tragedy of Phasael
The brief mention of Herod’s brother, Phasael, serves as a foil to Hyrcanus. Phasael chose suicide over the "αἰσχύνην" (shame) of captivity. Josephus uses this to highlight the "Herodian" trait of aggressive pride versus the "Hasmonean" trait (in Hyrcanus’s case) of passive survival.
The "Law of the Blemish"
The Babylonian Jews offer a very specific legal warning: Hyrcanus cannot be High Priest in Jerusalem because of his "λώβην τοῦ σώματος" (bodily mutilation). Antigonus had famously bitten off (or cut off) Hyrcanus’s ears to disqualify him from the priesthood under Levitical law (Lev. 21:17–23), which required priests to be physically unblemished.
Naivety vs. Realpolitik
Hyrcanus relied on "χάριτος" (gratitude/grace), remembering how he saved Herod from the Sanhedrin years prior. However, the Babylonian Jews correctly identify a dark truth of political science: "ἐξαλλαττούσης... τῆς τύχης" (fortune alters character). A man who was grateful as a "private citizen" (idiōteuontes) often becomes a man who views his creditors as threats once he becomes a King. To Herod, Hyrcanus was no longer a benefactor, but a living reminder of a time when Herod was weak.
The Babylonian Diaspora
This passage highlights the immense power and autonomy of the Babylonian Jewish community. They were wealthy and organized enough to treat Hyrcanus as a sovereign. Their "entreaty" for him to stay was likely a warning that in Babylon, he was a leader, but in Jerusalem, he would be a prisoner in a golden cage.
Herod's Motive (The "Invitation")
Though not explicit in these few verses, the subtext is that Herod wanted Hyrcanus back. Not out of love, but to get him out of Parthian hands. As long as Hyrcanus was in Babylon, the Parthians could use him to start a revolution. By "inviting" him back with honeyed words, Herod was effectively performing a "snatch-and-grab" operation to put the only other legitimate claimant to the throne under his direct surveillance.
| 18 Τοιαῦτα κατὰ τὸ συμφέρον ὑποτεινόντων ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus πόθον εἶχεν ἀπιέναι, καὶ γράφων ἩρώδηςHerod παρεκάλει δεῖσθαι ΦραάτουPhraates καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ ἸουδαίωνJews μὴ φθονῆσαι δυνάμει κοινὴν ἕξοντι τὴν βασιλείαν· ἄρτι γὰρ εἶναι καιρὸν αὐτῷ μὲν ἐκτῖσαι τὰς χάριτας ὧν εὖ πάθοι καὶ τραφεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ περισωθείς, ἐκείνῳ δὲ κομίζεσθαι. | 18 "Despite the Jews [in Babylon] suggesting such things for his benefit, Hyrcanus had a longing to depart. Herod wrote to him, urging him to petition Phraates and the Jews there not to begrudge him the chance to share the kingdom in common; for he said the time had now come for him to repay the favors he had received by being raised and preserved by Hyrcanus, and for Hyrcanus to receive them. |
| 18 Now although they suggested these arguments to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and persuaded him to desire of Phraates, and the Jews that were there, that they should not grudge him the royal authority, which he should have jointly with himself, for that now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the favors he had received from him, as having been brought up by him, and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. | 18 Although they argued this with him for his own good, Hyrcanus still wanted to leave, and Herod also wrote urging him to request Phraates and the Jews in that place not to begrudge him the kingship which he would share and that now was his best time for repaying him for supporting and saving him, if Hyrcanus would come to receive it. |
| 19 ταῦτα γράφων ὙρκανῷHyrcanus πέμπει καὶ παρὰ τὸν ΦραάτηνPhraates πρεσβευτὴν ΣαραμάλλανSaramallas καὶ δῶρα πλείω, μὴ διακωλῦσαι τὰς εἰς τὸν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes αὐτοῦ χάριτας ὁμοίως φιλανθρωπευόμενον. | 19 Writing these things to Hyrcanus, he also sent an ambassador, Saramallas, to Phraates along with many gifts, [requesting him] not to hinder the return of favors to his benefactor by one who was equally well-disposed. |
| 19 And as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also Saramallas, his ambassador, to Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired him in the most obliging way that he would be no hinderance to his gratitude towards his benefactor. | 19 As he wrote this to Hyrcanus, he also sent an envoy, Saramallas, with many gifts to Phraates, and politely asking him not to prevent him from showing this gratitude toward his benefactor. |
| 20 ἦν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐντεῦθεν ἡ σπουδή, διὰ δὲ τὸ μὴ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν αὐτὸς ἄρχειν δεδοίκει τὰς ἐξ εὐλόγων μεταβολὰς καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὑποχείριον ἔχειν ἔσπευδεν ἢ καὶ παντάπασιν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι· τοῦτο γὰρ ἔπραξεν ἐν ὑστέρῳ. | 20 But his zeal did not spring from this motive; rather, because he did not rule by right of merit, he feared legitimate changes of fortune and was eager to have Hyrcanus under his control, or even to put him out of the way entirely—which indeed he did later. |
| 20 But this zeal of Herod’s did not flow from that principle, but because he had been made governor of that country without having any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition, and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he effected afterwards. | 20 This however was not the true motive, but because he had unjustifiably come to power and was reasonably afraid that things might change, he was eager to have Hyrcanus in his power or even to dispose of him entirely, which he did later. |
| 21 Τότε μέντοι γε ἐπειδὴ παρῆν πεπεισμένος ἐφέντος τε τοῦ ΠάρθουParthia καὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews χρήματα παρασχομένων, ἁπάσῃ τιμῇ δεξάμενος αὐτὸν ἔν τε τοῖς συλλόγοις τὸν πρῶτον ἔνεμε τόπον καὶ παρὰ τὰς ἑστιάσεις προκατακλίνων ἐξηπάτα πατέρα καλῶν καὶ παντοδαπῶς τὸ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἀνύποπτον πραγματευόμενος. | 21 However, at that time, since Hyrcanus arrived having been persuaded (the Parthian king having let him go and the Jews having provided funds), Herod received him with every honor. In public assemblies, he assigned him the first place, and at banquets, he gave him the seat of honor, deceiving him by calling him 'Father' and managing in every way to make his plot unsuspected. |
| 21 Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him with money, Herod received him with all possible respect, and gave him the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavored, by all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any treacherous design against him. | 21 And so, with the permission of the king of Parthia and the help of the Jews who provided him with money, he went and was welcomed with every respect and given the first place at assemblies and banquets, and was thereby deceived. Herod called him his father and tried by all possible means to avert any suspicion that he was plotting against him. |
| 22 ὑποκαθίστατο δὲ καὶ τἆλλα πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐξ ὧν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐστασιάσθη· φυλαττόμενος γάρ τινα τῶν ἐπισήμωνsplendid ἀποδεικνύειν ἀρχιερέα τοῦ θεοῦ, μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκ τῆς ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἱερέα τῶν ἀσημοτέρων Ἀνάνηλον ὀνόματι τούτῳ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην δίδωσιν. | 22 He also made other arrangements for the benefit of his rule, from which the affairs of his own household fell into strife. For, being wary of appointing any of the illustrious men as High Priest of God, he sent for a priest from Babylon of the more obscure sort named Ananelus, and to him he gave the High Priesthood. |
| 22 He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious person the high priest of God, he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Ananelus, and bestowed the high priesthood upon him. | 22 He also did other things to secure his rule, for which trouble arose in his own family, for, wary of appointing any prominent person as God’s high priest, he sent for an obscure priest from Babylon, named Ananelus and bestowed the high priesthood upon him. |
| 23 Εὐθὺς οὖν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra τὴν ἐπήρειαν, θυγάτηρ μὲν ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus, γυνὴ δὲ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus βασιλέως, ἐξ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παῖδας ἔχουσα τὸν μὲν ὥρᾳ κάλλιστον ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus καλούμενον, τὴν δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod συνοικοῦσανto dwell together ΜαριάμμηνMariamne εὐμορφίᾳ διάσημον. | 23 Immediately, Alexandra could not endure this insult—she was the daughter of Hyrcanus and the wife of Alexander, the son of King Aristobulus. She had children by Alexander: a son named Aristobulus, who was most beautiful in his youth, and a daughter Mariamne, who lived with Herod and was famous for her beauty. |
| 23 However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristobulus; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. | 23 But Alexandra was immediately incensed at this. She was the daughter of Hyrcanus and wife of Alexander the son of king Aristobulus, and had borne Alexander an extremely handsome son called Aristobulus, and a celebrated beauty, Herod’s wife Mariamne. |
| 24 ἐτετάρακτο δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερεν τὴν ἀτιμίαν τοῦ παιδός, εἰ περιόντος ἐκείνου τῶν ἐπικλήτων τις ἀξιοῦταιto think worthy τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης, καὶ γράφει ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μουσουργοῦ τινος αὐτῇ συμπραγματευομένου τὰ περὶ τὴν κομιδὴν τῶν γραμμάτων αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τῷ παιδὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην. | 24 She was troubled and bore the dishonor of her son heavily—that while he was alive, some invited stranger should be deemed worthy of the High Priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra, with a certain musician assisting her in the delivery of the letters, asking her to request the High Priesthood for her son from Antony." |
| 24 This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son exceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent for to have the dignity of the high priesthood conferred upon him. Accordingly, she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with Antony, in order to gain the high priesthood for her son. | 24 She was badly shaken by this indignity to her son, that the dignity of the high priesthood should be conferred on someone else during his lifetime. So she wrote to Cleopatra, using a musician to carry her letters, to get her to intercede with Antony to gain the high priesthood for her son. |
Herod’s use of the term "πατέρα" (Father) for Hyrcanus is a chilling example of his psychological warfare. In the ancient world, calling a benefactor "Father" was the ultimate sign of submission and pietas. By publicly seating Hyrcanus in the "πρῶτον... τόπον" (first place), Herod lulled the old man into a false sense of security while effectively placing him under "palace arrest" where every word could be monitored.
The Appointment of Ananelus: A Strategic "Nobody"
Herod’s decision to appoint Ananelus (Hananel), an obscure Babylonian priest, was a revolutionary break with tradition. Since the time of the Maccabees, the High Priesthood was a hereditary, life-long office held by the Hasmoneans. By appointing an outsider from the diaspora, Herod transformed the High Priesthood from a sovereign office into a political appointment answerable only to the King.
Alexandra: The Hasmonean Matriarch
The entry of Alexandra marks the beginning of the "War of the Women" in Herod’s court. She represents the combined lineage of both Hasmonean branches (Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II). She realized that Herod was systematically disenfranchising her son, Aristobulus III, who was the only male Hasmonean left with a "perfect body" (unlike the mutilated Hyrcanus) and thus the only one capable of legally holding the Priesthood.
The Beauty of the Hasmoneans
Josephus emphasizes the "κάλλιστον" (beauty) of young Aristobulus and the "εὐμορφίᾳ" (fair form) of Mariamne. In Hellenistic historiography, physical beauty was often a sign of royal legitimacy and divine favor. The fact that the boy was so handsome made him a direct threat to Herod; he was a living symbol of the "Golden Age" of the Maccabees that the people longed for.
The Cleopatra Channel
Alexandra’s move to contact Cleopatra VII was a masterstroke of high-level intrigue. She knew Herod was Antony’s man, but she also knew Cleopatra had Antony’s ear and a deep desire to expand Egyptian influence into Judea. By bypassing Herod and going straight to the Triumvir’s mistress, Alexandra turned a domestic dispute into an international crisis.
The "Musician" Spy
The detail of using a "μουσουργοῦ" (musician/singer) to smuggle letters is a glimpse into the cloak-and-dagger reality of the Herodian court. Herod’s palace was filled with spies; a common musician would have the "backstage access" necessary to carry messages without raising the suspicion of the King’s guards.
| 25 ἈντωνίουAntōny δὲ ῥαθυμότερον ὑπακούοντος, ὁ Φίλος αὐτοῦ ΔέλλιοςDellius εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἐλθὼν ἐπί τινας χρείας ὡς εἶδεν τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, ἠγάσθη τε τῆς ὥρας καὶ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθαύμασεν, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne συνοικοῦσανto dwell together τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ δῆλος ἦν καλλίπαιδά τινα τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra διειληφώς. | 25 "While Antony responded somewhat sluggishly [to Alexandra's letters], his friend Dellius came to Judea on certain business. When he saw Aristobulus, he was amazed by the youth’s prime, and he marveled at both the stature and beauty of the boy; nor did he marvel less at Mariamne, who was living with the King as his wife. It was clear he considered Alexandra to be a mother of beautiful children (kallipaida). |
| 25 But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend Dellius came into Judea upon some affairs; and when he saw Aristobulus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and handsomeness of the child, and no less at Mariamne, the king’s wife, and was open in his commendations of Alexandra, as the mother of most beautiful children. | 25 While Antony delayed in granting this request, his friend Dellius came to Judea on some business. When he saw Aristobulus, he admired the boy’s height and beauty and not less the king’s wife Mariamne, and was unstinting in his praises of Alexandra, as the mother of the most beautiful children. |
| 26 ἐκείνης δὲ εἰς λόγους ἐλθούσης αὐτῷ πείθει γραψαμένην ἀμφοτέρων εἰκόνας ἈντωνίῳAnthony διαπέμψασθαι· θεασαμένου γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἀτευκτήσειν ὧν ἀξιοῖ. | 26 Having entered into conversation with her, he persuaded her to have portraits painted of both of them and to send them to Antony; for he said that if Antony once beheld them, she would fail in none of her requests. |
| 26 And when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that when he saw them, he would deny her nothing that she should ask. | 26 When she came to talk with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both and to send them to Antony. For when he saw them, he would deny her nothing she might ask. |
| 27 τούτοις ἐπαρθεῖσα τοῖς λόγοις ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra πέμπει τὰς εἰκόνας ἈντωνίῳAnthony· καὶ ΔέλλιοςDellius ἐτερατεύετο λέγων οὐκ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων αὐτῷ δοκεῖν, ἀλλά τινος θεοῦ γενέσθαι τοὺς παῖδας. ἐπραγματεύετο δὲ δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς τὰς ἡδονὰς ἑλκύσαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny. | 27 Encouraged by these words, Alexandra sent the portraits to Antony. Dellius, for his part, spoke in terms of the marvelous, saying that the children did not seem to him to be born of mortals, but of some god. He was managing this on his own account, seeking to lure Antony toward these pleasures. |
| 27 Accordingly, Alexandra was elevated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them, | 27 Elated by these words, Alexandra sent the pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked extravagantly and said that these children seemed not to come from mere mortals but from some god or other, although his plan in doing so was to stir the lust of Antony. |
| 28 ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν κόρην ᾐδέσθη μεταπέμπεσθαι γεγαμημένην ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ τὰς εἰς ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου διαβολὰς φυλαττόμενος, ἐπέστελλε δὲ πέμπειν τὸν παῖδα σὺν εὐπρεπείᾳ προστιθείς, εἰ μὴ βαρὺ δοκοίη. | 28 Antony, however, felt a sense of shame (aidesthe) about summoning the girl, as she was married to Herod, and he was also guarding against the slanders that might arise from Cleopatra due to such a thing. Instead, he sent word to send the boy, adding with a show of propriety, 'if it should not seem a burden.' |
| 28 who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, because of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. | 28 He indeed was ashamed to send for the girl, as she was Herod’s wife and also so as not to have it reported to Cleopatra. But he sent, as decently as he could, for the young man, adding "unless this seems too much to ask." |
| 29 τούτων ἀπενεχθέντων πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἔκρινεν ὥρᾳ τε κάλλιστον ὄντα τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἑκκαιδεκαέτης γὰρ ὢν ἐτύγχανεν, καὶ γένει προύχοντα πέμπειν παρὰ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny, ἰσχύοντα μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος ἐν τῷ τότε ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin, ἕτοιμον δὲ τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς αὐτὸν ὑποθεῖναι καὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς ἀπαρακαλύπτως ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι ποριζόμενον. | 29 When these messages were brought to Herod, he judged that it was not safe to send Aristobulus—who happened to be sixteen years old and of the highest birth, as well as being of prime beauty—to Antony. For Antony was more powerful than anyone else among the Romans at that time, and he was ready to surrender himself to erotic passions, procuring his pleasures openly because of his power. |
| 29 When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and besides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him without control. | 29 When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not think it safe to send so handsome a lad as Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age and of such a noble family, and particularly not to Antony, who was then the most powerful of the Romans, who was ready to submit him to eroticism for he publicly indulged without measure in all the pleasures his power allowed him. |
| 30 ἀντέγραψεν οὖν ὡς, εἰ μόνον ἐξέλθοι τῆς χώρας τὸ μειράκιον, ἅπαντα πολέμου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀναπλησθήσεται ἸουδαίωνJews ἐλπισάντων μεταβολὴν καὶ νεωτερισμὸν ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῳ βασιλεῖ. | 30 Herod, therefore, wrote back that if the youth should so much as depart the country, the whole of Judea would be filled with war and turmoil, as the Jews would hope for a change of regime and a revolution under another King." |
| 30 He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar, because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have another king over them. | 30 So he wrote back to him, that all would be up in arms and uproar if the lad even left the country, as the Jews were full of hopes for change and revolution under another king. |
Alexandra’s decision to send "εἰκόνας" (portraits/images) to Antony was a high-risk gamble. In the Roman world, portraits were not just art; they were proxies for the person. By sending images of her children, Alexandra was literally "marketing" their Hasmonean bloodline and physical perfection to the most powerful man in the East. She hoped to use their beauty to bypass Herod’s political blockade.
Dellius: The "Art of the Deal"
Quintus Dellius is portrayed here as a classic Hellenistic courtier—manipulative, observant, and transactional. His claim that the children were born "τινος θεοῦ" (of some god) is a piece of typical court flattery. Dellius knew Antony’s weakness for "god-like" beauty and used it to gain favor with both the Hasmonean queen and the Roman Triumvir.
Antony’s Hesitation: The Cleopatra Factor
It is fascinating that Antony feels "ᾐδέσθη" (shame or modesty) regarding Mariamne. This wasn't necessarily a moral objection; it was a political one. He was already in a complicated relationship with Cleopatra VII, who was famously jealous and protective of her influence. Antony knew that bringing a beautiful Jewish queen into his circle would provide Cleopatra's enemies in Rome with "slander" (diabolos) and potentially alienate his Egyptian ally.
Herod’s "Moral" Defense
Herod’s refusal to send the boy is framed as a concern for the stability of Judea, but it was purely a matter of self-preservation. He knew that if Aristobulus reached Antony's court, the boy could become Antony’s favorite. A Hasmonean prince with the "ear of the Emperor" was a death sentence for Herod's own kingship. Herod’s excuse—that the Jews would start a "νεωτερισμὸν" (revolution)—was his most effective weapon against Roman interference.
The Sexualized Power Dynamic
The text is quite explicit about Antony's reputation: he was "ἕτοιμον... τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς" (ready for erotic pursuits) and procured pleasures "ἀπαρακαλύπτως" (unconcealedly/without a veil). Josephus is highlighting the "decadence" of the Roman East, where the bodies of client-royalty were often treated as commodities. Herod, though a tyrant, is presented here as the "shrewd protector" who understands the predatory nature of his masters.
Aristobulus at Sixteen
The age of the boy (ἑκκαιδεκαέτης) is significant. He was at the exact age where he was transitioning from a child to a man, making him legally eligible for the High Priesthood but still "youthful" enough to be exploited. His "highest birth" (genei prouchonta) made him the ultimate prize for anyone looking to challenge Herod's legitimacy.
| 31 Τούτοις δὲ παραιτησάμενος τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔγνω μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀτιμάζειν τὸν παῖδα καὶ τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἐγκειμένης λιπαρῶς ἀποδοῦναι τἀδελφῷ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτῷ κρίνων, ἵνα μηδ᾽ ἀποδημῆσαι δυνατὸν ᾖ τετιμημένῳ, σύλλογον ποιήσας τῶν φίλων ᾐτιᾶτο πολλὰ τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra, | 31 "Having used these excuses to decline Antony’s request, Herod decided not to utterly dishonor the boy and Alexandra forever. Furthermore, as his wife Mariamne was urgently entreating him to restore the High Priesthood to her brother, and judging it to be in his own interest—since it would be impossible for the boy to leave the country once he held such an office—Herod convened a council of his friends. There, he brought many accusations against Alexandra. |
| 31 When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not entirely permit the child or Alexandra to be treated dishonorably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high priesthood to her brother; and he judged it was for his advantage so to do, because if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called his friends together, and told them that Alexandra | 31 Having made these excuses to Antony, he knew he could not entirely dishonour the child or Alexandra. But when his wife Mariamne vehemently urged him to restore the high priesthood to her brother, he judged it best to do so. For once he held that dignity, he could not leave the country. However he assembled his friends and accused Alexandra of many things, |
| 32 κρύφα τε ἐπιβουλεῦσαι λέγων τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ διὰ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra πράττειν, ὅπως αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφαιρεθῇ τὴν ἀρχήν, τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ παραλάβῃ τὰ πράγματα δι᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny. | 32 He claimed she had secretly plotted against his kingdom and had worked through Cleopatra so that he might be stripped of his authority and the youth take over affairs in his place through Antony’s influence. |
| 32 privately conspired against his royal authority, and endeavored, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony’s means this youth might have the management of public affairs instead of him; | 32 of secretly conspiring against the kingdom and trying through Cleopatra to have him deposed as ruler and getting Antony to give control of the affairs to this youth in his place. |
| 33 καὶ ταῦτα βούλεσθαι μὲν ἐκείνην οὐ δικαίως, ὁπότεwhen καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα συναποστεροίη τῆς οὔσης αὐτῇ τιμῆς καὶ ταραχὰς ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγματεύοιτο, πολλὰ πονήσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κτησαμένου κινδύνοις οὐ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν. | 33 He argued that her desires were unjust, as she would be stripping her own daughter [Mariamne] of her existing honor and was causing turmoil in a kingdom that he had acquired through much labor and no ordinary dangers. |
| 33 and that this procedure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dignity she now had, and would bring disturbances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards; | 33 In this she was acting unjustly, he said, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of her present dignity and bring uproar into the kingdom, for which he had worked so hard and which he had won at such great risk. |
| 34 οὐ μὴν ἀπομνημονεύσας αὐτὸς ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἐκείνη πράξειεν ἀποστήσεσθαι τοῦ δίκαιος εἶναι περὶ αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν ἔφη διδόναι τῷ παιδὶ τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην καὶ πάλαι προκαταστήσασθαι τὸν Ἀνάνηλον παιδίου παντάπασιν ὄντος ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus. | 34 Nevertheless, he said that although he remembered her improper actions, he would not abandon being just toward them. He declared that he was now giving the High Priesthood to the boy, adding that he had previously appointed Ananelus only because Aristobulus had been a mere child at the time. |
| 34 that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right himself, but would even now give the youth the high priesthood; and that he formerly set up Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so very young a child. | 34 Still, while not forgetting the ugly things she had done, he would not cease doing right and even now would give the high priesthood to the young man, since he had appointed Ananelus earlier simply because Aristobulus was still so young a child. |
| 35 τοιαῦτα δὲ λέγοντος οὐκ ἀσκέπτως, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ ἠξίου μάλιστα πεφροντισμένως εἰς ἀπάτην γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν συμπαραληφθέντων φίλων, περιπαθὴς ἅμα καὶ χαρᾷ τῶν οὐ προσδοκηθέντων καὶ δέει τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra μετὰ δακρύων ἀπελογεῖτο, | 35 As he spoke these things—not carelessly, but with calculated care for what he deemed best to deceive the women and the friends gathered there—Alexandra, overcome by both the joy of the unexpected and the fear of his suspicion, defended herself with tears. |
| 35 Now when he had said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected promise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a weeping; and made the following apology for herself; | 35 He did not say this without forethought but with the utmost subtlety, in order to deceive the women and those friends whom he had taken into consultation, so that Alexandra, overjoyed at this unexpected promise after her fearful suspicions, burst out in tears and apologized to him. |
| 36 περὶ μὲν τῆς ἱερωσύνης φαμένη πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ὑπ᾽ ἀδοξίας σπουδάσαι, βασιλείᾳ δὲ μήτε ἐπιτίθεσθαι μήτ᾽ ἄν, εἰ καὶ προσίοι, βούλεσθαι λαβεῖν, καὶ νῦν ἀποχρώντως τιμῆς ἔχουσα διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ δύνασθαι μᾶλλον ἑτέρων ἄρχειν αὐτὸν ἅπαντι τῷ γένει περιοῦσαν. | 36 Regarding the Priesthood, she admitted she had sought it by any means because of the loss of status, but claimed she had neither plotted for the kingdom nor would she wish to take it even if it were offered. She said she now had sufficient honor through Herod’s rule and the security that his power provided for the entire family. |
| 36 and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavors to procure it for him; but that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not accept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son’s dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing to all the remainder of her family; | 36 She said she had cared about the disgrace regarding the priesthood but had no desire to have him made king and would not accept it even if it were offered, and was now satisfied with the dignity offered, while Herod continued to hold power and thereby provided the security that came to all of her family from his special ability in ruling. |
| 37 νῦν τε νενικημένη ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις δέχεσθαι μὲν εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὴν τιμήν, ἔσεσθαι δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ὑπήκοος, παραιτεῖσθαι δὲ κἂν εἴ τι διὰ γένος καὶ τὴν οὖσαν αὐτῇ παρρησίαν προπετέστερον ὑπ᾽ ἀναξιοπαθείας δράσειεν. | 37 Now, 'conquered by his benefits,' she accepted the honor for her son and promised to be obedient in everything, asking pardon if, because of her lineage and her natural frankness, she had acted too hastily out of a sense of unmerited suffering. |
| 37 that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honor showed by him to her son, and that she would hereafter be entirely obedient. And she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her family, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this matter. | 37 She was now won over by his goodness and welcomed the honour given to her son and would in future be fully obedient and apologized if her lineage and the freedom which she thought it permitted had made her speak rashly or inappropriately. |
| 38 οὕτως ἀλλήλοις ὁμιλήσαντες καὶ σπουδαιότερον ἢ θᾶττον ἐν δεξιαῖς διελύοντο πάσης ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy, ὡς ἐδόκουν, ἐξῃρημένης. | 38 Having conversed with one another in this way, they settled matters with handshakes, more solemnly than quickly, with all suspicion apparently removed." |
| 38 So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement, and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away. | 38 When they had spoken to each other in this way they reached agreement and all suspicions seemed to vanish. |
Herod’s move to appoint Aristobulus III as High Priest was a brilliant piece of containment. As a private citizen, the boy could flee to Rome or Egypt and become a figurehead for rebellion. As the High Priest, he was bound by law and ritual to remain in Jerusalem. Herod used a "promotion" to turn a mobile threat into a stationary target.
Dividing the Hasmonean Women
Herod cleverly framed Alexandra’s ambition as an attack on her own daughter, Mariamne. By arguing that placing Aristobulus on the throne would strip Mariamne of her status as Queen, he attempted to drive a wedge between the mother and daughter. He wanted Alexandra to appear not as a champion of her family, but as a reckless disruptor of her daughter's security.
The Ananelus "Pivot"
Herod’s excuse—that he only appointed Ananelus because Aristobulus was a "child"—was a blatant lie, but a necessary political fiction. It allowed him to back down without admitting he had been bullied by Cleopatra and Antony. By framing it as a natural transition of age rather than a political surrender, he saved face before his "council of friends."
Alexandra’s "Conquered" Submission
Alexandra’s response is equally theatrical. She uses the phrase "νενικημένη ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις" (conquered by his benefits). In the Greek world, being "conquered by kindness" was a high-level rhetorical trope used to end feuds without losing dignity. Her tears and humble defense were likely as calculated as Herod’s speech; she knew she had won this round, but she also knew she was in more danger than ever.
The Fatal Handshake
Josephus notes that they shook hands "σπουδαιότερον ἢ θᾶττον" (more solemnly than quickly). This suggests a lingering tension. The public display of "removed suspicion" (πάσης ὑποψίας... ἐξῃρημένης) was the final act of the play. In the Herodian court, the moment of most visible reconciliation was often the most dangerous, as it signaled that the King had moved his vendetta from the public arena to the private shadows.
The Shadow of Cleopatra
Throughout the scene, the "invisible player" is Cleopatra. Herod’s accusation that Alexandra was working "through Cleopatra" was true and was a reminder to his friends that the Hasmoneans were still looking to foreign powers to undermine the Idumaean King.
[039-087]
Herod makes Aristobulus high priest, then has him murdered.
Mariamne and Joseph
| 39 Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod εὐθὺς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην Ἀνάνηλον ὄντα μέν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, οὐκ ἐπιχώριον, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπὲρ ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates ἀπῳκισμένων ἸουδαίωνJews· οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες τοῦδε τοῦ λαοῦ περὶ τὴν ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon ἀπῳκίσθησαν. | 39 "King Herod immediately took away the High Priesthood from Ananelus, who was, as we said before, not a local man but one of the Jews settled beyond the Euphrates; for not a few tens of thousands of this people had been settled around Babylonia. |
| 39 So king Herod immediately took the high priesthood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Babylonia, | 39 King Herod immediately removed the high priesthood from Ananelus, who as we said earlier was not native born but one of the Jews that had been deported beyond the Euphrates, for many thousands of the people had been deported to the area around Babylonia. |
| 40 ἔνθεν ἦν ἈνάνηλοςAnanelus ἀρχιερατικοῦ γένους καὶ πάλαι κατὰ συνήθειαν ἩρώδῃHerod σπουδαζόμενος. τοῦτον αὐτὸς μὲν ἐτίμησεν, ὅτε τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατέλυσεν ἐπὶ τῷ παῦσαι τὰς οἰκείας ταραχὰς παράνομα ποιῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἄλλος γέ τις ἀφῃρέθη τὴν τιμὴν ἅπαξ παραλαβών. | 40 Ananelus was of a high-priestly lineage from that region and had long been esteemed by Herod through their personal acquaintance. Herod himself had honored him when he took over the kingdom, and he himself deposed him in order to quell his domestic turmoils, acting contrary to the law; for no one else had ever been stripped of this honor once they had received it. |
| 40 whence Ananelus came. He was one of the stock of the high priests and had been of old a particular friend of Herod; and when he was first made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was any one that had once been in that dignity deprived of it. | 40 That was where Ananelus came from, a man of high-priestly stock and from of old a close friend of Herod, who when he came to the kingship conferred this honour on him, and now removed it again, to calm the troubles in his family, an unlawful thing since one should not deposed from the honour after taking it up. |
| 41 ἀλλὰ πρῶτος μὲν ἈντίοχοςAntiochus ὁ ἘπιφανὴςEpiphanes ἔλυσε τὸν νόμον ἀφελόμενος μὲν ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua, καταστήσας δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὈνίανOnias, δεύτερος δὲ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἀφείλετο τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τρίτος ἀντιπαρέδωκεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ παιδί. | 41 Indeed, Antiochus Epiphanes was the first to break the law by removing Jesus [Jason] and appointing his brother Onias [Menelaus]. Second, Aristobulus [II] took it away from his brother Hyrcanus [II]. Herod was the third to do this, handing the office back to the youth Aristobulus [III]." |
| 41 It was Antiochus Epiphanes who first brake that law, and deprived Jesus, and made his brother Onias high priest stead of him. Aristobulus was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother [Hyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third, who took that high office away [from Arianflus], and gave it to this young man, Aristobulus, instead of him. | 41 Antiochus Epiphanes was the first to break that law by deposing Joshua and making his brother Onias high priest in place of him. Aristobulus was the second, by removing his brother Hyrcanus. Herod was the third, by transferring the rule to the youth Aristobulus. |
Josephus reminds the reader of the massive Jewish population in the East ("οὐ γὰρ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες"—not a few tens of thousands). By bringing Ananelus from Babylon, Herod wasn't just picking an "obscure" man; he was tapping into a diaspora elite that was wealthy and influential but lacked a local political base in Jerusalem. Ananelus was the perfect puppet because his only protector in Judea was Herod himself.
The Illegal Deposition
The phrase "παράνομα ποιῶν" (acting contrary to the law) is Josephus’s central indictment. In Jewish tradition, the High Priesthood was a life-long tenure. By treating the office as a political appointment that could be rescinded at will, Herod stripped the Priesthood of its sacrosanct status and turned it into a tool of the state.
A List of Villains
Josephus places Herod in a "Hall of Shame" alongside two other figures who broke the chain of succession:
1) Antiochus IV Epiphanes: The Seleucid king whose desecration of the Temple sparked the Maccabean Revolt.
2) Aristobulus II: The Hasmonean prince whose civil war with his brother led to the Roman intervention under Pompey.
3) Herod: By calling Herod the "third" to commit this crime, Josephus implies that Herod’s reign is a continuation of the same spiritual and political decay that nearly destroyed the nation in previous generations.
The Name Swap: Jesus and Onias
Note that Josephus uses the Greek names (Jesus/Onias) for the figures commonly known by their Hellenized or Hebrew counterparts (Jason/Menelaus). This highlights the deep Hellenization of the High Priesthood during the 2nd century BCE—a period of corruption that Herod was now emulating.
The Paradox of Ananelus
It is ironic that Ananelus was of "ἀρχιερατικοῦ γένους" (high-priestly lineage). On paper, he was a legitimate candidate. His only "defect" was that he wasn't a Hasmonean. Herod’s move to depose him wasn't about finding a "better" priest, but about surrendering to the political reality that the Hasmonean brand was still more powerful than the King’s decree.
Quelling "Domestic Turmoils"
The "οἰκείας ταραχὰς" (domestic turmoils) refers to the relentless pressure from Herod’s wife Mariamne and his mother-in-law Alexandra. This passage shows that even a "Great" tyrant like Herod could be bullied by his own family and the weight of public opinion. He sacrificed Ananelus as a "pawn" to buy a temporary peace in his own palace.
| 42 Καὶ τότε μὲν ἐδόκει τεθεραπευκέναι τὰ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν. οὐ μὴν ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν ἐν διαλλαγαῖς ἀνυπόπτως διετέλει, τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐγχειρηθεῖσιν ἤδη καὶ καιρὸν εἰ λάβοιτο νεωτέρων πραγμάτων ἠξιωκὼς δεδοικέναι. | 42 "At that time, Herod seemed to have healed the troubles within his household. However, he did not continue in these reconciliations without suspicion—as was only natural—for he had judged Alexandra to be a woman to be feared, both for her past attempts and for what she might do if she found an opportunity for a revolution. |
| 42 And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family; yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case, of people seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that she would go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing; | 42 Herod seemed to have pacified his family, but remained suspicious as is normal after a reconciliation. He thought that as Alexandra had already attempted something she might lead a revolt if she found a good moment to do so. |
| 43 προσέταττεν οὖν ἔν τε τοῖς βασιλείοις διατρίβειν καὶ μηδὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας δρᾶν, ἐπιμελεῖς τε ἦσαν φυλακαί, λανθάνοντος οὐδ᾽ εἴ τι πρὸς τὴν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δίαιταν ἐπιτηδεύοιτο. | 43 He commanded her, therefore, to reside within the palace and to do nothing on her own authority. Diligent guards were set over her, so that not even her daily way of life went unnoticed. |
| 43 so he gave a command that she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no public affairs. Her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in private life every day was concealed. | 43 So he ordered her to stay within the palace and not meddle with matters of authority. Her guards took care that nothing she did in her everyday life was hidden from him. |
| 44 ταῦτα πάντα κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξηγρίου αὐτὴν καὶ μῖσος ἐπεφύετο· φρονήματος γὰρ ἔμπλεως οὖσα γυναικείου τὰς ἐκ τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἐπιμελείας ἀνηξιοπάθει, παντὸς οὑτινοσοῦν ἀξιοῦσαto think worthy μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς παρρησίας στερομένη τιμῆς εὐπρεπείᾳ μετὰ δουλείας καὶ φόβων καταζῆν. | 44 All of this gradually drove her to fury, and a deep hatred grew within her. Being full of womanly pride, she resented the surveillance born of suspicion, preferring anything else to living out her life in a state of slavery and fear, even if it were under the guise of honor and the deprivation of her freedom of speech. |
| 44 All these hardships put her out of patience, by little and little and she began to hate Herod; for as she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befall her, than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state of slavery and terror. | 44 Little by little all this wore her down, and she began to hate Herod, for as she was chock full of womanly pride she was furious at this suspicious watch kept on her, wishing rather to undergo anything whatsoever than be deprived of her freedom of speech, and, under the fiction of a guard of honour, to live in a state of slavery and terror. |
| 45 ἔπεμπεν οὖν παρὰ τὴν ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐν οἷς εἴη συνεχὲς ὀδυρομένη καὶ παρακαλοῦσα προσβοηθεῖν αὐτῇ κατὰ δύναμιν. ἡ δὲ λαθοῦσαν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt σὺν τῷ παιδὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀποδιδράσκειν. | 45 She sent word, therefore, to Cleopatra, continually lamenting her situation and urging her to help to the best of her power. Cleopatra instructed her to flee secretly to Egypt with her son. |
| 45 She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleopatra hereupon advised her to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt. | 45 So she sent to Cleopatra, complaining repeatedly of her circumstances and imploring her to help her in any way she could. So she [Cleopatra] advised her to take her son with her and hurry away to her in Egypt. |
| 46 ἐδόκει ταῦτα καὶ τεχνάζεται τοιάδε· δύο λάρνακας ὡς εἰς ἐκκομιδὴν νεκρῶν παρασκευασαμένη ταύταις αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐνέβαλεν, ἐπιτάξασα τῶν οἰκετῶν τοῖς συνειδόσιν διὰ νυκτὸς ἐκφέρειν. ἦν δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ θάλατταν ὁδὸς αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖον, ὃ διαπλεύσειν εἰς τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἔμελλεν, παρεσκευασμένον. | 46 Alexandra approved of this and devised the following trick: she prepared two coffins as if for the carrying out of corpses and placed herself and her son into them, having ordered those servants who were in on the secret to carry them out by night. From there, the road led to the sea, where a ship was prepared to sail them to Egypt. |
| 46 This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for getting away: She got two coffins made, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies and put herself into one, and her son into the other and gave orders to such of her servants as knew of her intentions to carry them away in the night time. Now their road was to be thence to the sea-side and there was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt. | 46 This advice was accepted and she planned it as follows. She had two coffins made as if to transport two corpses, and put herself into one and her son into the other. She ordered those of her servants who were in the know to take them away by night. Their route was to be from there to the coast, where a ship was ready to take them to Egypt. |
| 47 ταῦτα ΣαββίωνιSabbion τῶν ἐκείνης φίλων ΑἴσωποςAesop οἰκέτης αὐτῆς ἀπαγγέλλει προπεσὼν ὡς εἰδότι φράσαι. πυθόμενος δὲ ΣαββίωνSabbion, καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἐχθρὸςhateful ἩρώδουHerod [πρότερον], ὅτι τῶν ἐπιβουλευσάντων ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater κατὰ τὴν φαρμακείαν εἷς ἐνομίζετο, τὸ μῖσος ὑπαλλάξεσθαι τῇ περὶ τὴν μήνυσιν εὐνοίᾳ προσεδόκησεν καὶ καταλέγει τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ἐπιβουλήν. | 47 However, Aesop, one of her servants, reported this to Sabbion, one of her friends, blurting it out under the assumption that Sabbion already knew. When Sabbion heard this—and he was already an enemy of Herod, considered one of those who had plotted against [Herod's father] Antipater by poisoning—he expected to trade his old hatred for favor by turning informant. He revealed Alexandra's plot to the King. |
| 47 Now Aesop, one of her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, one of her friends, and spake of this matter to him, as thinking he had known of it before. When Sabion knew this, (who had formerly been an enemy of Herod, and had been esteemed one of those that laid snares for and gave the poison to [his father] Antipater,) he expected that this discovery would change Herod’s hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this private stratagem of Alexandra: | 47 When Aesop, one of her servants, happened to meet Sabbion, one of her friends, he spoke to him of the affair thinking he was already aware of it. When Sabbion (who had formerly been hostile to Herod and been regarded as one of the plotters who gave the poison to Antipater) heard it, he told the king of Alexandra’s scheme expecting that telling him would change his hatred for him to goodwill. |
| 48 ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἕως τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἐάσας προελθεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ τοῦ δρασμοῦ συνέλαβεν, παρῆκεν δὲ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν, χαλεπὸν μὲν οὐδέν, εἰ καὶ σφόδρα βουλομένῳ ἦν αὐτῷ, διαθεῖναι τολμήσας, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν μίσει λαβοῦσαν, ἐμφαίνων δὲ μεγαλοψυχίαν μᾶλλον ἐξ ἐπιεικείας αὐτοῖς συνεγνωκέναι. | 48 Herod allowed the attempt to proceed until the very moment of action so he could catch her in the act of fleeing (ep’ autophōrō). Yet he let the offense pass, not daring to inflict any harsh punishment—even though he very much wished to—for he knew Cleopatra would not tolerate it if she had such a cause for hatred against him. Instead, he made a show of high-mindedness, as if he had forgiven them out of clemency. |
| 48 whereupon he suffered her to proceed to the execution of her project, and caught her in the very fact; but still he passed by her offense; and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not bear that he should have her accused, on account of her hatred to him; but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and his great moderation, that made him forgive them. | 48 He [Herod] let her proceed with her project and caught her in the act and then pardoned her offence. Although he had a great wish to do so, he dared not punish her severely, for he knew that Cleopatra would not endure it, due to her hatred of him. So he let it appear that it was his magnanimity and fairness that made him pardon them. |
| 49 προύκειτο μέντοι παντάπασιν αὐτῷ τὸ μειράκιον ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι, τὸ δὲ μὴ ταχὺ μηδ᾽ ἅμα τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ἐδόκει πιθανώτερον εἰς τὸ λανθάνειν. | 49 Nevertheless, it remained his absolute intention to put the youth [Aristobulus] out of the way; but he judged that doing it not too quickly, nor immediately following these events, would be more persuasive for keeping the deed hidden." |
| 49 However, he fully proposed to himself to put this young man out of the way, by one means or other; but he thought he might in all probability be better concealed in doing it, if he did it not presently, nor immediately after what had lately happened. | 49 Still, he was determined one way or another to be rid of the youth but thought the act would be better concealed if he did not do it soon after what had lately occurred. |
Josephus describes Herod’s palace as a place where "λανθάνοντος οὐδʼ εἴ τι" (nothing went unnoticed). This is one of the earliest descriptions of a domestic "police state." Alexandra was not in a dungeon; she was in a gilded cage where her "καθʼ ἡμέραν δίαιταν" (daily diet/routine) was a matter of state security. This level of surveillance is what pushes her from political rival to desperate fugitive.
The Coffin Gambit
The escape plan is ingenious: using "λάρνακας" (coffins/chests) to smuggle living royalty past the guards. In antiquity, the dead were carried out of the city for burial, and interfering with a funeral was a major religious taboo. Alexandra banked on the guards' hesitation to inspect a corpse to make her exit.
The Psychology of the Informant: Sabbion
The character of Sabbion is a masterclass in the realpolitik of the era. He was already a marked man because of his involvement in the murder of Herod's father, Antipater. He realizes that "τὸ μῖσος ὑπαλλάξεσθαι" (exchanging hatred for favor) is his only path to survival. In Herod’s world, loyalty was a commodity that could be traded to clear one's "criminal record."
Catching them "In the Act" (Ep’ autophōrō)
Herod’s decision to let the escape proceed until the final moment is a classic power move. By catching her "ἐπʼ αὐτοφώρῳ" (red-handed), he stripped Alexandra of any "plausible deniability." He didn't want to just stop her; he wanted to own her through the shame of her failed flight.
The "Clemency" Mask (Megalopsychia)
Josephus is cynical about Herod’s "forgiveness." Herod doesn't spare Alexandra out of mercy, but out of fear of Cleopatra. By framing his restraint as "μεγαλοψυχίαν" (magnanimity/high-mindedness), Herod successfully managed his public image while biding his time. He understood that a direct execution would be a political disaster, but an "accident" later would be perfect.
The "Slow Play" of Murder
The final sentence of the passage is chilling. Herod decides that murdering Aristobulus "μὴ ταχὺ" (not quickly) is the best way to keep the secret. This sets the stage for the famous "drowning" at Jericho. Herod realized that the proximity of the escape attempt and a sudden death would look suspicious, so he waited for a festive, public occasion to provide "cover" for the boy's disappearance.
| 50 Καὶ τῆς ἐπεχούσης, ἑορτὴ δέ ἐστιν αὕτη παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εἰς τὰ μάλιστα τηρουμένη, ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας ὑπερεβάλλετο καὶ πρὸς εὐφροσύναις αὐτός τε καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἦν. ἐκίνησεν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὅμως κἀκ τῶν τοιούτων ἐπισπεῦσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν προαίρεσιν ἐμφανῶς παροξύνων ὁ φθόνος. | 50 "When the Feast of Tabernacles (Sukkot) was being celebrated—a festival which is observed among us with the greatest care—Herod put aside his previous actions for these days, and both he and the rest of the multitude were given over to rejoicing. Yet even from such scenes, envy moved him to hasten his resolution, openly provoking his malice. |
| 50 And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed among us, he let those days pass over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him cause him to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it; | 50 At the approach of Tabernacles, a festival much observed among us, he waited until the days when both he and the rest of the people who made merry had passed. But the envy which arose in him at this time caused him to carry out his plan all the sooner. |
| 51 τὸ γὰρ μειράκιον ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἕβδομον ἐπὶ τοῖς δέκα γεγονὸς ἔτος, ἐπειδὴ κατὰ τὸν νόμον ἀνῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν συντελέσων τὰ θύματα, τόν τε κόσμον ἔχων τὸν τῶν ἀρχιερέων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν θρησκείαν ἐκτελῶν, κάλλει τε κάλλιστος καὶ μεγέθει πλέον ἢ πρὸς τὴν ἡλικίαν ὑπεράγων, τοῦ γε μὴν περὶ τὸ γένος ἀξιώματος πλεῖστον ἐν τῇ μορφῇ διαφαίνων, | 51 For the youth Aristobulus, having reached his seventeenth year, when according to the law he went up to the altar to perform the sacrifices, wore the full regalia of the High Priests and carried out the religious rites. Being most beautiful in his beauty and exceeding his age in stature, he displayed the full dignity of his lineage in his very form. |
| 51 for when this youth Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, according to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high priesthood, and when he performed the sacred offices, he seemed to be exceedingly comely, and taller than men usually were at that age, and to exhibit in his countenance a great deal of that high family he was sprung from,— | 51 For when this youth Aristobulus, now in the seventeenth year of age, went up to the altar adorned as high priest to offer the sacrifices required by the law, and when in performing the sacred offices, he appeared very handsome and taller than average for his age and his face seemed full of the noble birth from which he came, |
| 52 ὁρμή τε τῷ πλήθει πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας ἐγένετο καὶ τῶν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous τῷ πάππῳ πεπραγμένων ἐναργὴςvisible ἡ μνήμη παρέστη, νικώμενοί τε κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξηλέγχοντο τὰς διαθέσεις χαίροντες ὁμοῦ καὶ συγχεόμενοι καὶ φωνὰς εὐφήμους εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφιέντες εὐχαῖς μεμιγμένας, ὡς ἐμφανῆ γενέσθαι τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων καὶ προπετεστέραν ἐν βασιλείᾳ δοκεῖν τὴν ὧν πεπόνθεσαν ὁμολογίαν. | 52 An impulse of goodwill from the multitude toward him arose, and a vivid memory of the deeds of his grandfather, Aristobulus, stood before them. Overcome little by little, they revealed their feelings, being both joyful and deeply moved, sending forth auspicious voices toward him mixed with prayers, so that the goodwill of the crowds became manifest; indeed, their open acknowledgment of what they felt seemed too hasty for a kingdom [under Herod]. |
| 52 a warm zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their joyful acclamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evident; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his family than was fit under a monarchy to have done. | 52 then a wave of affection toward him appeared among the people. With the memory of the deeds of his grandfather Aristobulus fresh in their minds, their feelings for him made them unable to conceal their preference for him. They were both glad and emotional, and mixed their joyful acclamations with good wishes, until the people’s love for him was all too evident. They proclaimed the prosperity they had received from his family more than was fitting under a king. |
| 53 ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅπασιν ἩρώδηςHerod ἔγνω τὴν προαίρεσιν, ἣν εἶχεν εἰς τὸ μειράκιον, ἐξεργάσασθαι. Καὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἱστιᾶτο μὲν ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho δεχομένης αὐτοὺς τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra, φιλοφρονούμενος δὲ τὸ μειράκιον καὶ προέλκων εἰς ἀδεῆ πότον ἕτοιμοςprepared ἦν συμπαίζειν καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι κεχαρισμένως ἐκείνῳ. | 53 Because of all this, Herod decided to carry out the resolution he had against the youth. After the festival had passed, he was feasted in Jericho, where Alexandra was receiving them; showing kindness to the youth and drawing him into a relaxed bout of drinking, Herod was ready to play along and act with a youthful spirit to please him. |
| 53 Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was then very pleasant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same time played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. | 53 All this spurred Herod to carry out his intentions against the youth. When the festival ended and he was feasting at Jericho with Alexandra, who entertained them there, he was very pleasant to the young man and took him aside for a drink and conversed with him in a youthful and playful manner. |
| 54 τοῦ δὲ περὶ τὸν τόπον ἰδιώματος θερινωτέρου τυγχάνοντος συνειλεγμένοι τάχιον ἐξῆλθον ἀλύοντες, καὶ ταῖς κολυμβήθραις ἐπιστάντες, αἳ μεγάλαι περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ἐτύγχανον, ἀνέψυχον τὸ θερμότατον τῆς μεσημβρίας. | 54 Since the character of that location happens to be quite hot in summer, they went out together rather quickly to wander about. Standing by the swimming pools, which happened to be large and situated around the courtyard, they cooled themselves during the hottest part of midday. |
| 54 Now the nature of that place was hotter than ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish-ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was in the midst of a hot day. | 54 As the place was extremely hot, they soon went out in a group in a light-hearted mood, and as they were beside the large bathing pools around the courtyard, they went to cool themselves from the midday heat. |
| 55 καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἑώρων τοὺς νέοντας τῶν οἰκετῶν καὶ φίλων, ἔπειτα προαχθέντος καὶ τοῦ μειρακίου τῷ καὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd παροξῦναι, τῶν φίλων οἷς ταῦτα ἐπιτέτακτο σκότους ἐπέχοντος βαροῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ βαπτίζοντες ὡς ἐν παιδιᾷ νηχόμενον οὐκ ἀνῆκαν, ἕως καὶ παντάπασιν ἀποπνῖξαι. | 55 At first, they watched the servants and friends who were swimming. Then, the youth having been led forward [into the water] and Herod having also encouraged it, those friends to whom this task had been assigned—as darkness was falling—kept pressing him down and plunging him under (baptizontes) as if in play while he was swimming, and they did not let him up until they had completely suffocated him. |
| 55 At first they were only spectators of Herod’s servants and acquaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod’s acquaintance, as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swimming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was entirely suffocated. | 55 At first they just looked on at the young household servants and friends but after a while, prompted by Herod, the young man joined them in the water and then, while as he was swimming those of the friends assigned to it dipped him under in the dark waters as if doing so only in sport and did not let up until he drowned. |
| 56 καὶ διεφθάρη μὲν οὕτως ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus, ὀκτωκαίδεκα μὲν οὐ πάντα βιοὺς ἔτη, τὴν δ᾽ ἱερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐνιαυτόν, ἣν ἈνάνηλοςAnanelus ἐκομίσατο πάλιν. | 56 Thus was Aristobulus destroyed, not having lived even eighteen full years, and having held the Priesthood for one year, which Ananelus then received again." |
| 56 And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen years, and kept the high priesthood one year only; which high priesthood Ananelus now recovered again. | 56 That is how Aristobulus was killed, after living for eighteen years in all, and holding the high priesthood for just one year, an office now restored to Ananelus. |
The description of Aristobulus at the altar is crucial. When the crowd saw him in the "κόσμον" (regalia/ornaments) of the High Priest, they didn't just see a boy; they saw the restoration of the Hasmonean dynasty. Josephus notes that his beauty and stature made the memory of his grandfather "ἐναργὴς" (vivid/visible). This public adoration was the "trigger" for Herod. In Herod’s mind, if the people loved the High Priest this much, the King’s own position was illegitimate and temporary.
The Location: Jericho's "Winter Palace"
Jericho is the lowest city on Earth and remains incredibly hot even when Jerusalem is cool. Herod’s palace there was a marvel of Roman-style luxury, featuring massive "κολυμβήθραις" (swimming pools). Archeology has actually uncovered these pools at the site of Tulul Abu el-'Alayiq. They were large enough for competitive swimming, making them the perfect setting for a "drowning accident" that could be blamed on "youthful exuberance."
The Word Baptizontes
Josephus uses the word "βαπτίζοντες" to describe the murder. While we associate this word with "baptism," in classical Greek it simply means "to dip" or "to submerge." Here, it carries a sinister weight: the "friends" were submerging the boy as if in a game (hōs en paidia). This detail shows the calculated cruelty of the assassins—they maintained the "playful" facade of a pool party even as they were murdering the High Priest.
The Timing: "As Darkness was Falling"
Josephus notes that the drowning occurred "σκότους ἐπέχοντος" (as darkness was falling). This provided the necessary visual confusion. In the twilight, it was easy to claim that no one saw the boy was in trouble or that the "play" had gone too far.
Herod’s Role: The "Youthful" Actor
Herod’s behavior before the murder is particularly chilling. He was "συμπαίζειν καὶ νεανιεύεσθαι" (playing along and acting youthful). He lowered the boy’s guard by pretending to be a peer rather than a suspicious king. This psychological manipulation is a hallmark of Herod’s "hospitality"—he was never more dangerous than when he was being most friendly.
The Return of Ananelus
The final sentence—that the Priesthood went back to Ananelus—completes the political circle. By killing Aristobulus, Herod successfully "reset" the Priesthood to his own hand-picked, non-Hasmonean puppet. He had successfully tested the waters of public opinion, found them dangerous, and "cleansed" the threat.
| 57 Ἐξαγγελθέντος δὲ τοῦ πάθους ταῖς γυναιξὶν εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ μεταβολῆς θρῆνος ἦν ἐπὶ προκειμένῳ τῷ νεκρῷ καὶ πένθος ἄσχετον, ἥ τε πόλις τοῦ λόγου διαδοθέντος ὑπερήλγει πάσης ἑστίαςhome,hearth οἰκειουμένης τὴν συμφορὰν ὡς οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίῳ γενομένην. | 57 "When the calamity was announced to the women, there was an immediate transformation into wailing over the corpse as it lay before them, and their grief was unrestrained. As the word spread, the entire city was in deep pain, every household making the disaster its own as if it had not happened to a stranger. |
| 57 When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon changed to lamentation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and their sorrow was immoderate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the spreading of this news, were in very great grief, every family looking on this calamity as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain. | 57 When the tragedy was told to the women, their joy instantly changed and their grieving lamentation was boundless on seeing his corpse lying there. There was great grief in the city too when the news spread, with every family mourning his fate as if it had happened to them. |
| 58 ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκπαθὴς ἦν συνέσει τῆς ἀπωλείας, τὸ μὲν ἀλγοῦν ἐκ τοῦ γινώσκειν ὅπως ἐπράχθη πλεῖον ἔχουσα, τὸ δ᾽ ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἀναγκαῖον ἐπὶ μείζονος κακοῦ προσδοκίᾳ ποιουμένη. | 58 Alexandra was even more overcome with passion by her understanding of the loss; her pain was greater because she knew exactly how it had been done, yet she judged it necessary to endure it in the expectation of an even greater evil. |
| 58 But Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her sorrow was greater than that of others, by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she was under the necessity of bearing up under it, out of her prospect of a greater mischief that might otherwise follow; | 58 Alexandra was the most grief-stricken at his demise, all the more so from knowing how it had been committed, but she was forced to bear up under it, as the lesser evil. |
| 59 καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἦλθεν αὐτοχειρίᾳ περιγράψασθαι τὸν βίον, ἐπέστη δ᾽ ὅμως, εἰ δύναιτο ζῶσα προσαρκέσαι τῷ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὰς ἀνόμως διεφθαρμένῳ, τό τε πλέον ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῇ παρεκρότει τὸν βίον, καὶ τὸ μηδεμίαν ὑποψίαν ἐνδοῦναι τοῦ κατὰ πρόνοιαν ἀπολέσθαι τὸν υἱὸν ἱκανὸν εἰς εὐκαιρίαν ἀμύνης ἐνόμιζε. | 59 Indeed, she often came close to ending her life with her own hand, but she held back in the hope that she might, by living, provide justice for him who had been lawlessly destroyed by treachery. This thought, more than anything else, encouraged her to continue living; for she believed that by giving no suspicion that her son had perished by design, she would find a sufficient opportunity for revenge. |
| 59 and she oftentimes came to an inclination to kill herself with her own hand, but still she restrained herself, in hopes she might live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus privately committed; nay, she further resolved to endeavor to live longer, and to give no occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed that she might thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity. | 59 Though often tempted to put an end to her own life she refrained in hopes of living long enough to revenge the unjust and premeditated murder. And so she went on with her life, giving no reason to suspect that she knew how her son had been deliberately killed and hoping to be able to avenge it when the opportunity arose. |
| 60 κἀκείνη μὲν ἐγκρατῶς ἔφερε τὴν ὑποψίαν. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔξωθεν πιθανῶς ἀπεσκευάζετο, μὴ μετὰ προνοίας γενέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ τὸν θάνατον, οὐχ ὅσα πρὸς πένθος ἐπιτηδεύων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δάκρυσι χρώμενος καὶ σύγχυσινconfusion τῆς ψυχῆς ἐμφαίνων ἀληθινήν, τάχα μὲν καὶ τοῦ πάθους ἀπονικῶντος αὐτὸν ἐν ὄψει τῆς τε ὥρας καὶ τοῦ κάλλους, εἰ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ὁ θάνατος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐνομίζετο, δῆλον δ᾽ ὡς ἀπολογίαν αὐτὰ πραγματευόμενος. | 60 Thus, she bore her suspicion with self-control. Herod, for his part, persuasively tried to cast off the idea among all those outside that the boy’s death had happened by design. He did this not only by performing all the outward rites of mourning but also by using tears and displaying a true confusion of soul. Perhaps the tragedy actually overcame him in the sight of the youth's prime and beauty—even if the death of the boy was considered necessary for his own security—but it was clear he was stage-managing these things as his defense. |
| 60 Thus did she restrain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavored that none abroad should believe that the child’s death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but fell into tears also, and exhibited a real confusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child’s countenance so young and so beautiful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security. | 60 So she resolutely kept her suspicions hidden. Herod sought to ensure that no one would link the boy’s death to him and not only went into mourning, but also wept and appeared deeply distressed, and perhaps he really did feel that way, looking at the lad’s young and beautiful face, even though the death had been to secure his own position and his concern was clearly to shield himself from blame. |
| 61 τά γε μὴν εἰς τὴν πολυτέλειαν τῆς ἐκφορᾶς καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπεδείξατο, πολλὴν μὲν τὴν παρασκευὴν περὶ τε τὰς θήκας καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν θυμιαμάτων ποιησάμενος, πολὺν δὲ συγκαταθάπτων κόσμον, ὡς ἐκπλῆξαι τὸ λυπηρὸν τῆς ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀλγηδόνος καὶ παραμυθήσασθαι τούτῳ τῷ μέρει. | 61 Moreover, he made a great display of the magnificence of the funeral, making vast preparations regarding the tombs and the quantity of incense, and burying a great deal of finery with him, so as to overwhelm the sorrow and pain among the women and to offer comfort in this manner." |
| 61 So far at least this grief served as to make some apology for him; and as for his funeral, that he took care should be very magnificent, by making great preparation for a sepulcher to lay his body in, and providing a great quantity of spices, and burying many ornaments together with him, till the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, were astonished at it, and received in this way some consolation. | 61 He arranged a magnificent funeral, making great preparations for the burial vault and providing a large quantity of spices and burying many ornaments along with him, so that even in their deep sorrow the women were impressed and in some way consoled by it. |
Josephus notes that the city adopted the disaster "ὡς οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀλλοτρίῳ" (as if not to a stranger). This highlights the unique status of the Hasmoneans. To the Jewish public, Aristobulus was not just a high official; he was the personification of their national identity. His death signaled the final flickering out of the Maccabean glory, and the city’s mourning was a silent protest against Herod’s "new order."
Alexandra’s "Strategic Silence"
Alexandra’s reaction is a masterclass in survival. She is "ἐκπαθὴς" (out of her mind with passion), yet she chooses "ἐγκαρτερεῖν" (to endure). She realizes that if she accuses Herod openly now, she will be the next to die. Her "self-control" (ἐγκρατῶς) is actually a weapon; by pretending to believe it was an accident, she stays alive to write the letters to Cleopatra that will eventually bring Herod before a Roman tribunal.
Herod’s "True Confusion"
One of the most fascinating psychological insights is Josephus’s suggestion that Herod’s grief might have been "ἀληθινήν" (true/genuine) in the moment. Herod was a man of intense, often contradictory emotions. He could order a murder for "security" (ἀσφάλειαν) and yet be genuinely moved by the physical beauty and youth of the victim. This "monstrous sensitivity" makes Herod a far more complex villain than a simple cold-blooded killer.
The "Defense" of Tears
Despite any genuine feeling, Josephus is clear that Herod was "πραγματευόμενος" (stage-managing/engineering) his grief. In the ancient world, public weeping was a vital part of a legal defense. By appearing devastated, Herod was building a "plausible deniability" wall. If he truly hated the boy, the logic went, he wouldn't be crying this hard.
Funerary Bribery: "Overwhelming the Sorrow"
Herod attempted to "buy off" the grief of the Hasmonean women with "πολυτέλειαν" (extravagance). The use of massive amounts of "θυμιαμάτων" (incense) and burying "κόσμον" (finery/jewelry) was a classic Herodian tactic: replacing genuine political legitimacy with overwhelming material display. He hoped that the sheer scale of the funeral would distract the public from the suspicious circumstances of the death.
The Incense as a Mask
In ancient funerals, incense served a practical purpose (masking the smell of decay), but here it serves a metaphorical one. Herod is "smoking out" the suspicion. The "quantity of incense" symbolizes the cloud of propaganda he is blowing over the murder.
| 62 τὴν δ᾽ ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἥττησε μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν τοιούτων, ἀεὶ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἡ μνήμη τοῦ κακοῦ παρέχουσα τὴν ὀδύνην ὀδυρτικὴν ἐποίει καὶ φιλόνεικον, καὶ γράφει τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἩρώδουHerod τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra καὶ τὴν ἀπώλειαν τοῦ παιδός. | 62 "But none of these things [Herod's displays of grief] moved Alexandra; instead, the memory of the evil, always providing fresh pain, made her both lamenting and contentious, and she wrote to Cleopatra regarding Herod's plot and the destruction of the boy. |
| 62 However, no such things could overcome Alexandra’s grief; but the remembrance of this miserable case made her sorrow, both deep and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; | 62 However, none of this could ease Alexandra’s sorrow, but the memory of the tragedy made her grief both deep and obstinate. She wrote to Cleopatra about Herod’s treachery and of how he had done away with her son. |
| 63 ἡ δὲ καὶ πάλαι σπεύδουσα προσαρκέσαι δεομένῃ καὶ τὰς ἀτυχίας οἰκτείρουσα τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra αὐτῆς ἐποιεῖτο τὸ πᾶν πρᾶγμα καὶ ἈντώνιονAntōny οὐκ ἀνίει τίσασθαι τὸν φόνον τοῦ παιδὸς παροξύνουσα· οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον ἩρώδηνHerōd δι᾽ αὐτοῦ καταστάντα βασιλέα τῆς οὐδὲν προσηκούσης ἀρχῆς εἰς τοὺς ὄννως βασιλεῖς τοιαύτας ἐπιδείκνυσθαι παρανομίας. | 63 Cleopatra, who had long been eager to assist her in her need and pitied Alexandra’s misfortunes, made the whole matter her own. She did not cease urging Antony to punish the murder of the youth, arguing that it was not right for Herod—having been established by Antony as king of a realm to which he had no claim—to display such lawlessness against those who were truly of royal blood. |
| 63 but Cleopatra, as she had formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction she could, and commiserating Alexandra’s misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him to punish the child’s murder; for that it was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had been by him made king of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in reality. | 63 She, who pitied the misfortunes of Alexandra and had in the past done all she could to help her, made the case her own. Enraged by the boy’s murder, she gave Antony no peace about it, since it was not right that Herod, whom he had helped to make king of a kingdom that in no way belonged to him, should commit such terrible crimes against those who really were of the royal line. |
| 64 τούτοις ἀναπειθόμενος ἈντώνιοςAntony ὡς ἐπὶ Λαοδικείας ἐστάλη, πέμπει κελεύων ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐλθόντα τῶν εἰς ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἀπολύσασθαι· πεπρᾶχθαι γὰρ οὐκ ὀρθῶς τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, εἰ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ γέγονεν. | 64 Antony was persuaded by these arguments amd was dispatched toward Laodicea. He sent word commanding Herod to come and clear himself of the charges regarding Aristobulus; for he said the plot had not been rightly carried out, if indeed it had happened through him. |
| 64 Antony was persuaded by these arguments; and when he came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make his defense, as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous design was not well done, if he had any hand in it. | 64 Antony was persuaded by this and when he came to Laodicea he sent orders for Herod to come and answer for what he had done to Aristobulus, since if he had any hand in such a plot, he had done a great wrong. |
| 65 ὁ δὲ τήν τε αἰτίαν δεδοικὼς καὶ τὴν ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra δυσμένειαν, ὡς οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἐξεργαζομένη κακῶς αὐτῷ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἔχειν, ἔγνω μὲν ὑπακούειν, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἄλλο τι πράττειν ἐνῆν, καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν θεῖον αὐτοῦ ἸώσηπονJoseph ἐπίτροπον τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων ἐνετείλατο λεληθότως, εἰ πάθοι τι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony, παραχρῆμα καὶ τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀνελεῖν· | 65 Herod, fearing both the accusation and the hostility of Cleopatra—who never ceased working to make Antony ill-disposed toward him—decided he must obey, for there was nothing else to be done. However, leaving behind his uncle Joseph as governor of the kingdom and of affairs there, he gave him a secret instruction: if he should suffer anything at the hands of Antony, he was to kill Mariamne immediately. |
| 65 Herod was now in fear, both of the accusation, and of Cleopatra’s ill-will to him, which was such that she was ever endeavoring to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it. So he left his uncle Joseph procurator for his government, and for the public affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also should kill Mariamne immediately; | 65 Frightened by the charge and by the ill-will of Cleopatra, who was always speaking evil of him to Antony, he decided to obey, as he had no way to avoid the summons. So he left his uncle Joseph to take care of the kingdom and all his affairs, with private instructions that if he suffered at the hands of Antony, Mariamne should immediately be killed too. |
| 66 αὐτός τε γὰρ ἔχειν φιλοστόργως πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ δεδοικέναι τὴν ὕβριν, εἰ καὶ τεθνηκότος ἐκείνη κατ᾽ εὐμορφίαν ἄλλῳ τινὶ σπουδάζοιτο. | 66 For he said that he was affectionately disposed toward his wife and feared the insult if, even after his death, she should be sought after by another on account of her beauty. |
| 66 for that he had a tender affection for this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some other man: | 66 For he loved his wife with passion and feared the affront to himself if, after his death, she should start afresh with some other man, on account of her beauty. |
| 67 τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐνέφαινεν ὁρμὴν ἈντωνίουAntōny περὶ τὴν ἄνθρωπον, ὅτι καὶ πάλαι παρακηκοὼς ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐμορφίας ἐτύγχανεν. ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν [οὖν] ἐπιστείλας ταῦτα καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς ἔχων ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀπῄει πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny. | 67 Everything indicated that Antony had an impulse toward the woman, for he had long ago heard reports concerning her fair form. Herod, therefore, having given these orders and having no secure hopes regarding the whole situation, departed to meet Antony." |
| 67 but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of her beauty. So when Herod had given Joseph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony. | 67 The basis for his anxiety was that Antony had fallen in love with her as soon as he had gotten some word about her beauty. When Herod had given these instructions, and with no certainty that he would escape with his life, he went off to Antony. |
Cleopatra’s rhetoric against Herod is legally sharp. She frames the conflict not just as a murder, but as a violation of the natural order. By calling the Hasmoneans "τοὺς ὄντως βασιλεῖς" (those truly kings) and Herod the ruler of a realm "οὐδὲν προσηκούσης" (to which he had no claim/connection), she strikes at Herod’s greatest insecurity: his lack of legitimate lineage. To Cleopatra, Herod is a "middle-manager" who just murdered the "rightful owner."
Laodicea: The Imperial Court
Antony was in Laodicea (modern Latakia, Syria) preparing for his Parthian campaign. Summoning a client king to such a location was a formal legal procedure. Herod was being treated not as a sovereign ally, but as a subordinate official facing a performance review. The phrase "πεπρᾶχθαι γὰρ οὐκ ὀρθῶς" (it was not rightly done) is Roman legalese for "this looks bad for my administration."
The "Posthumous Execution" Order
Herod’s command to his uncle Joseph is one of the most infamous orders in history. He frames it as "φιλοστόργως" (affectionate/loving), but it is a manifestation of extreme narcissistic paranoia. To Herod, Mariamne was a possession so valuable that he would rather she be executed than "insulted" by being possessed by another man—specifically Antony.
The Antony-Mariamne Subtext
Josephus confirms that Herod’s fear of Antony’s lust was not entirely baseless. Antony had a reputation for collecting beautiful women as political trophies. The mention that Antony had "πάλαι παρακηκοὼς" (long ago heard) of Mariamne’s beauty suggests that the Hasmonean looks were famous throughout the Roman world. Herod realized that if he were dead, Mariamne would likely be "annexed" by Antony just like Judean territory.
Joseph: The Proxy and the Victim
By leaving his uncle Joseph (who was also his brother-in-law) in charge, Herod created a volatile situation. Joseph was tasked with a "suicide mission": he was the guardian of a queen he was ordered to kill. This creates the tension for the next scene, where Joseph—trying to prove Herod’s "love" to Mariamne—accidentally reveals the death order, leading to a domestic explosion.
"No Secure Hopes"
Herod’s departure for Laodicea is a rare moment of vulnerability. He leaves "τὰς ἐλπίδας οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς ἔχων" (having no secure hopes). This underscores that despite his power in Jerusalem, he was still a "client" whose life hung on the whim of a Roman general and the mood of an Egyptian queen.
| 68 Ὁ δὲ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως ὢν τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ πραγμάτων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο συνεχὲς ἐντυγχάνων τῇ Μαριάμμῃ περὶ τε τὰς πραγματείας καὶ τιμῆς ἕνεκεν, ἣν ἔδει βασιλευούσῃ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι, καθίει συνεχεῖς ὁμιλίαςsermon ὑπὲρ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτὴν εὐνοίας καὶ φιλοστοργίας. | 68 "Now Joseph, being in charge of the administration of the kingdom's affairs and for this reason frequently meeting with Mariamne—both concerning business and out of the honor which was her due as Queen—engaged in constant conversations regarding Herod's goodwill and affection toward her. |
| 68 But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his business required it, and because of the respects he ought to pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod’s kindness, and great affection towards her; | 68 While Joseph was administering the affairs of the kingdom and was therefore constantly in contact with Mariamne, for practical reasons and to pay his respects to the queen, he frequently spoke about Herod’s fondness and affection for her. |
| 69 ἐξειρωνευομένων δὲ γυναικείως τοὺς λόγους καὶ μάλιστα τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra, ὑπερεσπουδακὼς ὁ ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἐπιδεῖξαι τὴν διάνοιαν τοῦ βασιλέως προήχθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐντολὴν εἰπεῖν, πίστιν αὐτὰ ποιούμενος ὡς οὐδὲ χωρὶς ἐκείνης ζῆν δύναται κἂν εἰ πάσχοι δεινόν τι οὐκ ἀξιοῦντος οὐδὲ θανάτῳ διεζεῦχθαι. | 69 But when the women, and especially Alexandra, responded to his words with womanly irony, Joseph, being exceedingly eager to demonstrate the King’s state of mind, was led so far as to reveal the secret instruction. He offered this as proof that Herod could not live without her, and that even if he should suffer some terrible fate, he did not think it right to be separated from her even by death. |
| 69 and when the women, especially Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous to demonstrate the king’s inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and thence drew his demonstration, that Herod was not able to live without her; and that if he should come to any ill end, he could not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Joseph. | 69 But when the women, and especially Alexandra, mocked his words in a feminine way, Joseph was so keen to prove the kings affection that he explained the order he had been given, as proof that Herod could not live without her, and could not bear to be parted from her, even by death, if his life was taken. |
| 70 ταῦτα μὲν ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες, ὡς εἰκός, οὐ τὸ φιλόστοργον τῆς περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαθέσεως, τὸ δὲ χαλεπόν, εἰ μηδ᾽ ἀποθνήσκοντος ὑστερήσειεν ἀπωλείας καὶ θανάτου τυραννικοῦ, προλαμβάνουσαι χαλεπὴν τὴν ὑπόνοιαν τοῦ ῥηθέντος εἶχον. | 70 Such were the words of Joseph. But the women, as was natural, did not perceive the 'affection' in Herod’s disposition, but rather its cruelty—that even in dying, he would not let her escape destruction and a tyrannical death. Thus, they held a bitter suspicion regarding what had been said. |
| 70 Thus spake Joseph. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to be an instance of Herod’s strong affection for them, but of his severe usage of them, that they could not escape destruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when he was dead himself. And this saying [of Joseph] was a foundation for the women’s severe suspicions about him afterwards. | 70 Those were Joseph’s words; but the women naturally did not take this as proof of Herod’s affection but of his severity, that even when he died they could not escape destruction and tyrannical death. What had been said made them suspicious of him in future. |
| 71 Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ λόγος ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν πόλιν τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem παρὰ τῶν ἐν ἔχθει τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐχόντων, ὡς ἈντώνιοςAntony αἰκισάμενος αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνειεν. ἡ δὲ φήμη πάντας μὲν ἐτάραξεν, ὡς εἰκός, τοὺς περὶ τὸ βασίλειον, μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας. | 71 In the meantime, a rumor spread through the city of Jerusalem among those who held Herod in hatred, claiming that Antony had tortured and executed him. This report naturally threw everyone in the royal court into turmoil, especially the women. |
| 71 At this time a report went about the city Jerusalem among Herod’s enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report, as is natural, disturbed those that were about the palace, but chiefly the women; | 71 Meanwhile a rumour went around among Herod’s enemies in Jerusalem that Antony had tortured and executed him and this report naturally shook the people around the palace, but the women above all. |
| 72 ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra δὲ καὶ τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀναπείθει τῶν βασιλείων ἐξελθόντα σὺν αὐταῖς προσφυγεῖν τοῖς σημείοις τοῦ ῬωμαικοῦRoman τάγματος, ὃ τότε περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ φρουρᾷ τῆς βασιλείας ἐστρατοπέδευεν ἡγουμένου υἱοῦ Ἰούδα· | 72 Alexandra then persuaded Joseph that they should leave the palace and flee with them to the standards of the Roman legion, which was then encamped around the city as a guard for the kingdom under the command of a certain son of Julius. |
| 72 upon which Alexandra endeavored to persuade Joseph to go out of the palace, and fly away with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which then lay encamped about the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the command of Julius; | 72 Alexandra tried to persuade Joseph to leave the palace and escape with them to the ensigns of the Roman legion, which was then encamped around the city, as a guard to the kingdom, under the command of the son of Judah. |
| 73 διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο πρῶτον μέν, εἰ καί τις ἀπαντήσειεν ταραχὴ περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, ἐν ἀσφαλεστέρῳ διάξειν αὐτοὶ ῬωμαίουςRomans εὐμενεῖς ἔχοντες· ἔπειτα καὶ τεύξεσθαι παντὸς ἠλπικέναι τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἈντωνίουAntōny θεασαμένου, δι᾽ οὗ καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλήψεσθαι καὶ μηδενὸς ὑστερήσειν ὧν εἰκὸς τοῖς ἐν εὐγενείᾳ βασιλικῇ γεγονόσιν. | 73 For she argued that, first, if any disturbance should break out around the court, they would live in greater safety with the Romans as friends; and second, she hoped that Mariamne would obtain everything she desired once Antony beheld her—for through him, they would recover the kingdom and lack nothing befitting those born of royal nobility." |
| 73 for that by this means, if any disturbance should happen about the palace, they should be in greater security, as having the Romans favorable to them; and that besides, they hoped to obtain the highest authority, if Antony did but once see Mariamne, by whose means they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing which was reasonable for them to hope for, because of their royal extraction. | 73 For, she said, if any rioting were to take near the palace, they would be more secure by having the Romans on their side and besides, there was every hope, if Antony just saw Mariamne, that through him they could regain the kingdom and then lack for nothing, which was a feasible prospect in view of their royal blood. |
Josephus uses the word "ἐξειρωνευομένων" to describe how Mariamne and Alexandra listened to Joseph’s praise of Herod. They knew Herod’s violent nature perfectly. By meeting Joseph’s flattery with biting irony, they provoked his ego. Joseph, feeling he was "losing the argument," committed the ultimate security breach to win a debate about Herod’s "love."
The Logic of a Tyrant’s "Love"
The ideological clash here is stark. To Joseph (representing the Herodian worldview), the order to kill Mariamne was the ultimate romantic gesture: "He loves you so much he wants you with him in the afterlife." To the Hasmonean women, it was "θανάτῳ τυραννικοῦ" (a tyrannical death). This passage highlights the fundamental incompatibility between Herod’s possessive madness and Mariamne’s desire for autonomy.
The Roman Legion as a Sanctuary
It is a profound irony that Alexandra, a Hasmonean princess whose family once fought for Jewish independence, now views the Roman legion as her safest refuge. This reveals how broken the internal Judean state was; the Roman army was seen as a neutral "referee" that could protect the royal family from the Judean mob or Herod’s own henchmen.
Mariamne as a Political Pawn
Alexandra’s plan is ruthlessly pragmatic. She believes that if Herod is dead, Mariamne’s beauty is her greatest political asset. By bringing Mariamne to Antony, Alexandra hopes to repeat the "Cleopatra strategy"—using a woman's charms to secure a kingdom. To Alexandra, Mariamne was not just a grieving widow, but a "Queen-regnant" waiting to happen.
The Rumor of Torture
The rumor that Antony had "αἰκισάμενος" (tortured) Herod is telling. It reflects the public's perception of Roman-client relations. Even a king like Herod could be treated like a common criminal if he displeased his Roman masters. The fact that the rumor started among Herod's enemies shows how much the Jerusalem populace was rooting for his execution.
The "Son of Julius" (Hyiou Iouliou)
Josephus mentions a Roman commander who was likely a centurion or tribune. The presence of a Roman garrison inside or near the city under Herod's reign is a constant reminder that Herod's "sovereignty" was always backed by Roman pilums. Alexandra's attempt to defect to this garrison would have been seen by Herod as the ultimate act of treason.
| 74 Ἐπὶ τούτων δὲ τῶν λογισμῶν τετυχηκόσιν αὐτοῖς γράμματα παρ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἀφίκετο τῆς φήμης ἐναντία καὶ τῶν προλαληθέντων. | 74 "While they were occupied with these calculations [of fleeing to the Romans], letters arrived from Herod regarding the whole situation, which were contrary both to the rumors and to their previous expectations. |
| 74 But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters were brought from Herod about all his affairs, and proved contrary to the report, and of what they before expected; | 74 But as they were considering this, letters were brought from Herod about all his affairs and quite contrary to what had been said earlier. |
| 75 ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐγένετο παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony, ταχὺ μὲν αὐτὸν ἀνεκτήσατο τοῖς δώροις ἃ φέρων ἧκεν ἐκ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem, ταχὺ δὲ ταῖς ὁμιλίαιςsermon παρεστήσατο χαλεπῶς ἔχειν εἰς αὐτόν, οἵ τε τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra λόγοι πρὸς τὴν ἐξ ἐκείνου θεραπείαν ἧττον ἠδυνήθησαν· | 75 For after he arrived before Antony, he quickly won him over with the gifts he had brought from Jerusalem, and quickly, through his conversations, he persuaded him to lay aside his hostility. Cleopatra’s arguments proved less powerful than the cultivation provided by Herod. |
| 75 for when he was come to Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by the presents he made him, which he had brought with him from Jerusalem; and he soon induced him, upon discoursing with him, to leave off his indignation at him, so that Cleopatra’s persuasions had less force than the arguments and presents he brought to regain his friendship; | 75 For when he came to Antony, he said, he soon regained favour with him through the gifts he had brought with him from Jerusalem, and after some conversation, he soon got him to set aside his anger, so that Cleopatra’s persuasions had less force than the arguments and gifts he had brought to regain his friendship. |
| 76 οὐ γὰρ ἔφη καλῶς ἔχειν ἈντώνιοςAntony βασιλέα περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν γεγενημένων εὐθύνας ἀπαιτεῖνto demand back· οὕτως γὰρ ἂν οὐδὲ βασιλεὺς εἴη· δόντας δὲ τὴν τιμὴν καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας καταξιώσαντας ἐᾶν αὐτῇ χρῆσθαι. τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖσθαι τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς συμφέρειν. | 76 For Antony stated that it was not proper to demand an accounting (euthynas) from a king regarding the affairs of his own government; for in that case, he would not even be a king. He argued that those who had granted the honor and deemed him worthy of authority must allow him to exercise it. He added that it was in Cleopatra’s own interest not to be overly meddlesome in matters of government. |
| 76 for Antony said that it was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the king’s government. | 76 Antony had said that it was not good to hold a king to account about what was done to secure his power, for then he would not be king at all. Rather, those who had given him that authority should let him exercise it. At the same time he told Cleopatra that it would be best for her not to meddle with the government matters. |
| 77 ὑπὲρ τούτων ἩρώδηςHerod ἔγραφεν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας διεξῄει τιμάς, ἃς ἔχοι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνθακῶν ἐν ταῖς διαγνώσεσιν καὶ συνεστιώμενος ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας, καὶ τούτων ὅπως τυγχάνοι χαλεπῆς εἰς τὰς διαβολὰς αὐτῷ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra οὔσης· πόθῳ γὰρ τῆς χώρας ἐξαιτουμένη τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτῇ προσγενέσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν αὐτὸν ἐσπουδάκει ποιεῖσθαι. | 77 Herod wrote concerning these things and detailed the other honors he received: sitting with Antony during his judicial hearings and dining with him every day. He described how he obtained these favors despite Cleopatra’s bitter slanders against him; for in her desire for his territory, she had requested that his kingdom be added to her own and had sought in every way to put him out of the way. |
| 77 Herod wrote an account of these things, and enlarged upon the other honors which he had received from Antony; how he sat by him at his hearing causes, and took his diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those favors from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who having a great desire of his country, and earnestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to her, labored with her utmost diligence to have him out of the way; | 77 Herod wrote of these things and stressed the other honours he had received from Antony; how he sat beside him in the hearing of cases and dined with him every day and that he enjoyed those favours from him, despite Cleopatra’s charges against him, as she wanted his country and implored Antony to add the kingdom to her own, and tried by every means to get rid of him. |
| 78 δικαίου μέντοι τυγχάνων ἈντωνίουAntōny μηδὲν ἔτι δυσχερὲς προσδοκᾶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ θᾶττον ἥξειν βεβαιοτέραν τὴν εὔνοιαν τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ προσειληφὼς τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν. | 78 However, having found Antony to be just, Herod wrote that they should expect nothing further to be troublesome, and that he would return even sooner, having secured a firmer goodwill from Antony for his kingdom and his affairs. |
| 78 but that he still found Antony just to him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard treatment from him; and that he was soon upon his return, with a firmer additional assurance of his favor to him, in his reigning and managing public affairs; | 78 But he had always found Antony fair to him and no longer feared any harm from him, and soon after his return received a further assurance of his favour, regarding his rule and government. |
| 79 καὶ τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μηκέτι προσεῖναι τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς πλεονεξίας ἈντωνίουAntōny δόντος ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἠξίου τὴν κοίλην ΣυρίανSyria καὶ διὰ τούτου παρηγορήσαντος ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀποσκευασαμένου τὰς ἐντεύξεις, ἃς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐποιεῖτο. | 79 Moreover, he noted that Cleopatra no longer held any hope for her greed, as Antony had given her Coele-Syria in exchange for what she had requested, thus comforting her while simultaneously dismissing the petitions she had been making regarding Judea." |
| 79 and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra’s covetous temper, since Antony had given her Celesyria instead of what she had desired; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon her. | 79 He need no longer fear Cleopatra’s greed either, since Antony had given her Coele-Syria instead of what she had asked, thereby pacifying her and putting an end to her pleas to get Judea. |
Antony’s legal justification is a chilling defense of autocracy. He refuses to demand an "εὐθύνας" (accounting/audit)—a term used in Greek democracies for the mandatory review of an official’s conduct. Antony’s logic is that a "King" is defined by the absence of an audit. By protecting Herod's right to murder his own relatives without Roman interference, Antony is reinforcing the idea that a client-king’s primary job is to maintain order, not to be "just."
The Power of "Cultivation" (Therapeia)
Josephus contrasts Cleopatra’s "λόγοι" (arguments/words) with Herod’s "θεραπείαν" (cultivation/service). In the Roman world, therapeia implied a mix of personal attendance, flattery, and—most importantly—"δώροις" (gifts). Herod understood that Antony needed money for his upcoming Parthian War. A dead Herod was a legal headache; a living, wealthy Herod was a bankroll.
"Dining with the Emperor"
Herod highlights that he was "συνεστιώμενος ἐφʼ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας" (dining together every day). In ancient diplomacy, the dinner table was the ultimate seat of power. Access to Antony’s private hours was a signal to everyone in the East that Herod was "untouchable." It was also a direct snub to Cleopatra, who usually dominated Antony’s social calendar.
Coele-Syria as a Consolation Prize
The territorial dispute is resolved through a Roman "buy-off." Cleopatra wanted Judea (specifically the balsam and date groves of Jericho). Antony instead gives her Coele-Syria (the Beqaa Valley and surrounding regions). This was a masterful move by Antony: he satisfied Cleopatra’s "πλεονεξίας" (greed) without destabilizing the strategic "buffer state" of Judea that Herod managed so effectively.
The "Justice" of the Powerful
Herod refers to Antony as "δικαίου" (just). In this context, "just" doesn't mean fair or moral; it means Antony "stuck to the deal." From Herod’s perspective, a just ruler is one who respects the "honor" (timē) of his subordinates and doesn't change the rules of the alliance based on personal complaints.
The False Sense of Security
The letter ends on a triumphant note, but it contains the seeds of Herod’s domestic undoing. Because Herod believes he is now "firmly" established (βεβαιοτέραν), he returns to Jerusalem with his ego inflated. When he discovers that his "secret" (the order to kill Mariamne) has been leaked, his transition from international triumph to domestic tragedy will be instantaneous.
| 80 Τούτων τῶν γραμμάτων ἀπενεχθέντων ἐπαύσαντο μὲν ἐκείνης τῆς ὁρμῆς, ἣν ὡς ἀπολωλότος εἶχον καταφυγεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans, οὐ μὴν ἔλαθεν αὐτῶν ἡ προαίρεσις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ παραπέμψας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπὶ ΠάρθουςParthians εἰς τὴν ἸουδαίανJudea ὑπέστρεψεν, εὐθὺς μὲν ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῷ τὴν διάνοιαν ἣν ἔσχον οἱ περὶ τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ἀπεσήμηναν, | 80 "When these letters were delivered, they [Alexandra and Joseph] ceased the impulse they had to flee to the Romans as if Herod were dead. However, their intention did not remain hidden; for after the King had escorted Antony on his way against the Parthians and returned to Judea, his sister Salome and his mother immediately disclosed to him the plan that Alexandra and her party had formed. |
| 80 When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king had conducted Antony on his way against the Parthians, he returned to Judea, when both his sister Salome and his mother informed him of Alexandra’s intentions. | 80 Once these letters had arrived, the women left off their attempt to flee to the Romans, which they had planned while they supposed he had died. Their intention was not kept a secret, however, for after conducting Antony on his way against the Parthians the king returned to Judea and his sister Salome and his mother soon told him their views about Alexandra. |
| 81 ἡ δὲ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ κατὰ τἀνδρὸς ἸωσήπουJoseph λόγον εἶπεν τὸ ἐν διαβολῇ ποιοῦσα καὶ τῇ Μαριάμμῃ συγγενόμενον διατελεῖν. ἔλεγεν δὲ ταῦτα χαλεπῶς ἔχουσα πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐκ πλείονος, ὅτι κατὰ τὰς διαφορὰς φρονήματι χρωμένη μείζονι τὴν ἐκείνων ἐξωνείδιζεν δυσγένειαν. | 81 Salome, moreover, spoke against her own husband, Joseph, framing her accusation in the form of a slander that he had been in constant sexual intimacy with Mariamne. She said these things because she had long been bitter toward Mariamne; for whenever they had a disagreement, Mariamne, displaying a superior pride, would reproach them for the meanness of their birth. |
| 81 Salome also added somewhat further against Joseph, though it was no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal conversation with Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had differences with one another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproached the rest for the meanness of their birth. | 81 Salome added a calumny against Joseph, that he had often been with Mariamne. She said this because for a long time she had resented the fact that in their disputes Mariamne took the high ground and would mock the others for their lowly birth. |
| 82 ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ θερμῶς ἀεὶ καὶ ἐρωτικῶς πρὸς τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἔχων εὐθὺς ἐξετετάρακτο καὶ τὴν ζηλοτυπίαν οὐκ ἔφερεν, ἐπικρατούμενος δ᾽ ἀεὶ τοῦ μὴ προπετές τι ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask, συντόνῳ τῷ πάθει καὶ τῷ ζήλῳ παρωξυμμένος ἰδίᾳ τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀνέκρινεν ὑπὲρ τῶν πρὸς τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph. | 82 Herod, who was always burning with erotic passion for Mariamne, was immediately thrown into total turmoil. He could not bear the jealousy, yet he continually struggled against doing anything rash because of his love. Still, goaded by intense passion and jealousy, he questioned Mariamne in private concerning her relations with Joseph. |
| 82 But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jealousy together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph; | 82 Herod, whose affection for Mariamne was always very warm, was instantly troubled by this and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was restrained from doing anything rash by his love for her. Still his passion and jealousy together made him ask Mariamne secretly about this matter of Joseph. |
| 83 ἀπομνυμένης δ᾽ ἐκείνης καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα τῇ μηδὲν ἁμαρτούσῃ προσῆν εἰς ἀπολογίαν καταλογιζομένης, ἀνεπείθετο κατὰ μικρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ μετέβαινεν ἐκ τῆς ὀργῆς ἡττώμενος τῆς περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα φιλοστοργίας, ὡς ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ ὧν ἔδοξεν ἀκούσας πεπιστευκέναι καὶ περὶ τῆς κοσμιότητος αὐτῇ πολλὴν ὁμολογεῖν χάριν. | 83 She denied it with an oath and recounted everything that a woman who had committed no wrong would say in her defense. Little by little, the King was persuaded and shifted from his anger, being overcome by his affection for his wife, to the point that he apologized for having believed what he heard and expressed great gratitude for her virtue. |
| 83 but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say in her own defense; so that by little and little the king was prevailed upon to drop the suspicion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a great many acknowledgments of her modest behavior, | 83 She denied it on her oath and said in her own defence all that an innocent woman could possibly say, so that little by little the king was persuaded to drop his suspicion and calm his anger at her. Overcome with his affection for his wife, he apologized to her for seeming to believe the rumours about her and freely acknowledged the graciousness of her behaviour. |
| 84 αὐτός τε ὅπως ἔχοι στοργῆς καὶ εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτὴν ἀνωμολογεῖτο καὶ τέλος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς φιλεῖ, προύπιπτον εἰς δάκρυα μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς ἐμπεφυκότες ἀλλήλοις. | 84 He confessed how much love and goodwill he felt for her, and finally, as is common in erotic matters, they both fell into tears, clinging to each other with great fervor. |
| 84 and professed the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, as is usual between lovers, they both fell into tears, and embraced one another with a most tender affection. | 84 He declared his love and affection for her, until finally, as is usual between lovers, they both began to weep and embraced each other with most tender affection. |
| 85 ἀεὶ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ βασιλέως πιστουμένου τὴν αὐτοῦ διάθεσιν " οὐ φιλοῦντος, εἶπεν ἡ ΜαριάμμηMariamne, τὸ κατὰ τὴν ἐντολήν, εἰ πάσχοι τι χαλεπὸν ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny, κἀμὲ συναπολέσθαι τὴν οὐδενὸς αἰτίαν. | 85 As the King continued to give more and more assurances of his disposition—that he did not merely 'like' her—Mariamne said: 'And what of that command? That if you suffered anything at the hands of Antony, I too, who am guilty of nothing, should perish with you?' |
| 85 But as the king gave more and more assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavored to draw her to a like confidence in him, Mariamne said, "Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me?" | 85 But as the king went on assuring her of his trust in her fidelity and tried to elicit from her a similar trust in him, Mariamne said, "Was it a sign of your love for me when you ordered that if Antony harmed you, I too should die, for no reason?" |
| 86 τούτου προπεσόντος τοῦ λόγου περιπαθήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν αὐτὴν ἀφῆκενto send forth, ἐβόα δὲ καὶ τῶν αὐτὸς ἑαυτοῦ τριχῶν ἐδράττετο, περιφανὲς φώριον ἔχειν τῆς τοῦ ἸωσήπουJoseph πρὸς αὐτὴν κοινωνίας λέγων· | 86 When this word escaped her, the King, overcome with emotion, immediately let her go from his arms. He cried out and tore at his own hair, saying that he now had clear proof of Joseph's intimacy with her; for Joseph would never have revealed what he had heard in private unless there had been a great bond of trust between them. |
| 86 When these words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his own hands, and said, that "now he had an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal conversation" with his wife; | 86 When she let slip these words, the king was shocked and dropped her from his arms and shouted and tore at his hair, saying that now he had clear proof of Joseph’s sexual intercourse with his wife. |
| 87 οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐξειπεῖν ἃ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἤκουσεν μὴ μεγάλης αὐτοῖς πίστεως ἐγγενομένης. οὕτως δ᾽ ἔχων ὀλίγου μὲν ἀπέκτεινε τὴν γυναῖκα, νικώμενος δὲ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρωτιlove ταύτης μὲν τῆς ὁρμῆς ἐκράτησεν ἑαυτοῦ διακαρτερήσας ὀδυνηρῶς καὶ δυσχερῶς, τὸν μέντοι ἸώσηπονJoseph οὐδ᾽ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθόντα διαχρήσασθαι προσέταξεν καὶ τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra ὡς ἁπάντων παραιτίαν δήσας ἐφύλαττενto watch, guard. | 87 In this state, he nearly killed his wife; but being conquered by his love for her, he restrained that impulse, though with painful difficulty. However, he ordered Joseph to be executed without even allowing him into his sight, and he threw Alexandra into chains and kept her under guard as the one responsible for everything." |
| 87 for that he would never have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless there had been such a great familiarity and firm confidence between them. And while he was in this passion he had like to have killed his wife; but being still overborne by his love to her, he restrained this his passion, though not without a lasting grief and disquietness of mind. However, he gave order to slay Joseph, without permitting him to come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this mischief. | 87 For unless there had been such intimacy and trust between them, he would never have revealed what he had told him in confidence. In this fit of passion he could have killed his wife; but still mastered by his love for her, he restrained his passion, though not without lingering grief and inner conflict. But he ordered them to kill Joseph, without letting him come into his sight, and he took Alexandra and kept her in custody, as the reason for all of this harm. |
Josephus provides a crucial sociological motive for the tragedy: "δυσγένειαν" (low birth). Mariamne, a Hasmonean princess, frequently reminded Herod’s family that they were "nobodies" from Idumaea. This class contempt fueled the hatred of Salome (Herod’s sister), who realized the only way to destroy Mariamne was to weaponize Herod’s sexual insecurity.
Herod's Bipolar Passion
The text highlights the "feverish" nature of Herod's mind ("θερμῶς... καὶ ἐρωτικῶς"). He fluctuates between wanting to murder Mariamne and weeping in her arms. Josephus captures a universal psychological truth of the tyrant: his love is indistinguishable from his need for total ownership.
The Logic of the "Great Trust" (Pisteōs)
Herod’s reaction to the leak is logically sound within his paranoid framework. To him, the secret of the "death order" was the ultimate state secret. He could not conceive of Joseph revealing it out of a clumsy attempt at kindness; he could only imagine it was shared in the intimacy of the bedroom. In Herod's world, information is currency, and such a high-value secret could only be traded for sexual favor.
The Accidental Betrayal
Mariamne’s decision to bring up the "death order" during a moment of reconciliation was likely a test of Herod's honesty. She wanted to see if his "tears" and "goodwill" were compatible with a man who had ordered her execution. By speaking the truth at the wrong time, she confirmed Herod's worst fears. Her innocence (her "lack of guilt," as she calls it) was what made the revelation so devastating—she spoke it plainly because she didn't realize the lethal political weight the secret carried.
Joseph as the Scapegoat
The execution of Joseph without an audience ("οὐδʼ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθόντα") is a classic Herodian move. Herod didn't want to hear Joseph's side because any explanation would force him to acknowledge his own cruelty in giving the order. By killing Joseph immediately, he "removed the evidence" of the leak while satisfying his need for blood.
The "Sickness" of the Royal Household
The scene ends with Mariamne spared but the family shattered. Alexandra is in chains, the King's uncle/brother-in-law is dead, and the marriage between Herod and Mariamne is now poisoned by a "clear proof" (phōrion) of betrayal that never actually happened. This is the moment where the "Golden Age" of Herod's early reign officially descends into the "House of Horrors" that would define his later years.
[088-107]
Cleopatra comes to Judea,
and is flattered and bribed by Herod
| 88 Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ΣυρίανSyria ταραχὰς εἶχεν οὐκ ἀνιείσης τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny μὴ πᾶσιν ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try· ἔπειθεν γὰρ ἀφαιρούμενον ἑκάστων τὰς δυναστείας αὐτῇ διδόναι καὶ πλεῖστον ἴσχυεν ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐπιθυμίας. | 88 "In the meantime, the affairs of Syria were in turmoil, as Cleopatra never ceased urging Antony to attack everyone. She persuaded him to strip various rulers of their principalities and give them to her, and she wielded immense power over him because of his desire for her. |
| 88 Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by Cleopatra’s constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every body’s dominions; for she persuaded him to take those dominions away from their several princes, and bestow them upon her; and she had a mighty influence upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections. | 88 By this stage, affairs in Syria were in confusion due to Cleopatra’s frequent requests that Antony take a hand in all her schemes. For she urged him to take the realms of each of the rulers and grant them to her, and her influence was strong because of his passion for her. |
| 89 φύσει δὲ πλεονεξίᾳ χαίρουσα παρανομίας οὐδὲν ἔλιπεν, τὸν μὲν ἀδελφόν, ᾧ τὴν βασιλείαν ᾔδει γενησομένην, προανελοῦσα φαρμάκοις πεντεκαιδέκατον ἔτος ἔχοντα, τὴν δ᾽ ἀδελφὴν ἈρσινόηνArsinoe ἱκετεύουσαν ἐν ἘφέσῳEphesus πρὸς τῷ τῆς ἈρτέμιδοςArtemidos ἀποκτείνασα δι᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny· | 89 Being by nature a lover of greed, she left no lawlessness undone. She had already made away with her brother by poison at the age of fifteen, knowing the kingdom would fall to him; and she had her sister Arsinoe, while a suppliant at the Temple of Artemis in Ephesus, put to death by Antony. |
| 89 She was also by nature very covetous, and stuck at no wickedness. She had already poisoned her brother, because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when she was a supplicant at Diana’s temple at Ephesus; | 89 Greedy and lawless by nature, she had already poisoned her fifteen-year-old brother, whom she feared would become king, and had her sister Arsinoe killed by Antony, as she was praying at Diana’s temple at Ephesus. |
| 90 χρημάτων μὲν γὰρ εἵνεκεν, εἴ που μόνον ἐλπισθείη, καὶ ναοὶ καὶ τάφοι παρενομήθησαν, οὔθ᾽ ἱεροῦ τινος οὕτως ἀσύλου δόξαντος, ὡς μὴ περιαιρεθῆναι τὸν ἐν αὐτῷ κόσμον, οὔτε βεβήλου μὴ πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything τῶν ἀπηγορευμένωνto forbid παθόντος, εἰ μέλλοι μόνον εἰς εὐπορίαν τῇ τῆς ἀδικούσης πλεονεξίᾳ. | 90 For the sake of money, if only there were a hope of it, both temples and tombs were violated. No sacred place was considered so inviolable that its ornaments were not stripped away, nor was any secular place left without suffering every kind of forbidden treatment, if it only promised to satisfy her unjust avarice. |
| 90 for if there were but any hopes of getting money, she would violate both temples and sepulchers. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suffer the most flagitious treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the covetous humor of this wicked creature: | 90 For the sake of money, or even the hope of it, she would violate both temples and tombs and there was no holy place however sacred, that she would not rob of its ornaments, or nowhere so profane but she would treat in the roughest way if it could contribute any profit to her unjust greed. |
| 91 τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον οὐδὲν αὔταρκες ἦν γυναικὶ καὶ πολυτελεῖ καὶ δουλευούσῃ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις, μὴ καὶ τὰ πάντα πρὸς τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ἐνδεῖν ὧν ἐσπουδάκει. διὰ ταῦτα καὶ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἤπειγεν ἀεί τι τῶν ἄλλων ἀφαιρούμενον αὐτῇ χαρίζεσθαι, καὶ διαβᾶσα σὺν ἐκείνῳ τὴν ΣυρίανSyria ἐπενόει κτῆμα ποιήσασθαι. | 91 In short, nothing was sufficient for a woman so extravagant and enslaved to her desires, for whom everything she strove for seemed to fall short of her imagination. For this reason, she continually pressed Antony to strip others of their possessions to favor her; and traveling through Syria with him, she planned to make it her own property. |
| 91 yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did her utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive others of their dominions, and give them to her. And as she went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; | 91 But even all this was not enough for a woman so extravagant and enslaved by her desires. For she was always eager for whatever came into her mind and did her utmost to get it. For this reason, she kept nagging Antony to take the dominions of others and give them to her, so that as she crossed Syria with him, she sought to possess it herself. |
| 92 ΛυσανίανLysanias μὲν οὖν τὸν ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy ΠάρθουςParthians αἰτιασαμένη τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐπάγειν ἀποκτίννυσιν, ᾔτει δὲ παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τήν τε ἸουδαίανJudea καὶ τὴν τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀξιοῦσαto think worthy τοὺς βασιλεύοντας αὐτῶν ἀφελέσθαι. | 92 Accusing Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, of bringing the Parthians into affairs, she had him put to death. She then demanded that Antony take Judea and the kingdom of the Arabs from their kings and give them to her. |
| 92 so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors. | 92 She had Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, killed, after accusing him of bringing the Parthians into action there, and she asked Antony to grant her Judea and Arabia, wanting him to take them lands from their kings. |
| 93 τῷ δ᾽ ἈντωνίῳAnthony τὸ μὲν ὅλον ἡττᾶσθαι συνέβαινεν τῆς γυναικός, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐκ τῆς ὁμιλίαςsermon, ἀλλὰ καὶ φαρμάκοις δοκεῖν ὑπακούειν εἰς ὅ τι ἂν ἐκείνη θέλῃ, τὸ μέντοι περιφανὲς τῆς ἀδικίας ἐξεδυσώπει μὴ μέχρι τοσούτου κατήκοον γινόμενον ἐπὶ μεγίστοις ἁμαρτάνειν. | 93 Antony, for his part, was so entirely defeated by the woman that he seemed to obey whatever she wished, not only through their intimacy but as if by magic potions (pharmakois). However, the blatant nature of the injustice made him hesitate to be so submissive as to commit such great crimes. |
| 93 As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this woman, that one would not think her conversation only could do it, but that he was some way or other bewitched to do whatsoever she would have him; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities she would have persuaded him to. | 93 Antony was so entirely subject to her that it seemed unlikely to be by the woman’s conversation alone, but by drugs or some other way that he listened to whatever she wanted. Still, her grossest injustices so embarrassed him that he would not always agree to her most flagrant enormities. |
| 94 ἵν᾽ οὖν μήτ᾽ ἀρνηθῇ παντάπασιν μήθ᾽ ὅσα προσέταττεν ἐκείνη διαπραξάμενος ἐκ φανεροῦ δόξῃ κακός, μέρη τῆς χώρας ἑκατέρου παρελόμενος τούτοις αὐτὴν ἐδωρήσατο. | 94 Therefore, so that he might neither refuse her entirely nor appear openly wicked by doing everything she commanded, he took parts of the territory from each [king] and presented them to her as a gift. |
| 94 That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor, by doing every thing which she enjoined him, appear openly to be an ill man, he took some parts of each of those countries away from their former governors, and gave them to her. | 94 In order not to refuse her outright, and still not publicly appear an evildoer by doing her wrongful bidding, he took portions of each of those countries and gave them to her. |
| 95 δίδωσιν δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐντὸς ἘλευθέρουEleutherus ποταμοῦ πόλεις ἄχρις ΑἰγύπτουEgypt χωρὶς ΤύρουTyre καὶ ΣιδῶνοςSidon, ἐκ προγόνων εἰδὼς ἐλευθέρας, πολλὰ λιπαρούσης αὐτῆς αὐτῇ δοθῆναι. | 95 He also gave her the cities within the Eleutherus River as far as Egypt, with the exception of Tyre and Sidon, which he knew had been free from the time of their ancestors, despite her frequent and persistent begging that they be given to her." |
| 95 Thus he gave her the cities that were within the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, excepting Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those on her also. | 95 So he gave her the cities that were on her side of the river Eleutherus as far as Egypt, except Tyre and Sidon which he knew to have been free cities from of old, although she often cajoled him about them too. |
Josephus uses the word "φαρμάκοις" (drugs/potions) to explain Antony’s submission. This was a common trope in Roman and Judean propaganda: a Roman general could only be turned against Roman interests by supernatural or chemical means. It reflects the shock that contemporaries felt at seeing Antony dismantle the established client-king system—which was the backbone of Roman Eastern policy—just to satisfy a lover.
Cleopatra as the Tomb-Robber
The accusation that she violated "ναοὶ καὶ τάφοι" (temples and tombs) is a severe indictment in the ancient world. To a Judean audience, this is the ultimate sign of a "tyrant without a soul." Josephus frames Cleopatra’s greed as a force of nature that respects neither the living (Arsinoe) nor the dead.
The Execution of Lysanias
The death of Lysanias of Chalcis is a key historical marker. By executing him on the pretext of "Parthian sympathies," Cleopatra cleared the way to annex the Iturean territories (modern Lebanon/Anti-Lebanon mountains). This signaled to Herod and the Nabatean King Malchus that no amount of loyalty to Rome could protect them if Cleopatra wanted their land.
The Eleutherus River Boundary
The Eleutherus River (modern Nahr al-Kabir) was the traditional boundary between Phoenicia and Syria. By giving Cleopatra the coastal cities south of this river, Antony was essentially restoring the old Ptolemaic Empire's reach. However, Antony’s refusal to give her Tyre and Sidon shows that even he had limits; these cities were vital Roman naval hubs, and handing them to Egypt would have been a bridge too far for his own generals.
Herod’s Territorial "Tax"
While the text says Antony took "parts of the territory," we know from other sections that this included the balsam and date groves of Jericho—the most lucrative part of Herod’s kingdom. Herod was forced to "lease" his own land back from Cleopatra. This economic humiliation fueled the deep hatred Herod felt for the Egyptian Queen, which would nearly lead him to attempt her assassination during her visit to Jerusalem.
The Feminization of Power
Josephus portrays Antony as "δουλευούσῃ" (enslaved) and "ἡττᾶσθαι" (defeated). In the patriarchal view of ancient history, the worst thing a ruler could be was a "slave to a woman." By depicting Antony this way, Josephus is preparing the reader for Antony’s eventual downfall at the hands of the "masculine" and "disciplined" Octavian at the Battle of Actium.
| 96 Τούτων ἡ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra τυχοῦσα καὶ παραπέμψασα μέχρις ΕὐφράτουEuphrates τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny ἐπ᾽ ἈρμενίανArmenia στρατευόμενον ἀνέστρεφεν καὶ γίνεται μὲν ἐν ἈπαμείᾳApamia καὶ ΔαμασκῷDamascus, παρῆλθεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν ἸουδαίανJudea ἩρώδουHerod συντυχόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τῆς τε ἈραβίαςArabia τὰ δοθέντα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν ἹεριχοῦνταJericho προσόδους [ ἩρώδουHerod] μισθωσαμένου· φέρει δ᾽ ἡ χώρα τὸ βάλσαμον, ὃ τιμιώτατον τῶν ἐκεῖ καὶ παρὰ μόνοις φύεται, τόν τε φοίνικα πολὺν καὶ καλόν. | 96 "Having obtained these territories and having escorted Antony as far as the Euphrates as he was campaigning toward Armenia, Cleopatra returned. She stayed in Apamea and Damascus, and then also passed into Judea, where Herod met with her. Herod then leased from her the parts of Arabia that had been given to her, as well as the revenues around Jericho. This region produces balsam, which is the most precious thing there and grows only among them, and also an abundance of fine date palms. |
| 96 When Cleopatra had obtained thus much, and had accompanied Antony in his expedition to Armenia as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea, where Herod met her, and farmed of her parts of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind. | 96 After gaining these and accompanying Antony on his expedition to Armenia as far as the Euphrates, Cleopatra turned back and came to Apamia and Damascus and on to Judea, where Herod met her and rented from her the parts of Arabia given to her and the revenues from the region about Jericho. That land grows the precious balsam, which grows only there, along with many excellent date palms. |
| 97 ἐν τούτοις οὖσα καὶ πλείονος αὐτῇ συνηθείας πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd γινομένης διεπείραζεν εἰς συνουσίαν ἐλθεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ, φύσει μὲν ἀπαρακαλύπτως ταῖς ἐντεῦθεν ἡδοναῖς χρωμένη, τάχα δέ τι καὶ παθοῦσα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐρωτικὸν ἢ καὶ τὸ πιθανώτερον ἀρχὴν ἐνέδρας τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ γενησομένην ὕβριν ὑποκατασκευάζουσα· τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἐξ ἐπιθυμίας ἡττῆσθαι διέφαινεν. | 97 While she was in these places, having become more closely acquainted with Herod, she attempted to entice the King into sexual intimacy. By nature, she indulged openly in such pleasures, but perhaps she had actually felt some erotic passion for him, or—what is more likely—she was laying the groundwork for a trap by setting him up for an 'insult' [rape or impropriety] against her. In any case, she made it appear as though she were overcome by desire. |
| 97 When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavored to have criminal conversation with the king; nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love to him; or rather, what is most probable, she laid a treacherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation from him: however, upon the whole, she seemed overcome with love to him. | 97 Being in the area and often in Herod’s company, she sought to have sexual intercourse with the king and made no secret that she enjoyed the pleasure of that activity. Perhaps to some extent she fell in love with him though more likely she was trying to trap him and bring him into disrepute, even though in general she seems to have been ruled by her feelings. |
| 98 ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ πάλαι μὲν οὐκ εὔνους ἦν τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra χαλεπὴν εἰς ἅπαντας ἐπιστάμενος, τότε δὲ καὶ μισεῖν ἀξιῶν, εἰ δι᾽ ἀσέλγειαν εἰς τοῦτο πρόεισιν, καὶ φθῆναι τιμωρούμενος, εἰ ἐνεδρεύουσα τοιούτοις ἐγχειροίη, τοὺς μὲν λόγους αὐτῆς διεκρούσατο, βουλὴν δ᾽ ἐποιήσατο σὺν τοῖς φίλοις ὑποχείριον ἔχων ἀποκτεῖναι· | 98 Herod, however, had long been ill-disposed toward Cleopatra, knowing her to be harsh toward everyone. At that time, he judged her worthy of hatred if she were proceeding to such lengths out of licentiousness; and thinking to punish her first if she were attempting such a trap, he rejected her advances. He then held a council with his friends, intending to kill her now that he had her in his power. |
| 98 Now Herod had a great while borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all; and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust; he had also thought of preventing her intrigues, by putting her to death, if such were her endeavors. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his power; | 98 Already Herod felt no love for Cleopatra, knowing her as a supreme nuisance and now she seemed to particularly deserve his hatred, and thought he might put her to death even if her move was one of lust. So he brushed her offer aside and called his friends to advise him on whether to kill her, now that she was in his power. |
| 99 πολλῶν γὰρ ἀπαλλάξειν κακῶν ἅπαντας οἷς ἐγένετό τε ἤδη χαλεπὴ καὶ προσεδοκᾶτο· τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ ἈντωνίῳAnthony λυσιτελήσειν οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνῳ πιστῆς ἐσομένης, εἴ τις αὐτὸν καιρὸς ἢ χρεία κατάσχοι τοιούτων δεησόμενον. | 99 For he argued that he would rid everyone of many evils to whom she had already been harsh or was expected to be. He claimed this would also benefit Antony, to whom she would not remain faithful if some crisis or need should arise. |
| 99 for that he should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still so for the time to come; and that this very thing would be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such season or necessity should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity. | 99 This could spare many a misfortune to those whom she now burdened and would still in the future, and he thought it would also be of advantage to Antony, since she would not be faithful to him, if the occasion should ever arise when he would need her. |
| 100 ταῦτα βουλευόμενον ἐκώλυον οἱ φίλοι, πρῶτον μὲν διδάσκοντες, ὡς οὐκ ἄξιον μείζω πράττοντα κινδύνων τὸν φανερώτατον ἀναλαμβάνειν, ἐγκείμενοι δὲ καὶ δεόμενοι μηδὲν ἐκ προπετείας ἐπιτηδεύειν· | 100 As he was planning this, his friends restrained him. First, they taught him that it was not fitting for one already performing great deeds to take on such a blatant risk. They pressed him and begged him not to do anything out of rashness. |
| 100 But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him; and told him that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost danger; and they laid hard at him, and begged of him to undertake nothing rashly, | 100 His friends dissuaded him from this idea saying above all that he should not embark on so major a thing which would put him in such obvious danger and they urged him to do nothing about this rash idea. |
| 101 οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀνασχέσθαι τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny, οὐδ᾽ εἰ σφόδρα τις αὐτῷ τὸ συμφέρον στήσειε πρὸ τῶν ὀμμάτωνeye· τόν τε γὰρ ἔρωταto ask μᾶλλον ὑπεκκαύσειν τὸ δοκεῖν βίᾳ καὶ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὴν αὐτῆς στέρεσθαι, μέτριον δὲ οὐδὲν εἰς τὴν ἀπολογίαν φανεῖσθαι, τοῦ μὲν ἐπιχειρήματος εἰς γυναῖκα γεγενημένου μέγιστον ἀξίωμα τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐσχηκυῖαν τὸν χρόνον, τῆς δ᾽ ὠφελείας, εἰ καὶ ταύτην τις οἰηθείη, σὺν αὐθαδείᾳ καὶ καταγνώσει τῆς ἐκείνου διαθέσεως φανουμένης. | 101 For they argued that Antony would not tolerate it, even if someone placed his own best interest clearly before his eyes. They warned that his love would only be further inflamed by the thought that she had been taken from him by force and treachery; and that no defense would seem moderate, given that the attempt was made against a woman of the greatest status of that time. Furthermore, the 'benefit'—even if one believed in it—would appear as insolence and a condemnation of Antony's own affections. |
| 101 for that Antony would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him of her conversation, by this violent and treacherous method, would probably set his affections more on a flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defense, this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of her sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an undertaking, if any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear to deserve condemnation, on account of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it: | 101 Antony would never tolerate it, even if one could clearly show him that it was to his advantage, for to deprive him of her company in such a brusque and secretive way would probably warm his love for her. Neither could he offer anything substantial in his own defence, when pitting himself against the most famous woman in the world at that time. Whatever advantage, if any, he could hope for from such a deed should be discarded because of the risk he would run by doing it. |
| 102 ἐξ ὧν οὐκ ἄδηλον, ὡς μεγάλων καὶ ἀπαύστων κακῶν ἀναπλησθήσεται τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ γένος, ἐξὸν ἀποκρουσάμενον τὴν ἁμαρτίαν, εἰς ἣν ἐκείνη παρακαλεῖ, θέσθαι τὸν καιρὸν εὐσχημόνως. | 102 From these things, it was not unclear that great and unceasing evils would fill his kingdom and his family; whereas, if he simply rejected the sin to which she invited him, he could manage the situation with dignity. |
| 102 which considerations made it very plain that in so doing he would find his government filled with mischief, both great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come off honorably at the same time. | 102 From all this it was clear that if he did so he would do great and lasting harm both to his position as ruler and to his descendants, whereas he could still reject the evil she wished him to do, and end the matter honourably. |
| 103 τοιαῦτα δεδιττόμενοι καὶ τὸ κινδυνῶδες ἐξ εἰκότος παραδηλοῦντες ἐπέσχον αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως. ὁ δὲ τὴν ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra δωρεαῖς θεραπεύσας ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt προύπεμψεν. | 103 By frightening him with such arguments and pointing out the probable dangers, they stayed his hand from the attempt. Herod, having instead 'cultivated' Cleopatra with gifts, escorted her on her way toward Egypt." |
| 103 So by thus affrighting Herod, and representing to him the hazard he must, in all probability, run by this undertaking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her presents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt. | 103 By making him afraid and showing the risk he would run if he attempted it, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra politely and gave her gifts and conducted her on her way to Egypt. |
Josephus highlights the unique botanical wealth of Jericho. The balsam (opobalsamum) was the most expensive perfume and medicine in antiquity, and the date palms were a major export. Cleopatra’s annexation of these groves wasn't just a land grab; it was a seizure of Herod's "cash cow." Herod's decision to "lease back" his own land was a humilitating but necessary financial maneuver to keep his kingdom's infrastructure intact.
The Cleopatra "Seductress" Trope
Josephus presents two theories for Cleopatra’s advances: genuine lust or a political honey-trap (ἀρχὴν ἐνέδρας). If Herod had slept with her, she could have accused him of rape to Antony; if he refused, she could claim he insulted her. Herod correctly sensed that in the world of the Triumvirs, a bedroom was as much a battlefield as a valley in Armenia.
Herod the "Liberator"?
Herod’s rationalization for wanting to kill Cleopatra is fascinating. He tries to frame it as a pre-emptive strike for the "good of the world" and even for Antony’s own sake. This shows Herod’s ability to dress up his personal vendettas as grand geopolitical altruism.
The Voice of Reason: The "Friends"
This is a rare moment where Herod’s "φίλοι" (advisors) successfully talk him down from a ledge. Their logic is impeccable: Antony's irrational love trumps Antony's rational interest. They understood that killing Cleopatra wouldn't make Antony thank Herod for "freeing" him; it would turn Herod into the murderer of the woman Antony adored. This advice likely saved the Herodian dynasty for another 30 years.
The "Insult" of Status
The advisors note that Cleopatra has the "μέγιστον ἀξίωμα" (greatest dignity/status) of the time. In the Roman client system, status was a shield. To kill a queen who was also the mother of Antony’s children would be seen as a violation of the "League of Kings" that Rome used to govern the East.
The Gifts as a "Bribe for Peace"
Instead of a dagger, Herod uses "δωρεαῖς" (gifts). This was the standard Roman-Hellenistic way of smoothing over a failed diplomatic or personal encounter. By escorting her to the border and showering her with wealth, Herod fulfilled the outward duties of a host while secretly despising his guest.
| 104 ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ τὴν ἈρμενίανArmenia λαβὼν ἈρταβάζηνArtabazes τὸν ΤιγράνουTigranes σὺν τοῖς παισὶν σατράπαις δέσμιον εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀποπέμπει, δωρούμενος τούτοις τὴν ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra καὶ τῷ παντὶ κόσμῳ τῆς βασιλείας, ὃν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔλαβεν. | 104 "Now Antony, having taken Armenia, sent Artabazes the son of Tigranes, along with his sons who were satraps, in chains to Egypt, presenting them as a gift to Cleopatra together with all the regalia of the kingdom which he had seized from that land. |
| 104 But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, with his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made a present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra. | 104 Meanwhile Antony subdued Armenia and sent the son of Tigranes, Artabazes with his children and satraps in chains to Egypt as a gift to Cleopatra, along with all the valuables of that kingdom which he had taken. |
| 105 ἈρμενίαςArmenia δὲ ἐβασίλευσεν Ἀρταξίας ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων διαδρὰς ἐν τῷ τότε. Καὶ τοῦτον ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus καὶ ΝέρωνNero ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐκβαλόντες ΤιγράνηνTigranes τὸν νεώτερον ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν κατήγαγον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ. | 105 However, Artaxias, the eldest of Artabazes' sons, escaped at that time and ruled Armenia. Later on, Archelaus and Nero Caesar [Tiberius] expelled him and restored Tigranes, the younger brother, to the kingship. But these things happened later. |
| 105 And Artaxias, the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archelaus and Nero Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that kingdom; but this happened a good while afterward. | 105 The eldest of that prisoner’s children, Artaxias, escaped at that time and took over the kingdom of Armenia, but he was still expelled by Archelaus and Nero Caesar when they restored his younger brother, Tigranes, to the kingdom, which happened a good while later. |
| 106 περὶ δὲ τοὺς φόρους, οὓς ἔδει τελεῖν τῆς ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny δοθείσης χώρας, ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod δίκαιος ἦν οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος διδόναι τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μίσους αἰτίαν. | 106 Regarding the tribute that had to be paid for the territory given [to Cleopatra] by Antony, Herod was scrupulous in his payments, judging it unsafe to give Cleopatra any cause for hatred. |
| 106 But then, as to the tributes which Herod was to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him. | 106 Herod duly paid the taxes he owed to Cleopatra for the land Antony had granted her, reckoning it unsafe for him to present her with any cause to hate him. |
| 107 ὁ δ᾽ ἈράβωνArabian ἩρώδουHerod τὴν φορὰν ἐπιδεξαμένου χρόνον μέν τινα παρεῖχεν ἐκείνῳ τὰ διακόσια τάλαντα, μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ κακοήθης ἦν καὶ βραδὺς εἰς τὰς ἀποδόσεις καὶ μόλις εἰ καὶ μέρη τινὰ διαλύσειεν οὐδὲ ταῦτα διδόναι δοκῶν ἀζημίως. | 107 But the Arab [the Nabatean King Malchus], for whom Herod had stood surety for the tribute, provided the two hundred talents to him for a certain time; afterward, however, he became malicious and slow in his payments, and he would only with great difficulty settle some portions of the debt, and even then appearing as if he were giving nothing without a sense of loss." |
| 107 As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute Herod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterwards became very niggardly and slow in his payments, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even them without some deductions. | 107 The Arab [king] whose tax Herod had undertaken to pay her, paid him the two hundred talents for a while, but later became vicious and slow to pay, hardly willing to pay even part of it and refusing to pay even without some bribe. |
The scene of Antony bringing the Armenian King Artabazes II to Egypt in chains is a reference to the infamous "Donations of Alexandria" (34 BCE). Antony staged a Roman-style triumph in a non-Roman city, which was a massive scandal in Rome. By giving the Armenian "regalia" (kosmos) to Cleopatra, he was effectively treating the Roman army's conquests as the private property of the Ptolemaic crown.
Herod as the "Surety" (Epidexaménou)
This is a critical piece of political maneuvering. Herod didn't just pay his own tribute for Jericho; he stood surety (guarantor) for the tribute of the Nabatean Arabs. Why? Because it gave Herod a legal and Roman-sanctioned reason to intervene in Nabatean affairs. If the Arab king didn't pay Cleopatra, it was Herod's neck on the line—which gave Herod the right to go to war to "collect" the debt.
The Two Hundred Talents
The sum of 200 talents was a significant amount of silver (roughly 5,200 kg). In the ancient world, tribute was the ultimate sign of submission. By falling behind on these payments, the Arab king was not just being "cheap"; he was testing the waters of rebellion. Josephus uses the word "κακοήθης" (malicious/ill-intentioned) to describe this fiscal delay, framing it as a moral failing rather than just a budget issue.
Herod’s Defensive Compliance
Josephus notes that Herod was "δίκαιος" (just/scrupulous) in his payments. This wasn't out of honesty, but out of fear (dedoikōs). Herod knew Cleopatra was looking for any legal pretext to convince Antony to execute him and seize Judea entirely. By being a "perfect taxpayer," Herod deprived her of the "cause for hatred" (misous aitian) she needed to move against him legally.
Armenia: A Messy Successor State
Josephus’s brief aside about the Armenian succession (Artaxias, Tigranes, and the later intervention of Tiberius) highlights how unstable the East remained under Antony's management. It took the future Emperor Tiberius (Nero Caesar) decades later to finally stabilize the region that Antony claimed to have "conquered" in this passage.
The "Sense of Loss" (Azēmiōs)
The final note—that the Arab king felt "penalized" even when paying only a portion of what he owed—captures the deteriorating relationship between the two neighboring client kings. This financial friction would eventually lead to the Battle of Actium period, where Herod’s primary military contribution was not fighting for Antony against Octavian, but fighting the Arabs to recover this very debt.
[108-160]
Herod’s war and conquest of Arabia.
His courage in the face of misfortunes
| 108 ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀγνωμονοῦντος καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν δικαίων ποιεῖν ἐθέλοντος εἶχεν μὲν ὡς ἐπεξελευσόμενος, προθεσμίᾳ δὲ ἐχρήσατο τῷ Ῥωμαικῷ πολέμῳ. | 108 "Since the Arab [King Malchus] was acting so ungratefully and was no longer willing to perform any of his legal obligations, Herod was prepared to march against him; however, he delayed his purpose due to the Roman war. |
| 108 Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own; | 108 Herod prepared to make war on him for his ingratitude and because in the end he had done him wrong. But he was delayed doing so on account of the Roman war. |
| 109 τῆς γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium μάχης προσδοκωμένης, ἣν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδόμης καὶ ὀγδοηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδος συνέβη γενέσθαι, ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν ἈντωνίῳAnthony περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἔμελλεν ἀγωνιεῖσθαι πραγμάτων, ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ τῆς χώρας εὐβοτουμένης αὐτῷ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον καὶ προσόδων καὶ δυνάμεως εὑρημένων, ἈντωνίῳAnthony συμμαχίαν κατέλεξεν ἐπιμελέστατα ταῖς παρασκευαῖςpreparation, supply χρησάμενος. | 109 For as the Battle of Actium was expected—which occurred in the 187th Olympiad—Caesar [Octavian] was about to contend with Antony for the empire of the world. Herod, whose land had been flourishing for a long time and who had acquired both revenues and power, recruited an allied force for Antony, having made the most diligent preparations. |
| 109 for the battle at Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred eighty and seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world; but Herod having enjoyed a country that was very fruitful, and that now for a long time, and having received great taxes, and raised great armies therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony. | 109 Just now, a battle was expected at Actium, which took place in the hundred and eighty-seventh Olympiad, when Caesar and Antony would contest for the supreme power. Herod, whose land had for a long time had fruitful harvests and who had thereby raised large revenues and resources, gathered an allied force for Antony and equipped them with care. |
| 110 ἈντώνιοςAntony δὲ τῆς μὲν ἐκείνου συμμαχίας οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ ἌραβαArabian, καὶ γὰρ ἀκηκόει παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra τὴν ἀπιστίαν, ἐπεξελθεῖν προσέταττεν. ἠξίου γὰρ ἡ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra ταῦτα λυσιτελεῖν αὐτῇ τὸν ἕτερον ὑπὸ θατέρου κακῶς πάσχειν ἡγουμένη. | 110 Antony, however, said he had no need of that alliance, but instead ordered Herod to march against the Arab; for he had heard of the Arab's infidelity from both Herod and Cleopatra. In truth, Cleopatra thought this would be beneficial to her, believing that one of the kings would be ruined by the other. |
| 110 But Antony said he had no want of his assistance; but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia; for he had heard both from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious he was; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as great mischief as possible. | 110 Then Antony said that he had no need of his help, but sent him off to punish the king of Arabia, after hearing from him and from Cleopatra about the man’s disloyalty. For this was Cleopatra’s own wish, thinking it would be to her advantage if these two kings inflicted damage on each other. |
| 111 τούτων αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny λεχθέντων ὑποστρέψας ἩρώδηςHerod συνεῖχεν τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ὡς εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν ἈραβίανArabia ἐμβαλῶν, καὶ παρασκευασθέντος ἱππικοῦ καὶ πεζῆς δυνάμεως εἰς ΔιόσπολινDiospolis ἀφικνεῖται τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐκεῖ συναντώντων· οὐ γὰρ ἐλελήθει τὰ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτούς· καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης ἐκράτησαν οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews. | 111 After these instructions were given by Antony, Herod returned and kept his army together to invade Arabia immediately. Having prepared his cavalry and infantry, he arrived at Diospolis, where the Arabs met him, for they were not unaware of the war; after a fierce battle, the Jews prevailed. |
| 111 Upon this message from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him, in order to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he marched to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they were not unapprised of this war that was coming upon them; and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory. | 111 When he got Antony’s message, Herod turned aside but he kept his army together to invade Arabia immediately. When his cavalry and infantry were ready, he marched to Diospolis, where the Arabs came to meet them because they were not unaware of his war plans. A great battle was fought, which the Jews won. |
| 112 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πολλὴ στρατιὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian εἰς ΚάναταCana συνῄει· χωρία δ᾽ ἐστὶ ταῦτα τῆς κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria· ἩρώδηςHerod τε προπεπυσμένος ἧκεν ἄγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸ πλεῖστον ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως, καὶ πλησιάσας ἐν καλῷ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι διεγνώκει χάρακά τε βαλόμενος ἐξ εὐκαίρου ταῖς μάχαις ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try. | 112 Following this, a great army of Arabs gathered at Canatha in Coele-Syria. Herod, having learned of this beforehand, came against them with the greater part of his force. Upon nearing them, he decided to encamp in a favorable spot, intending to throw up a rampart and attack from a position of advantage. |
| 112 But afterward there were gotten together another numerous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand; so he came marching against them with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast up a bulwark, that he might take a proper season for attacking the enemy; | 112 Later however, another large army of Arabs gathered at Cana, a place in Coele-Syria. Forewarned of it, Herod marched against them with most of his forces. As he approached, he decided to camp at a good place, and fortified it as a vantage point from which to launch his attack. |
| 113 ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ διατάττοντος ἐβόα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews παρελόμενον τῆς τριβῆς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs· ὥρμητο δὲ καὶ τῷ συντετάχθαι πιστεύειν καλῶς καὶ ταῖς προθυμίαιςreadiness, eagerness ἄμεινον ἐχόντων ὅσοι τὴν πρώτην μάχην νενικήκεσαν οὐδ᾽ εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν ἐπιτρέψαντες τοῖς ἐναντίοις. | 113 But as he was arranging this, the Jewish multitude shouted out, demanding he lead them against the Arabs without delay. They were emboldened by their good formation and the high spirits of those who had won the first battle, not even allowing the enemy to come to close quarters before wanting to charge. |
| 113 but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order; and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them. | 113 While he was arranging this, a crowd of the Jews shouted that he should lead them against the Arabs without delay. They were driven by the belief that they were in fine order, and especially as they had been victorious in the earlier battle, when their enemies had not even got close enough to fight them hand to hand. |
| 114 θορυβούντων οὖν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπιδεικνυμένων σπουδὴν ἔγνω τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποχρήσασθαι, καὶ προειπών, ὡς οὐ λελείψεται τῆς ἐκείνων ἀρετῆς, πρῶτος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἡγήσατο πάντων κατ᾽ οἰκεῖα τέλη συνακολουθησάντων. | 114 Since they were making a clamor and showing such zeal, the King decided to make use of the crowd's enthusiasm. Proclaiming that he would not fall short of their courage, he led them in person, being the first in arms, while everyone followed in their respective ranks. |
| 114 And when they were so tumultuous, and showed such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multitude then exhibited; and when he had assured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his armor, all the regiments following him in their several ranks: | 114 As they were so fierce and showed such zeal for battle, the king resolved to avail of the people’s ardour. After assuring them he would not be outdone by them in courage, he led the way in his armour with all of them following in their assigned regiments. |
| 115 ἔκπληξιςconsternation δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐμπίπτει τοῖς ἌραψινArabs· ἀντιστάντες γὰρ εἰς ὀλίγον ὡς ἑώρων ἀμάχους ὄντας καὶ μεστοὺς φρονήματος, ἔφευγον οἱ πλείους ἐγκλίναντες κἂν διεφθάρησαν ἈθηνίωνοςAthenion μὴ κακώσαντος ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews. | 115 Immediately, a panic fell upon the Arabs. Though they resisted for a short time, when they saw that the Jews were invincible and full of spirit, most turned and fled. They would have been utterly destroyed had not Athenion brought harm to Herod and the Jews. |
| 115 whereupon a consternation fell upon the Arabians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and avoided fighting; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Anthony fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; | 115 A panic seized the Arabs at seeing the Jews looking so invincible, and most of them fled to avoid the battle. Indeed they would have been destroyed, if Athenius had not attacked Herod and the Jews. |
| 116 οὗτος γὰρ ὢν στρατηγὸς μὲν ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ, διάφορος δὲ ἩρώδῃHerod, τὸ μέλλον οὐκ ἀπαρασκεύως ἐσκόπει, δρασάντων μέν τι λαμπρὸν τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐγνωκὼς ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, ἡττωμένων δέ, ὃ καὶ συνέβη, τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας συνεληλυθόσι τῶν οἰκείων παρεσκευασμένος ἐπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews. | 116 This Athenion was a general of Cleopatra in those regions and was at odds with Herod. He was watching the future with careful preparation; he had decided that if the Arabs performed brilliantly, he would remain quiet, but if they were defeated—which is what happened—he was prepared to attack the Jews with his own local forces. |
| 116 for this man was Cleopatra’s general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the battle would be. He had also resolved, that in case the Arabians did any thing that was brave and successful, he would lie still; but in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for him. | 116 This man was a general of Cleopatra’s forces there and was Herod’s foe. He was watching carefully to see what would be the outcome of the battle. His plan was to remain inactive if the Arabs performed very well. But if, as it turned out, they were defeated, he would attack the Jews with his own forces and the local forces that had joined him. |
| 117 καὶ τότε κεκμηκόσι τε καὶ νικᾶν οἰομένοις ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιπεσὼν πολὺν ἐποίει φόνον· τάς τε γὰρ προθυμίας εἰς τοὺς ὁμολογουμένους ἐχθροὺς ἐκδαπανήσαντες οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews καὶ τῷ νικᾶν ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας χρώμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἐπιχειρησάντων ἡττῶντο καὶ πολλὰς ἐλάμβανον πληγὰς ἐν χωρίοις ἀφίπποις καὶ πετρώδεσιν, ὧν πλείω τὴν ἐμπειρίαν εἶχον οἱ τὴν ἐπίθεσιν ποιησάμενοι. | 117 Falling unexpectedly upon the Jews while they were exhausted and thinking they had won, he committed a great slaughter. For the Jews, having spent their zeal against their acknowledged enemies and acting carelessly in their victory, were quickly defeated by these attackers. They took many blows in a roadless and rocky terrain, with which those making the assault were more experienced. |
| 117 So he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought they had already vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known enemies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh, and in particular received a great loss in places where the horses could not be of any service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better acquainted with the places than themselves. | 117 So he made an unexpected attack with a great slaughter when they were tired and thought they had already beaten the enemy. Since the Jews had expended their force upon their known enemies and were enjoying their victory in unguarded mood, they were easily beaten by these who attacked them afresh and they suffered badly in rocky places unsuitable for their horses and where their attackers were familiar with the terrain. |
| 118 κακῶς δὲ πασχόντων οἵ τε ἌραβεςArabs αὑτοὺς ἀνειλήφεσανto take up καὶ πάλιν ὑποστρέψαντες ἔκτεινον ἤδη τετραμμένους. ἐγένοντο δὲ παντοδαπαὶ κτιννυμένων ἀπώλειαι, καὶ τῶν διαπιπτόντων οὐ πολλοὶ συνέφευγον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. | 118 While the Jews were suffering, the Arabs regained their courage and, turning back, killed those who were already in retreat. Every kind of destruction occurred among the slain, and of those who escaped, not many fled back to the camp. |
| 118 And when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and returning back again, slew those that were already put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into the camp. | 118 After this reversal, the defeated Arabs took new heart and turned around to slaughter those who fled before them. Many were killed. Of those who escaped, only a few returned to the camp. |
| 119 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀπεγνωκὼς τὰ κατὰ τὴν μάχην ἀφιππάζεται βοήθειαν ἄξων· οὐ μὴν ἔφθη καίπερ ἐσπουδακὼς ἐπαρκεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον ἥλω τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews, οἱ δ᾽ ἌραβεςArabs οὐδὲ μετρίως εὐτυχήκεσαν ἐκ παραλόγου νίκην τε ἧς πλεῖστον ἀπεδέησαν ἀνειληφότες καὶ πολλὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀφῃρημένοι δύναμιν. | 119 King Herod, despairing of the battle, rode off to bring reinforcements; however, he did not arrive in time, despite his haste. The Jewish camp was captured, and the Arabs achieved an unexpected stroke of luck, gaining a victory they had been far from winning and stripping the enemy of a great force. |
| 119 So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance; yet did he not come time enough to do them any service, though he labored hard to do it; but the Jewish camp was taken; so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy’s army: | 119 King Herod, despairing of the battle, rode up to help them; although he tried hard, he was not in time to be of much service. The Jewish camp was taken and the Arabs had an unusually lucky success, gaining a victory which had been beyond their grasp and killing most of the opposing army. |
| 120 τοὐντεῦθεν ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod λῃστείαις ἐχρῆτο καὶ τὰ πολλὰ κατατρέχων τὴν τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἐκάκου ταῖς ἐπιδρομαῖς στρατοπεδευόμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρωνto see, καὶ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἐξίστατο κατὰ τοὐμφανὲς εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν, οὐκ ἀζήμιος δὲ γινόμενος τῇ συνεχείᾳ καὶ τῷ φιλοπόνῳ τῶν τε οἰκείων ἐπεμελεῖτο παντὶ τρόπῳ τὸ πταῖσμα διορθούμενος. | 120 From then on, Herod resorted to guerrilla warfare (lēsteiais), harassing the Arab country with frequent raids while encamping on the borders. On the whole, he avoided coming to a general engagement openly, but by his persistence and diligence, he was not without success, and he looked after his own affairs, correcting the failure by every means possible." |
| 120 whence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoided by any means to come to a pitched battle; yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labor he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state. | 120 In the aftermath, Herod resorted to brigandage and raided many parts of Arabia, harassing them by sudden attacks. Camping in the mountains, he avoided ever coming to a pitched battle, but harassed the enemy by his incessant activity, taking care of his own forces and trying in every way to restore his affairs to their former state. |
This is one of the great "what ifs" of history. Herod was ready to fight for Antony at Actium. Had he done so, he likely would have been executed by Octavian along with Antony’s other supporters. Instead, Cleopatra’s greed saved him. She wanted Herod to fight the Arabs so both kingdoms would weaken, allowing her to annex them. Ironically, by keeping Herod away from Actium, she ensured he was "clean" enough for Octavian to pardon him later.
The Psychology of the Jewish "Multitude"
Josephus notes a rare moment where the "πλῆθος" (multitude/rank and file) overrides Herod's tactical caution. Herod wanted to build a "χάρακα" (rampart/entrenchment)—a classic Roman defensive tactic. The soldiers, intoxicated by their previous victory at Diospolis, demanded a head-on charge. Herod’s decision to yield to them was a rare lapse in judgment, showing that even a tyrant has to manage the morale of his troops.
Athenion: The Proxy War
Athenion represents the "Deep State" of the Ptolemaic Empire. As Cleopatra’s general, he was engaged in a deniable operation. By attacking the Jews only after they had defeated the Arabs, he ensured that neither side became too dominant. This reflects Cleopatra's "Divide and Conquer" strategy in the Levant.
Terrain as a Weapon
The Jews were defeated in "χωρίοις ἀφίπποις καὶ πετρώδεσιν" (terrain unsuited for horses and rocky). Herod’s army relied heavily on its cavalry, but in the rugged terrain of the Hauran (Canatha), the Arab/Egyptian light infantry had the advantage. This is a recurring theme in Judean military history: being lured out of the plains and into the mountains where superior numbers count for less than local knowledge.
Transition to Guerrilla Tactics
After the loss at Canatha, Herod shifts to "λῃστείαις" (raids/brigandage). This is a fascinating use of the word by Josephus. Usually, "brigands" are the enemies of the state, but here the King himself adopts the tactics of a guerrilla leader to rebuild his strength and morale. He refuses the "big battle" and focuses on "φιλοπόνῳ" (diligence/hard work) to repair the damage.
The 187th Olympiad
Josephus provides a formal chronological marker (187th Olympiad, roughly 32–28 BCE). This was the era of the "Great Transition" from the Roman Republic to the Roman Empire. Herod's struggle with the Arabs was a sideshow to the world-ending clash between Octavian and Antony, but for the people of Judea and Arabia, it was a fight for national survival.
| 121 Ἐν τούτῳ καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium μάχης συνεσταμένης ΚαίσαριCaesar πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ἑβδόμου δ᾽ ὄντος ἩρώδῃHerod τῆς βασιλείας ἔτους σεισθεῖσα ἡ γῆ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews, ὡς οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἐδόκει, τῶν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ κτηνῶν πολὺν φθόρον ἐποίησεν. | 121 "At this time, while the Battle of Actium was being joined between Caesar [Octavian] and Antony, and in the seventh year of Herod’s reign, an earthquake struck the land of the Jews—such as had never been seen before—causing a vast destruction of the livestock throughout the country. |
| 121 At this time it was that the fight happened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod and then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in that country. | 121 Meanwhile, the battle took place at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of Herod’s reign. In that year also, there was an earthquake in Judea which was worse than any previous ones. It caused huge destruction to the livestock in the land. |
| 122 ἐφθάρησαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ ταῖς πεπτωκυίαις οἰκίαις περὶ τρισμυρίους· τὸ μέντοι στρατιωτικὸν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ διαιτώμενον οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους κατεβλάβη. | 122 Moreover, about thirty thousand people perished under the collapsed houses; however, the military force, living in the open air, suffered no harm from the disaster. |
| 122 About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad accident. | 122 About thirty thousand people died as houses fell upon them, but the army, camped in the open, was unharmed by this calamity. |
| 123 ταῦτα πυνθανομένοις τοῖς ἌραψινArabs καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ κατ᾽ ἀλήθειαν ἐξαγγελλόντων αὐτοῖς ὅσοι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν γεγονότων λόγους τῷ μίσει τῶν ἀκουσομένων ἐχαρίζοντο μεῖζον ἐπῄει φρονεῖν, ὡς τῆς τε χώρας ἀνατετραμμένης τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ διεφθορότων τῶν ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν ἔτι μηδ᾽ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀντίπαλον καταλελεῖφθαι δοκεῖν. | 123 When the Arabs learned of this—and the reports were exaggerated beyond the truth by those who tailored their accounts of the events to satisfy the hatred of their listeners—they became even more arrogant. They believed that since the land of their enemies had been overturned and the people destroyed, nothing remained that could oppose them. |
| 123 When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with aggravating the reports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy’s country was quite overthrown, and the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them. | 123 When the Arabs learned about it, for anti-Jewish people who enjoyed aggravating the rumours told them of it, their spirits soared, as if their enemy’s land was crushed and the people destroyed. They thought there was now nothing left to oppose them, |
| 124 καὶ τῶν τε ἸουδαίωνJews τοὺς πρέσβεις, ἧκον γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγενημένοις, συλλαβόντες ἀπέκτειναν καὶ μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw ἐπὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτῶν. | 124 Consequently, they seized the Jewish ambassadors who had come to them following the recent events and put them to death, and with total eagerness, they began to march against the Jewish military camp. |
| 124 Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army; | 124 so they took and killed the Jewish envoys who had come to them after all this to make peace with them, and full of confidence attacked their army. |
| 125 οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε τὴν ἔφοδον ἐξεδέξαντο καὶ πρὸς τὰς συμφορὰς ἀθύμως διακείμενοι προίεντο τὰ πράγματα, πλεῖστον ἀπογνώσεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες· οὐ γὰρ ἦν οὔτε ἰσοτιμίας ἐλπὶς προηττημένοις ἐν ταῖς μάχαις οὔτε βοηθείας κεκακωμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν οἴκοι πραγμάτων. | 125 The Judean soldiers, however, did not await the assault; being despondent in the face of these calamities, they were abandoning their duties, having fallen into the deepest despair. For they had neither the hope of meeting the enemy on equal terms, having been defeated in previous battles, nor any hope of help, since their affairs at home were in such a wretched state. |
| 125 but the Jews durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities they were under, that they took no care of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair; for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor obtain any assistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such great distress also. | 125 The Jews did not dare to withstand them, being too downcast by their troubles to take proper care, and yielded to despair, with no hope of ever equalling them again in battle, or of getting help elsewhere while they were so badly off at home. |
| 126 οὕτως οὖν ἐχόντων ἐπῆγεν ὁ βασιλεὺς λόγῳ τε πείθων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας καὶ πειρώμενος ἀναλαμβάνειν αὐτῶν πεπτωκότα τὰ φρονήματα. προδιακινήσας δὲ καὶ παραθαρρύνας τινὰς τῶν ἀμεινόνων ἐτόλμησεν ἤδη καὶ τῷ πλήθει διαλέγεσθαι πρότερον ὀκνῶν αὐτό, μὴ καὶ χαλεπῷ χρήσηται διὰ τὰς ἀτυχίας. παρεκάλει δὲ τοιούτους ποιούμενος εἰς τὸν ὄχλον τοὺς λόγους· | 126 While they were in this condition, the King approached them, attempting to persuade the officers and trying to lift their fallen spirits. Having first moved and encouraged some of the better men, he finally dared to address the multitude, though he had previously hesitated to do so, fearing they might be hostile toward him because of their misfortunes. He exhorted them, making the following speech to the crowd:" |
| 126 When matters were in this condition, the king persuaded the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk; and first he endeavored to encourage and embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat, because of the misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the multitude, in the manner following: | 126 In this state of affairs the king addressed the officers and tried to raise their spirits, which were very low. He tried first to stir up and embolden some of the better sort and then ventured to make a speech to the people, which he had previously avoided doing for fear they would be unwilling to listen, after all that had happened. So he urged the people as follows. |
The earthquake Josephus describes is a well-documented historical event (the Judea Earthquake of 31 BCE). Geologically, Judea sits on the Dead Sea Transform, a major fault line. Archeological evidence of this specific quake has been found at sites like Qumran and Masada, where cracked cisterns and collapsed walls confirm Josephus’s account of its severity.
Thirty Thousand Casualties
The figure of 30,000 dead is debated by historians. While it may be an ancient rhetorical exaggeration to emphasize the scale of the tragedy, it underscores the vulnerability of ancient urban centers. Note the tactical detail: the army was spared because they were "ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ" (in the open air/tented). This survivors' guilt among the soldiers likely contributed to their initial refusal to fight; they felt the hand of God had struck their families while they were away.
Propaganda as a Force Multiplier
Josephus makes a sophisticated observation about misinformation. The Arabs didn't just receive news; they received "news tailored to hatred" ("μίσει τῶν ἀκουσομένων"). In ancient warfare, morale was everything. By believing the Judeans were already "overturned," the Arabs committed a war crime—executing ambassadors—believing there would be no one left to hold them accountable.
The Violation of Diplomatic Immunity
The execution of the "πρέσβεις" (ambassadors) was a massive breach of the Jus Gentium (Law of Nations). In the ancient Mediterranean, heralds and ambassadors were considered sacred. By killing them, the Arabs effectively declared a war of extermination. Herod would later use this specific atrocity in his speech to convince his men that they were fighting a "holy war" against barbarians who respected no law.
Herod’s Leadership Strategy
Herod’s approach to the crisis is textbook leadership. He doesn't go straight to the angry, grieving mob. He starts with the "ἡγεμόνας" (officers) and the "ἀμεινόνων" (better/more reliable men). He builds a core of support before "daring" to face the masses. He is acutely aware that a suffering populace often blames its leader for "acts of God."
The Psychological "Nadir"
The Judean army was suffering from a double trauma: the military defeat at Canatha and the domestic catastrophe of the earthquake. Josephus uses the word "ἀθύμως" (without spirit/despondent). They saw the earthquake not as a natural event, but as a divine sign that God had abandoned the Hasmonean-Herodian state. Herod’s upcoming speech must therefore be not just political, but theological.
| 127 « Οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν, ἄνδρες, ὅτι πολλὰ παρὰ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν γεγένηται πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ἡμῖν ἐναντιώματα, καὶ θαρρεῖν εἰκὸς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις οὐδὲ τοὺς πλεῖστον ἀνδραγαθίαιbravery διενηνοχότας. | 127 "I am not unaware, men, that many obstacles to our actions have arisen during this present time, and it is natural that in such circumstances even those who have most excelled in manly valor might lose heart. |
| 127 "You are not unacquainted, my fellowsoldiers, that we have had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about, and it is probable that even those that are most distinguished above others for their courage can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances; | 127 "Men, you are all aware that this past while our plans have met many obstacles, and probably even the bravest can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances. |
| 128 ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ κατεπείγει τε πολεμεῖν καὶ τῶν γεγονότων οὐδέν ἐστιν τοιοῦτον, ὃ μὴ δι᾽ ἑνὸς ἔργου καλῶς πραχθέντος ἐπανορθώσεται, παρακαλέσαι προειλόμην ὑμᾶς ἅμα καὶ διδάξαι δι᾽ ὧν ἂν ἐμμείναιτε τοῖς οἰκείοις φρονήμασιν. | 128 But since the need to go to war is pressing, and since nothing that has happened is so great that it cannot be set right by a single noble deed well-performed, I have chosen to exhort you and, at the same time, to teach you how you may remain true to your own high spirits. |
| 128 but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this point; that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude. | 128 But since we cannot avoid fighting and nothing that has happened is so bad that we cannot set things right by one well-done action, I want to encourage you and to tell you something to help you hold onto your usual courage. |
| 129 βούλομαι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν ὡς δικαίως αὐτὸ ποιοῦμεν ἐπιδεῖξαι, διὰ τὴν ὕβριν τῶν ἐναντίων ἠναγκασμένοι· μέγιστον γὰρ εἰ μάθοιτε τοῦτο προθυμίας ὑμῖν αἴτιον ἔσται· μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο δεῖξαι, διότι καὶ τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν δεινὸν οὐδέν ἐστιν καὶ πλείστας εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἔχομεν τὰς ἐλπίδας. | 129 I wish first to demonstrate how justly we are going to war, having been forced into it by the insolence of our opponents—for if you learn this, it will be the greatest cause of zeal for you. After this, I will show that there is nothing to fear within our own situation and that we have the highest hopes for victory. |
| 129 I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you that this war is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war of necessity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you; after which I will further demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory. | 129 First, I will show that ours is a just war forced upon us by the insolence of our opponents, for once you grasp this, it will strengthen your resolve. Then I will show that our present troubles are not so dire and that we have every reason to hope for victory. |
| 130 ἄρξομαι δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου μάρτυρας ὑμᾶς ποιούμενος ὧν λέγω· τὴν γὰρ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian παρανομίαν ἴστε μὲν δήπου καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας οὕτως ἀπίστως διακειμένων, ὡς εἰκὸς ἔχειν τὸ βάρβαρον καὶ ἀνεννόητον θεοῦ, πλεῖστα μέντοι προσέκρουσαν ἡμῖν πλεονεξίᾳ καὶ φθόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ταραχαῖς ἐφεδρεύοντες ἐξ ὑπογύου. | 130 I will begin with the first point, making you witnesses of what I say. You surely know the lawlessness of the Arabs, who are so faithless toward all others, as is natural for a barbarian people who have no thought of God. Yet they have clashed with us most of all through greed and envy, lying in wait to take advantage of our recent troubles. |
| 130 I shall begin with the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein they have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. | 130 I shall begin with the first and you can testify to what I say. You surely know of the lawlessness of the Arabs, who are faithless to all other men, as is to be expected from a barbarous race, ignorant of God. Their conflict with us is mainly due to greed and envy, and they attacked us from hiding, in our time of confusion. |
| 131 καὶ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ τί δεῖ λέγειν; ἀλλὰ κινδυνεύοντας αὐτοὺς τῆς οἰκείας ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσεῖν καὶ δουλεύειν ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra τίνες ἄλλοι τοῦ δέους ἀπήλλαξαν; ἡ γὰρ ἐμὴ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλία κἀκείνου πρὸς ἡμᾶς διάθεσις αἰτία γεγένηται μηδὲ τούτους ἀνήκεστόν τι παθεῖν, φυλαττομένου τἀνδρὸς μηδὲν ἐπιτηδεύειν, ὃ δύναιτ᾽ ἂν ὕποπτον ἡμῖν γενέσθαι. | 131 Why need I speak of the many instances? When they were in danger of losing their own rule and becoming slaves to Cleopatra, who else delivered them from that fear? My friendship with Antony and his disposition toward us was the reason they suffered nothing incurable; for that man [Antony] was careful to do nothing that might be suspicious to us. |
| 131 And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? When they were in danger of losing their own government of themselves, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that freed them from that fear? for it was the friendship. I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, Antony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkindness: | 131 Need I say much about this? When they were in danger of losing their autonomy and being enslaved by Cleopatra, who was it but ourselves who set them free from that fear? For it was my friendship with Antony and his good disposition toward us that saved these Arabs from ruination, since he was careful not to do anything to which we might take exception. |
| 132 βουληθέντος δὲ ὅμως ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μέρη τινὰ παρασχεῖν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ τοῦτο διῳκησάμην ἐγώ, καὶ πολλὰ δῶρα δοὺς ἰδίᾳ τὸ μὲν ἀσφαλὲς ἀμφοτέροις ἐπορισάμην, τὰς δὲ δαπάνας αὐτὸς ἀνέλαβον, διακόσια μὲν δοὺς τάλαντα, διακοσίων δ᾽ ἐγγυητὴς γενόμενος, ἃ τῇ μὲν προσοδευομένῃ γέγονεν, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τούτων ἀπεστερήμεθα. | 132 Yet when he nevertheless wished to grant Cleopatra portions of both our kingdoms, I managed even this; by giving many gifts privately, I secured safety for both of us and took the expenses upon myself, paying two hundred talents and becoming guarantor for another two hundred. These sums have become revenue for her, but we have been defrauded of them by these men. |
| 132 but when he had a mind to bestow some parts of each of our dominions on Cleopatra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I might obtain a security to both nations, while I undertook myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to this tribute; and this they have defrauded us of, | 132 When he wished to bestow parts of each of our kingdoms to Cleopatra, I managed, by giving him gifts of my own, to obtain security for both of us, and became guarantor for the money while giving him two hundred talents and promised two hundred more for her revenue, of which they have defrauded us. |
| 133 καίτοι γε ἄξιον ἦν μηδενὶ τῶν ὄντων ἸουδαίουςJews φόρον ἢ τῆς χώρας ἀπόμοιραν τελεῖν, εἰ δ᾽ οὖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπέρ γε τούτων οὓς αὐτοὶ σεσώκαμεν, οὐδὲ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ὁμολογήσαντας ἐντεύξεως καὶ χάριτος ὅτι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐδόκουν τυγχάνειν ἀδικεῖν ἡμᾶς ἀποστεροῦντας, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ πολεμίους ὄντας, ἀλλὰ φίλους. | 133 And yet it would be right for Jews to pay no tribute or portion of their land to anyone; but even if they did, it should certainly not be for the sake of these men whom we ourselves have saved! Nor should the Arabs—who admitted they owed their very rule to our intervention and favor—wrong us by withholding payments, and that while being friends, not enemies! |
| 133 although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute to any man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable; but although that was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they, who have professed (and that with great integrity and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their principality, should injure us, and deprive us of what is our due, and this while we have been still not their enemies, but their friends. | 133 If it is not right for Jews to pay tax to anyone, or to let part of their land be taxed, even if this should happen, we surely ought not pay the tax for those whom we have saved; nor is it right for the Arabs, who have us to thank for helping them keep their autonomy, to wrong us by withholding what is our due, when we were not enemies but friends to them. |
| 134 ὡς ἥ γε πίστις ἔχουσα καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμιωτάτους τόπον τοῖς γε φίλοις ἀναγκαιοτάτη τετηρῆσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ παρὰ τούτοις, οἳ τὸ μὲν κερδαίνειν ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου κάλλιστον ὑπειλήφασιν, τὸ δ᾽ ἄδικον οὐκ ἐπιζήμιον, εἰ μόνον κερδαίνειν δυνηθεῖεν. | 134 For while good faith has a place even toward the most bitter enemies, it is absolutely necessary that it be maintained toward friends. But not among these men, who consider profiting by any means to be the most beautiful thing, and consider injustice to be no loss at all, if only they can gain by it. |
| 134 And whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely necessary, this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be the best of all things, let it be by any means whatsoever, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it: | 134 Whereas a pledge is kept even between the greatest enemies, it is essential that it be kept between friends; but among these people they are not kept, for they value profit above all things, and see no harm in injustice if they can only make profit by it. |
| 135 ἔστιν οὖν ἔτι ζήτησις ὑμῖν, εἰ δεῖ τοὺς ἀδίκους τιμωρεῖσθαι, τοῦτο καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλομένου καὶ παραγγέλλοντος ἀεὶ μισεῖν τὴν ὕβριν καὶ τὴν ἀδικίαν, καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μόνον δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀναγκαῖον πόλεμον ἐξιόντων; | 135 Is there, then, any further question for you as to whether the unjust must be punished, when God both wills it and commands us always to hate insolence and injustice—especially when you go out to a war that is not only just but necessary? |
| 135 is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just, but necessary, in wars between several nations; | 135 Are you still asking whether the unjust should be punished or not, when God himself wills it, and urges us always to hate insolence and injustice, even if it leads to a just but necessary war? |
| 136 ἃ γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται παρανομώτατα τοῖς τε ἝλλησινGreek καὶ τοῖς βαρβάροις, ταῦτα ἔπραξαν εἰς τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις ἀποσφάξαντες αὐτούς, τῶν μὲν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἱεροὺς καὶ ἀσύλους εἶναι φαμένων τοὺς κήρυκας, ἡμῶν δὲ τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν δογμάτων καὶ τὰ ὁσιώτατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις δι᾽ ἀγγέλων παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων· τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα καὶ ἀνθρώποις θεὸν εἰς ἐμφάνειαν ἄγει καὶ πολεμίους πολεμίοις διαλλάττειν δύναται. | 136 For they have committed an act considered most lawless by both Greeks and barbarians: they slaughtered our ambassadors (presbeis). The Greeks say that heralds are holy and inviolable; and we ourselves learned the most beautiful of our decrees and the holiest of our laws from God through angels (di’ angelōn). For this name [messenger] brings God into the open for men and is able to reconcile enemies to one another. |
| 136 for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, which they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable. And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or ambassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is sufficient to reconcile enemies one to another. | 136 These Arab have done to our envoys what both the Greeks and barbarians declare to be the grossest crime, for they beheaded them, though the Greeks say that envoys are sacred and inviolable. It was through messengers that we ourselves learned from God the best of our doctrines and the holiest of our laws, and they bring God to the knowledge of mankind and can reconcile enemies one to another. |
| 137 ποῖον οὖν μεῖζον ἂν γένοιτο ἀσέβημα ἢ πρέσβεις ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ δικαίου διαλεγομένους; πῶς δ᾽ ἂν ἔτι δύναιντο ἢ περὶ τὸν βίον εὐσταθεῖν ἢ περὶ τὸν πόλεμον εὐτυχεῖν τοιούτων αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένων; ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐδαμῶς δοκοῦσιν. | 137 What greater impiety could there be than to kill ambassadors who are discussing justice? How could they still possess stability in life or success in war after such deeds? To me, it seems impossible. |
| 137 What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it possible they can either live securely in common life, or be successful in war? In my opinion, this is impossible; | 137 What crime then can be worse than to kill envoys, coming to discuss a fair solution? And after doing such a thing, how can they live a secure life or be successful in war? I feel it is impossible! |
| 138
ἴσως
τοίνυν
τὸ
μὲν
ὅσιον
καὶ
δίκαιόν
ἐστιν
μεθ᾽
ἡμῶν,
ἀνδρειότεροι
δὲ
ἢ
πλείους
ἐκεῖνοι
τετυχήκασιν.
ἀλλὰ
πρῶτον
μὲν
ἀνάξιον
ὑμῖν
ταῦτα
λέγειν·
μεθ᾽
ὧν
γὰρ
τὸ
δίκαιόν
ἐστιν
μετ᾽
ἐκείνων
ὁ
θεός,
θεοῦ
δὲ
παρόντος
καὶ
πλῆθος
καὶ
ἀνδρεία
πάρεστιν.
|
138 Perhaps, then, the holy and the just are on our side, but they happen to be braver or more numerous. But first, it is unworthy of you to say this; for God is with those on whose side justice stands, and where God is present, there also is a multitude and courage. |
| 138 but perhaps some will say, that what is holy, and what is righteous, is indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are either more courageous or more numerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not fit for us to say so, for with whom is what is righteous, with them is God himself; now where God is, there is both multitude and courage. | 138 Maybe some might object that while godliness and justice are on our side, the Arabs are more courageous or more numerous. But it is wrong for you to say so in the first place, for God is with those who are on the side of justice, and where God is, both numbers and courage will not be lacking. |
| 139 ἵνα δὲ καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἐξετάσωμεν, ἐνικήσαμεν τῇ πρώτῃ μάχῃ· συμβαλόντες τὴν δευτέραν οὐδὲ ἀντέσχον ἡμῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφυγον εὐθὺς οὐχ ὑπομείναντες τὴν ἔφοδον καὶ τὰ φρονήματα· νικῶσιν ἡμῖν ἈθηνίωνAthenion ἐπέθετο πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον ἐπάγων. | 139 To examine our own record: we conquered in the first battle. When we engaged in the second, they could not even withstand us; they fled immediately, unable to endure our onset and our spirit. While we were victorious, Athenion attacked us, bringing on an unheralded war. |
| 139 But to examine our own circumstances a little, we were conquerors in the first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without declaring it; | 139 Just look at our own situation. We won the first battle. When we fought again, they could not stand up to us, but fled. They were unable to resist our assault and our courage. We had beaten them when Athenion came and made undeclared war against us. |
| 140 πότερον ἀνδραγαθία τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἐκείνων ἢ δευτέρα παρανομία καὶ ἐνέδρα; τί οὖν ἔλαττονsmaller, less φρονοῦμεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς μείζους ἔχειν δεῖ τὰς ἐλπίδας; πῶς δ᾽ ἂν καταπλαγείημεν τοὺς ὅταν μὲν ἐξ ἀληθείας ἀγωνίζωνται πάντοτε νικωμένους, ὅταν δὲ κρατεῖν νομισθῶσιν ἐξ ἀδικίας αὐτὸ ποιοῦντας; | 140 Was that manly valor on their part, or a second act of lawlessness and ambush? Why then do we lose heart over things that should give us greater hope? How could we be terrified of those who are always defeated when they fight in truth, and only seem to prevail when they act out of injustice? |
| 140 and pray, is this an instance of their manhood? or is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon the level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conquerors, they gain it by wickedness? | 140 Was this an act of courage on their part, or not just a second crime and treachery? Why are we downhearted then, in a situation which should spur us to stronger hopes? Why are we terrified of people, who are always defeated in an honest fight, and whose only victories are gained by treachery? |
| 141 πῶς δ᾽ ἄν, εἰ καὶ γενναίους ἡγεῖταί τις αὐτούς, οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ὁρμηθείη; τὸ γὰρ εὔψυχον οὐκ ἐν τῷ τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι καὶ τῶν ἰσχυροτέρων κρατεῖν. | 141 If anyone considers them noble, should he not be even more spurred on by that very fact? For true courage consists not in attacking the weak, but in being able to overcome those who are stronger. |
| 141 and if we suppose that any one should deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valor is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to overcome the most hardy. | 141 But even if one were to reckon them as men of real courage, would this not spur us to greater efforts against them? For true bravery is not shown by fighting weaker men but in being able to overcome the stronger. |
| 142 εἰ δέ τινα καταπλήξεται τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν σεισμὸν συμβεβηκότα, πρῶτον μὲν ἐννοηθήτω, διότι τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ἐξαπατᾷ μείζω τὰ γενόμενα τῆς ἀληθείας ὑπειληφότας, ἔπειτα ὡς οὐ καλὸν ἐκείνοις τε τόλμης καὶ ἡμῖν δειλίας τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν γενέσθαι· | 142 If anyone is terrified by our own sufferings and what happened during the earthquake, let him consider first that this very event deceives the Arabs, who imagine the events were greater than the reality. Second, it is not honorable for the same cause to produce boldness in them and cowardice in us. |
| 142 But then if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the miseries that have come by the earthquake, hath affrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath befallen us is greater than it really is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us; | 142 Now if anyone has become fearful by our hardships and the effects of the earthquake, let him first consider that this will lead the Arabs astray into thinking that what has happened to us is greater than it really is. |
| 143 οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείου τινὸς ἀγαθοῦ τὸ εὔψυχον ἔχουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς περὶ ἡμᾶς ὡς κάμνοντας ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς ἐλπίδος, ἡμεῖς δὲ χωρήσαντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς παραιρησόμεθα μὲν ἐκείνων τὸ μεῖζον φρονεῖν, ἀναληψόμεθα δ᾽ αὐτοὶ τὸ μηκέτι θαρροῦσιν μάχεσθαι. | 143 For they do not have their courage from any goodness of their own, but from their hope regarding us—imagining that we are already sinking under our evils. But when we move against them, we will strip away their pride and reclaim our own ability to fight those who are no longer confident. |
| 143 for these men, you see, do not derive their alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their own, but from their hope, as to us, that we are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but when we boldly march against them, we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of themselves, and shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the battle; | 143 Then too, what emboldens them should not discourage us, for their audacity is not based on any merit of their own, but on their belief that we are worn down by our troubles. But if we march against them, we shall soon pull down their high conceit and they will not be so bold when it comes to battle. |
| 144 καὶ γὰρ οὔτε κεκακώμεθα τοσοῦτον οὔθ᾽, ὅπερ οἴονταί τινες, ὀργὴν θεοῦ παρέχει τὸ γεγονός, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα συμπτώματα γίνεται καὶ πάθη τινά. Καὶ εἰ κατὰ θεοῦ γνώμην πέπρακται, δῆλον ὡς καὶ πέπαυται κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου γνώμην ἀρκουμένου τοῖς γεγονόσιν· βουλόμενος γὰρ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖν, οὐκ ἂν μετεβάλετο. | 144 For we have not been so badly damaged, nor, as some think, does this event signify the wrath of God. These things are accidents and natural afflictions (pathē). And if it happened according to God's will, it is clear that it has also ceased according to His will, He being satisfied with what has occurred. For had He wished to do even more harm, He would not have changed His course. |
| 144 for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened an indication of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are accidental, and adversities that come in the usual course of things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is satisfied with what hath already happened; for had he been willing to afflict us still more thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon. | 144 Our woes are not so great, nor do they prove, as some imagine, that God is angry with us, for such things are natural events and misfortunes. Even if we think that they happened by God’s will, now by his will they are clearly over, and enough has happened, for if he wished to afflict us still more, he would not have already changed his mind. |
| 145 τὸν δὲ πόλεμον ὅτι καὶ θέλει τοῦτον ἐνεργεῖσθαι καὶ δίκαιον οἶδεν, δεδήλωκεν αὐτός· ἐνίωνsome γὰρ ἐν τῷ σεισμῷ περὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπολομένων οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ἔπαθεν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἐσώθητε, φανερὸν ποιοῦντος τοῦ θεοῦ, διότι κἂν εἰ πανδημεὶ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐστρατεύεσθε, περιῆν ἂν ὑμῖν μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν. | 145 And that He both wishes this war to be carried out and knows it is just, He has shown Himself. For while some in the countryside perished in the earthquake, not one of those under arms suffered anything, but you were all saved. Thus God makes it clear that even if you had campaigned in full force with children and wives, you would have suffered nothing incurable. |
| 145 And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be a just war; for while some of the people in the country have perished, all you who were in arms have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you had universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it had come to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much hurt you. | 145 He has actually indicated that he wants us to continue with the just war we are engaged in, for while some people in the country have died, none of the army has suffered anything, but all were spared. By this God makes plain to us, that if our whole people, including children and wives, had taken the field with us, none might have suffered irreparable harm. |
| 146 ταῦτα ἐνθυμηθέντες καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ὅτι παρὰ πάντα καιρὸν προιστάμενον ἔχετε τὸν θεόνGod, ἐπεξέλθετε δικαίαις ἀνδραγαθίαιςbravery τοὺς ἀδίκους μὲν πρὸς φιλίαν, ἀσπόνδους δὲ ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, ἀνοσίους δὲ εἰς πρέσβεις, ἀεὶ δὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ἡττημένους.» | 146 Keep these things in mind, and most of all that you have God standing over you at every moment. Advance with righteous valor against those who are unjust in friendship, treaty-breakers in battle, impious toward ambassadors, and always defeated by your excellence." |
| 146 Consider these things, and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your Protector; and prosecute these men with a just bravery, who, in point of friendship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always inferior to you in valor." | 146 Think on these things, and above all that you have God for your Protector always, and with due bravery pursue those who betray their friendship, are treacherous in battle, sacrilegious toward envoys and always inferior to you in bravery." |
The earthquake of 31 BCE was a catastrophic event that killed approximately 30,000 people in Judea. Historically, such events were interpreted as divine displeasure. Herod’s tactical genius here is to separate the "civilian" catastrophe from the "military" reality. By pointing out that the army survived intact, he argues that the earthquake was not a judgment on the regime, but a "natural affliction" (sumptōmata) that God has already halted.
"Through Angels": The Wordplay on Angelos
Herod makes a brilliant theological-linguistic pivot. He notes that the Jews received the Law from God "διʼ ἀγγέλων" (di’ angelōn). In Greek, angelos means both "angel" and "messenger/ambassador." By equating the murdered ambassadors with the "angels" who brought the Law, he elevates a diplomatic breach into a cosmic sacrilege. To kill an ambassador is, in Herod’s rhetoric, an attack on the very mechanism by which God communicates with man.
The Cleopatra Connection
The speech provides a rare look at the high-stakes tribute system of the late Republic. Cleopatra VII had convinced Antony to give her the lucrative balsam groves of Jericho and parts of Nabataea. Herod was paying the tribute for both kingdoms to keep the peace. By framing the Arabs as "ungrateful" for a debt he paid to save their skins, he paints himself as the victimized benefactor.
Psychological Warfare: The Danger of "Hope"
Herod accurately identifies that Nabataean courage is reactive, not proactive. They are only "brave" because they think the Jews are broken. Herod’s strategy is a psychological counter-shock: by attacking immediately, he proves the Arabs' premise (Jewish weakness) false, which he predicts will cause their "borrowed" courage to evaporate.
"Holy War" and Moral Superiority
The speech is structured to remove every excuse for cowardice:
1) The Legalist: "The war is just; they broke the treaty."
2) The Pious: "The earthquake was a test, not a curse; God saved the soldiers."
3) The Tactician: "We have won before; they only win by ambush."
4) The Prideful: "True courage is beating a strong enemy, not kicking a wounded one."
6. Josephus vs. Herod It is worth noting that this speech is likely a literary reconstruction by Josephus, heavily influenced by the style of Thucydides. However, it perfectly captures the "Herodian" persona: charismatic, intellectually sharp, deeply pragmatic, and capable of using Jewish tradition and Roman military values simultaneously to achieve his ends.
| 147 Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews πολὺ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀμείνους ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὴν μάχην. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ θυσίας κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα ποιήσας καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs διαβὰς τὸν ἸορδάνηνJordan ποταμὸν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων στρατοπεδεύεται πλησίον. | 147 "When the Jews heard these things [Herod's speech], they became much more encouraged in their souls for the battle. Herod, having offered sacrifices according to the customs and having taken them up with zeal, led them against the Arabs. After crossing the Jordan River, he encamped near the enemy. |
| 147 When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had offered the sacrifices appointed by the law made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. | 147 Hearing all this, the Jews were in better spirits and more disposed for the fight. Herod sacrificed according to the law and hurried to lead them against the Arabs, crossing the Jordan and pitching camp near that of the enemy. |
| 148 ἐδόκει δ᾽ αὐτῷ φρούριον ἐν μέσῳ κείμενον καταλαβεῖν· οὕτως γὰρ αὐτὸς μὲν ὠφεληθήσεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὸ θᾶττον συνάψαι τὴν μάχην καὶ εἰ παρέλκειν δέοι ἐρυμνὸν αὐτῷ πεπορισμένος τὸ στρατόπεδον. | 148 He decided to seize a fortress lying in the middle [between the camps]; for he believed that in this way he would be helped both toward joining the battle more quickly and, should it be necessary to delay, having secured a fortified camp for himself. |
| 148 He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that if there were occasion for delay, he should by it have his camp fortified; | 148 He decided to seize a stronghold in the territory in between, hoping it would be an advantage and would sooner lead to a battle, and that if there were any delay, it would add to the strength of his camp. |
| 149 τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian προνοούντων ἅμιλλα γίνεται περὶ τοῦ χωρίου καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀκροβολισμοῖς, εἶτα δὴ καὶ πλείους εἰς χεῖρας ἐρχόμενοι παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἕως ἡττηθέντες οἱ παρὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀπεχώρουν. | 149 Since the Arabs were planning the same thing, a contest arose over the place. At first, it began with skirmishing (akrobolismois), but then, as more men from both sides came to close quarters, the Arab party was defeated and retreated. |
| 149 and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten and retreated. | 149 Since the Arabs had a similar plan, the place was contested, at first simply by skirmishes, but then more soldiers came on both sides, and they fought until the Arabs were defeated and retreated. |
| 150 τοῦτο εὐθὺς εἰς ἐλπίδας τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews οὐ μικρὸν ἐγεγόνει. Καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ ἐννοούμενονto have in mind πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς μάχην ἰέναι βουλόμενον θρασύτερον ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα διασπᾶν καὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προσάγων ἅπτεσθαι· τούτοις γὰρ ἐκβιασθέντες προῄεσαν ἄτακτοι καὶ προθυμίας ἢ τῆς εἰς τὸ νικᾶν ἐλπίδος οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ἐσχηκότες. | 150 This immediately provided no small hope to the Jews. And as Herod perceived their [the Arabs'] force—wishing for anything rather than to go into battle—he more boldly attempted to break through their rampart (charaka) and advanced to strike at their camp. For being forced by these actions, the Arabs came forward in disorder, having no zeal or even any hope of victory. |
| 150 This was no small encouragement to the Jews immediately; and when Herod observed that the enemy’s army was disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to attempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory; | 150 This was immediately a significant boost to the Jews, and as he noted that the enemy forces wanted anything rather than an open battle, he ventured a bold attack on their defences, hoping to pull them down so as to get nearer to their camp and fight them. When they were forced out in this way, they advanced in disorder with no eagerness or hope of victory. |
| 151 ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν εἰς χεῖρας ᾔεσαν πλείους τε ὄντες καὶ διὰ τὸ κατεπείγειν ἐπὶ τὸ τολμηρὸν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης στρατηγούμενοι, καὶ μάχη γίνεται καρτερὰ πιπτόντων ἑκατέρωθεν οὐκ ὀλίγων, τέλος δὲ τραπέντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἔφευγον. | 151 Nevertheless, they came to close quarters, being superior in numbers and led by the necessity of the emergency to act with daring. A fierce battle occurred with not a few falling on both sides, but finally, the Arabs turned and fled. |
| 151 yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than the Jews, and because they were in such a disposition of war that they were under a necessity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians fled; | 151 Still they fought hand to hand, because of their greater numbers, and their necessity made them reckless; the fighting was very stubborn and not a few fell on both sides, but in the end the Arabs fled. |
| 152 ἦν δὲ φόνος ἐγκλινάντων, ὡς μὴ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων θνήσκειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς παραιτίους γίνεσθαι τῶν κακῶν, ὑπό τε πλήθους καὶ φορᾶς ἀτάκτου συμπατουμένων καὶ περιπιπτόντων τοῖς οἰκείοις ὅπλοις· | 152 There was a slaughter of those in retreat, so that they died not only at the hands of the enemy but also became the causes of their own calamities, being trampled by the multitude and the disordered rush, and falling upon their own weapons. |
| 152 and so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of their own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armor; | 152 As they fell back there was a slaughter, for not only were they killed by their enemies, but they also harmed each other and were trodden down by the crowd in a great disorderly rush, and were impeded by their own armour, |
| 153 πεντακισχίλιοι γοῦν αὐτῶν ἐγένοντο νεκροί. τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος ἔφθη μὲν εἰς τὸ χαράκωμα συμφυγεῖν, εἶχεν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐν βεβαίῳ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary καὶ μᾶλλον ὕδατος. οἵ τε ἸουδαῖοιJews διώκοντες συνεισπεσεῖν μὲν οὐ κατίσχυσαν, | 153 At least five thousand of them became corpses. The rest of the multitude managed to flee together into the entrenchment, but they held no firm hope of safety due to a lack of provisions, and especially water. |
| 153 so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bulwark for safety, but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water. | 153 so that five thousand of them met their death. The rest of the crowd fled for safety inside the fortress, but it provided no security, because of the lack of essentials and especially of water. |
| 154 περικαθεζόμενοι δὲ τῷ ΧάρακιCharax καὶ παρατηροῦντες εἰσόδου τε τοὺς ἐπαρκοῦντας καὶ ἐξόδου φυγεῖν βουλομένους εἶργον. | 154 The Jews, in pursuit, were not strong enough to break in with them; however, sitting around the rampart in siege, they kept watch, preventing both those coming to help from entering and those wishing to flee from exiting." |
| 154 The Jews pursued them, but could not get in with them, but sat round about the bulwark, and watched any assistance that would get in to them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to it, from running away. | 154 The Jews pursued them, but could not get in among them, so they besieged the stronghold and prevented any help from getting in to them and stopped anyone from escaping. |
Before crossing the Jordan, Herod performs "θυσίας κατὰ τὰ νομιζόμενα" (sacrifices according to the customs). This is a vital detail. After the earthquake, the people feared God was against them. By performing the traditional Jewish sacrifices, Herod was visually demonstrating that the covenant was intact and that the "King" was still the legitimate mediator between the nation and the Divine.
The "Race for the Fortress"
The battle begins not with a grand charge, but with a race for a "φρούριον" (fortress/strongpoint). Herod’s tactical goal was to force the Arabs out of their defensive shell. In ancient warfare, holding the "middle ground" or high ground gave a commander the luxury of choosing the timing of the engagement. By winning this small skirmish, Herod broke the Arabs' confidence before the main lines ever met.
The Psychology of "Necessity" (Anagkēs)
Josephus makes a profound observation about the Arab army: they were "στρατηγούμενοι ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης" (led by necessity). They didn't want to fight; they were forced to by Herod’s aggressive pressure on their camp. When an army fights because it has to, rather than because it wants to, it lacks the "προθυμίας" (zeal) required to sustain a "fierce battle" (machē kartera).
The Danger of the Disordered Retreat
The description of the retreat is horrific. Josephus notes that the Arabs were "παραιτίους... τῶν κακῶν" (the causes of their own evils). In the panic, more men often died from being "συμπατουμένων" (trampled) or falling on their own "οἰκείοις ὅπλοις" (own weapons) than from the enemy's swords. This highlights the absolute importance of unit cohesion; once the "order" (taxis) was lost, the army became its own worst enemy.
Water as the Ultimate Weapon
The Arabs flee into their "χαράκωμα" (entrenchment), but they are doomed by "ἀπορίᾳ... ὕδατος" (a lack of water). In the arid regions of the Jordan Valley and Transjordan, a siege was often won by thirst rather than by storming the walls. Herod’s strategy shifts from a direct assault to a blockade, effectively using the desert environment as a silent executioner.
Five Thousand Dead
The loss of 5,000 men in the initial break was a catastrophic blow to a regional power like the Nabateans. Unlike the Roman legions, which had vast reserves of manpower, a client kingdom's army was difficult to replace. This victory effectively neutralized the Nabatean threat and allowed Herod to pivot back to his most dangerous challenge: convincing Octavian that he should remain King of Judea.
| 155 Ἐν τοιούτοις οὖν ὄντες οἱ ἌραβεςArabs ἐπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως, ἔπειτα, τὸ γὰρ δίψος ἤπειγεν, πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ὑφιστάμενοι καὶ τυχεῖν εἰς τὸ παρὸν ἀδείας ἠξιωκότες. | 155 "Being in such a desperate state, the Arabs sent an embassy to Herod, first to discuss a settlement, and then—as thirst was driving them—offering to submit to any terms whatsoever if they could only obtain safety for the present. |
| 155 When the Arabians were in these circumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accommodation, and after that to offer him, so pressing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them from their present distress; | 155 In this situation the Arabs sent envoys to Herod, first, to propose an agreement and then, so driven by thirst, to submit to any condition, just to be freed from their present distress. |
| 156 ὁ δ᾽ οὔτε πρέσβεις οὔτε λύτρα τῶν ἡλωκότων οὔτ᾽ ἄλλο τι μέτριον προσίετο φιλόνεικος ὢν ἐκδικῆσαι τὰς παρανομίας τὰς εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων γεγενημένας. καταναγκαζόμενοί τε τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ τῷ δίψει προιόντες αὑτοὺς ἐνεχείριζον ἄγειν καὶ δεῖν, | 156 But he would accept neither ambassadors nor ransom for the captives, nor any other moderate terms, being determined to avenge the lawless acts they had committed against his people. Being forced by their other calamities and especially by thirst, they came forward and surrendered themselves to be led away and bound. |
| 156 but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried away captives; | 156 But being determined to revenge their unjust actions against his people, he would accept no envoys and no ransom price, nor any other moderate terms. So they were forced especially by their thirst to come out and surrender to him, to be bound in chains. |
| 157 [καὶ] πέντε μὲν ἡμέραις τετρακισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος οὕτως ἑάλωσαν, τῇ δ᾽ ἕκτῃ πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ διέγνωσαν ἐξιέναι πολέμου νόμῳ χωρήσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐγχειρεῖν, καὶ εἰ δέοι τι πάσχειν, αἱρούμενοι καὶ μὴ διαφθείρεσθαι κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ἀδόξως. | 157 Thus, in five days, four thousand in number were captured in this way. On the sixth day, all the rest decided to go out and attack the enemy according to the law of war; if they had to suffer, they chose to do so rather than perish one by one in an inglorious manner. |
| 157 and in five days' time the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolved to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so it must be, to die therein, than to perish gradually and ingloriously. | 157 After four thousand were taken prisoner within five days, all the rest resolved to come out and fight their enemies, preferring to risk disaster than to die gradually and ingloriously. |
| 158 ταῦτα δὲ γνόντες ἐξῆλθον μὲν τοῦ χαρακώματος, διήρκεσαν δ᾽ οὐδαμῶς τῇ μάχῃ, λαμπρῶς μὲν ἀγωνίσασθαι κεκακωμένοι καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα τόπον οὐκ ἔχοντες, κέρδος δ᾽ εἰ θνήσκοιεν ἐν συμφορᾷ τὸ ζῆν ποιούμενοι, καὶ πίπτουσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ περὶ ἑπτακισχιλίους. | 158 Having made this decision, they went out from the entrenchment, but they were in no way equal to the battle. They were too broken in both soul and body to fight brilliantly, having no strength left, and they considered it a gain if they could end their lives amidst their misfortune. About seven thousand of them fell in this latter engagement. |
| 158 When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert themselves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them, | 158 With this in mind they came out from their defences, but could not keep up the fight, being so depleted in mind and body and with no chance of victory. They thought it better to be killed and a misery to survive, so at the first battle about seven thousand of them fell. |
| 159 τοιαύτῃ δὲ πληγῇ χρησαμένων φρονήματος μὲν ὅσον ἦν πρότερον αὐτοῖς ἀφῄρηντο, τεθαυμακότες δὲ ἐν ταῖς οἰκείαις συμφοραῖς τὴν ἩρώδουHerod στρατηγίαν εἴς τε τὸ λοιπὸν εἶξαν καὶ προστάτην ἀπεφήναντοto display, show forth τοῦ ἔθνους. | 159 Having suffered such a blow, they were stripped of all the pride they previously possessed. Stunned by their own disasters and by Herod’s generalship, they yielded for the future and declared him the protector (prostatēn) of their nation. |
| 159 after which stroke they let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod’s warlike spirit under his own calamities; so for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation; | 159 After this blow all their earlier courage failed and they were impressed by Herod’s warlike spirit despite his own reverses, so thereafter they yielded and made him ruler of their nation. |
| 160 ὁ δὲ πλεῖστον ἐπὶ τοῖς εὐημερήμασιν ἠξιωκὼς φρονεῖν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, προσειληφὼς ἀξίωμα καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν. | 160 Herod, having judged himself most highly for these successes, returned to his own land, having acquired even greater prestige through this display of manly courage (andragathian)." |
| 160 whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a success, and returned home, taking great authority upon him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made. | 160 He was very proud of such a timely success and returned home with great prestige after his courageous exploit. |
Josephus emphasizes that "δίψος" (thirst) was the primary driver of the Arab surrender. In the high-heat environment of the Transjordan, a human can survive only a few days without water. Herod didn't need to risk his men in a breach; he simply waited for the biological reality of the desert to do his work. The psychological horror of watching 4,000 men walk out to be "bound" (dein) just for a drink of water is a testament to the absolute leverage Herod held.
The Refusal of Ransom
Herod’s refusal of "λύτρα" (ransom) was a departures from standard Hellenistic military practice, where captives were usually seen as a source of revenue. By refusing money, Herod signaled that this was not a border skirmish, but a war of retribution for the murder of his ambassadors. He chose "blood for blood" over "silver for blood," a move designed to terrify his neighbors into future compliance.
The "Death with Honor" Charge
The charge on the sixth day by the remaining 7,000 soldiers is a classic military trope: the desperatio charge. They preferred to die "πολέμου νόμῳ" (by the law of war) rather than "ἀδόξως" (ingloriously) from dehydration. Josephus notes they were already "κεκακωμένοι" (broken/enfeebled) in body, making the final battle less of a contest and more of an execution.
Herod as "Prostatēs"
The title "προστάτην" (protector/patron) is highly significant. The Nabateans didn't just sign a peace treaty; they effectively accepted Herod as their regional overlord. This shifted the balance of power in the Levant. Herod was no longer just a king of a small territory; he was the dominant military force in the East, a fact he intended to use as his "calling card" when he finally met Octavian.
Andragathia: The Heroic Image
The term "ἀνδραγαθίαν" (manly virtue/bravery) is the key takeaway for Herod. He had successfully reframed himself. To his subjects and to Rome, he was no longer just the "protector of the tax revenue," but a conquering hero who had overcome a massive earthquake and a foreign invasion simultaneously.
The 11,000 Casualties
Combined with the previous 5,000 killed in the first break, the total Nabatean losses reached roughly 16,000 men. For a desert kingdom, this was a demographic catastrophe. This explains why the Nabateans remained relatively quiet for the next decade as Herod built his massive projects in Jerusalem and Caesarea.
[161-201]
Herod kills Hyrcanus and is confirmed as king of Judea by Augustus Caesar,
whom he royally entertains
| 161 Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα καλῶς εἶχεν αὐτῷ δυσεπιχειρήτῳ κατὰ πάντα γεγενημένῳ, κίνδυνος δ᾽ ἐμπίπτει τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων κρίσιν ἐξάγων ἈντώνιονAntōny ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐν τῇ κατ᾽ ἌκτιονActium μάχῃ νενικηκότος· | 161 "Now, while his other affairs were in good condition and he had become difficult to challenge in every respect, a danger fell upon him regarding the final judgment of his entire situation, because Antony had been defeated by Caesar [Octavian] in the battle at Actium. |
| 161 Herod’s other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be easily assaulted on any side. Yet did there come upon him a danger that would hazard his entire dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octarian]; | 161 All else was now prospering for Herod and there was no easy way to attack him on any side. But a danger still loomed that could put his entire kingship at risk, when Antony was defeated by Caesar at the battle of Actium. |
| 162 τότε γὰρ ἀπέγνωστο αὐτῷ τε ἩρώδῃHerod τὰ πράγματα καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὁμοίως ἐχθροῖς τε καὶ φίλοις· οὐ γὰρ ἦν εἰκὸς ἀτιμώρητον μενεῖν τοσαύτης αὐτῷ φιλίας πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny γεγενημένης. | 162 At that time, the state of affairs seemed hopeless both to Herod himself and to those around him, whether enemies or friends; for it was not likely that he would remain unpunished, given the great friendship that had existed between him and Antony. |
| 162 for at that time both Herod’s enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without punishment, who had showed so much friendship for Antony. | 162 At that time both his enemies and his friends thought Herod was finished, since he was unlikely to remain unpunished after showing such friendship to Antony. |
| 163 ἦν οὖν τοῖς μὲν φίλοις ἀπόγνωσις τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐλπίδων, ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐχθρῶς εἶχον ἐδόκουν μὲν ἐξ ἐμφανοῦς συνάχθεσθαι, πάθος δὲ λεληθὸς ἐφηδομένων εἶχον ὡς ἀμείνονος τευξόμενοι τῆς μεταβολῆς. | 163 Therefore, his friends abandoned all hope for his prospects, while those who were his enemies appeared to sympathize with him openly, yet secretly they felt a hidden joy, as they expected to obtain a better situation through this change of power. |
| 163 So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly appeared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better. | 163 His friends utterly despaired of his survival, while all his enemies outwardly appeared to be anxious on his behalf, but were secretly delighted, hoping for a change for the better. |
| 164 αὐτός τε ἩρώδηςHerod τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ὁρῶν μόνον ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος βασιλικοῦ συμφέρειν ᾤετο μηκέτ᾽ ἐμποδὼν ἐᾶν, εἰ μὲν περισωθείη καὶ διαφύγοι τὸν κίνδυνον, ἀσφαλὲς ἡγούμενος πρὸς τὸ μὴ τοῖς τοιούτοις αὐτοῦ καιροῖς ἐφορμεῖν ἄνδρα τυχεῖν τῆς βασιλείας ἀξιώτερον, εἰ δὲ καὶ πάσχοι τι διὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar, φθόνῳ τὸν μόνον ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας γενησόμενον ἐπιθυμῶν ἐξελεῖν. | 164 Herod himself, seeing that Hyrcanus alone remained with the prestige of royalty, thought it best to no longer allow him to stand in his way. For if he [Herod] survived and escaped the danger, he judged it safer that no man more worthy of the kingship should be lurking to seize it during such a crisis; and if he should suffer death at the hands of Caesar, he desired out of envy to remove the only man who would succeed him in the kingdom." |
| 164 As for Herod himself he saw that there was no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he himself survived, and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it was the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him, at such junctures of affairs, as was more worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after him. | 164 Herod himself knew that there was no one of royal dignity left, apart from Hyrcanus. He reckoned it would be to his advantage, in case he himself survived his present danger, not to leave him any longer as an obstacle in his way, but to forestall this man, more worthy of the kingship than himself, from making any move against him. At any rate, if he himself was going to be killed by Caesar, envy prompted him to kill the man who otherwise would be king after him. |
The Battle of Actium (31 BCE) was the "Big Bang" of the Roman Empire. By defeating Antony and Cleopatra, Octavian became the sole master of the Mediterranean. For a client king like Herod, who had provided troops, money, and unwavering loyalty to Antony for over a decade, this was a death sentence. Josephus highlights the "ἀπόγνωσις" (despair/hopelessness) that permeated the court; in the Roman world, loyalty to a defeated rebel was usually rewarded with execution.
The Psychology of the Court
Josephus provides a cynical but realistic look at palace politics. The "ἐχθροί" (enemies) put on a face of "συνάχθεσθαι" (grieving with him), but they were actually "ἐφηδομένων" (gloating). This "hidden joy" stemmed from the hope that Octavian would restore the Hasmonean line, viewing Herod as an Idumaean usurper.
Hyrcanus II: The Living Threat
Hyrcanus II was the elderly, mutilated former High Priest and King whom Herod had brought back from exile in Babylon. Despite his age and lack of political ambition, he possessed something Herod never could: "ἀξιώματος βασιλικοῦ" (royal prestige/lineage). Herod realized that if Octavian wanted to please the Jewish people while punishing Herod, Hyrcanus was the perfect "legitimate" replacement.
The Logic of Envy and Security
Herod’s decision to kill Hyrcanus is driven by a two-pronged "Herodian" logic:
1) Security: If I live, I don't want a rival at home.
2) Envy (Phthonō): If I die, I don't want anyone else to have what I had.
This reveals the darkest part of Herod’s psyche. He would rather the kingdom be leaderless or destroyed than see it return to the hands of the Hasmoneans.The "Unpunished" (Atimōrēton) Friend
The phrase "τοσαύτης αὐτῷ φιλίας" (such a great friendship) refers to the fact that Herod had been Antony's "man in the East." In the ancient world, amicitia (friendship) between a Roman and a king was a formal, binding contract. To Octavian, Herod wasn't just a king; he was Antony's primary logistical partner. Herod’s genius was realizing that he couldn't hide this friendship—he had to own it.
The Rhodes Gamble
This passage sets the stage for Herod’s journey to the island of Rhodes. He is preparing to meet Octavian not as a groveling suppliant, but as a man who has "cleaned his house" (by killing Hyrcanus) and is ready to offer the same brutal, effective loyalty to a new master.
| 165 Ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ δι᾽ ἐννοίας ἔχοντος ἐνεδόθη τι καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ἐπιεικείᾳ τρόπου καὶ τότε καὶ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον οὐκ ἠξίου πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ νεωτέρων ἅπτεσθαι, συγχωρῶν τῇ τύχῃ πᾶν τὸ δι᾽ ἐκείνης γινόμενον ἠγαπηκέναι. | 165 "While Herod had these thoughts in mind, an opportunity was provided by the others. For Hyrcanus, due to the mildness of his character, did not think it right either then or at any other time to meddle in affairs or attempt any revolution, being content to accept whatever fortune brought his way. |
| 165 While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion afforded him: for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to concern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded him: | 165 While he thought over these things a good chance presented itself. Hyrcanus was so mild mannered, both then and at other times, that he did not involve himself in public affairs nor seek to change things, but left everything to fate and was satisfied with whatever it brought. |
| 166 φιλόνεικος δ᾽ ἦν ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς ἀκρατῶς φέρουσα λόγους ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, μὴ μέχρι παντὸς ἀναμεῖναι τὴν ἩρώδουHerod παρανομίαν εἰς τὸν αὐτῶν οἶκον, ἀλλὰ προλαβεῖν ἀσφαλείᾳ τὰς αὖθις ἐλπίδας, | 166 But Alexandra was contentious, and bearing the hope of a change in power without restraint, she spoke to her father, urging him not to endure Herod’s lawlessness against their house forever, but to take proactive steps for their safety and future hopes. |
| 166 but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding desirous of a change of the government, and spake to her father not to bear for ever Herod’s injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might; | 166 But Alexandra loved conflict and wanted change. So she urged her father not to put up forever with the wrong Herod had done their family. But to work for their hopes as he could safely do, |
| 167 καὶ γράφειν ἠξίου περὶ τούτων ΜάλχῳMalchus τῷ τὴν ἀραβαρχίαν ἔχοντι δέξασθαί τε αὐτὸν καὶ δι᾽ ἀσφαλείας ἔχειν· ὑπεξελθόντων γὰρ εἰ τὰ περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd οὕτως χωρήσειεν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν ἔχθρᾳ ΚαίσαροςCaesar, αὐτοὺς ἔσεσθαι τοὺς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντας μόνους καὶ διὰ τὸ γένος καὶ διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν ὄχλων. | 167 She urged him to write concerning these matters to Malchus, who held the governorship of Arabia, asking him to receive them and keep them in safety. For she argued that if they withdrew and things went poorly for Herod—as was likely given Caesar’s [Octavian's] enmity—they would be the only ones left to recover the kingdom, both because of their lineage and the goodwill of the multitudes. |
| 167 and desired him to write about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod’s affairs proved to be as it was likely they would be, by reason of Caesar’s enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account of the good disposition of: the multitude to them. | 167 and to write to Malichus, who was then ruler of Arabia, to receive him and keep them in security. For if they went away, and Herod’s affairs turned out as now seemed likely because of Caesar’s hostility to him, they would be the only ones who could be called upon to rule, due to their royal background and the people’s goodwill toward them. |
| 168 ταῦτα πειθούσης ὁ μὲν ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus διωθεῖτο τοὺς λόγους, φιλόνεικον δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον αὐτῆς πεπονθυίας καὶ μήτε νύκτα μήθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀπολειπομένης, ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ περὶ τούτων καὶ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιβουλῆς διαλεγομένης, ἀνεπείσθηto persuade τέλος ἐπιστολὴν δοῦναι ΔοσιθέῳDositheus τινὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν φίλων, ἐν ᾗ συντέτακτο πέμπειν αὐτῷ τὸν ἌραβαArabian τοὺς ἀναληψομένους καὶ παραπέμψοντας ἱππέας ἐπὶ τὴν ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis λίμνην· αὕτη δ᾽ ἀπέχει τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem ὅρωνto see σταδίους τριακοσίους. | 168 Though Hyrcanus initially pushed these suggestions aside, Alexandra, being driven by a womanly persistence and never leaving him alone by night or day—always talking of these things and Herod’s plots against them—finally persuaded him to give a letter to Dositheus, one of his friends. In it, he arranged for the Arab to send horsemen to receive and escort him to the Asphaltite Lake [Dead Sea], which is three hundred furlongs from the borders of Jerusalem. |
| 168 While she used these persuasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a contentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod’s treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him to intrust Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein his resolution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send to him some horsemen, who should receive him, and conduct him to the lake Asphaltites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: | 168 Despite her persuasions, Hyrcanus ignored her at first. But with her combative, womanly nature she would not let up, night or day, always going on about these matters and Herod’s treacherous intent. Finally she persuaded him to send Dositheus, one of his friends, with a letter declaring his resolve, and asking the Arab to send him some cavalry to take and lead him to lake Asphaltitis, which is three hundred furlongs from the borders of Jerusalem. |
| 169 ἐπίστευεν δὲ τῷ ΔοσιθέῳDositheus θεραπεύοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd δυσνοίας οὐ μικρὰς αἰτίας ἔχοντος· ἸωσήπουJoseph τε γάρ, ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἀνῃρήκει, συγγενὴς ἦν καὶ τῶν ἐν ΤύρῳTyre φονευθέντων ὑπ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny πρότερον ἀδελφός. | 169 He trusted Dositheus because he had cultivated both him and Alexandra, and he had no small reasons for hostility toward Herod: he was a relative of Joseph (whom Herod had executed) and the brother of those previously killed by Antony in Tyre. |
| 169 and he did therefore trust Dositheus with this letter, because he was a careful attendant on him, and on Alexandra, and had no small occasions to bear ill-will to Herod; for he was a kinsman of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: | 169 He entrusted this letter to Dositheus who had faithfully served him and Alexandra and had good reason to hate Herod, who had killed a relative of his named Joseph, and a brother of his had earlier been killed by Antony, in Tyre. |
| 170 οὐ μὴν ἐπήγαγεν ταῦτα τὸν ΔοσίθεονDositheus ὙρκανῷHyrcanus πιστὸν εἰς τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν γενέσθαι, προτιμήσας δὲ τῶν ἐκείνου τὰς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐλπίδας ἐπιδίδωσιν ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν ἐπιστολήν. | 170 However, these factors did not lead Dositheus to be faithful in his service to Hyrcanus; instead, preferring the prospects offered by the reigning king, he handed the letter over to Herod. |
| 170 yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the letter. | 170 But not even these could keep Dositheus faithful in serving Hyrcanus, for, preferring his chances from the actual king, he handed over the letter to Herod. |
| 171 ὁ δὲ τῆς εὐνοίας ἀποδεξάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῦτο προσυπουργῆσαι παρεκελεύετο, πτύξαντα τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ κατασημηνάμενον ἀποδοῦναι τῷ ΜάλχῳMalchus καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου γράμματα λαβεῖν· οὐ γὰρ μικρὸν τὸ διάφορον καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου γνώμην αὐτὸν εἰδέναι. | 171 Herod, having accepted this show of goodwill, urged him to perform one more service: to fold the letter, seal it, deliver it to Malchus, and then bring back the reply. For Herod said it was of no small importance that he also know the mind of the Arab. |
| 171 So he took his kindness in good part, and bid him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to bring back his letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he could know Malchus’s intentions also. | 171 The king took this as a sign of loyalty and urged him to serve him further by rolling up and sealing the letter again and delivering it to Malichus and then bringing back the letter from him, for it would be a significant advantage to know what that man intended. |
| 172 ταῦτα δὲ τοῦ ΔοσιθέουDositheus προθύμως ὑπουργήσαντος ὁ μὲν ἈράβωνArabian ἀντεπέστελλεν αὐτόν τε ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus δέχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πάντας καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews ὅσοι τὰ ἐκείνου φρονοῦσιν, δύναμίν τε πέμψειν τὴν μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας αὐτοὺς κομιοῦσαν καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ἐνδεήσειν ὧν ἠξίου. | 172 Dositheus performed this service eagerly, and the Arab wrote back, saying he would receive both Hyrcanus himself and all those with him, including any Jews who shared his sentiments, and that he would send a force to bring them back in safety and provide everything they required. |
| 172 And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyrcanus, and all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party; that he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire. | 172 As Dositheus promptly served him in this way too, the Arab wrote back that he would receive Hyrcanus and all his men, including all the Jews who were on his side. He would send a force to guard them on their journey, and supply everything he needed. |
| 173 ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἩρώδηςHerod ἐδέξατο τὴν ἐπιστολήν, εὐθύς τε Μεταπέμπεται τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus καὶ περὶ τῶν γενομένων αὐτῷ συνθηκῶν πρὸς τὸν ΜάλχονMalichus ἀνέκρινεν. ἀρνησαμένους δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς δείξας τῷ συνεδρίῳ διεχειρίσατο τὸν ἄνδρα. | 173 When Herod received this letter as well, he immediately summoned Hyrcanus and questioned him regarding his agreements with Malchus. When Hyrcanus denied them, Herod showed the letters to the Sanhedrin and had the man executed." |
| 173 Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately. | 173 When Herod received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus and questioned him about his agreement with Malichus, and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the Sanhedrin and had the man put to death. |
Josephus paints a tragic picture of Hyrcanus II. His "ἐπιεικείᾳ τρόπου" (mildness of character) made him an accidental king—a man who simply wanted to survive. In contrast, his daughter Alexandra is described as "φιλόνεικος" (contentious). Her "restless hope" for a Hasmonean restoration was the very thing that doomed her father. She correctly identified Herod's weakness (Octavian's enmity) but underestimated his domestic surveillance.
The Dead Sea Escape Route
The plan was to flee to the Asphaltite Lake (the Dead Sea). At 300 furlongs (about 37 miles/60 km), this was a grueling but logical escape route into Nabatean territory. This region was rugged and outside the immediate grasp of Herod's Jerusalem garrison, making it the primary "back door" for Hasmonean refugees.
Dositheus: The Double Agent
The figure of Dositheus illustrates why Herod survived for so long. Even a man with every reason to hate Herod (the execution of his kin Joseph and his brothers) chose to betray his friend Hyrcanus. This highlights the gravitational pull of power: Dositheus calculated that a living Herod was a better patron than a fading Hasmonean.
Herod’s "Counter-Espionage"
Herod’s reaction is chillingly professional. He doesn't just intercept the first letter; he uses it as bait to get the reply. He wants a "paper trail" that includes the Nabatean King Malchus, thereby proving a "foreign conspiracy." This allowed him to frame the execution of an 80-year-old man not as a murder, but as a legal necessity for national security.
The Sanhedrin as a "Rubber Stamp"
Herod presents the evidence to the "συνεδρίῳ" (Sanhedrin). By this point in his reign, the Sanhedrin was no longer an independent judicial body but a tool of the crown. By showing them the physical letters ("δείξας τὰς ἐπιστολὰς"), Herod followed the form of the law while violating its spirit, ensuring that the blame for the death of the last Hasmonean king was shared by the Jewish leadership.
The End of an Era
With the death of Hyrcanus II, the last male Hasmonean who had actually sat on the throne was gone. Herod had successfully "cleared the board." He was now ready to go to Rhodes to meet Octavian. He had no internal rivals left to replace him; Octavian's choice was now simple: Herod, or chaos.
| 174 Ταῦτα δὲ γράφομεν ἡμεῖς, ὡς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ἩρώδουHerod περιείχετο. τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις οὐ κατὰ ταῦτα συμφωνεῖ· τὸν γὰρ ἩρώδηνHerōd οὐκ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δοκοῦσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς μᾶλλον ὙρκανῷHyrcanus τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπάγοντα κατὰ τὸν αὐτοῦ τρόπον ἀποκτεῖναι· | 174 "Now we write these things as they were contained in the Memoirs of King Herod. However, they do not agree with the accounts of others; for they believe that Herod did not act upon such [actual] grounds, but rather, according to his usual character, he brought a false charge against Hyrcanus by way of a plot to kill him. |
| 174 And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries of king Herod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather make, this an occasion for thus putting him to death, and that by treacherously laying a snare for him; | 174 We give this account as it is found in the annals of king Herod. Others do not accept it, believing that Herod did not find, but rather invented, this excuse for putting Hyrcanus to death, and laid a trap for him. |
| 175 γράφουσι γὰρ οὕτως, ἐν συμποσίῳ τινὶ μηδὲν ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἐνδιδόνταto give in λόγον ὙρκανῷHyrcanus προσφέρειν, εἴ τινας ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τοῦ Μάλχου λάβοι, καὶ τὸν μὲν ὁμολογῆσαι προσαγορευτικὰ γράμματα κομίσασθαι, | 175 For they [the other historians] write thus: that at a certain banquet, giving no hint of suspicion, Herod asked Hyrcanus if he had received any letters from Malchus. When Hyrcanus admitted that he had received some letters of greeting, |
| 175 for thus do they write: That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus? and when he answered that he had received letters, but those of salutation only; | 175 According to their account, they were once at a banquet and without any basis, Herod asked Hyrcanus if he had received any letters from Malichus. When he replied that he had, but letters of greeting only, |
| 176 τὸν δ᾽, εἰ καί τινα δωρεὰν εἰληφὼς εἴη, πάλιν ἐπερέσθαι· τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν πλέον ἢ κτηνῶν ἀναβατικῶν τέτταρα πέμψαντος αὐτῷ λαβεῖν, εἰς αἰτίαν τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐπαναφέροντα δωροδοκίας καὶ προδοσίας ἀπάγχειν προστάξαι τὸν ἄνδρα. | 176 Herod asked again if he had received any gift. When the old man replied that he had received nothing more than four riding beasts which the Arab had sent him, Herod used this as a pretext to charge him with bribery and treason, and commanded the man to be strangled. |
| 176 and when he asked further, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied that he had received no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him; they pretended that Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that he should be led away and slain. | 176 he asked him further if he had not received a gift from him. He replied that he had received no more than four riding horses that he had sent him. They say that Herod took these as proof of bribery and treason and had him taken away and killed. |
| 177 τεκμήρια δὲ τοῦ μηδὲν ἁμαρτόντα τοιούτῳ τέλει περιπεσεῖν καταλογίζονται τὴν ἐπιείκειαν τοῦ τρόπου καὶ τὸ μήτ᾽ ἐν νεότητι θράσους ἢ προπετείας ἐπίδειξιν πεποιῆσθαι μήθ᾽ ὅτε τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτὸς εἶχεν, ἀλλὰ κἀν ταύτῃ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν κατὰ τὴν διοίκησιν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater παρακεχωρηκέναι. | 177 They [the historians] offer as proof that he suffered such an end despite having committed no wrong: the mildness of his character and the fact that even in his youth he never made a display of daring or rashness, nor even when he held the kingship himself, but rather ceded most of the administration during that time to Antipater [Herod’s father]. |
| 177 And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offense, when he was thus brought to his end, they alleged how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and that the case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater; | 177 To prove that he had committed no offence for which he should have been executed, they allege his gentleness and how even in his youth he had given no signs of insolence or rashness and that it was the same when he came to be king, for at that time he left the management of most things to Antipater. |
| 178 τότε δ᾽ ἐντῶ πλείω μὲν ἢ ὀγδοήκοντα γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν ἔτη, κρατοῦντα δὲ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἠπίστατο, διαβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates τοὺς ἐν τῷ πέραν τιμῶντας αὐτὸν καταλιπὼν ὡς ὅλος ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενησόμενος· ἐγχειρεῖν οὖν τι καὶ καινοτέρων ἅπτεσθαι πάντων ἀπιθανώτατον καὶ οὐ πρὸς τῆς ἐκείνου φύσεως, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα σκῆψιν ἩρώδουHerod γενέσθαι. | 178 Moreover, at that time he happened to be over eighty years old, and he knew that Herod ruled with total security. He had even crossed the Euphrates, leaving behind those on the other side who honored him, in order to place himself entirely in Herod’s power. Therefore, for him to attempt anything or touch upon some revolution is the most improbable of all things and contrary to his nature; rather, these things were a pretext devised by Herod." |
| 178 and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that Herod’s government was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honored him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod’s government; and that it was a most incredible thing that he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod’s own contrivance. | 178 Now that he was more than eighty years old he knew that Herod’s government was secure. He had come back across the Euphrates, leaving beyond the river those who greatly honoured him, and putting himself entirely in Herod’s hands, so it was very unlikely and not at all in character for him to risk anything by way of revolt, so that the whole thing was a plot of Herod's. |
This is a fascinating look into the "Spin Room" of the 1st century BCE. Herod wrote "ὑπομνήμασιν" (Memoirs/Commentaries) to justify his actions to future generations and to the Roman senate. Josephus admits he has read them, but he contrasts them with "τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις" (the others)—likely Nicolaus of Damascus or other court critics. It shows that Herod was acutely aware of his historical legacy and spent significant energy attempting to frame his murders as "state security" measures.
The Trap at the Banquet
The alternative account describes the murder as occurring at a "συμποσίῳ" (banquet). This was a classic Herodian tactic: using the social "safe space" of a feast to lower a victim's guard. By asking about "letters of greeting" and "four riding beasts" (ktēnōn anabatikōn), Herod baited Hyrcanus into admitting a connection with the Arab king. In Herod’s paranoid legalism, four horses were not a gift—they were "logistical support" for a coup.
The Tragedy of Temperament: Epieikeian
Josephus emphasizes Hyrcanus’s "ἐπιείκειαν" (mildness/reasonableness). In Greek political thought, epieikeia is a virtue, but in the world of the Hasmonean and Herodian courts, it was a fatal weakness. Hyrcanus was a man of the status quo who, even as a young king, had delegated power to others. The argument is simple: a man who wouldn't lead a coup when he was 30 and the actual King was certainly not going to lead one when he was 80 and a guest.
The Euphrates Crossing
The reference to the Euphrates is crucial. Hyrcanus had been a prisoner of the Parthians and was treated with royal honors by the Jewish community in Babylon (the "those on the other side"). He had voluntarily returned to Jerusalem because he trusted Herod’s promise of safety. His return was an act of extreme vulnerability; as the text notes, he put himself "ὅλος ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ" (entirely upon him). His death was therefore not just a murder, but a supreme betrayal of hospitality.
"Strangled" (Apangchein)
The method of death mentioned in the alternative account—strangulation—is significant. While the official "Memoirs" likely spoke of a legal execution after a trial by the Sanhedrin, the historians suggest a more private, extrajudicial killing. Strangulation was a way to kill without shedding "royal blood" on the floor, a dark irony often found in the deaths of ancient monarchs.
The 80-Year-Old "Revolutionary"
The absurdity of the charge is the final "Insight." A man "πλείω μὲν ἢ ὀγδοήκοντα" (more than 80) is an unlikely candidate for a desert escape and a military uprising. By including this detail, Josephus makes it clear that Herod wasn't killing a threat; he was killing a symbol. As long as Hyrcanus lived, he was a potential "legitimate" alternative that Octavian could use to replace Herod.
| 179 Τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τέλος ὙρκανῷHyrcanus συνέπεσεν τοῦ βίου ποικίλαις καὶ πολυτρόποις χρησαμένῳ ταῖς ἐν τῷ ζῆν τύχαις· εὐθὺς μὲν [γὰρ] ἐν ἀρχῇ βασιλευούσης αὐτῷ τῆς μητρὸς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra ἀρχιερεὺς καταστὰς τοῦ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνους ἔτεσιν ἐννέα τὴν τιμὴν κατέσχεν. | 179 "This was the end that befell the life of Hyrcanus, a man who experienced varied and many-turned fortunes during his lifetime. For immediately at the beginning, while his mother Alexandra was reigning, he was appointed High Priest of the Jewish nation and held that honor for nine years. |
| 179 And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime. For he was made high priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother Alexandra’s reign, who held the government nine years; | 179 This was how Hyrcanus was destined to meet his end, after suffering many different turns of fortune in his lifetime. At the very start of the reign of his mother Alexandra, he was made high priest of the Jewish nation an honour he held for nine years. |
| 180 παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποθανούσης τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῷ καὶ ταύτην κατασχὼν τρεῖς μῆνας ἐκπίπτει μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, κατάγεται δ᾽ αὖθις ὑπὸ ΠομπηίουPompeius καὶ πάσας τὰς τιμὰς ἀπολαβὼν ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα διετέλεσεν ἐν αὐτοῖς. | 180 When he succeeded to the kingship upon his mother’s death, he held it for only three months before being expelled by his brother, Aristobulus. He was later restored by Pompey, and having recovered all his honors, he continued in them for forty years. |
| 180 and when, after his mother’s death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honors from him, and enjoyed them forty years; | 180 When, after his mother’s death, he took on the kingship himself, after three months he lost it to his brother Aristobulus. He was then restored by Pompey to all his honours and enjoyed them for forty years. |
| 181 ἀφαιρεθεὶς δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ὑπ᾽ ἈντιγόνουAntigonus καὶ λωβηθεὶς τὸ σῶμα παρὰ ΠάρθοιςParthians αἰχμάλωτος ἐγένετο. κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐπανῄει χρόνῳ διὰ τὰς ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod προτεινομένας ἐλπίδας, ὧν οὐδὲν αὐτῷ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἀπήντα πολυπαθείᾳ βίου χρησαμένῳ, τὸ δυσχερέστατον δέ, ὡς προειρήκαμεν, ἐν γήρᾳ τέλους οὐκ ἀξίου τυχεῖν· | 181 But he was deprived of power a second time by Antigonus, and having had his body mutilated, he was taken as a captive to the Parthians. From there, he returned home in time because of the hopes held out to him by Herod—none of which met his expectations after a life of much suffering. But the most grievous thing of all, as we have said before, was that in his old age he met an end he did not deserve. |
| 181 but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his body, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation, but he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the heaviest calamity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end which was undeserved by him. | 181 But he was again deposed by Antigonus and maimed in body, and was imprisoned by the Parthians. After some time, he returned home from there due to the hopes held out to him by Herod. But nothing turned out as planned, and he endured many troubles throughout his life. Worst of all, as we have said, he came to an unworthy end. |
| 182 δοκεῖ γὰρ ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριος ἐν πᾶσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ διοικηταῖς ἄγειν, οὐ πολυπράγμων οὐδὲ δεινὸς ὢν βασιλείας ἐπιστατεῖν, ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τε καὶ ἩρώδῃHerod μέχρι τοῦδε προελθεῖν ἐγένετο διὰ τὴν ἐπιείκειαν τὴν ἐκείνου, καὶ τὸ πέρας οὔτε δίκαιον οὔτ᾽ εὐσεβὲς ἐξ αὐτῶν εὕρατο τοιούτου τέλους. | 182 For he seems to have been gentle and moderate in all things, conducting most of the government through administrators. He was not a man of meddling affairs nor was he skilled at presiding over a kingdom. Indeed, it was due to his mildness (epieikeian) that Antipater and Herod were able to advance as far as they did; yet in the end, he found from them a conclusion that was neither just nor pious." |
| 182 His character appeared to be that of a man of a mild and moderate disposition, who suffered the administration of affairs to be generally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom. And both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of his mildness; and at last he met with such an end from them as was not agreeable either to justice or piety. | 182 He was of a mild and gentle character, who generally left the state to be administered by others under him, being reluctant to mix with the public, and without the shrewdness to govern a kingdom. Both Antipater and Herod were promoted because of his mildness, and his treatment by them in the end was neither right nor reverential. |
Josephus uses the word "πολυτρόποις"—the same epithet Homer famously used for Odysseus. However, while Odysseus’s "many turns" led to a triumphant homecoming, Hyrcanus’s turns led to a tragic execution. His life is a mirror of 1st-century BCE Judea:
Phase 1: Hasmonean stability (High Priest under his mother).
Phase 2: Civil War (ousted by his brother Aristobulus II).
Phase 3: Roman Vassalage (restored by Pompey the Great in 63 BC).
Phase 4: Exile and Mutilation (captured by Parthians/Antigonus).
Phase 5: Herodian Victim (lured back to Jerusalem and strangled).
The 63 BCE Pivot point
The mention of Pompey is a reminder of the moment Judea lost its true independence. By appealing to Rome to settle the dispute between Hyrcanus and his brother, the Hasmoneans invited the "Roman eagle" into the nest. Hyrcanus reigned for 40 years thereafter, but he reigned as an ethnarch and high priest, not a fully sovereign king.
Mutilation as Political Disqualification
Josephus alludes to Hyrcanus being "λωβηθεὶς τὸ σῶμα" (mutilated in body). His nephew Antigonus had bitten off Hyrcanus’s ears. According to Levitical law, a High Priest had to be physically "unblemished." By mutilating him, Antigonus used a religious loophole to ensure Hyrcanus could never legally hold the High Priesthood again—a cruel bit of biological warfare.
The "Fatal Virtue" of Mildness
The central theme of this obituary is "ἐπιείκειαν" (mildness/gentleness). Josephus frames this as a character flaw in a ruler. Hyrcanus's refusal to be "πολυπράγμων" (meddlesome/active) created a power vacuum that Herod’s family was only too happy to fill. Josephus makes a devastating point: Herod only existed because Hyrcanus was too "nice" to stop him.
The Violation of Eusebeia (Piety)
Josephus concludes with a moral judgment, calling the execution neither "δίκαιον" (just) nor "εὐσεβές" (pious/godly). In the ancient world, the relationship between a patron (Herod) and his former benefactor (Hyrcanus) was sacred. By killing the man who had effectively given his family their start in politics, Herod committed a sin against the very concept of gratitude.
Summary of a Tragic Paradox
Hyrcanus II is perhaps the most tragic figure in the Antiquities. He was the legitimate heir who lacked the stomach for power, and his "reward" for being a peaceful, non-threatening figure was to be murdered by the very man he thought was his protector.
| 183 Ὁ δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς καὶ τὸν ὙρκανὸνHyrcanus ἐκποδὼν ἐποιήσατο, σπεύδων πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ μηδὲν ἐλπίσαι περὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ πραγμάτων δυνάμενος χρηστὸν ἐκ τῆς γενομένης αὐτῷ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny φιλίας, ὕποπτον μὲν εἶχεν τὴν ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra, μὴ τῷ καιρῷ συνεπιθεμένη τὸ πλῆθος ἀποστήσῃ καὶ στασιάσῃ τὰ περὶ τὴν βασιλείαν πράγματα. | 183 "Now Herod, having put Hyrcanus out of the way, was in haste to go to Caesar [Octavian]. Since he could expect nothing good for his own affairs due to the friendship he had held with Antony, he remained suspicious of Alexandra, fearing she might seize the opportunity to incite the multitude to revolt and throw the affairs of the kingdom into turmoil. |
| 183 Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyrcanus out of the way, made haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, on account of the friendship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take this opportunity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and introduce a sedition into the affairs of the kingdom; | 183 Having disposed of Hyrcanus, Herod hurried to Caesar, but not expecting to find favour with him after his friendship with Antony, he suspected that Alexandra would take her chance to get the people to rebel and embroil the kingdom in a revolt. |
| 184 παρετίθετο δὲ πάντα ΦερώρᾳPheroras τἀδελφῷ, καὶ τὴν μητέρα ΚύπρονCyprus καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν γενεὰν ἅπασαν ἐν Μασάδοις κατεστήσατο παρακελευσάμενος, εἴ τι περὶ αὐτὸν ἀκούσαιεν δυσχερές, ἔχεσθαιto have, hold τῶν πραγμάτων. | 184 He entrusted everything to his brother Pheroras, and he settled his mother Cypros, his sister, and his entire clan in Masada, instructing them that if they heard anything disastrous regarding him, they were to take control of affairs. |
| 184 so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother Cypros, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family at Masada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he should take care of the government. | 184 So he entrusted the care of everything to his brother Pheroras and placed his mother Cypros and his sister and the whole family at Masada and told him to take charge if any bad news about himself should arrive. |
| 185 ΜαριάμμηνMariamne δὲ τὴν αὐτοῦ γυναῖκα, δυνατὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἦν ἐν διαφορᾷ τῇ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν καὶ τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἐκείνου δίαιταν τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχειν, ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείῳ σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ μητρὶ κατεστήσατο ἸώσηπονJoseph τὸν ταμιαίαν καὶ τὸν Ἰτουραῖον ΣόαιμονSohemus ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν καταλιπών, πιστοτάτους μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γενομένους αὐτῷ, τότε δὲ προφάσει τιμῆς φρουρεῖν ἀπολειφθέντας τὰς γυναῖκας. | 185 As for his wife Mariamne—since it was impossible for her to live together with his sister and mother due to their discord—he settled her in Alexandrium with her mother Alexandra. He left Joseph the treasurer and Soaemus the Ituraean in charge of them; though these men had been most faithful to him from the beginning, they were left behind to guard the women under the pretext of 'honor.' |
| 185 But as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister’s mother, which made it impossible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women. | 185 But he placed his wife Mariamne at Alexandreion, with Alexandra her mother, because of the quarrel between her and his sister and the sister’s mother, which made it impossible for them to live together. In charge of the fortress he left his treasurer, Joseph, and Soemus of Iturea who were most faithful to him from the beginning and were now left as bodyguards to the women. |
| 186 ἦν δὲ κἀκείνοις ἐντολὴ μαθόντας τι περὶ αὐτοῦ δυσχερὲς ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀμφοτέρας μεταχειρίσασθαι, τὴν δὲ βασιλείαν εἰς δύναμιν τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ σὺν τἀδελφῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras διατηρεῖν. | 186 Moreover, they [Joseph and Soaemus] had orders that if they learned anything disastrous had happened to him, they were to kill both women immediately, and to preserve the kingdom as best they could for his sons and his brother Pheroras." |
| 186 They also had it in charge, that if they should hear any mischief had befallen him, they should kill them both, and, as far as they were able, to preserve the kingdom for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras. | 186 They had instructions to kill both of them, if they heard that any harm had happened to him, and, as far as they could, to preserve the kingdom for his sons and for his brother Pheroras. |
Herod utilizes two of the most formidable "desert fortresses" in Judea: Masada and Alexandrium (Sartaba). By splitting his family, he ensures that a single localized revolt cannot wipe out his dynasty. Masada, near the Dead Sea, was the ultimate "bunker" for his loyal Idumaean kin, while Alexandrium, overlooking the Jordan Valley, served as a high-security prison for his Hasmonean wife and mother-in-law.
Discord as a Security Risk
Josephus explicitly mentions that Mariamne could not live with Herod's mother and sister due to "διαφορᾷ" (discord/strife). This wasn't just domestic drama; it was a political liability. Herod knew that if he were reported dead, his female relatives would likely start a civil war against each other. Separation was his way of "quarantining" the internal threats to his throne.
The "Pretext of Honor" (Prophasei Timēs)
Herod appoints Soaemus, an Ituraean (likely a high-ranking mercenary leader from modern Lebanon), and Joseph the treasurer to watch Mariamne. He frames their appointment as a high "honor," but Josephus notes the reality: they were jailers. This is a recurring Herodian motif—the "Golden Cage." The use of an Ituraean is significant; Herod often trusted foreign mercenaries more than Jewish elites, as their loyalty was tied strictly to his person and his coin.
The Repeat of the "Death Order"
This is the second time Herod has issued an order to murder Mariamne in the event of his death (the first led to the execution of his uncle Joseph). It highlights a pathological possessiveness: Herod viewed Mariamne as a crown jewel—if he could not possess her, no other man (specifically a Roman successor) would be allowed to have her.
Pheroras: The Loyal Deputy
Pheroras, Herod’s youngest brother, is established here as the "designated survivor." While the women are to be killed, the kingdom is to be held for Herod’s sons. This shows that Herod still hoped for a dynasty, but one purged of its Hasmonean maternal influence. He essentially orders a "soft" coup by his own brothers to prevent a Hasmonean restoration.
Managing the "Multitude" (Plēthos)
Herod’s fear that Alexandra would "ἀποστήσῃ" (revolt/lead away) the people shows his awareness of his own unpopularity. He knew the Judean people largely viewed him as a Roman puppet and a usurper. He believed that the only thing keeping the people from crowning a Hasmonean was his physical presence and the walls of his fortresses.
| 187 Ταύτας δοὺς τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτὸς εἰς ῬόδονRhodes ἠπείγετο ΚαίσαριCaesar συντυχεῖν. κἀπειδὴ κατέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἀφῄρητο μὲν τὸ διάδημα, τοῦ δ᾽ ἄλλου περὶ αὐτὸν ἀξιώματος οὐδὲν ὑφεικώς, ὅτε καὶ κοινωνῆσαι λόγου κατὰ τὴν συντυχίαν ἠξιώθη, πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐνέφηνεν τὸ μεγαλεῖον τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν φρονήματος, | 187 "Having given these orders [to kill Mariamne if he died], he himself hurried to Rhodes to meet Caesar [Octavian]. When he sailed into the city, he had removed his diadem, but he had lowered none of his other dignity. When he was granted the opportunity to speak during the meeting, he manifested the majesty of his spirit far more [than expected]. |
| 187 When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity. And when, upon his meeting him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of a great soul; | 187 Leaving these instructions, he hurried to Rhodes to meet Caesar. After sailing into that city, he left off his crown, but neglected nothing else of his usual splendour. When at their meeting, he asked permission to speak to him. He showed a noble example of his courage by not launching into petitions as people usually do on such occasions. |
| 188 οὔτ᾽ εἰς ἱκεσίαν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις, τραπόμενος οὔτε δέησίν τινα προτείνων ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἡμαρτημένοις, ἀποδοὺς δὲ τὸν λογισμὸν τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀνυποτιμήτως. | 188 He did not turn to supplication, as is common in such circumstances, nor did he offer any plea as if for crimes committed; instead, he gave an account of his actions without any self-depreciation. |
| 188 for he did not betake himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done; | 188 He did not ask for anything, as if he were an offender, but boldly gave an account of his actions. |
| 189 ἔλεγεν γὰρ τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι μεγίστην πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny καὶ πάντα πρᾶξαι κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ δύναμιν, ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ γενήσεται τὰ πράγματα, στρατείας μὲν οὐ κοινωνήσας κατὰ περιολκὰς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian, πέμψας δὲ καὶ χρήματα καὶ σῖτον ἐκείνῳ. | 189 For he told Caesar that he had held the greatest friendship with Antony, and that he had done everything in his power to ensure that affairs would go in Antony's favor—though he had not personally joined the campaign due to his entanglement with the Arabs, he had nevertheless sent Antony both money and grain. |
| 189 for he spake thus to Caesar: That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the government; that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him; but that he had sent him both money and corn, | 189 He told Caesar that he had been great friends with Antony and had done everything he could to help him gain the leadership. If he had not been with him in the battle, it was because the Arabs had sidetracked him. But he did send him money and corn. |
| 190 καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι μετριώτερα τῶν ἐπιβαλλόντων αὐτῷ γενέσθαι· τὸν γὰρ ὁμολογοῦντα μὲν εἶναι φίλον, ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes δ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐπιστάμενον, παντὶ μέρει καὶ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος καὶ περιουσίας συγκινδυνεύειν δέον ὧν αὐτὸς ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἢ καλῶς εἶχεν ἀναστραφεὶς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνό γε συνειδέναι καλῶς ἑαυτῷ πεποιηκότι τὸ μηδ᾽ ἡττηθέντα τὴν ἐν ἈκτίῳActium μάχην καταλιπεῖν, | 190 He argued that these contributions were even more modest than what was required of him; for he said that a man who confesses to being a friend, knowing the other to be his benefactor, ought to share in every danger with his soul, body, and resources. He admitted he had perhaps behaved less than perfectly in that regard, but he was well aware that he had done the right thing in not deserting Antony even after his defeat at the Battle of Actium. |
| 190 which was but too little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; "for if a man owns himself to be another’s friend, and knows him to be a benefactor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him, in which I confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium; | 190 Even this was less than what he wished to do for him. "For if a man calls himself a friend and regards the other as a benefactor, he is obliged to risk everything, and use every faculty of his soul, every limb of his body and all his wealth on his behalf, in which I confess mine was not enough. But I know that I did the right thing in not deserting him on his defeat at Actium. |
| 191 μηδὲ συμμεταβῆναι ταῖς ἐλπίσιν φανερῶς ἤδη μεταβαινούσης καὶ τῆς τύχης, φυλάξαι δ᾽ αὑτὸν, εἰ καὶ μὴ συναγωνιστὴν ἀξιόχρεων, ἀλλὰ σύμβουλόν γε δεξιώτατον ἈντωνίῳAnthony τὴν μίαν αἰτίαν τοῦ κἂν σώζεσθαι καὶ μὴ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐκπεσεῖν ὑποδεικνύντα, ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra ἐπανελέσθαι· | 191 Nor, he said, had he changed his allegiances along with his hopes, even when Fortune was clearly shifting away. Instead, he had maintained himself—if not as a sufficient fellow-combatant—at least as a most dexterous counselor to Antony, pointing out to him the one way he might be saved and not fall from power: to kill Cleopatra. |
| 191 nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I transferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a valuable fellowsoldier, yet certainly as a faithful counselor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way that he had to save himself, and not to lose all his authority, was to slay Cleopatra; | 191 Nor did I shift my loyalty from him to another, after the evident change of his fortunes, but remained to Antony, if not a valuable military colleague, at least a faithful counsellor. I told him that his only way to save himself and not lose all his authority, was to kill Cleopatra. |
| 192 προανῃρημένης γὰρ ἐκείνης αὐτῷ τε τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχειν ὑπεῖναι καὶ τὰς πρὸς σὲ συμβάσεις ῥᾷον εὑρίσκεσθαι τῆς ἔχθρας. ὧν οὐδὲν ἐκεῖνος ἐννοηθεὶς ἀλυσιτελῶς μὲν αὐτῷ, συμφερόντως δὲ σοὶ προετίμησεν τὴν ἀβουλίαν. | 192 For he argued that if she were removed beforehand, Antony would have the possibility of ruling his affairs and finding a way to settle his enmity with you [Octavian] more easily. But Antony, considering none of these things, chose a course of folly that was unprofitable for himself but advantageous for you. |
| 192 for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition with him, than to continue at enmity any longer. None of which advises would he attend to, but preferred his own rash resolution before them, which have happened unprofitably for him, but profitably for thee. | 192 Once she was dead, he could have retained his authority and could have brought you to make peace with him, rather than continue any longer at enmity. He listened to none of this advice, preferring his own rashness which turned out badly for him, but good for you. |
| 193 νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν τῇ πρὸς ἈντώνιονAntōny ὀργῇ κρίνεις καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν προθυμίαν, οὐκ ἂν εἴη μοι τῶν πεπραγμένων ἄρνησις οὐδ᾽ ἀπαξιώσω τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ λέγειν, εἰ δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον ἀνελών, τίς εἰμι πρὸς τοὺς εὐεργέτας καὶ ὁποῖος Φίλος ἐξετάζοις, ἐνέσται σοι πείρᾳ τῶν ἤδη γεγενημένων ἡμᾶς εἰδέναι· τοῦ γὰρ ὀνόματος ὑπαλλαγέντος οὐδὲν ἔλαττονsmaller, less αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς φιλίας βέβαιον ἐν ἡμῖν εὐδοκιμεῖν δυνήσεται." | 193 'Now, therefore,' Herod said, 'if you judge my zeal based on your anger toward Antony, I have no denial of what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to speak openly of my goodwill toward him. But if, setting aside the person [Antony], you examine what kind of man I am toward my benefactors and what sort of friend I can be, you will be able to know us through the experience of what has already happened. For if only the name is changed, the firmness of my friendship will be able to prove itself no less worthy of your esteem.'" |
| 193 Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that publicly too, that I had a great kindness for him. But if thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my benefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee will not be disapproved by thee." | 193 So if you judge me and my zeal in serving Antony in the light of your anger at him, I cannot deny what I have done, nor am I ashamed to publicly admit the great fondness I had for him. But if you forget him and consider my behaviour toward my benefactors and what sort of friend I am, you will find that I will do and be the same to you. It will be just a changing of names, and you will have no cause to doubt the firmness of my friendship toward you." |
Herod’s speech is a classic example of reframing. He realized that if he apologized for supporting Antony, he would be admitting he was a fair-weather friend. If he was unfaithful to Antony, why should Octavian trust him? By insisting he was Antony's best and most loyal friend, he was essentially sending Octavian a resume: "I am the kind of man who stays loyal even when the ship is sinking. If you hire me, I will be that loyal to you."
The "Cleopatra Card"
Herod masterfully pivots to a common enemy: Cleopatra. By telling Octavian that he advised Antony to murder her, he creates a bridge of shared interest. Octavian’s entire propaganda campaign was built on the idea that he wasn't fighting a Roman Civil War against Antony, but a foreign war against an Egyptian Queen. Herod aligns himself with Octavian’s narrative while simultaneously proving he was a "rational" actor compared to the "besotted" Antony.
Diadem Off, Dignity On
The detail about removing the διάδημα (diadem) is a brilliant piece of political theater. By taking it off voluntarily, he signaled to Octavian: "I am not holding this throne by right; I am holding it by your grace." However, Josephus notes he kept his "ἀξιώματος" (dignity/majesty). He did not crawl; he stood as one world leader talking to another.
Logistics vs. Frontlines
Herod skillfully explains why he wasn't actually at the Battle of Actium. He admits he sent "χρήματα καὶ σῖτον" (money and grain). This was a subtle way of reminding Octavian that he was a vital economic engine for the East. He was telling the cash-strapped Octavian: "I have the infrastructure and the grain to support your new empire, just as I did for the old one."
Tyche (Fortune) and Aboulia (Folly)
Herod uses the philosophical concepts of "τύχης" and "ἀβουλίαν". He portrays Antony not as a villain, but as a man who lost his "luck" and made a "foolish choice" by sticking with Cleopatra. This allowed Octavian to feel superior to Antony without forcing Herod to insult his former friend's memory too harshly.
The "Name Change" Strategy
The climax of the speech—"τοῦ γὰρ ὀνόματος ὑπαλλαγέντος" (for if the name is changed)—is the ultimate "sales pitch." Herod is telling Octavian to simply "Find and Replace" Antony's name with Octavian's name in the contract of friendship. It worked perfectly. Octavian, who needed a strong, ruthless, and proven administrator to keep the turbulent Judean/Arabian border quiet, saw in Herod the perfect tool.
| 194 Τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ παράπαν ἐμφαίνων τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐλευθέριον οὐ μετρίως ἐπεσπᾶτο τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar φιλότιμον ὄντα καὶ λαμπρόν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ τὰς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων αἰτίας σύστασιν ἤδη τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας πραγματεύεσθαι. | 194 "By speaking in this manner and showing such a completely noble spirit, he won over Caesar [Octavian], who was himself ambitious and magnanimous, to such an extent that the very reasons for the accusations against Herod now served as the foundation for Caesar's goodwill toward him. |
| 194 By this speech, and by his behavior, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that those very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation against him, procured him Caesar’s good-will. | 194 By this speech and his demeanour, which showed his freedom of spirit, he greatly impressed Caesar, who was himself generous and noble. So that the very actions for which he had been accused gained him the other’s goodwill. |
| 195 καὶ τό τε διάδημα πάλιν ἀποκαθίστησιν αὐτῷ καὶ προτρεψάμενος μηδὲν ἐλάττω περὶ αὐτὸν ἢ πρότερον ἦν περὶ τὸν ἈντώνιονAntōny φαίνεσθαι, διὰ πάσης ἦγε τιμῆς, προσθεὶς ὅτι καιταιδιος γράψειεν, ἁπάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς μονομάχους αὐτῷ συλλαβέσθαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd. | 195 Caesar restored the diadem to him immediately and exhorted him to show no less friendship toward him than he had previously shown toward Antony. He treated Herod with every honor, adding that he would write [to the Senate] that Herod had assisted him with all zeal against the gladiators. |
| 195 Accordingly, he restored him his diadem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Quintus Didius had written to him that Herod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiators. | 195 He restored to him his crown, and urged him to prove himself no less a friend to him than to Antony, and showed him every sign of esteem, adding how Quintus Didius had written to him how Herod had most willingly taken his side in the matter about the gladiators. |
| 196 τοσαύτης ἀποδοχῆς ἠξιωμένος καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ὁρῶν αὐτῷ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς βεβαιοτέραν τὴν βασιλείαν δόσει ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ δόγματι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin, ὅπερ ἐκεῖνος αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ βέβαιον ἐπραγματεύσατο, παρέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ΚαίσαραCaesar, δωρησάμενος ὑπὲρ δύναμιν αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ πᾶσαν ἐμφαίνων μεγαλοψυχίαν. | 196 Having been granted such a reception beyond all hope, and seeing his kingdom made firmer from the beginning by the gift of Caesar and the decree of the Romans—which Caesar secured for his stability—Herod escorted Caesar toward Egypt. He presented Caesar and his friends with gifts beyond his means, displaying every kind of magnanimity (megalopsychia). |
| 196 So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever by Caesar’s donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to procure for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made presents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends, and in general behaved himself with great magnanimity. | 196 After being so well received and, beyond all his hopes, getting his crown confirmed more firmly than ever by Caesar’s grant, and by the Roman decree which Caesar issued for his greater security, he conducted Caesar on his way to Egypt, giving to both him and his friends gifts beyond his means, and in general acting with great generosity. |
| 197 ᾐτεῖτο δὲ καὶ τῶν ἈντωνίῳAnthony συνήθων ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὡς μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον παθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχεν ὅρκῳ προκατειλημμένου ΚαίσαροςCaesar· | 197 He even requested that Alexandros, one of Antony’s close associates, suffer nothing incurable [execution], but he did not obtain this request, as Caesar was bound by a previous oath. |
| 197 He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his petition. | 197 He petitioned against the execution of Alexander, one of Antony’s companions, but Caesar had proscribed the man under oath, and so could not grant that request. |
| 198 ἐπανῄει δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἸουδαίανJudea πλείονί τε τιμῇ καὶ παρρησίᾳ καὶ τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία προσδοκήσασιν ἔκπληξιν παρέσχεν ὡς ἀεὶ τὸ λαμπρότερον ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων κατ᾽ εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ προσεπικτώμενος. εὐθὺς οὖν περὶ τὴν ὑποδοχὴνa reception ἐγεγόνει ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀπὸ ΣυρίαςSyria εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt εἰσβαλεῖν μέλλοντος. | 198 Herod returned to Judea with even greater honor and freedom of speech (parrēsia), striking with astonishment those who had expected the opposite—seeing that he always emerged more brilliant from dangers by the favor of God. He immediately prepared for the reception of Caesar, who was about to invade Egypt from Syria. |
| 198 And now he returned to Judea again with greater honor and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendor than before, by the favor of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar, as he was going out of Syria to invade Egypt; | 198 Returning to Judea with more honour and assurance, he struck fear into those who had expected the contrary, having greater glory than ever due to the dangers he had survived and God’s favour to him, and prepared to welcome Caesar on his way from Syria to invade Egypt. |
| 199 κἀπειδὴ παρῆν, δέχεται μὲν αὐτὸν ἐν ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais πάσῃ τῇ βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ, παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τῷ στρατεύματι ξένια καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary ἀφθονίανfree from envy. κἀν τοῖς εὐνουστάτοις ἐξητάζετο τάς τε δυνάμεις ἐκτάττοντος συνιππαζόμενος καὶ δεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ φίλους ἀνδρῶσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα πᾶσιν εἰς πολυτέλειαν καὶ πλοῦτον ὑπηρεσίας ἠσκημένοις. | 199 When Caesar arrived, Herod received him at Ptolemais [Acre] with every royal service, providing the army with hospitality and an abundance of provisions. He was ranked among the most loyal of friends as he rode alongside Caesar while he reviewed the troops; he also hosted Caesar and 150 of his friends in halls equipped with every luxury and wealth of service. |
| 199 and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar’s most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous manner, for the better reception of him and his friends. | 199 On Caesar’s arrival he entertained him with royal splendour at Ptolemais, giving gifts to his army and bringing them loads of provisions. He also showed himself very well disposed and put the army on parade and rode with him and had a hundred and fifty apartments, comfortably and richly equipped, to welcome him and his friends. |
| 200 παρέσχεν δὲ καὶ τὴν ἄνυδρον διερχομένοις τὴν τῶν ἐπειγόντων χορηγίαν, ὡς μήτε οἴνου μήτε ὕδατος, ὃ καὶ μᾶλλον ἦν ἐν χρείᾳ τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὑστερηθῆναι. αὐτόν γε μὴν ΚαίσαραCaesar ταλάντοις ὀκτακοσίοις ἐδωρήσατο καὶ παρέστησεν ἅπασιν ἔννοιαν λαβεῖν, ὅτι τῆς βασιλείας ἧς εἶχεν πολὺ μείζω καὶ λαμπρότερα κατὰ τὰς ὑπουργίας ἐπεδείκνυτο. | 200 Moreover, as they marched through the waterless desert, Herod provided a supply of necessities so that they lacked neither wine nor water—the latter being what the soldiers needed even more. He presented Caesar himself with eight hundred talents and demonstrated to all that he performed services far greater and more brilliant than the size of the kingdom he held. |
| 200 He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procured to himself the good-will of them all, because he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could afford; | 200 He also provided for their needs in crossing the desert, so that they lacked neither wine nor water, which the soldiers chiefly required. Besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents and won the goodwill of them all, for helping them so much more lavishly than the kingdom he had obtained could afford. |
| 201 τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς πίστιν εὐνοίας καὶ προθυμίας ἐπισυνίστη καὶ πλεῖστον ἠνέγκατο τῇ χρείᾳ τοῦ καιροῦ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον ἁρμόσας. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάλιν ἐπανιόντων ἀπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τῶν πρώτων οὐδενὸς τὰς ὑπηρεσίας ἥττων ἐφάνηto give light, shine. | 201 This further established him in Caesar's trust for his goodwill and zeal, as he most effectively matched his magnanimity to the need of the moment. And when they returned again from Egypt, Herod once more appeared second to none in his services." |
| 201 by which means he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, and his readiness to assist him; and what was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also. And when they returned again out of Egypt, his assistances were no way inferior to the good offices he had formerly done them. | 201 Increasingly he was trusted for his friendship and readiness to help him, and especially since his generosity came at the right time. On their return from Egypt, his services were no less than he had formerly shown them. |
Josephus uses the word "παρρησίᾳ" (freedom of speech/frankness). This is the ultimate "power move." Most client kings spoke to Romans with trembling submission. Herod’s genius was speaking to Octavian as an equal, or at least as a high-level partner. By being honest about his love for Antony, he proved he was a man of character, which Octavian—himself a master of optics—deeply respected.
Logistics as Diplomacy: The Waterless Desert
The march from Syria to Egypt through the Sinai/Negev was a logistical nightmare for a Roman legion. Herod’s ability to provide water and wine in the desert was not just a kindness; it was a military demonstration. He was showing Octavian: "I control the roads, I control the resources, and I can move your armies better than your own quartermasters can." This made Herod the "strategic anchor" of the Eastern Mediterranean.
The Eight Hundred Talents
The gift of 800 talents (roughly 20,800 kg of silver) was a staggering sum. At a time when Octavian was trying to fund a new empire and pay off thousands of veterans, this cash injection was invaluable. Herod’s ability to produce this wealth—despite the recent earthquake and Arab wars—proved that Judea was a high-functioning economic engine under his rule.
The "Gladiator" Incident
The text mentions Herod’s help against the "μονομάχους" (gladiators). After Actium, a group of gladiators loyal to Antony tried to march to his aid. Herod’s troops intercepted them in Syria. This was Herod's "down payment" on Octavian's loyalty; it proved he was willing to kill Antony's supporters to serve the new reality, even before he had met Octavian at Rhodes.
The "Favor of God" (Eumeneian tou Theou)
Josephus, writing for a Jewish and Roman audience, frames Herod’s survival as being "κατʼ εὐμένειαν τοῦ θεοῦ" (by the favor of God). This is a complex theological statement. While Herod was often seen as a villain, his "miraculous" ability to survive earthquakes, wars, and Roman emperors suggested to his contemporaries that some higher power was sustaining his reign.
Failed Clemency for Alexandros
Herod’s failed attempt to save Alexandros (Antony's friend) shows the limits of his new influence. Octavian was willing to forgive Herod (a useful king), but not Antony's inner circle (potential rivals). It also shows Herod trying to play the role of the "merciful mediator," further softening his image from that of a ruthless executioner to a statesman.
[202-266]
Murders by Herod:
Mariamne, Alexandra, various friends and the sons of Babbas
| 202 Τότε μέντοι γενόμενος ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τεταραγμένην αὐτῷ τὴν οἰκίαν καταλαμβάνει καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐχούσας τήν τε γυναῖκα ΜαριάμμηνMariamne καὶ τὴν μητέρα τὴν ἐκείνης ἈλεξάνδρανAlexandra. | 202 "When Herod returned to his kingdom, he found his household in total disorder and both his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra in a state of bitter resentment. |
| 202 However, when he came into his kingdom again, he found his house all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra very uneasy; | 202 However, when he returned to his kingdom, he found that his house was in turmoil and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alexandra were very distressed. |
| 203 οἰηθεῖσαι γάρ, ὅπερ ἦν ὕποπτον, οὐκ εἰς ἀσφάλειαν τῶν σωμάτων εἰς ἐκεῖνο κατατεθῆναι τὸ χωρίον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς φρουρᾷ μηθενὸς μήτε τῶν ἄλλων μήθ᾽ αὑτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοιεν, χαλεπῶς ἔφερον. | 203 For they had suspected, quite correctly, that they had been placed in that fortress [Alexandrium] not for their bodily safety, but as if in a prison where they had no authority over others or even themselves; and they bore this with great difficulty. |
| 203 for as they supposed (what was easy to be supposed) that they were not put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no power over any thing, either of others or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy; and | 203 They judged, quite reasonably, that they had not been placed in that place for their own safety but imprisoned in a fortress, with no power over others or over themselves, and they took it very badly. |
| 204 ἥ τε ΜαριάμμηMariamne τὸν μὲν ἔρωταto ask τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπόκρισιν ἄλλως καὶ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον αὐτῷ γινομένην ἀπάτην ὑπελάμβανεν, ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ μηδ᾽ εἰ πάσχοι τι δεινὸν ἐκεῖνος ἐλπίδα τοῦ βιώσεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσχηκέναι καὶ τὰς ἸωσήπῳJoseph δοθείσας ἐντολὰς ἀνεμνημόνευεν, ὥστ᾽ ἤδη διὰ θεραπείας εἶχεν τοὺς φρουροὺς καὶ μᾶλλον τὸν ΣόαιμονSohemus, ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὸ πᾶν ἐπισταμένη. | 204 Mariamne, for her part, considered the King's love for her to be a mere pretense and a deception manufactured for his own advantage. She was especially aggrieved that even if he were to suffer some disaster, she would have had no hope of surviving him. She remembered the previous instructions given to Joseph, so she began to cultivate the guards through kindness, and especially Soaemus, knowing that everything depended on him. |
| 204 Mariamne supposing that the king’s love to her was but hypocritical, and rather pretended (as advantageous to himself) than real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm himself. She also recollected what commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch that she endeavored to please her keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well apprised how all was in his power. | 204 Mariamne reckoned that the king’s love for her was a pretense intended for his own use, rather than real. She was also upset that he would not leave her any hopes of surviving him, if he himself came to any harm, remembering the orders he had given to Joseph. Now fully aware of her situation, she tried to cultivate favour with her custodians, and especially Soemus. |
| 205 ΣόαιμοςSohemus δὲ κατὰ μὲν τὰς ἀρχὰς πιστὸς ἦν οὐδὲν ὧν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐνετέταλτο παριείς, λόγοις δὲ καὶ δωρεαῖς λιπαρέστερον τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκθεραπευουσῶν αὐτὸν ἡττᾶτο κατὰ μικρὸν ἤδη καὶ τέλος ἐξεῖπεν ἁπάσας τὰς ἐντολὰς τοῦ βασιλέως, μάλιστα μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὑποστρέψειν ἐξουσίας· | 205 At the beginning, Soaemus was faithful, neglecting none of Herod’s commands. However, as the women courted him more persistently with persuasive words and gifts, he was gradually overcome. Finally, he revealed all the King’s instructions, primarily because he did not expect Herod to return with the same power as before. |
| 205 And at the first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and neglected none of the things he had given him in charge; but when the women, by kind words and liberal presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king’s injunctions, and this on that account principally, that he did not so much as hope he would come back with the same authority he had before; | 205 At first Soemus faithfully observed all of Herod’s instructions. But when by words and gifts the women had made him more malleable to them, he gradually gave in and finally revealed to them all of the king’s commands, mainly because he [Soemus] could hardly hope to hold the same authority in the future. |
| 206 ἐν ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκφυγὼν τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κίνδυνον οὐ μικρὰ χαριεῖσθαι ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὑπελάμβανεν, αἷς ἦν εἰκὸς οὐκ ἀποτεύξεσθαι τοῦ περιόντος ἀξιώματος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλέον εἰς τὴν ἀμοιβὴν ἕξειν εἰ βασιλευούσας ἢ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἀγχοῦ γενησομένας. | 206 In such a case, he believed he would escape danger from Herod and would significantly find favor with the women, who were likely not to fail in retaining their current status, but might even have more power to reward him if they became the rulers or close to the one ruling. |
| 206 so that he thought he should both escape any danger from him, mid supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling of the government; nay, that they would be able to make him abundant recompense, since they must either reign themselves, or be very near to him that should reign. | 206 So it seemed that there was little danger from him [Herod], while he could greatly gratify the women, who were unlikely to be ignored in the settling of the leadership. And they would then be able to richly reward him, since they would either be co-regents themselves or be very close to whoever was king. |
| 207 ἐπήλπιζε δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐχ ἧττον, εἰ καὶ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν πράξας ὑποστρέψειεν ἩρώδηςHerod, μηδὲν ὅτι τῇ γυναικὶ δυνήσεσθαι βουλομένῃ γε ἀντειπεῖν· ἠπίστατο γὰρ τὸν πρὸς τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἔρωταto ask μείζονα λόγου τῷ βασιλεῖ. | 207 He hoped, moreover, even if Herod did return having succeeded in all his plans, that the King would be unable to deny his wife anything she desired; for he knew that the King’s love for Mariamne was beyond description. |
| 207 He had a further ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he could wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king’s fondness for his wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to discover what injunctions had been given him. | 207 He had a further ground of hope that even if Herod had all the success he could wish for and returned again, he could not reject the desires of his wife, for he knew that the king was inexpressibly fond of Mariamne. |
| 208 ταῦτα προσεκλύσαντα τὰς ἐντολὰς ἐξαγγεῖλαι ΜαριάμμηMariamne χαλεπῶς ἤκουσεν, εἰ μηδὲν πέρας αὐτῇ τῶν ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod κινδύνων ἔσται, χαλεπῶς δὲ διέκειτο, μηδενὸς μὲν τυχεῖν αὐτὸν τῶν ἴσων εὐχομένη, δυσύποιστον δ᾽ εἰ τύχοι τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ βίον κρίνουσα. Καὶ τοῦτο διέδειξεν ἐν ὑστέρῳ μηδὲν ἐπικρυψαμένη τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν πάθους. | 208 When Mariamne heard these leaked instructions, she was distressed to learn that there would be no end to the dangers she faced from Herod. She was in a miserable state, praying that he might not meet with equal success [at Rhodes] and judging a life with him to be unbearable if he did. She manifested this later, hiding none of the passion she felt." |
| 208 So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was under from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might obtain no favors [from Caesar], and esteemed it almost an insupportable task to live with him any longer; and this she afterward openly declared, without concealing her resentment. | 208 These were what persuaded Soemus to reveal his orders. Mariamne was distressed to hear that she stood in limitless danger from Herod. She hoped that he would get none of what he wanted. She considered it as insupportable to live with him any longer, which she declared later, without concealing her resentment. |
This is the psychological "point of no return." Mariamne realizes that Herod’s love is indistinguishable from a death sentence. In her mind, his passion is "ὑπόκρισιν" (hypocrisy/acting). The Greek word "ἀπάτην" (deception) suggests she now views his physical affection as a trap. This realization transforms her from a devoted queen into a political insurgent within her own palace.
Soaemus: The Opportunistic Guard
Soaemus’s betrayal is a classic study in political hedging. Like Dositheus before him, he makes a calculated gamble on Herod’s downfall. He assumes Octavian will execute Herod, making Mariamne and Alexandra the new power brokers in Jerusalem. His decision to reveal the secret is an investment in his own future, based on the assumption that Herod’s "luck" had finally run out at Actium.
The "Unbearable" Life
Josephus uses a powerful phrase to describe Mariamne’s view of her marriage: "δυσύποιστον" (hard to bear/unendurable). She reaches a state of mind where she actually prays for Herod's failure ("μηδενὸς μὲν τυχεῖν αὐτὸν τῶν ἴσων εὐχομένη"). This creates a tragic irony: the more successful Herod becomes on the world stage, the more his wife detests him. His "brilliance" in Rhodes is her "darkness" in Alexandrium.
The Power of "Eros" as a Weapon
Soaemus correctly identifies that Herod’s Achilles' heel is his "ἔρωτα μείζονα λόγου" (love beyond words/reason) for Mariamne. This creates a dangerous paradox for Herod: he is the absolute master of Judea, yet he is a slave to a woman who now hates him. Mariamne realizes that her only leverage is her husband's obsession, which she will soon use to defy him openly.
The Role of Alexandra
Alexandra remains the "agent of chaos" in the background. Her presence in Alexandrium likely fueled Mariamne’s resentment. The mother and daughter formed a united Hasmonean front against their Idumaean jailer. This passage confirms Herod’s suspicion that leaving them together was a risk, yet his desire to keep Mariamne "safe" (for himself) overrode his political instincts.
The "Passion" Displayed (Pathous)
Josephus concludes by noting that Mariamne "μηδὲν ἐπικρυψαμένη" (hid nothing). This marks a change in her character. Previously, she might have played the role of the dutiful queen; now, she is prepared to show her "passion" or "suffering" openly. This emotional honesty will be the catalyst for the final domestic explosion when Herod returns, expecting a hero's welcome and finding instead a cold, grieving wife.
| 209 Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ μεγάλοις οἷς παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας εὐτυχήκει καταπεπλευκὼς πρώτῃ μέν, ὡς εἰκός, τῇ γυναικὶ περὶ τούτων εὐηγγελίζετο, μόνην δὲ ἐκ πάντων διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask καὶ τὴν οὖσαν αὐτῷ συνήθειαν προτιμῶν ἠσπάζετο. | 209 "Now Herod, having sailed home after achieving great successes beyond all expectation, first—as was natural—reported the good news to his wife. Preferring her above all others because of his love and their long intimacy, he greeted her first. |
| 209 And now Herod sailed home with joy, at the unexpected good success he had had; and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her, and her only, the good news, as preferring her before the rest, on account of his fondness for her, and the intimacy there had been between them, and saluted her; | 209 But he sailed home brimming with unexpected success. Apparently he went first to his wife to tell her the good news privately, giving her priority because of his fondness and intimacy with her. |
| 210 τῇ δ᾽ οὔτε τὰς εὐημερίας διηγουμένου χαίρειν μᾶλλον ἢ χαλεπῶς φέρειν συνέβαινεν οὔτ᾽ ἐπικρύπτεσθαι τὸ πάθος δυνατὸν ἦν. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀδοξίας καὶ τῆς περιούσης εὐγενείας πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀσπασμοὺς ἀνέστενεν, τοῖς δὲ διηγήμασιν ἄχθεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ συγχαίρειν ἐνέφαινεν, ὡς οὐχ ὕποπτα μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ καταφανῆ γινόμενα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπιταράττειν. | 210 But for her, as he recounted his successes, it happened that she felt more grief than joy, nor was she able to conceal her suffering. Instead, driven by her loss of status and her exceeding noble birth, she groaned at his embraces and made it clear that she was more troubled by his narratives than happy for them; these reactions were not merely suspicious but were so manifest that they threw Herod into a state of great agitation. |
| 210 but so it happened, that as he told her of the good success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it; nor was she able to conceal her resentments, but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, and this till Herod was disturbed at her, as affording him, not only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction. | 210 But when he told her of his good fortune, far from rejoicing she was rather grieved by it, nor could she conceal her feelings. But relying on her dignity and the nobility of her birth, in reply to his greetings, she groaned. She kept making it clear that she was more sorry than glad at his success until Herod was not merely uneasy but visibly shaken. |
| 211 ἠδημόνει μὲν γὰρ ὁρῶν τὸ παράλογον τῆς γυναικὸς εἰς αὐτὸν μῖσος οὐκ ἀποκεκρυμμένον, ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ πράγματι καὶ τὸν ἔρωταto ask φέρειν ἀδυνατῶν ταῖς τε ὀργαῖς καὶ ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς οὐκ ἐνέμενεν, ἀεὶ δὲ ἀπὸ θατέρου μεταβαίνων εἰς θάτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρῳ πολλὴν εἶχεν ἀπορίαν. | 211 For he was bewildered at seeing his wife’s irrational hatred toward him so unconcealed; he was distressed by the situation, and being unable to endure his love, he could remain steady in neither his anger nor his reconciliations. Constantly shifting from one to the other, he was in a state of great perplexity regarding both. |
| 211 This much troubled him, to see that this surprising hatred of his wife to him was not concealed, but open; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he could not continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion for another, he was still in great uncertainty, | 211 It troubled him to see that his wife’s surprising hatred of him was unconcealed, and he took this hard and yet was so unable to cope with it, due to his passion for her, that he could not stay long in the same mood, being at one time angry with her and at another reconciled to her, and was very confused, shifting from one mood to the other. |
| 212 οὕτως οὖν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ στυγεῖν καὶ στέργειν ἀποληφθεὶς καὶ πολλάκις ἕτοιμοςprepared ὢν ἀμύνασθαι τῆς ὑπερηφανίας αὐτὴν διὰ τὸ προκατειλῆφθαι τὴν ψυχὴν ἀσθενέστερος εἰς τὸ μεταστήσασθαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἐγίνετο. τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἡδέως ἂν ἐκείνην κολάσας ἐδεδοίκει, μὴ λάθοι μείζονα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν τιμωρίαν ἀποθανούσης εἰσπραττόμενος. | 212 Thus, being trapped in the middle of hating and loving, and being often ready to punish her for her arrogance, he found himself too weak to put the woman away because his soul was already held captive. In short, though he would have gladly punished her, he feared that if she were dead, he might unwittingly exact a greater penalty upon himself [through his own grief]." |
| 212 and thus was he entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards him; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring a heavier punishment upon himself at the same time. | 212 Thus caught between hatred and love, he often felt like punishing her for her insolence. But being captivated by her in his soul, he could not set this woman aside. In short, though he would gladly have her punished, he feared that putting her to death might unwittingly cause a greater punishment to himself. |
The Greek term "εὐηγγελίζετο" (reported good news/evangelized) highlights the irony. Herod treats his political survival as a gospel to be shared with his wife. He expects her to be his "safe harbor" after the storm of Rhodes. Instead, the domestic sphere becomes more dangerous than the Roman senate. Herod discovers that while he can buy Octavian's favor with 800 talents, he cannot buy Mariamne’s affection with a crown.
The Weight of Eugeneia (Noble Birth)
Josephus attributes Mariamne’s coldness to her "περιούσης εὐγενείας" (exceeding noble birth). As a Hasmonean princess, she viewed Herod as an "Idumaean slave." Her groans ("ἀνέστενεν") at his touch were not just personal; they were political. To her, every embrace from Herod was a reminder that her royal line had been supplanted by a client of Rome.
"Hating and Loving" (Stygein kai Stergein)
This is the classic Ovidian Odi et Amo (I hate and I love) trope. Herod is paralyzed. Josephus uses the word "ἀπορίαν" (perplexity/impasse) to describe Herod’s state. He is "held captive" ("προκατειλῆφθαι") by his own desire. This is the only point in the Antiquities where Herod is described as "ἀσθενέστερος" (weaker). His absolute power stops at the threshold of his wife’s feelings.
The Fear of Self-Punishment
The final sentence is a profound psychological insight: Herod feared that by killing her, he would suffer more than she would. He realized that her death would not end his obsession but would instead "exact a greater penalty" from him in the form of eternal regret and madness. This foreshadows the actual historical outcome: after he eventually executes her, Herod descends into a period of near-insanity, calling out her name in the halls of the palace as if she were still alive.
gitation and Disclosure
The phrase "ἐπιταράττειν τὸν Ἡρώδην" (to throw Herod into agitation) shows how the power dynamic has shifted. In the public world, Herod is the agitator; in the private world, he is the one being disturbed. Mariamne’s refusal to "play along" with the political theater of the court makes her the most "honest" person in Herod's life—and therefore the most dangerous.
The "Irrational" Hatred (Paralogon Misos)
From Herod’s perspective, her hatred was "παράλογον" (irrational). He had saved the kingdom, secured the future for their children, and returned with honors. He could not grasp that his "death order" had completely invalidated all his political successes in her eyes. This disconnect between the public provider and the private murderer is the core of the Herodian tragedy.
| 213 Συνιδοῦσαι δ᾽ οὕτως αὐτὸν ἔχοντα πρὸς τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ κάλλιστον ᾠήθησαν τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ πρὸς ἐκείνην μίσους εἰληφέναι καὶ διελάλουν οὐ μικρῶς παροξύνουσαι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαβολαῖς μῖσος ὁμοῦ καὶ ζηλοτυπίαν ἐμποιεῖν δυνησομέναις. | 213 "Now, when his sister [Salome] and his mother [Cypros] perceived that he was in such a state toward Mariamne, they thought they had found the best opportunity to indulge their hatred against her. They spoke to Herod with no small frequency, provoking him with slanders capable of instilling both hatred and jealousy at once. |
| 213 When Herod’s sister and mother perceived that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne they thought they had now got an excellent opportunity to exercise their hatred against her and provoked Herod to wrath by telling him, such long stories and calumnies about her, as might at once excite his hatred and his jealousy. | 213 When his sister and mother saw how he stood regarding Mariamne, they thought they now had an excellent opportunity to vent their hatred for her and provoked Herod’s fury by telling him long stories and calumnies about her, calculated to arouse his hatred and jealousy. |
| 214 ὁ δ᾽ οὔτε τῶν τοιούτων ἀηδῶς ἤκουσεν λόγων οὔτε δρᾶν τι κατὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ὡς πεπιστευκὼς ἀπεθάρρει, χεῖρον μέντοι πρὸς αὐτὴν εἶχεν ἀεὶ καὶ τὸ πάθος ἀντεξεκαίετο, τῆς μὲν οὐκ ἀποκρυπτομένης τὴν διάθεσιν, τοῦ δὲ τὸν ἔρωταto ask πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀεὶ μεταλαμβάνοντος. | 214 He did not listen to such words with displeasure, yet he did not dare to act against his wife as if he had fully believed them; nevertheless, he grew increasingly ill-disposed toward her, and his passion was constantly rekindled—she making no secret of her feelings, and he constantly transforming his love into rage. |
| 214 Now, though he willingly enough heard their words, yet had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he believed them; but still he became worse and worse disposed to her, and these ill passions were more and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards him, and he turned his love to her into wrath against her. | 214 Although he willingly listened to them he didn't dare to do anything to her on the strength of what they said. But he became ever more hostile to her and his anger inflamed more. Nor did she hide her feelings as his love for her turned into anger. |
| 215 κἂν εὐθὺς ἐπράχθη τι τῶν ἀνηκέστων· νῦν δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀγγελθέντος κρατεῖν τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ τεθνηκότων ἈντωνίουAntōny καὶ ΚλεοπάτραςCleopatra ἔχειν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt, ἐπειγόμενος εἰς τὸ ΚαίσαριCaesar ἀπαντᾶν κατέλιπεν ὡς εἶχεν τὰ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν. | 215 Something incurable [fatal] would have been done immediately, but just then it was announced that Caesar [Octavian] was victorious in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were dead and he held Egypt. Hurrying to meet Caesar, Herod left his domestic affairs as they were. |
| 215 But when he was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt; whereupon he made haste to go to meet Caesar, and left the affairs of his family in their present state. | 215 Just before doing anything drastic, the news came that Caesar had won the war. With Antony and Cleopatra both dead, he had become master of Egypt. So he hurried to go and meet Caesar, setting aside his family affairs. |
| 216 ἐξιόντι δὲ ΜαριάμμηMariamne παραστησομένη τὸν ΣόαιμονSohemus πολλήν τε χάριν τῆς ἐπιμελείας ὡμολόγει καὶ μεριδαρχίαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾐτήσατο. | 216 As he was departing, Mariamne stood by Soaemus, expressing great thanks for his care and requesting a governorship (meridarchian) for him from the King. |
| 216 However, Mariamne recommended Sohemus to him, as he was setting out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the government; | 216 As he was setting out, Mariamne recommended Soemus to him, saying that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her and asking the king for a local governorship for him, so he gained that honour. |
| 217 κἀκεῖνος μὲν τυγχάνει τῆς τιμῆς. ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ γενόμενος ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt ΚαίσαρίCaesar τε μετὰ πλείονος παρρησίας εἰς λόγους ἦλθεν ὡς ἤδη Φίλος καὶ μεγίστων ἠξιώθη· τῶν τε γὰρ ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra δορυφορούντων ΓαλατῶνGalatian τετρακοσίοις αὐτὸν ἐδωρήσατο καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ πάλιν, ἣν δι᾽ ἐκείνης ἀφῃρέθη. προσέθηκεν δὲ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ΓάδαραGadara καὶ ἽππονHippos καὶ ΣαμάρειανSamaria ἔτι δὲ τῆς παραλίου ΓάζανGaza καὶ Ἀννίβαν καὶ ἸόπηνJoppa καὶ ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον. | 217 And indeed, he obtained that honor. Herod, arriving in Egypt, spoke with Caesar with even greater freedom (parrēsia), as a proven friend, and was granted the highest rewards. For Caesar presented him with the four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s bodyguards and restored to him the territory that had been taken by her. Furthermore, he added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria, and on the coast, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato’s Tower [Caesarea]." |
| 217 upon which an honorable employment was bestowed upon him accordingly. Now when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and received very great favors from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him. He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato’s Tower. | 217 When Herod reached Caesar in Egypt, he spoke to him with great freedom as an old friend much honoured by him. As a gift Caesar gave him the four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra’s bodyguards and restored to him the land which had been taken from him on her account, and added to his kingdom Gadara, Hippos and Samaria, plus the maritime cities of Gaza and Anthedon and Joppa and Strato’s Tower. |
Salome and Cypros are depicted as predatory political actors. They recognize that Herod’s psychological state—the volatile mix of "μῖσος ὁμοῦ καὶ ζηλοτυπίαν" (hatred and jealousy)—is the perfect soil for slander. By constantly "provoking" (paroxynousai) him, they ensure that Herod can never find the peace he seeks in his marriage, keeping him dependent on his Idumaean kin.
The Transformed Eros
Josephus notes a terrifying psychological shift: Herod’s "ἔρωτα πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀεὶ μεταλαμβάνοντος" (love constantly transforming into rage). In Herod's mind, passion and violence are no longer distinct categories. Because he cannot possess Mariamne’s will, he seeks to dominate her through the threat of force.
The Gallic Guard
The gift of the 400 Galatians is highly symbolic. These were elite Celtic warriors who had previously served Cleopatra. By giving them to Herod, Octavian was literally handing over the "sword" of the Ptolemaic dynasty. For Herod, having 400 fierce, foreign mercenaries who owed their lives to him provided a secure layer of protection against domestic assassination plots.
The "Second Founder" of the Coast
The list of cities granted to Herod is a "Who's Who" of strategic Levant ports.
1) Strato’s Tower: This would eventually become Caesarea Maritima, Herod's greatest architectural feat and a world-class harbor.
2) Joppa and Gaza: Vital economic hubs that gave Herod control over the spice and grain trade routes.
3) Samaria: Herod would rebuild this as Sebaste (named after Sebastos, the Greek for Augustus), creating a loyal pagan/Samaritan buffer zone between the Jewish populations of Judea and Galilee.
Mariamne’s Political Mistake
Mariamne’s request for a "μεριδαρχίαν" (governorship) for Soaemus was a fatal tactical error. To Herod’s paranoid mind, this was proof of an affair. Why would his wife care so much about a guard's promotion? By rewarding the man who had betrayed Herod’s "death order" to her, she unwittingly confirmed the slanders of Salome.
The Death of the Ptolemies
The announcement that Antony and Cleopatra were dead marks the end of the Hellenistic Age and the birth of the Roman Empire (Pax Romana). Herod was the first to realize that the "Old World" was gone. His "παρρησίας" (boldness) with Octavian in Egypt shows that he was no longer a supplicant king, but a pillar of the new imperial administration.
| 218 Ἐπιτυχὼν δὲ καὶ τούτων λαμπρότερος ἦν, καὶ τὸν μὲν ΚαίσαραCaesar παρέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν ὅσον ᾤετο τὰ πράγματα αὐτῷ διὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιδιδόναι πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν, τοσοῦτον ἔκαμνεν τοῖς οἰκείοις καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὸν γάμον, ἐν ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐτυχεῖν ἐδόκει πρότερον· ἔρωταto ask γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἐλάττω τῶν ἱστορουμένων ἐπεπόνθει μετὰ τοῦ δικαίου τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne. | 218 "Having succeeded in these matters, Herod became even more brilliant, and after escorting Caesar toward Antioch, he returned home. Yet, as much as he thought his external affairs had increased his happiness, he suffered just as much in his domestic life, especially regarding his marriage, in which he previously seemed most fortunate. For he had experienced a love for Mariamne no less intense than those famous in history. |
| 218 Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Antioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so much the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appeared to have been most of all fortunate; for the affection he had for Mariamne was in no way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account celebrated in history, and this very justly. | 218 Glowing with these new acquisitions, he conducted Caesar as far as Antioch. But in contrast to his prospering through the additional territories, on his return, there was further trouble in his own family. This was mainly in the matter of his wife with whom, at first, he had seemed so fortunate. For his love for Mariamne was no less than those which are rightly celebrated in history. |
| 219 ἡ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα σώφρων καὶ πιστὴ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦν, εἶχεν δέ τι καὶ γυναικεῖον ὁμοῦ καὶ χαλεπὸν ἐκ φύσεως, ἱκανῶς μὲν ἐντρυφῶσα δεδουλωμένῳ διὰ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ τὸ βασιλεύεσθαι καὶ κρατεῖν ἄλλον αὐτῆς οὐ συγκαταλογιζομένη τῷ καιρῷ πολλάκις μὲν ὑβριστικῶς αὐτῷ προσηνέχθη καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἐξειρωνευόμενος ἔφερεν ἐγκρατῶς καὶ μειζόνως, | 219 She, for her part, was chaste and faithful to him in other respects, but she possessed a certain feminine hardness of nature. Taking advantage of the fact that he was enslaved to her by desire, and failing to consider the reality that she was ruled by a king who held power over her, she often behaved insolently toward him. Herod endured this with restraint—greater than one might expect—by feigning ignorance of her slights. |
| 219 As for her, she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as to be enslaved to her. She did not also consider seasonably with herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was at another’s disposal, and accordingly would behave herself after a saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and bore with moderation and good temper. | 219 She was indeed a chaste woman and faithful to him, but had some feminine sharpness in her nature and treated imperiously the man who was infatuated by his passion for her. Heedless of being subject to the king and of being under another’s power, she often behaved impertinently to him, and this he usually took in a jesting spirit, equably and with good temper. |
| 220 ἀναφανδὸνvisibly, openly δὲ τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐπὶ δυσγενείᾳ διεχλεύαζεν καὶ κακῶς ἔλεγεν, ὥστ᾽ ἤδη στάσιν ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν εἶναι καὶ μῖσος ἄσπονδονirreconcilable, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε καὶ διαβολὰς μείζονας. | 220 However, she openly mocked and spoke ill of his mother and sister for their low birth (dysgeneia), so that there was already a state of civil war among the women and an unappeasable hatred, and at that time, even greater slanders. |
| 220 She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was before this a disagreement and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater reproaches of one another than formerly, | 220 For she publicly mocked his mother and his sister for their lowly origins and spoke unkindly of them, so that there was already a hard, unyielding hatred between the women and now they began to accuse her all the more. |
| 221 ἥ τε ὑποψίαsuspicion, jealousy τρεφομένη παρέτεινεν ἐνιαυτοῦ μῆκος ἐξ οὗ παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἩρώδηςHerod ὑπεστρόφει. τέλεον μέντοι προοικονομούμενον ἐκ πλείονος ἐξερράγη τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς ἐγγενομένης· | 221 This suspicion grew for a full year after Herod’s return from Caesar. Finally, a long-prepared scheme exploded on the following occasion: |
| 221 which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned from Caesar. However, these misfortunes, which had been kept under some decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such an occasion as was now offered; | 221 Suspicions continued to grow for a whole year after Herod’s return from Caesar. They were kept for a long time under a semblance of decency, until on a particular occasion they suddenly burst into the open. |
| 222 κατακλινόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡς ἀναπαύσασθαι μεσημβρίας οὔσης ἐκάλει τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ὑπὸ φιλοστοργίας, ἧς ἀεὶ περὶ αὐτὴν εἶχεν. ἡ δὲ εἰσῆλθεν μέν, οὐ μὴν καὶ κατεκλίθη σπουδάζοντος ἐκφαυλίσασα καὶ προσλοιδορηθεῖσα, τόν τε πατέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ὡς ἀπεκτόνοι. | 222 The King, lying down to rest at noon, called for Mariamne out of the affection he always felt for her. She entered, but refused to lie down, treating his eagerness with contempt and reproaching him for having killed her father and brother. |
| 222 for as the king was one day about noon lain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne, out of the great affection he had always for her. She came in accordingly, but would not lie down by him; and when he was very desirous of her company, she showed her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her father and her brother to be slain. | 222 One day about noon when the king was lying down for siesta, he called for Mariamne, with his usual affection for her. She came in, but though he was eager for her to lie down with him, she would not do so. Instead she expressed her contempt for him, adding the jibe that he had caused the death of her father and her brother. |
| 223 χαλεπῶς δ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν ὕβριν ἐνηνοχότος καὶ γεγονότος εἰς προπέτειαν ἑτοίμου, τῆς ταραχῆς αἰσθομένη μείζονος ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὴ ΣαλώμηSalome παρεσκευασμένον ἐκ πλείστου τὸν οἰνοχόον εἰσπέμπει κελεύουσα λέγειν, ὡς πείθοι ΜαριάμμηMariamne φίλτρον αὐτῇ συγκατασκευάσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ. | 223 Herod bore this insult with difficulty and was ready for a rash act. Sensing this great turmoil, the King’s sister Salome sent in a cup-bearer whom she had prepared long ago, instructing him to say that Mariamne had persuaded him to help prepare a love potion (philtron) for the King. |
| 223 And when he took this injury very unkindly, and was ready to use violence to her, in a precipitate manner, the king’s sister Salome, observing that he was more than ordinarily disturbed, sent in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bid him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his assistance in preparing a love potion for him; | 223 When he took this insult badly and was about to strike her, the king’s sister Salome, seeing him so troubled, sent in the royal cup-bearer, who had been prepared long in advance for such a moment, and had him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to help her prepare a potion for the king. |
| 224 κἂν ταραχθῇ καὶ πυνθάνηται, τί ποτε τοῦτ᾽ ἦν, λέγειν ὅτι φάρμακον ἐκείνης μὲν ἐχούσης αὐτοῦ δὲ διακονῆσαι παρακαλουμένου, μὴ κινηθέντος δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ φίλτρῳ τὸν λόγον ἀργὸν ἐᾶν· οὐδένα γὰρ αὐτῷ κίνδυνον φέρειν. τοιαῦτα προδιδάξασα κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν εἰσπέμπει διαλεξόμενον. | 224 She told him that if Herod became agitated and asked what it was, he should say it was a drug (pharmakon) that she possessed, and that he had been asked to serve it; but if Herod were not moved by the story, he should let the matter drop, as it would bring him no danger. Having instructed him thus, she sent him in at that moment to speak. |
| 224 and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and to ask what that love potion was, to tell him that she had the potion, and that he was desired only to give it him; but that in case he did not appear to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given him these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech. | 224 Then, if he seemed worried and asked what it was, he should say that she had poured the drug and she had only asked him to give it to him. If however he did not seem troubled about this potion, he was to say nothing, in which case no harm would come to him. With these instructions, she sent him in to talk to him. |
| 225 ὁ δὲ πιθανῶς ἅμα καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰσῄει, δῶρα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne παρεσχῆσθαι λέγων, ἀναπείθειν δὲ φίλτρον αὐτῷ διδόναι. πρὸς τοῦτο διακινηθέντος καὶ τί τὸ φίλτρον εἴη ἐρωτήσαντος, φάρμακον εἶπεν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης διδόμενον, οὗ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτὸς οὐκ εἰδέναι, διὸ καὶ προσαγγεῖλαι τοῦτ᾽ ἀσφαλέστερον αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ διειληφότα. | 225 The cup-bearer entered with a persuasive and earnest manner, saying that Mariamne had offered him gifts to persuade him to give the King a love potion. When Herod was moved by this and asked what the potion was, the man said it was a drug given by her, the power of which he did not know, which is why he thought it safer for both himself and the King to report it. |
| 225 So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should say, and yet somewhat hastily, and said that Mariamne had given him presents, and persuaded him to give him a love potion. And when this moved the king, he said that this love potion was a composition that she had given him, whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of his resolving to give him this information, as the safest course he could take, both for himself and for the king. | 225 Obediently and quickly he went in and said that Mariamne had given him gifts to persuade him to give him a potion. When asked what this potion was he said it was a concoction she had given him, whose effects he did not know, and so he had decided to tell him about it, as the safest course for himself and for the king. |
| 226 τοιούτων ἀκούσας ἩρώδηςHerod λόγων καὶ πρότερον κακῶς διακείμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠρεθίσθη, τόν τ᾽ εὐνοῦχον, ὃς ἦν τῇ Μαριάμμῃ πιστότατος, ἐβασάνιζεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ φαρμάκου γινώσκων, ὡς οὐ χωρὶς ἐκείνου τι δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε μεῖζον οὔτε ἔλαττόν τι πεπρᾶχθαι. | 226 Upon hearing these words, Herod—already in a bad state—was even more provoked. He put the eunuch who was most faithful to Mariamne to torture (ebasanizen) regarding the drug, knowing that nothing, great or small, could be done without him. |
| 226 When Herod heard what he said, and was in an ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it was not possible that any thing small or great could be done without him. | 226 When he heard this Herod was in a bad mood already but now he was further incenced. He had the eunuch, who was very faithful to Mariamne, tortured about this potion, knowing that nothing great or small could be done without his knowledge. |
| 227 γενόμενος δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ὁ ἄνθρωπος, οὐδὲν μὲν ὧν ἕνεκεν ἐβασανίζετο λέγειν εἶχεν, τὸ μέντοι τῆς γυναικὸς ἔχθος εἰς αὐτὸν ἔφη γενέσθαι διὰ τοὺς λόγους, οὓς ὁ ΣόαιμοςSohemus αὐτῇ φράσαι. | 227 The man, being under extreme duress, could say nothing of what he was being tortured for; however, he did say that the woman's hatred toward Herod arose from the words Soaemus had told her. |
| 227 And when the man was under the utmost agonies, he could say nothing concerning the thing he was tortured about, but so far he knew, that Mariamne’s hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohemus had said to her. | 227 Even under such pressure, the man could say nothing about the matter for which he was being tortured; but that as far as he knew, his wife’s hatred for him came from something that Soemus had told her. |
| 228 ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔτι λέγοντος μέγα βοήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ ἂν ἔφη ΣόαιμονSohemus πιστότατον ὄντα τόν γε ἄλλον χρόνον αὐτῷ καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ καταπροδοῦναι τὰς ἐντολάς, εἰ μὴ καὶ περαιτέρω προεληλύθει τῆς πρὸς τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne κοινωνίας. | 228 While he was still speaking, the King cried out loudly, saying that Soaemus—who had been most faithful to him and the kingdom in all other times—would never have betrayed his instructions unless he had also entered into a deeper 'intimacy' (koinōnias) with Mariamne. |
| 228 Now as he was saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and said that Sohemus, who had been at all other times most faithful to him, and to his government, would not have betrayed what injunctions he had given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary with Mariamne. | 228 As he said this, Herod shouted aloud that Soemus, who otherwise had always been most faithful to him and to his rule, would not have betrayed his orders, unless he had gone too far in intimacy with Mariamne. |
| 229 καὶ τὸν μὲν ΣόαιμονSohemus εὐθὺς ἐκέλευσεν ἀποκτεῖναι συλλαβόντας· τῇ δὲ γυναικὶ κρίσιν ἀπεδίδου συναγαγὼν τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν κατηγορίαν ἐσπουδασμένην ποιούμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ τὰς διαβολὰς φίλτρων καὶ φαρμάκων. ἦν δὲ ἀκρατὴς ἐν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ κρίσεως ὀργιλαίτερος, καὶ τέλος οὕτως ἔχοντα γινώσκοντες αὐτὸν οἱ παρόντες θάνατον αὐτῆς κατεψηφίσαντο. | 229 He immediately ordered Soaemus to be seized and executed. As for his wife, he put her on trial, assembling his closest relatives and making a vigorous accusation regarding the love potions and drugs mentioned in the slanders. He was unrestrained in his speech and more angry than a judge should be; finally, those present, seeing his state of mind, condemned her to death. |
| 229 So he gave order that Sohemus should be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and got together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate accusation against her for this love potion and composition, which had been charged upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in what he said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he was so resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her; | 229 So he immediately gave orders for Soemus to be arrested and killed, but let his wife go for her trial. Assembling his closest retinue, he accused her in detail about the alleged drugs and potions. Then he spoke without restraint and was too angry for proper judgment. When those present saw his condition, they condemned her to death. |
| 230 διενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης ὑπεγίνετο μέν τι καὶ τοιοῦτον αὐτῷ τε καί τισιν τῶν παρόντων μὴ προπετῶς οὕτως ἀναιρεῖν, καταθέσθαι δὲ εἰς ἕν τι τῶν ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ φρουρίων. | 230 After the sentence was passed, a feeling came over Herod and some of those present that they should not be so rash as to kill her, but should instead imprison her in one of the fortresses. |
| 230 but when the sentence was passed upon her, this temper was suggested by himself, and by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to death, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the kingdom: | 230 But after sentence was passed, both he and some others present felt that she should not be executed in haste, but should be kept in prison in one of the fortresses of the kingdom. |
| 231 ἐσπουδάσθηto be busy, eager δὲ ταῖς περὶ τὴν ΣαλώμηνSalome ἐκποδὼν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον καὶ μᾶλλον ἔπεισαν τὸν βασιλέα τὰς ταραχὰς τοῦ πλήθους, εἰ ζῶσα τύχοι, φυλάξασθαι συμβουλεύουσαι. ΜαριάμμηMariamne μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἤγετο τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. | 231 But Salome and her party exerted themselves to put the woman out of the way, persuading the King by advising him to beware of the uprisings of the multitude if she were allowed to live. Thus, Mariamne was led away to her death (29 BC)." |
| 231 but Salome and her party labored hard to have the woman put to death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and advised this out of caution, lest the multitude should be tumultuous if she were suffered to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution. | 231 On the other side, Salome and her party worked hard to have the woman executed, and persuaded the king to do so by warning him that the people might rebel if she were left alive, and so Mariamne was led to her death. |
Josephus uses the word "δεδουλωμένῳ" (having been enslaved) to describe Herod’s relationship with Mariamne. This is the core of the tragedy: Herod, the master of nations, is a "slave" to his wife’s beauty. Mariamne, realizing this power, uses it recklessly ("ἐντρυφῶσα"—reveling/mocking), failing to realize that a king’s "slavery" to love can instantly flip into a "tyranny" of rage when his pride is wounded.
The Dysgeneia (Low Birth) Insult
Mariamne's fatal flaw was her Hasmonean pride. By mocking Salome and Cypros for their "low birth" (dysgeneia), she ensured they would never stop plotting against her. In the ancient world, calling someone "low born" was not just a social slight; it was a challenge to their right to rule. Salome fought back with the only weapon she had: misinformation.
The "Love Potion" vs. "Poison"
The Greek text plays on the ambiguity between "φίλτρον" (love potion) and "φάρμακον" (drug/poison). In the ancient mind, these were often the same thing. Salome’s scheme was brilliant: if Mariamne were trying to "make him love her" with a potion, it implied she knew he didn't love her (hurting his pride) or that she was secretly trying to weaken his mind to control the throne.
The Torture of the Eunuch
The torture of the eunuch reveals Herod's investigative methods. He doesn't find proof of the poison, but he finds proof of the leaked secret. The moment the eunuch mentions Soaemus, Herod's jealousy reaches a boiling point. He assumes that the only way a guard would reveal a king's secret to a queen is if they were lovers. This "logical leap" is what ultimately seals Mariamne's fate.
The "Intimacy" (Koinōnias) Charge
When Herod speaks of "κοινωνίας", he is using a euphemism for adultery. To Herod, the betrayal of his "death order" was not an act of mercy by Soaemus, but an act of betrayal born of a sexual affair. This allowed Herod to reframe his execution of Mariamne from "murdering an innocent wife" to "punishing an adulterous traitor."
The Trial as Theater
Josephus notes that Herod was "ἀκρατὴς" (unrestrained) and "ὀργιλαίτερος" (too angry) to be a judge. The trial was a formality. The "closest relatives" who sat as judges knew that if they acquitted her, they would face Herod’s wrath. It was a "judicial murder" disguised as a legal process.
The Mob and the Final Push
Even after the death sentence, Herod hesitated. He considered life imprisonment in a fortress (like Alexandrium). It was Salome who provided the final nudge, using the "security" argument: if she lives, the "πλήθους" (the Jewish masses) will revolt to save their Hasmonean princess. Salome effectively turned Herod's political fears against his personal feelings.
| 232 Συνθεωρήσασα δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἡ ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra, καὶ διότι μικρὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοι μὴ καὶ αὐτὴ τῶν ὁμοίων ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod τυχεῖν, ἐναντίως πρὸς τὸ πρῶτον θράσος καὶ λίαν ἀπρεπῶς μετεβάλετο· | 232 "But Alexandra, considering the crisis and realizing she had little hope of escaping a similar fate at Herod's hands, changed her behavior in a way completely contrary to her former boldness and most unbecomingly. |
| 232 When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she changed her behavior to quite the reverse of what might have been expected from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent manner; | 232 When Alexandra saw the situation and what little hope she had of escaping similar treatment from Herod, she quite indecently changed her behaviour to the reverse of her former boldness. |
| 233 βουλομένη γὰρ ἐμφῆναι τὴν ἄγνοιαν ὧν ἐκείνη τὰς αἰτίας εἶχεν, ἐκπηδήσασα καὶ λοιδορουμένη τῇ θυγατρὶ πάντων ἀκουόντων ἐβόα κακὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ἀχάριστον γενέσθαι καὶ δίκαια πάσχειν ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις τολμήσασαν· οὐ γὰρ ἀμείψασθαι δεόντως τὸν πάντων αὐτῶν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes. | 233 For wishing to manifest her ignorance of the crimes her daughter was accused of, she leaped forward and, in the hearing of everyone, began to revile her daughter. She shouted that she had been wicked and ungrateful to her husband and was suffering a just fate for such daring acts; for she said her daughter had not properly repaid the benefactor of them all. |
| 233 for out of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter in the hearing of all the people; and cried out that she had been an ill woman, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment came justly upon her for such her insolent behavior, for that she had not made proper returns to him who had been their common benefactor. | 233 Wanting to show how totally unaware she was of the alleged crimes, she jumped up and rebuked her daughter in everyone’s hearing for being wicked and displeasing to her husband, and said that she was being justly punished for her insolence, for not showing proper gratitude to the man who was everyone’s benefactor. |
| 234 τοιαῦτα μεταξὺ καθυποκρινομένης ἀσχημόνωςshamefully, ugly καὶ τολμώσης ἐφάπτεσθαι καὶ τῶν τριχῶν, πολλὴ μέν, ὡς εἰκός, καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἡ κατάγνωσις ἦν τῆς ἀπρεποῦς προσποιήσεως, μᾶλλον δὲ ἐνεφάνη παρ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀπολλυμένης· | 234 As she carried out this disgraceful hypocrisy, even daring to tear at her daughter’s hair, there was—as was natural—great condemnation from the onlookers for this unseemly pretense. But the reality was made even more manifest by the woman being led to her death. |
| 234 And when she had for some time acted after this hypocritical manner, and had been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling behavior, as was to be expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it was principally by the poor woman who was to suffer; | 234 After saying hypocritical, ugly things like that and going so far as to tear her hair, she was despised by others for her indecent pretense, but most clearly by the condemned woman herself. |
| 235 οὔτε γὰρ λόγον δοῦσα τὴν ἀρχὴν οὔτε ταραχθεῖσα πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνης δυσχέρειαν ἐπέβλεπεν ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὑπὸ φρονήματος τὴν ἁμαρτίαν καὶ μᾶλλον ἄχθεσθαι περιφανῶς ἀσχημονούσης ἐνέφηνεν. | 235 For Mariamne, without saying a single word at the start nor being disturbed by her mother’s offensive behavior, simply looked at her; she revealed that, through her own high-mindedness, she was more pained by her mother's blatant and public disgrace than by her own fate. |
| 235 for at the first she gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevishness, and only looked at her, yet did she out of a greatness of soul discover her concern for her mother’s offense, and especially for her exposing herself in a manner so unbecoming her; | 235 Seemingly untroubled by her abusive words, she said not a word at first; but only looked at her, seeming disgusted at her offence and especially for speaking out so unworthily. |
| 236 αὐτή γε μὴν ἀτρεμαίῳ τῷ καταστήματι καὶ τῇ χρόᾳ τῆς σαρκὸς ἀμεταβλήτῳ πρὸς τὸν θάνατον ἀπῄει, τὴν εὐγένειαν οὐδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις ἄδηλον τοῖς ἐπιθεωροῦσιν αὐτὴν ἐμφαίνουσα. | 236 She herself went to her death with an unshaken composure and with the color of her skin unchanged, manifesting her noble birth (eugeneian) even in her final moments to all those who beheld her." |
| 236 but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and without changing the color of her face, and thereby evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in the last moments of her life. | 236 Then she went off to her death with an unshaken mind and with the colour of her face unchanged, showing her nobility to the onlookers even in her last moments of life. |
Alexandra’s behavior is a textbook example of "performative loyalty." She realized that Herod’s purge of the Hasmoneans was entering its final phase. By publicly disowning and even physically assaulting her daughter, she was attempting to signal to Herod: "I am not part of her conspiracy; I am on your side." Josephus uses the word "καθυποκρινομένης" (playing the hypocrite/acting a part), highlighting that no one in the crowd was actually fooled by her desperate theater.
Andragathia vs. Aschēmosynē
The passage creates a sharp contrast between "ἀσχημόνως" (disgraceful/unseemly behavior) and Mariamne’s "ἀτρεμαίῳ" (unshaken/calm) composure. In the ancient world, how one died was the final measurement of their character. Alexandra’s frantic attempts to save her life resulted in the loss of her dignity, while Mariamne’s acceptance of death resulted in the preservation of her royal "prestige."
The "Unchanged Color" of the Skin
Josephus makes a specific physiological observation: "τῇ χρόᾳ τῆς σαρκὸς ἀμεταβλήτῳ" (the color of her skin unchanged). In ancient literature, the paling of the skin was a sign of fear (phobos). By noting that she did not turn pale, Josephus is physically proving Mariamne's courage. She walked to the scaffold as if she were still a queen walking through her palace.
The Silence of the Victim
Mariamne's silence is her final victory. By refusing to argue with her mother or plead with the executioners, she denied Herod the satisfaction of a "confession" or a breakdown. Her look of pity toward her mother—"ἐπέβλεπεν"—showed that she understood her mother’s fear, but also held it in contempt. She died as the last true representative of the Hasmonean dynasty's pride.
Herod’s "Benefactor" Status
Alexandra’s shout that Herod was the "εὐεργέτην" (benefactor) of the family is a bitter irony. Herod had killed Alexandra's father (Hyrcanus II), her son (Aristobulus III), and was now killing her daughter. Alexandra’s praise of Herod as a "benefactor" at this specific moment underscores the absolute terror Herod inspired; he had reached a level of power where even his victims were forced to praise his "generosity" while he executed their children.
The Lingering Eugeneia (Noble Birth)
The text concludes with the word "εὐγένειαν". Throughout this narrative, Mariamne’s noble birth has been both her greatest shield and the source of the friction that led to her death. Even as she is stripped of her life, Josephus argues that her "nobility" was "οὐδʼ ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις ἄδηλον" (not hidden even in the final moments). It was a quality Herod could kill, but he could never possess or replicate.
| 237 Κἀκείνη μὲν οὕτως ἀπέθανεν γυνὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐγκράτειαν καὶ πρὸς μεγαλοψυχίαν ἄρισταbest γεγενημένη, τὸ δ᾽ ἐπιεικὲς ἔλιπεν αὐτῇ καὶ πλεῖον ἦν ἐν τῇ φύσει τὸ φιλόνεικον· κάλλει δὲ σώματος καὶ τῷ περὶ τὰς ἐντεύξεις ἀξιώματι μειζόνως φράσαι τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ὑπερῆγεν, | 237 "So she died, a woman who had been most excellent in both self-control and high-mindedness. However, she lacked a sense of gentleness (epieikes), and a contentious spirit (philonikon) was too prevalent in her nature. In the beauty of her body and in the dignity of her public appearances, she surpassed anything that words could describe. |
| 237 And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted moderation, and had too much of contention in her nature; yet had she all that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her majestic appearance in conversation; | 237 And so she died, an excellent woman both for her chastity and magnanimity. Although lacking in prudence and of too quarrelsome a nature, she had all that could be desired in physical beauty and majesty of demeanour. |
| 238 ἥ τε πλείων ἀφορμὴ τοῦ μὴ κεχαρισμένως τῷ βασιλεῖ μηδὲ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ζῆν ἐντεῦθεν ἐγεγόνει· θεραπευομένη γὰρ διὰ τὸν ἔρωταto ask καὶ δυσχερὲς οὐδὲν ἐξ ἐκείνου προσδοκῶσα τὴν παρρησίαν ἀσύμμετρον εἶχεν. | 238 And this was the primary reason why she did not live in a way that was pleasing to the King or directed toward his gratification. For because she was constantly courted due to his love, and since she expected nothing harmful from him, she maintained a frankness of speech (parrēsian) that was out of all proportion. |
| 238 and thence arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him, as she might otherwise have done; for while she was most indulgently used by the king, out of his fondness for her, and did not expect that he could do any hard thing to her, she took too unbounded a liberty. | 238 Yet these proved the reasons why she did not agree with the king or live pleasantly with him. For while he lovingly paid attention to her and never wished to treat her harshly in anything, she took unmeasured liberties when speaking to him. |
| 239 ἠνία δ᾽ αὐτὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ ταῦτα πάντα πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὡς ἐπεπόνθει λέγειν ἠξίου, καὶ πέρας ἐξενίκησεν ἐχθρὰς αὐτῇ γενέσθαι τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως κἀκεῖνον αὐτόν, ᾧ μόνῳ τὸ μὴ παθεῖν τι δυσχερὲς ἀπεπίστευεν. | 239 She was also pained by the fate of her relatives, and she felt entitled to tell Herod exactly how she felt about all these things. In the end, she succeeded in making enemies of the King's mother and sister, and eventually of the King himself—the very man in whom alone she had trusted to suffer nothing disastrous." |
| 239 Moreover, that which most afflicted her was, what he had done to her relations, and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king’s mother and sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also did the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of escaping the last of punishments. | 239 What troubled her the most was the matter of her relatives. She dared to speak of all they had suffered from him. Finally she provoked hatred from the king’s mother and sister, and from himself too, on whom alone she depended to escape an unpleasant end. |
Josephus highlights Mariamne’s "παρρησίαν ἀσύμμετρον" (unmeasured/disproportionate frankness). In the Greek world, parrēsia was the hallmark of a free citizen, but in a royal court, it was a lethal liability. Mariamne made the mistake of thinking her husband’s love gave her a permanent "immunity badge." She spoke to the most powerful man in the East as an equal—or an inferior—failing to realize that Herod’s ego required a submissive queen, not a Hasmonean critic.
Lack of Epieikes (Gentleness)
Josephus notes that she lacked "τὸ ἐπιεικὲς". This is the same word used to describe her grandfather, Hyrcanus II. While Hyrcanus was too gentle (leading to his weakness), Mariamne was not gentle enough. Her "φιλόνεικον" (contentious/rivalrous spirit) drove her to poke the lion rather than soothe it. It is a classic tragedy: the very strength that made her "high-minded" was the lack of flexibility that broke her.
Beauty as a Barrier to Safety
Josephus argues that her "κάλλει σώματος" (beauty of body) was actually a source of her ruin. Because she was so beautiful and Herod was so obsessed, she became overconfident. She treated his "slavery" to her beauty as a guarantee of safety. This created a false sense of security that led her to ignore the very real political machinations of Salome and Cypros.
The Family Burden
Mariamne could not separate her role as a wife from her role as a Hasmonean daughter. She "ἠνία" (was pained) by what Herod had done to her family—specifically the execution of her grandfather and brother. She "felt entitled" to voice these grievances. This made the dinner table a battlefield. Herod wanted a lover; Mariamne gave him a prosecutor.
The "Only Man" Who Could Hurt Her
The final sentence is a masterstroke of tragic irony. Mariamne trusted that Herod was the one man from whom she would suffer nothing "δυσχερὲς" (disastrous). She correctly assessed that her enemies (Salome and Cypros) were powerless to harm her as long as Herod loved her. However, she failed to realize that by alienating Herod, she was destroying her only shield. She made an enemy of her protector.
Summary of the Hasmonean Fall
With Mariamne’s death, the Hasmonean dynasty essentially loses its soul. While Herod continues to rule, the "legitimacy" of his line—which he tried to secure through this marriage—is now purely a matter of force. The union of Idumaean power and Hasmonean blood resulted not in a new era of stability, but in a bloodbath that would eventually claim Herod's own sons (Alexander and Aristobulus).
| 240 Ἀναιρεθείσης δ᾽ αὐτῆς τότε καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξήφθη τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ βασιλέως ἔχοντος μὲν οὕτως, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐδηλώσαμεν· οὐ γὰρ ἀπαθὴς οὐδ᾽ οἷος ἂν ἐκ συνηθείας ἦν ὁ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρως, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον ἦρξεν ἐνθουσιαστικῶς καὶ τῇ παρρησίᾳ τῆς συμβιώσεως οὐκ ἀπενικήθη μὴ πλείων ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι· | 240 "When she had been put to death, the King's desire was inflamed even more than before, for his condition was such as we have described. His love for her was not a dispassionate thing, nor was it the sort that arises merely from long habit; even from the beginning, it had taken hold of him with an enthusiastic frenzy, and even the long familiarity of living together had not prevented it from constantly increasing. |
| 240 But when she was once dead, the king’s affections for her were kindled in a more outrageous manner than before, whose old passion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands; for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind, nor was it by their long cohabitation and free conversation together brought under his power to manage; | 240 When she died, the king’s feelings for her, that old passion that we have already described, flamed up hotter than ever. His love for her was not of the usual, apathetic kind but was ardent from the start, and the familiarity of their life together never quenched it, but it was always growing greater. |
| 241 τότε μέντοι καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει κατὰ νέμεσίν τινα τῆς κατὰ τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἀπωλείας ἐπιθέσθαι, καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἀνακλήσεις ἦσαν αὐτῆς, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ θρῆνος ἀσχήμων, ἐπενόει δὲ πᾶν εἴ τι δυνατὸν εἰς ψυχαγωγίαν πότους καὶ συνουσίας αὐτῷ πραγματευόμενος, καὶ τούτων οὐδὲν ἤρκει. | 241 But at that time, it seemed as if a kind of Nemesis [Divine Retribution] for the destruction of Mariamne had fallen upon him. He would frequently call out for her, and frequently break into unseemly lamentations. He devised every possible distraction, arranging drinking parties and social gatherings for himself, but none of these sufficed. |
| 241 but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as looked like divine vengeance upon him for the taking away of her life; for he would frequently call for her, and frequently lament for her in a most indecent manner. Moreover, he bethought him of every thing he could make use of to divert his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts and assemblies for that purpose, but nothing would suffice; | 241 Now more than ever his love for Mariamne seemed to seize him like a nemesis for destroying her; as he often called her name and wailed unbecomingly about her. He tried all he could to turn his mind elsewhere and arranged feasts and parties for that purpose, to no avail. |
| 242 τὰς οὖν διοικήσεις τῶν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν παρῃτεῖτο καὶ τοσοῦτον ἥττητο τοῦ πάθους, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤδη καὶ καλεῖν τὴν ΜαριάμμηνMariamne προστάξαι τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ὡς ζῶσαν ἔτι καὶ δυναμένην ὑπακούειν. | 242 Consequently, he neglected the administration of his kingdom and was so overcome by his passion that he actually commanded his servants to call for Mariamne as if she were still alive and able to answer. |
| 242 he therefore laid aside the administration of public affairs, and was so far conquered by his passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still hear them. | 242 It caused him to neglect the administration and he was so subject to his passion that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as though she were still alive and could still hear them. |
| 243 οὕτως δὲ ἔχοντος ἐπιγίνεται λοιμώδης νόσος, ἣ καὶ τῶν ὄχλων τοὺς πλείους καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἐντιμοτάτους διέφθειρεν καὶ παρέσχεν ἅπασιν ἐξυπονοῆσαι κατὰ μῆνιν τοῦτο συνενεχθῆναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν γενομένην παρανομίαν ἐπὶ τῇ Μαριάμμῃ. | 243 While he was in this state, a pestilential disease broke out, which destroyed a great many of the common people and the most honored of his friends. This caused everyone to suspect that this calamity had occurred because of the Divine Wrath (mēnîn) resulting from the lawless act committed against Mariamne. |
| 243 And when he was in this way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the greatest part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and made all men suspect that this was brought upon them by the anger of God, for the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. | 243 When he was in this mood there came an infectious illness that claimed the lives of many of the people and even of his dearest friends and all suspected that this had been brought upon them as a punishment for his crime against Mariamne. |
| 244 χεῖρον οὖν διετίθει καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸν βασιλέα, καὶ τέλος εἰς τὰς ἐρημίας αὑτὸν διδοὺς καὶ προφάσει κυνηγεσίων ταύταις ἐναδημονῶν οὐκ ἔφθη πλείους διενεγκεῖν ἡμέρας καὶ περιπίπτει νόσῳ δυσχερεστάτῃ· | 244 This situation made the King’s condition even worse. Finally, surrendering himself to the desert and wandering there in distress under the pretext of hunting, he had not passed many days before he fell into a most difficult illness. |
| 244 This circumstance affected the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go into desert places, and there, under pretense of going a hunting, bitterly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper himself: | 244 The king grew even worse until finally, under the pretext of hunting, he went off to remote places where he bitterly chided himself. Not many days had passed before he grew dangerously ill. |
| 245 φλόγωσις γὰρ ἦν καὶ πεῖσις ἰνίου καὶ τῆς διανοίας παραλλαγή· τῶν τε θεραπευμάτων οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ἐξήνυεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναντιούμενα τέως εἰς ἀπόγνωσιν ἦγεν. | 245 For there was an inflammation (phlogōsis) and a pain in the occiput (iniou) [the back of the head], and a derangement of the mind (dianoias parallagē). None of the medical treatments accomplished anything for his benefit; rather, being contradictory, they led only to despair. |
| 245 he had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with madness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no good at all, but proved contrary to his case, and so at length brought him to despair. | 245 He had an inflammation and a pain in the back of his head and felt that he was going mad The remedies they tried did him no good but made him worse and drove him to despair. |
| 246 ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν ἰατροὶ τὰ μὲν οἷς αὐτοὶ προσέφερον βοηθήμασιν οὐδὲν ὑπεικούσης τῆς νόσου, τὰ δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως οὐκ ἔχοντος ἄλλως ἢ κατὰ τὸ βιαζόμενον τῆς ἀρρωστίας διαιτᾶσθαι, πάνθ᾽ οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἐπενεχθείη παρέχειν ἠξίουν, τὸ δύσελπι τῆς σωτηρίας ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς διαίτης ἀνατιθέντες τῇ τύχῃ. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐν ΣαμαρείᾳSamaria τῇ κληθείσῃ Σεβαστῇ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐνοσηλεύετο. | 246 As for the physicians around him, since the disease did not yield at all to the remedies they applied, and since the King was unable to live any other way than according to the compulsions of his illness, they decided to grant him whatever he felt inclined to have, placing the hopelessness of his recovery in the hands of Fortune through the freedom of his diet. Thus, he lay ill in Samaria, which was called Sebaste." |
| 246 All the physicians also that were about him, partly because the medicines they brought for his recovery could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet could be no other than what his disease inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes they had of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at Samaria, now called Sebaste. | 246 Since the medicines his doctors brought him did nothing to cure his illness, and in his weakness the king could eat nothing but what he was forced to. Eventually those around him told him to eat whatever he wished. So the little hopes they had of his recovery by his diet were gone, they entrusted him to fortune. Such was the progress of his illness, while he was in Samaria, which is now called Sebaste. |
Josephus uses the word "ἐνθουσιαστικῶς" (enthusiastically/as if possessed by a god) to describe Herod's love. In the ancient world, this was not necessarily a compliment; it implied a loss of Logos (reason). Herod’s command to his servants to "call for Mariamne" as if she were alive is one of the earliest literary descriptions of pathological grief leading to a break with reality.
Nemesis and Public Perception
The term "Νέμεσίν" is a heavy Greek theological concept. Josephus is signaling to his Greco-Roman readers that Herod’s suffering was not a random medical event, but a divine balancing of the scales. The "λοιμώδης νόσος" (pestilential disease) that struck the people reinforced the Jewish view of "μῆνιν" (divine wrath). It created a narrative that the very land of Judea was reacting to the murder of its legitimate Hasmonean queen.
Psychosomatic Symptomatology
The description of the illness is highly specific:
1) "Phlogosis (Φλόγωσις)": Inflammation/Burning.
2) "Peisis iniou (Πεῖσις ἰνίου)": Pain in the inion (the external occipital protuberance at the back of the skull).
3) "Dianoias parallage (Διανοίας παραλλαγή)": Mental derangement or "shifting" of the mind.
Modern retrospective diagnoses often suggest a combination of Meniere's disease, chronic kidney failure (which can cause mental confusion and "uremic frost" or skin burning), or a severe psychosomatic breakdown manifesting as neurological pain. The Desert as a MirrorHerod’s flight into the "ἐρημίας" (desert/wilderness) is a powerful reversal. Earlier in the narrative, the desert was the place where Herod proved his mastery and provided water for the Roman legions. Now, the desert is a place of "ἐναδημονῶν" (distress/anxiety). He is no longer the master of the environment; he is a fugitive from his own conscience.
Medical Despair and "Fortune"
The physicians' decision to give Herod whatever he wanted ("ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς διαίτης") is the ancient version of entering hospice care. When they "place his recovery in the hands of Fortune (Tychē)," they are admitting that human science has failed. It is a moment of total vulnerability for a man who had previously dominated every person and event in his path.
The Irony of Sebaste
Herod lay ill in Samaria, which he had recently renamed Sebaste in honor of Augustus. This underscores the irony of his situation: he is lying in a city named after the most powerful man in the world, surrounded by the architectural proof of his success, yet he is physically and mentally rotting because of a domestic murder that no amount of Roman favor could erase.
| 247 Διατρίβουσα δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra καὶ πυνθανομένηto learn τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐσπουδάκει τῶν περὶ τὴν πόλιν φρουρίων ἐγκρατὴς γενέσθαι. | 247 "While Alexandra was staying in Jerusalem and learning of his condition, she made a concerted effort to gain control of the fortresses around the city. |
| 247 Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed what condition Herod was in, she endeavored to get possession of the fortified places that were about the city, | 247 At that time Alexandra was living in Jerusalem and, on hearing of Herod’s condition, tried to seize control of the city’s fortresses. |
| 248 δύο δ᾽ ἦν, ἓν μὲν αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως, ἕτερον δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, καὶ τούτων οἱ κρατοῦντες ὑποχείριον τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐσχήκασιν· τὰς μὲν γὰρ θυσίας οὐκ ἄνευ τούτων οἷόν τε γενέσθαι, τὸ δὲ μὴ ταύτας συντελεῖν οὐδενὶ ἸουδαίωνJews δυνατὸν τοῦ ζῆν ἑτοιμότερον ἂν παραχωρησάντων ἢ τῆς θρησκείας, ἣν εἰς τὸν θεὸν εἰώθασιν συντελεῖν. | 248 Now, there were two: one for the city itself [the Upper City/Citadel] and the other for the Temple. Those who command these hold the entire nation in their hand; for sacrifices cannot take place without them, and it is impossible for any Jew to give up these rites, as they would sooner surrender their lives than the worship they are accustomed to offer to God. |
| 248 which were two, the one belonging to the city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and those that could get them into their hands had the whole nation under their power, for without the command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and to think of leaving on those sacrifices is to every Jew plainly impossible, who are still more ready to lose their lives than to leave off that divine worship which they have been wont to pay unto God. | 248 These were two, one for the city itself and the other for the temple. Whoever held them had control of the whole nation, for without them it was impossible to offer their sacrifices. Abandoning those is unthinkable to every Jew, as they are prepared to lose their lives rather than abandon the rituals which they are accustomed to offer to God. |
| 249 τοῖς οὖν ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν φυλακτηρίων ἈλεξάνδραAlexandra προσήνεγκεν τοὺς λόγους, ὡς δέον αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἩρώδουHerod παιδίοις παραδοῦναι, μὴ καὶ φθῇ τις ἐκείνου μεταλλάξαντος ἕτερος ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων· ῥωσθέντι μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἀσφαλέστερον τῶν οἰκειοτάτων διατηρήσει. | 249 Alexandra, therefore, addressed her arguments to those in charge of these strongholds, saying that they ought to hand them over to her and to Herod’s children, lest someone else seize control of affairs if he should pass away. She argued that if he recovered, no one would preserve the kingdom more securely for him than his own family. |
| 249 Alexandra, therefore, discoursed with those that had the keeping of these strong holds, that it was proper for them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod’s sons, lest, upon his death, any other person should seize upon the government; and that upon his recovery none could keep them more safely for him than those of his own family. | 249 Alexandra told those in charge of these defences to hand them over to her and Herod’s sons in case anyone else should seize the leadership at his death, and even if he recovered no one could more safely hold them for him than his own family. |
| 250 τούτους τοὺς λόγους αὐτῆς οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἤνεγκαν, ἀλλὰ πιστοὶ καὶ τὸν ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον ὄντες ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν τῷ τότε διέμειναν μίσει τε τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra καὶ τῷ μηδ᾽ ὅσιον ὑπολαμβάνειν ζῶντα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀπεγνωκέναι· φίλοι γὰρ ἄνωθεν ἦσαν, εἷς δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ ἀνεψιὸς τοῦ βασιλέως ἈχίαβοςAchiabus. | 250 They did not receive her words favorably; having been faithful in the past, they remained even more so at that time, both out of hatred for Alexandra and because they considered it impious to give up on Herod while he was still alive. For they were longtime friends, and one of them, Achiabus, was actually a cousin of the King. |
| 250 These words were not by them at all taken in good part; and as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and because they thought it a sort of impiety to despair of Herod’s recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. | 250 Unimpressed by these reasons, they decided to stick more than ever to their earlier loyalty. For they hated Alexandra and thought it indecent to despair of Herod’s recovery while he was still alive, since they had been his old friends, and one of them, Achiabus, was the king’s nephew. |
| 251 εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξήγγειλαν πέμψαντες ἐκείνῳ τὴν γνώμην τῆς ἈλεξάνδραςAlexandra. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν οὐδὲν ἀναβαλλόμενος ἀποκτεῖναι προσέταξεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μόλις καὶ σὺν κακοπαθείᾳ διαφυγὼν τὴν νόσον χαλεπὸς ἦν ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι κεκακωμένος ὁμοῦ πρὸς τὸ δυσάρεστον καὶ πάσαις ταῖς αἰτίαις ἑτοιμοτέρως εἰς τιμωρίαν τῶν ὑποπεσόντων ἐχρῆτο. | 251 They immediately sent word to Herod, reporting Alexandra’s intentions. He, without any delay, ordered her to be put to death. Having himself narrowly and painfully survived his illness, he was harsh in spirit and broken in body, becoming increasingly irritable and more ready to use any pretext to punish those who fell under his suspicion. |
| 251 They sent messengers therefore to acquaint him with Alexandra’s design; so he made no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it still with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his hand. | 251 Immediately they sent messengers to the king to tell about Alexandra’s plan. So he waited no longer and ordered her death, though it was only with difficulty and much pain that he was rid of his own illness. He was still suffering in mind and body and readier than ever to punish any who for any reason fell under his wrath. |
| 252 φονεύει δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους αὐτῷ φίλους ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus καὶ ΛυσίμαχονLysimachus καὶ τὸν Γαδία καλούμενον ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἔτι δὲ ΔοσίθεονDositheus ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης· | 252 He also executed his closest friends, Costobarus, Lysimachus, and Antipater (also called Gadias), as well as Dositheus, for the following reasons:" |
| 252 He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costobarus, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion. | 252 He even killed the closest of his friends, Costobarus and Lysimachus and Cadias, also called Antipater, and Dositheus, for reasons we shall now relate. |
Josephus provides a brilliant summary of Judean geopolitics: Control the Temple and the Citadel, and you control the nation. The "Tower" (later the Antonia) overlooked the Temple, meaning the priests could not perform the daily sacrifices without the garrison's permission. Since the Jewish people viewed the cessation of sacrifice as a spiritual catastrophe worse than death, the fortresses were the ultimate leverage. Alexandra knew that whoever held the keys to the Temple held the soul of the people.
Alexandra’s Final "Soft" Coup
Alexandra tried to frame her power grab as a "regency" for Herod's sons (the children of Mariamne). It was a clever legal pretext: if Herod dies, I am the grandmother of the heirs; if he lives, I was just "protecting" the throne from usurpers. However, after the execution of Mariamne, her credibility with Herod's inner circle was zero.
Achiabus: The Loyalty of Blood
The mention of Achiabus is critical. He was Herod’s "ἀνεψιὸς" (first cousin). Herod’s security apparatus was built on Idumaean family ties. Alexandra, a Hasmonean, was asking an Idumaean tribesman to betray his own kin for the benefit of a dynasty Herod had spent a decade dismantling. She fundamentally misunderstood the "tribal" nature of Herodian loyalty.
The "Impious" Betrayal
The guards viewed it as "μηδʼ ὅσιον" (not holy/impious) to despair of Herod while he lived. This suggests that Herod had successfully cultivated a "cult of the King," where loyalty to his person was framed as a moral and religious duty. Despairing of the King was treated as a form of treason against the state's stability.
The Physical and Spiritual Corruption
Josephus notes Herod was "χαλεπὸς ἦν ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι κεκακωμένος" (harsh in soul and broken in body). This is the "Post-Mariamne Herod." The illness didn't just physically weaken him; it "corrupted" his spirit. The transition from a strategic monarch to a bloodthirsty tyrant is complete. From this point on, Herod no longer seeks to win over his subjects; he only seeks to outlive his enemies.
The Purge of the "Inner Circle"
The list of names (Costobarus, Lysimachus, Antipater Gadias, Dositheus) signals a pivot. Costobarus was Salome's husband and a high-ranking Idumaean. By killing him and his other "closest friends," Herod proved that no amount of loyalty or shared history could protect someone from his paranoia. The "Herodian Peace" was now being maintained by the systematic execution of the very men who built it.
| 253 ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ἦν γένει μὲν ἸδουμαῖοςIdumaean, ἀξιώματος τῶν πρώτων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ προγόνων ἱερατευσάντων τῷ Κωζαι· θεὸν δὲ τοῦτον Ἰδουμαῖοι νομίζουσιν. | 253 "Costobarus was an Idumaean by birth, of the highest rank among them, whose ancestors had been priests to Qos (Kōzai)—this is the god whom the Idumaeans worship. |
| 253 Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; | 253 Costobarus was by birth an Idumaean and a leader highly regarded among them, whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumaeans regard as a god. |
| 254 ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτῶν εἰς τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθη καὶ νόμιμα μεταστήσαντος ἩρώδηςHerod παραλαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν ἄρχοντα τῆς ἸδουμαίαςIdumaea καὶ ΓάζηςGaza ἀποδείκνυσιν τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ΣαλώμηνSalome ἸώσηπονJoseph ἀνελὼν τὸν εἰληφότα πρότερον αὐτήν, ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν. | 254 After Hyrcanus [I] had forcibly changed their way of life to Jewish customs and laws, Herod, upon taking over the kingdom, appointed Costobarus governor of Idumaea and Gaza. He also gave him his sister Salome in marriage, having killed Joseph, who had previously been her husband, as we have already related. |
| 254 but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political government, and made them receive the Jewish customs and law, Herod made Costobarus governor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon the slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already. | 254 But Hyrcanus had changed their system, imposing Jewish customs and law upon them, and when Herod took over the kingdom he made Costobarus ruler of Idumaea and Gaza and gave him his sister Salome in marriage, after doing away with her former husband Joseph, as we have said. |
| 255 ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus δὲ τούτων τυχὼν ἀσμένως καὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἤρθη μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἐξέβαινεν, οὔθ᾽ αὑτῷ καλὸν ἡγούμενος ἄρχοντος ἩρώδουHerod τὸ προσταττόμενον ποιεῖν οὔτε τοῖς ἸδουμαίοιςIdumaeans τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews μεταλαβοῦσιν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις εἶναι. | 255 Costobarus, having attained these things gladly and beyond expectation, was even more uplifted by his good fortune; gradually, he began to overstep his bounds. He did not consider it honorable for himself to do what was commanded while Herod was ruling, nor for the Idumaeans, who had adopted Jewish ways, to remain under the Jews. |
| 255 When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them. | 255 Pleased to be promoted beyond his expectations, Costobarus was puffed up by his success and pushed on by little stages until he refused to obey Herod as ruler, or have the Idumaeans subjected to Jewish ways. |
| 256 καὶ διαπέμπεται πρὸς ΚλεοπάτρανCleopatra τὴν ἸδουμαίανIdumaea φάμενος ἀεὶ τῶν ἐκείνης προγόνων γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι δίκαιον αἰτεῖσθαι παρ᾽ ἈντωνίουAntōny τὴν χώραν· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕτοιμοςprepared εἶναι μεταφέρειν τὴν εὔνοιαν εἰς ἐκείνην. | 256 He therefore sent a message to Cleopatra, claiming that Idumaea had always belonged to her ancestors, and that it was therefore just to ask Antony for the territory; for he said he himself was ready to transfer his loyalty to her. |
| 256 He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idumeans had been always under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it was but just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her; | 256 He sent to Cleopatra to say how the Idumaeans had always been subject to her ancestors and asking her to request that country from Antony, promising to transfer his allegiance to her. |
| 257 ἔπραττεν δὲ ταῦτα τῇ ΚλεοπάτρᾳCleopatra μὲν οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀρεσκόμενος, εἰ δὲ παραιρεθείη τῶν πλειόνων ἩρώδηςHerod, εὐεπιχείρητον ἤδη νομίζων καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄρξαι τοῦ τῶν ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea γένους καὶ μεῖζον πράξειν· ἐπιδιέβαινεν γὰρ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν οὐκ ὀλίγας ἀφορμὰς ἔχων γένους καὶ χρημάτων, ἃ μετὰ διηνεκοῦς αἰσχροκερδείας ἐπεπόριστο, καὶ μικρὸν οὐδὲν ἐπενόει. | 257 He did this not because he was particularly pleased to be under Cleopatra’s rule, but because he believed that if Herod were deprived of most of his power, it would be easy for him to rule the Idumaean nation himself and achieve greater things. For his hopes went further, as he possessed no small resources in terms of his lineage and the money he had acquired through continuous and shameful greed; thus, he contemplated no small designs. |
| 257 and this he did, not because he was better pleased to be under Cleopatra’s government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod’s power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain himself the entire government over the Idumeans, and somewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretenses, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. | 257 He did this, not because he preferred to be under Cleopatra’s rule, but thinking that, as Herod’s power diminished, it would be easier for himself to become ruler of the Idumaean nation and perhaps achieve even more. His hopes were high, due to his birth and the wealth he had amassed by his constant attention to money, and so he was aiming high. |
| 258 ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra μὲν οὖν ἈντωνίουAntōny δεηθεῖσα περὶ τῆς χώρας ταύτης ἀποτυγχάνει. λέγονται δὲ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd οἱ λόγοι κἀκεῖνος ἕτοιμοςprepared ὢν ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus ὅμως τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὐτοῦ δεηθείσης καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀφίησιν καὶ συγγνώμης ἠξίωσεν, οὐκ ἀνύποπτον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἔχων τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως τῆς τότε. | 258 Cleopatra, however, requested this territory from Antony but was unsuccessful. His words were reported to Herod, and though he was ready to kill Costobarus, he nevertheless spared him and granted him pardon at the request of his sister [Salome] and his mother. However, he did not hold him above suspicion from that time onward regarding that attempt." |
| 258 So Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was thereupon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely; though he still had a suspicion of him afterward for this his attempt. | 258 Cleopatra did ask Antony for this region, but to no avail, and when it was reported to Herod, he was ready to kill Costobarus, but forgave him at the request of his sister and mother, though he never ceased to view him with suspicion on account of this attempt. |
This is a vital piece of historical data. Qos was the national deity of the Edomites (Idumaeans). Josephus reveals that even a century after the Hasmonean king John Hyrcanus I forcibly circumcised and converted the Idumaeans (c. 125 BCE), the elite families still identified with their ancient priestly heritage. Costobarus wasn't just a politician; he was a scion of a displaced religious hierarchy.
Ethnic Tension: Idumaea vs. Judea
Costobarus’s motivation was explicitly nationalistic. He viewed the adoption of "Jewish ways" (τὰ Ἰουδαίων) as a humiliation. This highlights the fragility of Herod’s kingdom: it was an empire of forced amalgamations. Costobarus sought to use Cleopatra as a "geopolitical crowbar" to pry Idumaea away from Judean control and restore its sovereign identity.
The Cleopatra Connection
Costobarus was a shrewd player. He knew Cleopatra was hungry for the territories Herod held (she had already successfully lobbied Antony for Herod’s balsam groves in Jericho). By appealing to her "ancestral right" to Idumaea (linking it to previous Ptolemaic holdings), he offered her a legal pretext to expand her empire in exchange for his local autonomy.
Salome’s First Intervention
It is ironic that Salome—who would eventually be the one to ensure Costobarus’s execution—is the one who saves him here. Her intervention shows that even in the cutthroat Herodian court, family ties and "face" mattered. Killing a second husband of the King's sister so soon after the first (Joseph) would have been a public relations disaster for the royal family's stability.
"Shameful Greed" (Aischrokerdeias)
Josephus notes that Costobarus used his position as governor of Gaza and Idumaea to amass private wealth. Gaza was a major terminus for the "Incense Route" from Arabia. By siphoning off trade taxes, Costobarus was building a war chest. In the ancient world, "lineage and money" were the two essential ingredients for a successful coup.
The "Suspicion" That Never Dies
The passage ends with an ominous note: Herod granted pardon, but "οὐκ ἀνύποπτον" (not without suspicion). In Herod's world, a "pardon" was often just a stay of execution. Herod was simply waiting for a more definitive reason to strike—one that would eventually come when Salome herself turned against Costobarus and revealed the secret of the "Sons of Babas."
| 259 Χρόνου δὲ διελθόντος ἐπισυνέβη τὴν ΣαλώμηνSalome στασιάσαι πρὸς τὸν ΚοστόβαρονCostobarus, καὶ πέμπει μὲν εὐθὺς αὐτῷ γραμμάτιον ἀπολυομένη τὸν γάμον οὐ κατὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίωνJews νόμους· ἀνδρὶ μὲν γὰρ ἔξεστιν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῦτο ποιεῖν, γυναικὶ δὲ οὐδὲ διαχωρισθείσῃ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν γαμηθῆναι μὴ τοῦ πρότερον ἀνδρὸς ἐφιέντος. | 259 "As time passed, it happened that Salome quarreled with Costobarus, and she immediately sent him a bill of divorce dissolving the marriage, though it was not according to Jewish laws. For among us, a husband is permitted to do this, but a wife, even if separated, is not allowed to marry on her own initiative unless her former husband releases her. |
| 259 But some time afterward, when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce and dissolved her marriage with him, though this was not according to the Jewish laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife; if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be married to another, unless her former husband put her away. | 259 Some time later when Salome happened to quarrel with Costobarus she sent him a bill of divorce and dissolved her marriage to him, contrary to Jewish law, for with us only the man may do so, but if a wife leaves her husband, she cannot be remarried unless her former husband sets her aside. |
| 260 οὐ μὴν ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome τὸν ἐγγενῆ νόμον, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας ἑλομένη τήν τε συμβίωσιν προαπηγόρευσεν καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἔλεγεν ὑπὸ τῆς εἰς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίας ἀποστῆναι τἀνδρός· ἐγνωκέναι γὰρ αὐτὸν μετ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ ΛυσιμάχουLysimachus καὶ ΔοσιθέουDositheus νεωτέρων ἐφιέμενον. Καὶ πίστιν παρεῖχεν τοῦ λόγου τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas παῖδας, ὅτι διασώζοιντο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ χρόνον ἐνιαυτῶν ἤδη δεκαδύο. | 260 Salome, however, chose to follow the law of her own authority rather than her native law; she renounced the marriage and told her brother Herod that she had left her husband out of loyalty to the King, for she claimed to have discovered that Costobarus was plotting revolution along with Antipater, Lysimachus, and Dositheus. To provide proof of her words, she brought up the Sons of Babas [Sabba], revealing that they had been kept alive by him for twelve years. |
| 260 However, Salome chose to follow not the law of her country, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Dositheus, were raising a sedition against him; as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years; | 260 Salome chose to follow not the law of her own people but renounced her marriage on her own authority and told her brother Herod that she was leaving her husband for his sake, knowing how he planned a revolt against him along with Antipater, Lysimachus and Dositheus. As evidence she alleged that he had kept alive the sons of Sabbas these past twelve years. |
| 261 τοῦτο δὲ εἶχεν οὕτως καὶ πολλὴν ἔκπληξιν ἐνεποίησεν τῷ βασιλεῖ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ἀκουσθέν, ἐκεκίνητό τε μᾶλλον ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ τοῦ λόγου· τὰ γὰρ περὶ τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas παῖδας ἐσπουδάσθηto be busy, eager μὲν αὐτῷ πρότερον ἐπεξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς δυσμενεῖς γενομένους τῇ διαθέσει, τότε δὲ διὰ τὸ μῆκος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ τῆς μνήμης ἐξεληλύθεσαν. | 261 This report was true and caused the King great astonishment when he heard it beyond all hope; he was moved even more by the unexpected nature of the account. For he had previously made a great effort to track down the Sons of Babas because they had been hostile to his cause, but with the passage of time, they had faded from his memory. |
| 261 which proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to punishment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now forgotten by him, on account of the length of time [since he had ordered them to be slain]. | 261 This proved to be true, although the king was amazed and shaken to hear it and it seemed incredible to him. He had formerly been at pains to execute these sons of Sabbas as enemies of his rule, but with the passage of time they had slipped from his memory. |
| 262 ἡ δὲ ἔχθρα πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸ μῖσος ἀπὸ τοιούτων ἦν· ἈντιγόνουAntigonus τὴν βασιλείαν ἔχοντος ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν ἐπολιόρκει δυνάμει τὴν τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem πόλιν, ὑπὸ δὲ χρείας κακῶν, ὅσα τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις παρίσταται, πλείους ἦσαν οἱ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπικαλούμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπονεύοντες ἤδη ταῖς ἐλπίσιν. | 262 The cause of his hatred for them was as follows: When Antigonus held the kingship, Herod was besieging the city of Jerusalem. Due to the hardships that befall those under siege, many people were calling for Herod and leaning toward him in their hopes. |
| 262 Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to them arose hence, that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem, where the distress and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing, that the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and already placed their hopes on him. | 262 The reason for his enmity and hatred toward them was that when Antigonus was king, Herod and his army had besieged Jerusalem, where the distress of the besieged was so desperate that the majority invited Herod into the city and already placed their hopes on him. |
| 263 ὄντες δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος οἱ τοῦ ΣάββαSabbas παῖδες καὶ παρὰ τῷ πλήθει δυνατοί, πιστοὶ διετέλουν ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus τόν τε ἩρώδηνHerōd διέβαλλον ἀεὶ καὶ συμφυλάττειν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν τὴν ἐκ γένους ἀρχὴν προύτρεπον. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ἅμα καὶ συμφέρειν αὐτὰ νομίζοντες ἐπὶ τοιούτων ἐπολιτεύοντο. | 263 But the Sons of Babas, being of high rank and powerful among the multitude, remained faithful to Antigonus. They constantly slandered Herod and urged the people to preserve the ancestral government for the royal family [the Hasmoneans]. They pursued this policy believing it was in the best interest of the state. |
| 263 Now the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and had power among the multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and were always raising calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the government to that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus politically, and, as they thought, for their own advantage; | 263 The children of Sabbas held rank and power among the people and stayed faithful to Antigonus and were always telling lies against Herod and encouraged the people to keep the leadership within the royal family, which held it by inheritance. These men had acted politically in this way, and, as they thought, for their own advantage. |
| 264 τῆς δὲ πόλεως ἁλισκομένηςto be caught καὶ κρατοῦντος τῶν πραγμάτων ἩρώδουHerod ΚοστόβαροςCostobarus ἀποδειχθεὶς τὰς διεκβολὰς ἀναφράττειν καὶ φρουρεῖν τὴν πόλιν, ὡς μὴ διαπίπτειν ἐξ αὐτῆς τοὺς ὑπόχρεως τῶν πολιτῶν ἢ τἀναντία τῷ βασιλεῖ πολιτευομένους, εἰδὼς ἐν ὑπολήψει καὶ τιμῇ τοὺς ΣάββαSabbas τῷ παντὶ πλήθει καὶ νομίζων μέγα μέρος αὐτῷ γενήσεσθαι πρὸς τὰς μεταβολὰς τῶν πραγμάτων τὴν ἐκείνων σωτηρίαν ὑπεξέθετο καὶ κατέκρυψεν ἐν οἰκείοις χωρίοις. | 264 When the city was captured and Herod gained control, Costobarus was appointed to block the exits and guard the city so that citizens who were in debt or who had opposed the King could not slip away. Knowing that the Sons of Babas were held in high regard and honor by the whole multitude, and believing they would be a great asset to him in future changes of affairs, Costobarus sent them away and hid them on his own estates. |
| 264 but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his own hands, and Costobarus was appointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, Costobarus, being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honor by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by themselves, and concealed them in his own farms; | 264 But when the city was taken and Herod was in control, Costobarus was appointed to guard the city and stop anyone from leaving by the gates to prevent guilty citizens who had opposed the king from escaping, knowing that the sons of Sabbas were held in respect and honour by all and thinking that if he saved them it could benefit him in any future change of government, he singled them out and hid them in his own farms. |
| 265 καὶ τότε μὲν ἩρώδηνHerōd, διεληλύθει γὰρ ἡ τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποψίαsuspicion, jealousy, πιστωσάμενος ὅρκοις ἦ μὴν οὐδὲν εἰδέναι τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκείνους ἀφεῖτο τῆς ὑπονοίας. αὖθις δὲ κηρύγματα καὶ μήνυτρα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκτιθέντος καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐρεύνης ἐπινοοῦντος οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς ὁμολογίαν, ἀλλὰ τῷ τὸ πρῶτον ἔξαρνος γενέσθαι τὸ φωραθῆναι τοὺς ἄνδρας οὐκ ἀνυποτίμητον αὐτῷ πεπεισμένος οὐ μόνον ἐκ τῆς εὐνοίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἤδη τοῦ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς περιείχετο. | 265 At that time, although Herod had a suspicion of the truth, Costobarus convinced him with oaths that he knew nothing of them, and so he was released from suspicion. Later, when the King issued proclamations and rewards and devised every method of search, Costobarus did not confess; having denied it once, he was convinced that discovering the men would bring him a penalty. Thus, he was bound to hide them not only out of goodwill but out of necessity. |
| 265 and when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for the discovery, and had put in practice all sorts of methods for searching out this matter, he would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if the men were found, he should not escape unpunished, he was forced to keep them secret, not only out of his good-will to them, but out of a necessary regard to his own preservation also. | 265 When this was suspected, he assured Herod on oath that he knew nothing about it and so turned his suspicion aside. Later on, when the king publicly offered a reward for finding them and tried by every means to clarify the matter, he would not admit it, convinced that having denied it at the start, he would be punished if the men were found. Therefore he was forced to keep them secret, not only for their sake but also for his own. |
| 266 περὶ τούτων ἐξαγγελθέντων αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς πέμψας εἰς τοὺς τόπους, ἐν οἷς διατρίβειν ἐμηνύθησαν, ἐκείνους τε καὶ τοὺς συγκαταιτιαθέντας ἀπέκτεινεν, ὥστ᾽ εἶναι μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκ τῆς ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus συγγενείας, ἀλλὰ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτεξούσιον αὐτῷ μηδενὸς ὄντος ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τοῖς παρανομουμένοις. | 266 When these things were reported to him by his sister, the King sent men to the places where they were said to be staying and killed them, along with those accused with them. Thus, there was nothing left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingship was now entirely in his own power, with no one of high rank remaining to stand in the way of his lawless acts." |
| 266 But when the king knew the thing, by his sister’s information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were concealed, and ordered both them, and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus, and the kingdom was entirely in Herod’s own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. | 266 But when this was reported to the king by his sister, he sent men to the places where he heard that they were hiding, with orders that they be killed as well as those accused along with them. As a result no relatives of Hyrcanus remained. The kingdom was fully in Herod’s power since there was no prominent person who could put a stop to his transgressions. |
Josephus makes a crucial legal distinction here. Under traditional Jewish Law (Halakha), the get (divorce document) must be given by the husband. Salome, empowered by her status as the King's sister, unilaterally issued her own divorce. This is a classic example of Herodian Hellenization: the royal family felt they were "above the law" and could adopt Greco-Roman legal norms (where women had more agency in divorce) whenever it suited their personal vendettas.
The "Sons of Babas": The Last Hasmonean Loyalists
The Sons of Babas (often identified in Rabbinic literature as Bnei Bava) represented the "Old Guard" of the Jewish aristocracy. They weren't just rebels; they were constitutionalists who believed only the Hasmonean line had the legitimate right to the throne. The fact that they survived for twelve years in hiding suggests a vast, underground network of support in Jerusalem that hated Herod but feared his secret police.
Costobarus’s Long Game
Costobarus’s decision to hide them wasn't purely out of kindness. Josephus notes he saw them as a "μεγα μέρος" (great asset) for "future changes." This confirms Herod’s greatest fear: that his own governors were keeping "alternate kings" in their pockets just in case Rome ever decided to replace him.
The End of the "Hyrcanus Kindred"
Josephus concludes this section with a chilling summary: "μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον" (nothing remaining). By killing these final aristocrats, Herod effectively wiped out the "institutional memory" of the Hasmonean state. There were no longer any senators, priests, or nobles left who had the social standing to challenge his "παρανομουμένοις" (lawless acts).
The Psychology of the Hunt
The detail that Herod had "forgotten" them due to the "μῆκος τοῦ χρόνου" (length of time) makes the sudden discovery more terrifying. It portrays Herod as a man whose past eventually catches up to everyone around him. For the Sons of Babas, twelve years of hiding in a basement ended in a sudden, violent execution—the final "cleanup" of the Hasmonean era.
[267-298]
Plot against Herod, for introducing foreign customs.
He builds Sebaste and Caesarea
| 267 Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέβαινεν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὑποδιέφθειρεν τὴν πάλαι κατάστασιν ἀπαρεγχείρητον οὖσαν, ἐξ ὧν οὐ μικρὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν αὖθις χρόνον ἠδικήθημεν ἀμεληθέντων ὅσα πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἦγεν τοὺς ὄχλους· | 267 "For this reason, Herod departed even more from the ancestral customs and, through foreign practices, began to corrupt the ancient constitution, which had previously been inviolable. As a result, we suffered no small injury in later times, as the things that formerly led the multitudes toward piety were neglected. |
| 267 On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by the introduction of foreign practices, which constitution yet ought to have been preserved inviolable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety were now neglected; | 267 This was how Herod abandoned the ancestral laws and by foreign practices corrupted their ancient lifestyle which should have been kept inviolable. As a result much harm befell us later, when the devotions that used to lead the people to piety were neglected. |
| 268 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα πενταετηρικὸν ἀθλημάτων κατεστήσατο ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ θέατρον ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ᾠκοδόμησεν, αὖθίς τ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ μέγιστον ἀμφιθέατρον, περίοπτα μὲν ἄμφω τῇ πολυτελείᾳ, τοῦ δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ἔθους ἀλλότρια· χρῆσίς τε γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ θεαμάτων τοιούτων ἐπίδειξις οὐ παραδίδοται. | 268 For first, he established a five-year contest (agōna pentatērikon) of athletic games in honor of Caesar, and he built a theater in Jerusalem, and later a massive amphitheater in the plain. Both were conspicuous for their luxury, but they were alien to Jewish custom; for the use of such things and the exhibition of such spectacles has not been handed down to us. |
| 268 for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honor of Caesar, and built a theater at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheater in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us; | 268 In the first place, he established athletic games to be celebrated every fifth year in honour of Caesar, and built a theatre in Jerusalem, and a huge amphitheatre in the plain. Both of them were ornate works, but contrary to Jewish custom, for our tradition does not include the exhibiting of shows like that. |
| 269 τὴν μέντοι πανήγυριν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιφανεστάτην τὴν τῆς πενταετηρίδος συνετέλει καταγγείλας τε τοῖς περὶ καὶ συγκαλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους. οἱ δ᾽ ἀθληταὶ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων ἀπὸ πάσης γῆς ἐκαλοῦντο κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῶν προκειμένων καὶ τῆς νίκης εὐδοξίᾳ, συνελέγησάν τε οἱ κορυφαιότατοι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν· | 269 Nevertheless, he celebrated this five-year festival with great magnificence, sending announcements to the surrounding nations and summoning people from the entire nation. Athletes and other competitors were invited from every land, drawn by the hope of the prizes offered and the glory of victory; the most eminent in their professions were assembled. |
| 269 yet did he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He also made proclamation to the neighboring countries, and called men together out of every nation. The wrestlers also, and the rest of those that strove for the prizes in such games, were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most eminent in these sorts of exercises were gotten together, | 269 Every five years he celebrated these games most solemnly and splendidly, sending out proclamations around and calling together people from every nation. The athletes and the rest of the contestants were invited from every land by the hope of winning the prizes and by the glory of victory, and the influential people assembled for the competitions. |
| 270 οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοῖς περὶ τὰς γυμνικὰς ἀσκήσεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῇ μουσικῇ διαγινομένοις καὶ θυμελικοῖς καλουμένοις προυτίθει μέγιστα νικητήρια· καὶ διεσπούδαστο πάντας τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἅμιλλαν. | 270 For he offered the greatest prizes not only to those practiced in gymnastic exercises, but also to those who excelled in music and those called 'theatrical performers' (thymelikoί); he exerted great effort to ensure that all the most famous performers came to the contest. |
| 270 for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that performed their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Thymelici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest for victory. | 270 Large prizes were offered for victory, not only to the naked athletes, but also to those who played music and were called Thymelici. He sought to induce all who were most famous to come to the contest. |
| 271 προύθηκεν δὲ καὶ τεθρίπποις καὶ συνωρίσιν καὶ κέλησιν οὐ μικρὰς δωρεάς, καὶ πάνθ᾽, ὅσα κατὰ πολυτέλειαν ἢ σεμνοπρέπειαν παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐσπούδαστο φιλοτιμίαι τοῦ διάσημον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν ἐπίδειξιν ἐξεμιμήσατο. | 271 He also offered no small rewards for four-horse chariots, pairs of horses, and single horses. Everything that was esteemed for its luxury or solemnity among other peoples, he imitated in his ambition to make his exhibition famous. |
| 271 He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though never so costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration of his grandeur. | 271 Furthermore, he offered considerable prizes for the chariot-races drawn by four or two horses, imitating whatever was costly or magnificent in other nations, in his ambition to give the most public proof of his grandeur. |
| 272 τό γε μὴν θέατρον ἐπιγραφαὶ κύκλῳ περιεῖχον ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τρόπαια τῶν ἐθνῶν, ἃ πολεμήσας ἐκεῖνος ἐκτήσατο, χρυσοῦ τε ἀπέφθου καὶ ἀργύρου πάντων αὐτῷ πεποιημένων. | 272 All around the theater, there were inscriptions of Caesar and trophies (tropaia) of the nations he [Augustus] had conquered in war, all made for Herod out of pure gold and silver. |
| 272 Inscriptions also of the great actions of Caesar, and trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theater itself; | 272 Inscriptions of the great actions of Caesar and trophies from the nations he had conquered in his wars, all made of the purest gold and silver, surrounded the theatre itself. |
| 273 τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν οὐδὲν οὕτως ἦν οὔτ᾽ ἐσθῆτοςgarment, clothing τίμιον οὔτε σκευῆς λίθων, ὃ μὴ τοῖς ὁρωμένοις ἀγωνίσμασιν συνεπεδείκνυτο. παρασκευὴ δὲ καὶ θηρίων ἐγένετο λεόντων τε πλείστων αὐτῷ συναχθέντων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσα καὶ τὰς ἀλκὰς ὑπερβαλλούσας ἔχει καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐστὶν σπανιώτερα· | 273 As for the equipment, there was nothing so precious in terms of garments or gemstone-encrusted vessels that was not displayed alongside the games. He also prepared a multitude of wild beasts, with many lions and other animals of exceeding strength and rare nature being brought together. |
| 273 nor was there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of lions themselves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen. | 273 Anything that could serve his purpose, be it sumptuous clothing or vessels of precious stones, was also on display during these games. He had many wild beasts including lions and other beasts of unusual strength, or of a kind rarely seen. |
| 274 τούτων αὐτῶν τε πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπλοκαὶ καὶ μάχαι πρὸς αὐτὰ τῶν κατεγνωσμένων ἀνθρώπων ἐπετηδεύοντο, τοῖς μὲν ξένοις ἔκπληξιςconsternation ὁμοῦ τῆς δαπάνης καὶ ψυχαγωγία τῶν περὶ τὴν θέαν κινδύνων, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπιχωρίοις φανερὰ κατάλυσις τῶν τιμωμένων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν· | 274 Battles between these beasts and matches between men condemned to death and the animals were staged. To the foreigners, this was a source of astonishment at the expense and entertainment at the dangers of the spectacle; but to the native Jews, it was a manifest dissolution of the customs held in honor among them. |
| 274 These were prepared either to fight with one another, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhibited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of those customs for which they had so great a veneration. | 274 These were set either to fight each other, or with men condemned to die. Visitors were amazed at the expense and delighted by the dangerous spectacle, while to the natives it was a glaring destruction of the customs they so revered. |
| 275 ἀσεβὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐκ προδήλου κατεφαίνετο θηρίοις ἀνθρώπους ὑπορρίπτειν ἐπὶ τέρψει τῆς ἀνθρώπων θέας, ἀσεβὲς δὲ ξενικοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐξαλλάττειν τοὺς ἐθισμούς. | 275 For it appeared clearly impious (asebes) to throw men to wild beasts for the sake of entertaining a crowd of spectators, and impious to change their traditional habits for foreign practices. |
| 275 It appeared also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foreign exercises: | 275 It seemed grossly wrong to throw people to wild beasts for the delight of others, and impious to exchange their own laws for such foreign customs. |
| 276 πάντων δὲ μᾶλλον ἐλύπει τὰ τρόπαια· δοκοῦντες γὰρ εἰκόνας εἶναι τὰς τοῖς ὅπλοις περιειλημμένας, ὅτι μὴ πάτριον ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα σέβειν, οὐ μετρίως ἐδυσχέραινον. | 276 But more than anything else, the trophies caused them distress. Believing the armor-clad frames to be images [idols], and because it was not ancestral for them to worship such things, they were exceedingly displeased." |
| 276 but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they imagined them to be images, included within the armor that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay honors to such images. | 276 But the trophies were worst of all, since they regarded them as images surrounded by armour that hung around them, and were hugely enraged by them, for it was not their tradition to pay honour to such images. |
Josephus uses the word "ὑποδιέφθειρεν" (gradually corrupted). Herod didn't ban the Law; he "submerged" it under a new, glittering layer of Hellenism. By building a theater inside Jerusalem and an amphitheater in the plain (likely the nearby valley of Rephaim), he forced the holy city to physically confront pagan culture every day.
The Cult of the Emperor
The games were "Καίσαρι" (for Caesar). This was the introduction of the Imperial Cult. By placing inscriptions of Augustus and golden trophies of Roman victories around the theater, Herod was making the Roman state the central focus of Jerusalem’s public life—a direct challenge to the Temple's centrality.
The "Thymelikoí" and Music
Herod didn't just want violence; he wanted high culture. The "θυμελικοῖς" were performers associated with the thymele (the altar in the center of a Greek theater). To the Jews, these weren't just "actors"; they were participants in a ritual dedicated to Dionysus. Offering "the greatest prizes" was a way to bribe the elite and the youth to choose the stage over the synagogue.
The Moral Horror of the Arena
Josephus highlights the Jewish revulsion at the venationes (animal hunts). While the Romans viewed the execution of "κατεγνωσμένων ἀνθρώπων" (condemned men) by lions as a display of order and justice, the Jews viewed it as "ἀσεβὲς" (impious). It was an affront to the "image of God" to turn human death into a "pleasure" (terpsei) for a crowd.
The Battle of the Trophies
The most fascinating part of this passage is the conflict over the "τρόπαια" (trophies). To Herod and the Romans, a trophy was just a suit of captured armor hung on a wooden pole to commemorate a victory. To the Jews, who strictly followed the Second Commandment (prohibiting graven images), these looked like statues or idols.
The First "Coded" Resistance
This cultural friction would eventually lead to a dramatic "reveal." Herod would have to show the people that the trophies were empty inside—literally just wood and armor—to prevent a riot. However, the damage was done. The people realized that Herod was no longer a "Jewish King" who happened to like Rome, but a "Roman Client" who happened to rule Jews.
| 277 Ἐλάνθανον δ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐκταραττόμενοι· καὶ βίαν μὲν ἐπάγειν ἌκαιρονEucerus ᾤετο, καθωμίλει δ᾽ ἐνίους καὶ παρηγόρει τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἀφαιρούμενος. οὐ μὴν ἔπειθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ δυσχερείας ὧν ἐδόκουν ἐκεῖνον πλημμελεῖν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐξεβόων, εἰ καὶ πάντα δοκοῖεν οἰστά, μὴ φέρειν εἰκόνας ἀνθρώπων ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὰ τρόπαια λέγοντες· οὐ γὰρ εἶναι πάτριον αὐτοῖς. | 277 "Herod was not unaware that the people were greatly disturbed. He thought it ill-timed to use force, so he consorted with some of them and tried to soothe them by removing their superstitious fears. However, he did not persuade them; instead, out of distress at what they considered his offenses, they cried out with one voice that even if everything else seemed bearable, they would not endure the images of men in the city—referring to the trophies, for they said this was not an ancestral custom. |
| 277 Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under; and as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spake to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offenses they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country. | 277 Herod was not unaware that they were outraged, and thinking it untimely to use force on them, he addressed some of them with familiarity, seeking to free them from their superstitious fear. Still he could not pacify them, but in displeasure they roared out with one voice against him, that although they could endure all the rest they would never allow images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was contrary to their ancestral laws. |
| 278 ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τεταραγμένους ὁρῶν καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἂν μεταπεσόντας, εἰ μὴ τύχοιεν παρηγορίας, καλέσας αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρήγαγεν καὶ δείξας τὰ τρόπαια, τί ποτ᾽ ἔστιν ὃ δοκεῖ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire. | 278 When Herod saw that they were agitated and would not easily change their minds unless they received some reassurance, he summoned the most prominent men among them to the theater. Leading them forward and pointing to the trophies, he asked them what they thought these things were. |
| 278 Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution unless they received satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the theater, and showed them the trophies, and asked them what sort of things they took these trophies to be; | 278 When Herod saw them so stirred up and that they would not easily move them unless they were satisfied in this point, he called their officers into the theatre and showed them the trophies and asked them what they took them to be. |
| 279 τῶν δὲ ἐκβοησάντων ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνες, ἐπιτάξας ἀφαιρεθῆναι τὸν περιθέσιμον κόσμον ἐπιδείκνυσιν αὐτοῖς γυμνὰ τὰ ξύλα. τὰ δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἦν ἀποσυληθέντα γέλως καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς διάχυσιν ἐδυνήθη τὸ καὶ πρότερον αὐτοὺς ἐν εἰρωνείᾳ τίθεσθαι τὰς κατασκευὰς τῶν ἀγαλμάτων. | 279 When they cried out that they were 'images of men,' he ordered the surrounding decorations to be stripped off, showing them the naked wood. Immediately, the objects—once plundered of their armor—became a cause for laughter; this did much to dispel the crowd's tension, since they had previously held the construction of these 'statues' in ironic suspicion. |
| 279 and when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images themselves in derision. | 279 When they cried out that they were the images of men, he ordered them stripped of their outward trappings and showed them the bare pieces of wood. Once the trophies were stripped they became a matter of fun to them, but they were confused since previously they had mocked the ornaments as a concealment for graven images. |
| 280 Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον αὐτοῦ παρακρουσαμένου τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἣν ἐπεπόνθεισαν ἐξ ὀργῆς διαχέαντος, οἱ μὲν πλείους εἶχον ὡς μεταβεβλῆσθαι καὶ μὴ χαλεπαίνειν ἔτι, | 280 In this way, having tricked the multitude and dissolved the impulse they felt from their anger, most of the people changed their minds and were no longer indignant. |
| 280 When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under which they had been, the greatest part of the people were disposed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; | 280 In this way, when he had mollified the crowd and cooled the heat of their passion, most of the people tended to be swayed and complain no more about him. |
| 281 τινὲς δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπέμενον τῇ δυσχερείᾳ τῶν οὐκ ἐξ ἔθους ἐπιτηδευμάτων, καὶ τὸ καταλύεσθαι τὰ πάτρια μεγάλων ἡγούμενοι ἀρχὴν κακῶν ὅσιον ᾠήθησαν ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι μᾶλλον ἢ δοκεῖν ἐξαλλαττομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πολιτείας περιορᾶν ἩρώδηνHerōd πρὸς βίαν ἐπεισάγοντα τὰ μὴ δι᾽ ἔθους ὄντα, καὶ λόγῳ μὲν βασιλέα, τῷ δ᾽ ἔργωιdeed πολέμιον φαινόμενον τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους. | 281 However, some of them persisted in their distress at these unaccustomed practices. Considering the dismantling of their ancestral laws to be the beginning of great evils, they deemed it a holy duty (hosion) to risk their lives rather than appear to overlook Herod’s violent introduction of foreign customs as their constitution was being changed—a man who appeared to be a King in name, but in deed a foe of the whole nation. |
| 281 but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard themselves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, introduced such customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretense a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; | 281 But some stayed angry with him for introducing new customs. They regarded the violation of their ancestral laws as the start of great evils and so reckoned it a pious duty to risk their lives rather than let Herod change their mode of government and force on them customs they had never known before, for while claiming to be king, he showed himself an enemy to their whole nation. |
| 282 ἐκ δὲ τούτου συνομοσάμενοι πάντα κίνδυνον ὑποδύεσθαι δέκα τῶν πολιτῶν ἄνδρες, ξιφίδια τοῖς ἱματίοις ὑποβαλόντες, | 282 Consequently, ten citizens formed a conspiracy, swearing to undergo every danger; they hid daggers (xiphidia) beneath their garments. |
| 282 on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem] conspired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the attempt, and took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod]. | 282 Therefore ten of the citizens conspired together against him and swore to each other to risk any dangers in the attempt and took daggers with them under their cloaks. |
| 283 ἦν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς δι᾽ ἀναξιοπάθειαν ὧν ἤκουεν καὶ τῶν διεφθορότων τις τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς συνομωμοσμένος, οὐχ ὡς ἐνεργῆσαί τι καὶ δρᾶν εἰς τὴν ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack ἱκανός, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἑτοίμῳ κατατιθεὶς αὑτὸν παθεῖν εἴ τι κἀκείνοις συμβαίνοι δυσχερές, ὥστε μὴ μετρίαν τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσι δι᾽ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι, | 283 Among the conspirators was a man who had lost his sight; he had joined the oath out of the indignation he felt at what he heard. While he was not capable of performing any action or taking part in the attack, he placed himself in readiness to suffer whatever hardship might befall the others—thus, through him, the impulse of the attackers was made even more intense." |
| 283 Now there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what he heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be they should come to any harm, insomuch that he became a very great encourager of the rest of the undertakers. | 283 Among them was a blind man who had joined the conspirators in his rage at what he heard had been done. Though unable to help the others in the deed, he was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if they came to any harm. So he was a great boost to the others. |
Herod’s solution to the "image" crisis was brilliant but condescending. By stripping the armor off the wooden posts, he turned a terrifying religious violation into a "joke" (γέλως). He wanted to show the people that their "superstition" (δεισιδαιμονίας) was based on a visual illusion. However, this tactic was a double-edged sword: it made the protesters look foolish, which only deepened the resentment of the "hardliners" who felt mocked by their king.
The Logic of Assassination
Josephus captures the psychological transition from protest to terrorism. For the ten conspirators, Herod was no longer a legitimate ruler ("λόγῳ μὲν βασιλέα") but a foreign enemy ("τῷ δʼ ἔργῳ πολέμιον"). This is the birth of the "Zealot" philosophy that would eventually lead to the Great Revolt against Rome decades later. They viewed political violence as a "ὅσιον" (holy duty) to protect the "πάτρια" (ancestral laws).
The Blind Conspirator
The detail of the blind man is deeply moving and historically significant. He cannot kill Herod, but his presence serves as a moral anchor for the group. His willingness to die purely for the sake of solidarity ("ἐν ἑτοίμῳ κατατιθεὶς αὑτὸν παθεῖν") elevated the conspiracy from a mere political coup to a sacrificial religious rite. His blindness also symbolizes the people's "vision" of a law that Herod could not see.
The Xiphidia (Daggers)
The mention of "ξιφίδια" hidden under garments is the first literary foreshadowing of the Sicarii (Dagger-men) who would plague Judea in the 1st century CE. This method of assassination—hiding a small blade in one's robes to strike in a crowded public place like a theater—became the signature tactic of the Jewish resistance.
"Native Law" vs. "Forced Power"
Josephus contrasts "ἐγγενῆ νόμον" (native/innate law) with Herod’s "ἀπʼ ἐξουσίας" (power/authority). The Jews felt that the Law belonged to them by birthright, whereas Herod’s innovations were being imposed by sheer force. Herod’s "Hellenization" project was technically legal under Roman rule, but it lacked "moral legitimacy" in the eyes of his subjects.
The Theater as a Battleground
It is ironic that the theater, a place designed for Greco-Roman "entertainment" and "harmony," became the site of a potential massacre. Herod intended the theater to be a monument to his "civilizing" mission; instead, it became the flashpoint for the most "uncivilized" response—a suicide mission by ten desperate men.
| 284 ταῦτα γνόντες ἀπὸ συνθήματος εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐχώρουνto make room, withdraw, ἐλπίσαντες μὲν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd διαφευξεῖσθαι προσπεσόντων ἐξ ἀφανοῦς, πολλοὺς δ᾽, εἰ καὶ μὴ τυγχάνοιεν ἐκείνου, τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀναιρήσειν οἰόμενοι· καὶ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀρκέσειν, εἰ καὶ θνήσκοιεν, εἰς ἔννοιαν ὧν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξυβρίζειν ἐδόκει τὸ πλῆθος καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀγαγεῖν. | 284 "Having resolved upon this, they proceeded to the theater by agreement, hoping that Herod himself would not escape them if they attacked from hiding; but they thought that even if they failed to get him, they would at least kill many of his attendants. This, they felt, would be enough even if they died—to bring the King and the multitude to a realization of the outrages he was perceived to be committing. So they took their positions with such resolve. |
| 284 When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they went into the theater, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; | 284 When they had decided this by common consent, they went to the theatre hoping that Herod could not escape them if they attacked him unexpectedly. Even if they missed him, they would kill many of his followers. They resolved on this at the risk of their lives, to show up the wrongs the king had done to the people. Having planned it, they were eager to carry it through. |
| 285 ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν προκαταστάντες ἐπὶ τοιαύτης ἦσαν προθυμίας· εἷς δὲ τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod πολυπραγμονεῖν καὶ διαγγέλλειν τὰ τοιαῦτα τεταγμένων ἐξευρηκὼς ὅλην τὴν ἐπίθεσιν εἰς τὸ θέατρον εἰσιέναι μέλλοντι τῷ βασιλεῖ κατεμήνυσεν. | 285 But one of those appointed by Herod to investigate and report such matters discovered the whole plot and informed the King just as he was about to enter the theater. |
| 285 but there was one of those spies of Herod, that were appointed for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theater. | 285 But one of the spies sent by Herod to investigate and inform him of anything of the kind found out the whole affair. He told the king about it as he was about to go into the theatre. |
| 286 ὁ δ᾽, οὐ γὰρ ἀνοίκειον ᾠήθη τὸν λόγον εἴς τε τὸ μῖσος ἀφορῶν, ὃ συνῄδει παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων αὐτῷ, καὶ τὰς ταραχὰς τὰς ἐπὶ τοῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστα γινομένοις παρυφισταμένας, ἀναχωρήσας εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ὀνομαστὶ τοὺς ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις ἐκάλει. | 286 Herod, considering the report consistent with the hatred he knew most people felt for him and the disturbances arising at every turn, withdrew to the palace and summoned those accused by name. |
| 286 So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every occasion, he thought this plot against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names; | 286 Knowing how most of the people hated him and seeing the disturbances that arose on every occasion, he thought the story was not improbable. So he retreated to his palace and called to him by name those who were accused of this conspiracy. |
| 287 προσπιπτόντων δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν ὑπηρετῶνassistant minister αὐτόφωροι λαμβανόμενοι τὸ μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἂν διαφύγοιεν ᾔδεσαν, ἐπεκόσμησαν δὲ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν καταστροφὴν τοῦ τέλους τῷ μηδὲν ὑφιέναι τοῦ φρονήματος· | 287 When the attendants (guards) fell upon them, being caught in the act, they knew they could not escape; yet they adorned the necessity of their final end by yielding nothing of their spirit. |
| 287 and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute behavior, | 287 When the guards attacked them they were caught and knew they could not escape, so they prepared to die as decently as they could, without flinching. |
| 288 οὐ γὰρ ἐντραπέντες οὐδ᾽ ἀρνησάμενοι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀνέδειξαν μὲν ἤδη κρατούμενα τὰ ξίφη, διωμολογήσαντο δὲ καλῶς καὶ σὺν εὐσεβείᾳ τὴν συνωμοσίαν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι, κέρδους μὲν οὐδενὸς οὐδ᾽ οἰκείων ἕνεκεν παθῶν, τὸ δὲ πλέον ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν ἐθῶν, ἃ καὶ πᾶσιν ἢ φυλάττειν ἢ θνήσκειν πρὸ αὐτῶν ἄξιον. | 288 For they were neither abashed nor did they deny the deed, but instead displayed the daggers they already held. They confessed that their conspiracy had been honorable and consistent with piety—formed not for any personal gain or private passion, but rather for the sake of the common customs, which all people ought either to preserve or to die for. |
| 288 for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied it; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed that the conspiracy they had sworn to was a holy and pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those common customs of their country, which all the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. | 288 They showed no regret and did not deny it. But when they were seized, they showed their daggers and claimed that the conspiracy to which they had sworn was a holy and righteous action. It was not meant for gain or to indulge their passions, but for the communal customs which all Jews must observe or be willing to die for. |
| 289 τοιαῦτα μὲν ἐκεῖνοι τῇ προαιρέσει τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐμπαρρησιασάμενοι περιστάντων αὐτοῖς τῶν βασιλικῶν ἤγοντο καὶ πᾶσαν αἰκίαν ὑπομείναντες διεφθάρησαν. μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ τὸν ταῦτα μηνύσαντα κατὰ μῖσος ἁρπασάμενοί τινες οὐκ ἀπέκτειναν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μελιστὶ διελόντες προύθεσαν κυσίν. | 289 Having spoken with such frankness (emparrhēsiamenoi) regarding the purpose of their plot, they were led away by the King’s guards and were destroyed after enduring every kind of torture. Not long afterward, some people, seized by hatred, snatched the man who had informed on them and not only killed him but tore him limb from limb and threw him to the dogs. |
| 289 This was what these men said, out of their undaunted courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away to execution by the king’s guards that stood about them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them was seized on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. | 289 This was what they said, openly defending the conspiracy. They were led away to execution surrounded by the king’s guards, and patiently endured all the torments inflicted on them until they died. Before long the spy who had revealed them was captured by some who hated him. He was not only killed but also pulled to pieces and thrown to the dogs. |
| 290 ἑωρᾶτο δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν πολιτῶν τὰ γινόμενα καὶ κατεμήνυσεν οὐδείς, ἕως ἩρώδουHerod πικροτέραν καὶ φιλόνεικον ποιουμένου τὴν ἔρευνανinquiry ἐκβασανισθεῖσαι γυναῖκές τινες ὡμολόγησαν ἃ πραχθέντα εἶδον. Καὶ τῶν μὲν ἐνεργησάντων ἐγένετο τιμωρία πανοικὶ τὴν προπέτειαν αὐτῶν ἐπεξιόντος, | 290 Many citizens witnessed these events, yet no one reported them until Herod, conducting a more bitter and relentless investigation, had certain women tortured until they confessed what they had seen happen. Punishment fell upon the families of the perpetrators, as the King took vengeance on their entire households for their rashness. |
| 290 This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod’s making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed what they had seen done; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their entire families were destroyed for this their rash attempt; | 290 This was seen by many of the citizens, but no one would reveal who did it until, after Herod held a sharp and severe inquiry. Some women confessed under torture what they had seen done. The doers of this deed were so punished that their entire families were destroyed for their rashness. |
| 291 ἡ δ᾽ ἐπιμονὴ τοῦ πάθους καὶ τὸ τῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων πίστεως ἀκατάπληκτον οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐποίει τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd, εἰ μὴ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας κρατοίη, καὶ διέγνω πάντοθεν περιειληφέναι τὸ πλῆθος, ὡς μὴ νεωτεριζόντων φανερὰν γενέσθαι τὴν ἀπόστασινa revolt. | 291 Yet the persistence of the people’s passion and the unshakable nature of their faith in the laws made things difficult for Herod unless he could rule with absolute security; he therefore decided to surround the multitude from every side, so that their rebellion might not lead to an open revolt." |
| 291 yet did not the obstinacy of the people, and that undaunted constancy they showed in the defense of their laws, make Herod any easier to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and resolved to encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion. | 291 But the people’s obstinacy and their unshaken constancy in defending their laws did not make Herod any more lenient to them. But he continued to guard himself more securely and decided to hem in the people on all sides in case such disorders should grow into open rebellion. |
Josephus reveals that the ten conspirators did not necessarily expect to survive. Their goal was symbolic: to create an "ἔννοιαν" (realization/mindset) in the public that Herod’s innovations were a spiritual outrage. This is a very early example of political "propaganda of the deed," where the death of the assassin is more important than the death of the target.
The Emparrhēsia of the Condemned
The Greek word "ἐμπαρρησιασάμενοι" (speaking with frankness) is used here in a heavy, almost sacred sense. Even under torture, the men refused to beg for mercy. By displaying their "ξιφίδια" (daggers) and framing their treason as "εὐσεβείᾳ" (piety), they transformed themselves from criminals into martyrs (martyroi). To them, the "Common Customs" were a constitution higher than the King’s decree.
The Lynch Mob and the Informer
The brutal fate of the informer—being torn "μελιστὶ" (limb from limb) and fed to dogs—shows the deep communal anger in Jerusalem. The fact that "no one reported" the murderers of the spy despite "many citizens" seeing it suggests a conspiracy of silence. This indicates that while only ten men held the daggers, a vast portion of the city shared their sentiment.
Surveillance and the Torture of Women
Herod's response to the silence was "πικροτέραν" (more bitter). His use of the torture of women to break the community's silence highlights his transition into a full-blown tyrant. By punishing the "πανοικὶ" (the entire household) of the perpetrators, Herod adopted the Roman and Near Eastern practice of collective punishment, intended to make the "cost" of rebellion too high for any family to bear.
The "Unshakable Faith" (Akataplēkton)
Josephus uses a powerful word for the people's devotion: "ἀκατάπληκτον" (unshakable/undaunted). Despite the executions and the torture, Herod realized he hadn't actually "won." He could kill the conspirators, but he couldn't kill the "πάθους" (passion) for the Law. This realization leads him to his next phase: the massive militarization of the country.
The Strategy of "Encirclement"
The passage ends with Herod's strategic shift to "περιειληφέναι τὸ πλῆθος" (surround/encircle the multitude). He concludes that he cannot rule Jerusalem by consent or even by simple fear; he must rule it by geographical containment. This is the catalyst for his massive building projects—fortresses like the Antonia, Herodium, and the rebuilding of Samaria—which were essentially a "ring of iron" around his own subjects.
| 292 Ἐξωχυρωμένης οὖν αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς αὐλῆς, ἐν ᾗ διῃτᾶτο, τοῦ δὲ ἱεροῦ τῇ περὶ τὸ φρούριον ὀχυρότητι τὸ καλούμενον ἈντωνίανAntonia κατασκευασθὲν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ, τρίτον παντὶ τῷ λαῷ τὴν ΣαμάρειανSamaria ἐνόησεν ἐπιτείχισμα, καλέσας μὲν αὐτὴν Σεβαστήν, | 292 "Now that the city [Jerusalem] was fortified for him by the royal palace in which he lived, and the Temple by the strength of the fortress called Antonia, which he himself had constructed, he conceived of a third 'counter-wall' (epiteichisma) against the entire people: Samaria, which he renamed Sebaste. |
| 292 Since, therefore, he had now the city fortified by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste, | 292 Since he now had the city fortified by the palace where he lived and the temple with its strong fortress called Antonia beside it, which he had rebuilt, he arranged to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people and called it Sebaste. |
| 293 οἰόμενος δὲ κατὰ τῆς χώρας οὐδὲν ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἰσχυροποιεῖν τὸν τόπον, ἀπέχοντα μὲν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem μιᾶς ὁδὸν ἡμέρας, εὔχρηστον δ᾽ ὄντα καὶ κοινὸν ἐπί τε τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τῇ χώρᾳ γενησόμενον. τῷ δὲ ἔθνει παντὶ φρούριον ἐνῳκοδόμησεν τὸ πάλαι μὲν καλούμενον ΣτράτωνοςStrato πύργον, ΚαισάρειανCaesarea δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ προσαγορευθέν. | 293 He believed this location would strengthen his grip over the country no less than the others; it was only one day’s journey from Jerusalem and was conveniently situated to serve as a check on both the city and the countryside. For the protection of the entire nation, he also rebuilt the place formerly called Strato’s Tower, which he named Caesarea. |
| 293 supposing that this place would be a strong hold against the country, not inferior to the former. So he fortified that place, which was a day’s journey distant from Jerusalem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the country and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation; it was of old called Strato’s Tower, but it was by him named Caesarea. | 293 He reckoned that this place too, which was a day’s journey from Jerusalem, would secure him against the country, no less than the former, so he fortified it too, to keep both the country and the city in check. He also built another fortress for the whole nation at a place formerly called Strato’s Tower, but was named by him Caesarea. |
| 294 ἔν τε τῷ μεγάλῳ πεδίῳ τῶν ἐπιλέκτων ἱππέων περὶ αὐτὸν ἀποκληρώσας χωρίον συνέκτισεν ἐπί τε τῇ ΓαλιλαίᾳGalilee ΓάβαGaba καλούμενον καὶ τῇ ΠεραίᾳPerea τὴν ἘσεβωνῖτινHesebonitis. | 294 In the Great Plain, he allotted land to a picked body of his elite cavalry and founded a settlement called Gaba in Galilee, and another, Heshbonitis, in Perea. |
| 294 Moreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba with Hesebonitis, in Perea. | 294 Moreover, he took some elite cavalry and stationed them in the great plain, and built a place in Galilee, called Gaba and Hesebonitis in Perea. |
| 295 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος αἰεί τι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν ἐπεξευρίσκων καὶ διαλαμβάνων φυλακαῖς τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος, ὡς ἥκιστα μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας εἰς ταραχὰς προπίπτειν, αἷς καὶ μικροῦ κινήματος ἐγγενομένου συνεχὲς ἐχρῶντο, λανθάνειν δὲ μηδ᾽ εἰ παρακινοῖεν ἐφεστηκότων αἰεί τινων πλησίον, οἳ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ κωλύειν ἐδύναντο. | 295 In these specific areas, he was always devising something for his security and partitioning the entire nation with garrisons, so that the people would be least likely to fall into the outbursts of disorder they were prone to at the slightest provocation. His aim was that if they did stir, it would not go unnoticed by those always stationed nearby who had the power to both observe and prevent it. |
| 295 And these were the places which he particularly built, while he always was inventing somewhat further for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighborhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it. | 295 These places he built for his own security for he was always thinking of this issue and surrounding the whole nation with guards, to prevent them escaping from under his power, or raising riots, which they continually did on the smallest pretext, to keep them from starting any upheaval unknown to him, and so that his spies in the area would find it out and prevent it. |
| 296 τότε δὲ τὴν ΣαμάρειανSamaria ὡρμημένος τειχίζειν πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν συμμαχησάντων αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους, πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ὁμόρωνhaving common border συμπολίζειν ἐπετήδευεν, ὑπό τε φιλοτιμίας τοῦ νέον ἐγείρειν καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ πρότερον οὐκ ἐν ταῖς ἐπισήμοις οὖσαν, καὶ μᾶλλον ὅτι πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ τὸ φιλότιμον ἐπετηδεύετο, τήν τε προσηγορίαν ὑπήλλαττε ΣεβαστὴνSebaste καλῶν καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀρίστηνbest οὖσαν τὴν πλησίον κατεμέριζεν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν, ὡς εὐθὺς ἐν εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνιόντας οἰκεῖν, | 296 At that time, being eager to wall Samaria, he arranged to settle there many of those who had fought alongside him in his wars, as well as many from the neighboring areas. He did this out of an ambition to raise a new city, making it more prominent than it had been before—but more importantly because this ambition served his security. He changed its name to Sebaste and divided the surrounding land, which was of the highest quality, among the inhabitants so that they might live in immediate prosperity. |
| 296 And when he went about building the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that neighborhood also, whom he made fellowcitizens with the rest. This he did out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more eminent than it had been before; but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He also changed its name, and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. | 296 When he was busy with building the wall of Samaria, he arranged to bring there many of the allies in his wars and many of the local people too, to whom he granted citizenship. He did this from an ambitious desire to build a temple and make the city more prominent than it was before, but mainly for his own security and to leave a memorial of his magnificence. He changed its name and called it Sebaste, and divided up the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the people of Samaria, that they could prosper when they came to live there. |
| 297 καὶ τείχει καρτερῷ τὴν πόλιν περιέβαλεν τό τε τοῦ χωρίου πρόσαντες εἰς ἐρυμνότητα κατασκευαζόμενος καὶ μέγεθος οὐχ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε μηδὲν ἀποδεῖν τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων πόλεων περιλαμβάνων· στάδιοι γὰρ ἦσαν εἴκοσιν. | 297 He surrounded the city with a formidable wall, utilizing the steepness of the terrain for defensibility; he enclosed an area not like the original town but large enough to be equal to the most famous cities, for it was twenty stades [approx. 2.5 miles] in circumference. |
| 297 Besides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the acclivity of the place for making its fortifications stronger; nor was the compass of the place made now so small as it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to the most famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in circumference. | 297 Besides, he surrounded the city with a strong wall and used the slope of the place to strengthen its fortifications. The extent of the place was greater than before, so as to make it not inferior to the most famous cities, twenty stadia in circumference. |
| 298 ἐντὸς δὲ καὶ κατὰ μέσην τριῶν ἡμισταδίων τέμενος ἀνῆκεν παντοίως κεκοσμημένον καὶ ναὸν ἐν αὐτῷ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει τῶν ἐλλογιμωτάτων ἤγειρεν, ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος διὰ πάντων ἐκόσμει τὴν πόλιν, τὸ μὲν ἀναγκαῖον τῆς ἀσφαλείας ὁρῶν καὶ τῇ τῶν περιβόλων ἐρυμνότητι φρούριον αὐτὴν ποιούμενος ἐπὶ τῇ μείζονι, τὸ δ᾽ εὐπρεπὲς ὡς ἂν ἐκ τοῦ φιλοκαλεῖν καὶ μνημεῖα φιλανθρωπίας ἀπολιπεῖν ἐν ὑστέρῳ. | 298 Inside, and at the very center, he set apart a sacred precinct (temenos) of one and a half stades, adorned in every way, and within it he raised a temple [the Augusteum] that rivaled the most famous in size and beauty. He decorated the city in all its parts, viewing the necessity of safety and making the city a fortress through the strength of its walls, but also attending to its splendor so that he might leave behind monuments of his love of beauty and his magnificence for posterity." |
| 298 Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which was illustrious on account of both its largeness and beauty. And as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what was necessary to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel; and as to the elegance of the building, it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages. | 298 In the middle of it he built a sacred precinct measuring a furlong and a half and adorned with decorations of all sorts and in it built a temple renowned for size and beauty. He adorned the various parts of the city also, and for his own security he made the walls very strong and made most of it a citadel, and took care that the building was elegant, to leave to future ages monuments to his fine taste and benevolence. |
Herod viewed his kingdom as a mathematical problem of containment. Josephus uses the term "ἐπιτείχισμα" (counter-wall/menacing fortress). By placing Sebaste (Samaria) one day's journey north of Jerusalem and Caesarea on the coast, Herod created a "triangle of iron." If Jerusalem revolted, the loyalist veterans in Samaria and the Roman reinforcements arriving at Caesarea could converge on the capital within 24 hours.
The "Panopticon" Effect
Josephus notes that these garrisons were designed so that the people's actions would "λανθάνειν δὲ μηδʼ" (not go unnoticed). This was a primitive version of a surveillance state. Herod didn't just want to fight rebels; he wanted to prevent the thought of rebellion by making his presence felt "nearby" (πλησίον) at all times.
The Veteran Colonies
By settling his "συμμαχησάντων" (fellow-soldiers/veterans) in Sebaste and Gaba, Herod ensured he had a "civilian" army loyal only to him. These were often non-Jewish mercenaries (Gauls, Germans, and Thracians) or Hellenized locals who were given the "best land" (ἀρίστην) as a bribe for their loyalty. They acted as a "buffer" between the Jewish population centers of Galilee and Judea.
The Augusteum: A Pagan Heart in the Holy Land
The construction of a massive pagan temple to Augustus (Sebastos) in the center of Samaria was a calculated insult to the exclusive monotheism of Jerusalem. It signaled that Herod’s kingdom was officially "pluralistic"—which, to the observant Jew, meant "apostate." It also served as a lighthouse of Roman culture in the middle of a traditional landscape.
The "Antonia" and the Temple
The mention of the Antonia fortress (named after Mark Antony) is a chilling detail. It was physically attached to the Temple Mount. Herod could literally look down from the fortress towers into the Temple courts. He held the High Priest’s vestments under lock and key in the Antonia, meaning the Jewish religion could literally only function with Herod’s daily permission.
Ambition vs. Security (Philotimia vs. Asphaleia)
Josephus observes a duality in Herod: his "φιλοτιμίας" (ambition/love of honor) and his "ἀσφάλειαν" (security). Herod wanted to be remembered as a "Great Builder" and a "Lover of Beauty" (φιλοκαλεῖν), but every beautiful column he raised was actually a strategic battleground. His "magnificence" was the velvet glove over the iron fist of a military occupation.
[299-341]
Famine in Judea and Syria.
Herod builds Greek-style cities.
| 299 Κατὰ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τρισκαιδέκατον ὄντα τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας πάθη μέγιστα τὴν χώραν ἐπέλαβεν, εἴτε δὴ τοῦ θεοῦ μηνίσαντος ἢ καὶ κατὰ περιόδους οὕτως ἀπαντήσαντος τοῦ κακοῦ· | 299 "During this year, which was the thirteenth of Herod’s reign (24 BC), the greatest calamities befell the country, whether because of the wrath of God or because the evil occurred in such a periodic cycle. |
| 299 Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country; whether they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again naturally in certain periods of time, | 299 That year, the thirteenth of Herod’s reign, great misfortune came upon the country either from the wrath of God, or possibly such things recur naturally, at intervals. |
| 300 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐχμοὶ διηνεκεῖς ἐγένοντο, καὶ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἄκαρπος ἡ γῆ μηδ᾽ ὅσα κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀναβλαστάνειν, ἔπειτα καὶ τῆς διαίτης κατὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν τῶν σιτίων ἐξαλλαττομένης νόσοι τῶν σωμάτων καὶ πάθος ἤδη λοιμικὸν ἐκράτει, διηνεκῶς ἀντεφοδιαζομένων αὐτοῖς τῶν κακῶν. | 300 First, there were continuous droughts, and because of this, the earth became unfruitful and produced none of its usual growth. Next, as their diet changed due to the lack of grain, bodily diseases and a widespread plague took hold, with these evils constantly reinforcing one another. |
| 300 for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barrenness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; | 300 First there were continual droughts and for that reason the ground was barren and did not bring forth its usual extent of fruits. After this barrenness of the soil, the change of food caused by the lack of corn produced illnesses in the bodies of men and disease prevailed, one misery following upon another. |
| 301 τό τε γὰρ ἠπορῆσθαι θεραπείας καὶ τροφῆς ἐπέτεινεν εἰς πλέον ἀρξαμένην ἰσχυρῶς τὴν λοιμώδη νόσον ἥ τε φθορὰ τῶν οὕτως ἀπολλυμένων ἀφῃρεῖτο καὶ τοὺς περιόντας εὐθυμίας, ἐπεὶ προσαρκεῖν ταῖς ἀπορίαις ἐξ ἐπιμελείας [οὐκ] ἐδύναντο. | 301 For the lack of medical care and nourishment caused the plague—which had already begun with great force—to intensify even further. The destruction of those dying in this manner robbed the survivors of their courage, as they were unable to provide relief for their needs despite their best efforts. |
| 301 and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential distemper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also after such a manner deprived those that survived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in. | 301 The fact that they were without healing and food made the illness, which began violently, the more lasting; and the loss of people in such a manner robbed those who survived of all courage, for they had no remedy for their plight. |
| 302 φθαρέντων γε μὴν τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἔτος καρπῶν καὶ τῶν ὅσοι πρότερον ἀπέκειντο δεδαπανημένων, οὐδὲν εἰς ἐλπίδα χρηστὴν ὑπελείπετο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ἐπιτείνοντος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ οὐδὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν μόνον, ὥστ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἶναι μὲν οὐδὲν ὑπόλοιπον, ἀπολωλέναι δὲ καὶ τῶν περιόντων τὰ σπέρματα μηδὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀνείσης τῆς γῆς. | 302 Furthermore, since the year's harvests were destroyed and whatever had been stored from before was consumed, no grounds for good hope remained; instead, the evil intensified beyond expectation, and not for that year alone. Consequently, they had nothing left, and even the seeds for future planting were lost because the earth did not yield during the second year either. |
| 302 When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and whatsoever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation of hope for relief remaining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected still increased upon them; and this not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year. | 302 So when the fruits of that year were spoiled and all they had laid up in advance was spent, there was no hope of relief, but the hardship still increased upon them contrary to their expectations, and this not only on that year, but also while they had nothing left, and the seed they had sown also rotted, since the land did not bear fruit on the second year. |
| 303 ἥ τε ἀνάγκη πολλὰ διὰ τὰς χρείας ἐκαινούργει. Καὶ τὰς ἀπορίαςperplexity οὐκ ἐλάττους εἶναι συνέβαινεν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ, τῶν τε φόρων, οὓς ἐλάμβανεν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς, ἀφῃρημένῳ καὶ τὰ χρήματα δεδαπανηκότι πρὸς φιλοτιμίαν ὧν τὰς πόλεις ἐπεσκεύαζεν. | 303 Necessity compelled them to find new ways to survive because of their needs. It also happened that the King himself faced no less difficulty; he was deprived of the taxes he usually collected from the land, and he had already spent his wealth on the ambitious building of cities. |
| 303 This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten; nor was the king himself free from this distress any more than other men, as being deprived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground, and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built; | 303 The famine made them eat many things they were not accustomed to eat and the king himself was no more exempt from this need than other men, lacking the tax he used to have from the fruits of the earth and having already spent the money he had, in his generosity to the whose cities he had built. |
| 304 Ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ὅ τι καὶ βοηθείας ἄξιον ἐδόκει προκατειληφότος τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ μῖσος εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχομένων· τὸ γὰρ οὐκ εὖ πράττειν φιλαίτιον αἰεὶ κατὰ τῶν προεστηκότων. | 304 There seemed to be no way to provide worthy assistance, as the calamity had already taken hold, and hatred toward him grew among his subjects; for those who are faring poorly are always prone to blame their rulers." |
| 304 nor had he any people that were worthy of his assistance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects: for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern. | 304 Anyway he had no people deserving of his help, since this miserable plight had gained him the hatred of his subjects. For troubles are always blamed on those who are in charge. |
Josephus captures the biological reality of ancient disasters: famine leads to immune suppression, which leads to plague. He notes that the "diet changed" ("διαίτης... ἐξαλλαττομένης"), meaning people were likely eating "famine foods" (roots, grass, or unclean animals), which accelerated the spread of disease.
Divine Wrath vs. Natural Cycles
Josephus offers two explanations for the disaster: "θεοῦ μηνίσαντος" (the wrath of God) or "κατὰ περιόδους" (natural cycles). This reflects the tension in his writing between a Jewish theological worldview (God punishes Herod's Hellenization) and a Greco-Roman scientific worldview (droughts are periodic natural events).
The Economic "Straitjacket"
Herod was caught in a classic fiscal trap. He had just finished spending massive sums on "φιλοτιμίαν" (ambition/love of honor)—specifically the building of Sebaste (Samaria) and Caesarea. When the agricultural tax base collapsed due to the drought, he had no liquid reserves left. This is a recurring theme in Herodian history: magnificent architecture often masked a fragile economy.
The Psychology of the Ruled
Josephus’s observation at the end is timeless: "τὸ γὰρ οὐκ εὖ πράττειν φιλαίτιον αἰεὶ κατὰ τῶν προεστηκότων" (those who fare poorly are always prone to blame their rulers). Herod’s subjects already hated him for his high taxes and religious innovations; the famine provided the "moral" justification for their hatred. They viewed the drought as heaven’s verdict on Herod’s kingship.
The "Seed" Crisis
The most terrifying detail is that they lost the "σπέρματα" (seeds). In an agrarian society, if you eat your seed grain to survive the first year of famine, you ensure a second year of starvation even if the rains return. This forced Herod into a desperate gamble: he would eventually have to strip the gold from his own palaces to buy grain from Egypt (governed by his Roman friends) to save his people and his throne.
| 305 Ἐν τοιούτοις διενοεῖτο βοηθεῖν τῷ καιρῷ· χαλεπὸν δ᾽ ἦν οὔτε τῶν πλησίον ἐχόντων ἀποδόσθαι σιτία τῷ μηδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω πεπονθέναι, χρημάτων τε οὐκ ὄντων, εἰ καὶ δυνατὸν ὀλίγων ἐπὶ πολλοῖς εὐπορηθῆναι. | 305 "In such circumstances, Herod resolved to help as the crisis required. But it was difficult: those nearby had no grain to sell because they had suffered no less than he, and there was no money, even if it had been possible to find a few supplies at a high price. |
| 305 In these circumstances he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbors had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. | 305 In the situation, he pondered how to get some help in time. But this was hard to do since their neighbours had no food to sell them. Their money was spent, even if it were possible to buy a little food at a high price. |
| 306 καλῶς μέντοι νομίζων ἔχειν πάντως εἰς τὴν βοήθειαν [μὴ] ἀμελεῖν, τὸν ὄντα κόσμον ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις αὐτοῦ συνέκοψεν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ, μήτε τῆς ἐν ταῖς κατασκευαῖς ἐπιμελείας μήτ᾽ εἴ τι τέχνῃ τίμιον ἦν τούτου φεισάμενος. | 306 Nevertheless, believing it absolutely right not to neglect providing aid, he cut up the gold and silver ornaments in his palaces, sparing neither the meticulous craftsmanship nor the artistic value of the items. |
| 306 However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave off his endeavors to assist his people; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers, | 306 Still, he thought it best not to neglect to help them by all means. So he cut away the silver and gold from the rich furnishings in his palace, not sparing the finest vessels he had or those made with the artisans' elaborate skill. |
| 307 ἔπεμπε δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὰ χρήματα Πετρωνίου τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἀπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar εἰληφότος. Οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταπεφευγότων διὰ τὰς αὐτὰς χρείας, ἰδίᾳ τε Φίλος ὢν ἩρώδῃHerod καὶ διασώσασθαι θέλων τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ, πρώτοις μὲν ἔδωκεν ἐξάγειν τὸν σῖτον, εἰς ἅπαντα δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὠνὴν καὶ τὸν ἔκπλουν συνήργησεν, ὡς μέγα μέρος ἢ τὸ πᾶν γενέσθαι ταύτης τῆς βοηθείας. | 307 He sent this money to Egypt, where Petronius had received the governorship from Caesar. Although many others had fled to him for the same needs, Petronius—being a personal friend of Herod and wishing to preserve his subjects—gave Herod’s men priority in exporting grain. He assisted in every stage of the purchase and the shipment, so that a great part, if not the whole, of this rescue was due to him. |
| 307 but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already fled to him under their necessities, and as he was particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them in the first place to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only person, who afforded them what help they had. | 307 He sent the money to Petronius, whom Caesar had made prefect of Egypt. Since quite a few had already fled to him in their necessity and as he was a particular friend to Herod and eager to save his subjects, he let them export wheat and helped them in every way to buy and export it, so that he was their main, if not their only source of help. |
| 308 ὁ γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod, τούτων ἀφικομένων ἐν ἀφορμῇ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τὴν αὐτοῦ προστιθεὶς οὐ μόνον ἀντιμετέστησεν τὰς γνώμας τῶν πρότερον χαλεπῶς ἐχόντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεγίστην ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπίδειξιν τῆς εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς προστασίας. | 308 When this grain arrived, Herod added his own personal care to the effort. He did not only reverse the opinions of those who had previously been hostile toward him, but he also made a magnificent display of his goodwill and protection. |
| 308 And Herod taking care the people should understand that this help came from himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that formerly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them; | 308 Herod took care that this help was known to come through him, and thereby not only removed their former hatred for him, but also gave them the greatest possible proof of his goodwill and care for them. |
| 309 πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὅσοιςall who, as much οἷόν τε δι᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς ἐκπονεῖν ἔνειμε τοῦ σίτου τὴν ἔκταξιν ἀκριβεστάτην ποιούμενος, ἔπειτα πολλῶν ὄντων, οἳ κατὰ γῆρας ἤ τινα προσοῦσαν ἄλλην ἀσθένειαν οὐχ ἱκανῶς εἶχον αὐτοῖς παρασκευάζειν τὰ σιτία, προυνόει καταστήσας ἀρτοποιοὺς καὶ παρέχων ἑτοίμας τὰς τροφάς. | 309 First, to those capable of preparing their own food, he distributed a precise ration of grain. Then, for the many who were unable to prepare it themselves due to old age or some other infirmity, he provided baked bread, appointing bakers to ensure their food was ready. |
| 309 for, in the first place, as for those who were able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their proportion of corn in the exactest manner; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, that the bakers should make their bread ready for them. | 309 First of all, he measured their ration of wheat very precisely to those who could provide for their own food. But for the many who could not provide for themselves, because of age or infirmity, he arranged that bakers should bake their bread for them. |
| 310 ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ καὶ τοῦ μὴ διαχειμάσαι μετὰ κινδύνων αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσατο συγκατειληφυίας καὶ τῆς περὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀπορίαςperplexity, ἐφθαρμένων καὶ παντάπασιν ἐξαναλωθέντων τῶν βοσκημάτων, ὡς οὔτε ἐρίων εἶναι χρῆσιν οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων σκεπασμάτων. | 310 He also took care that they did not pass the winter in danger. Since the scarcity extended to clothing—their livestock having perished and been entirely consumed—there was no wool for use or for other coverings. |
| 310 He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. | 310 He also made provision against the dangers of winter, since they were in great need of clothing on account of the utter ruin of their sheep and goats, so that they had no wool or other material to use to cover themselves. |
| 311 ἐκπορισθέντων δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τούτων ταῖς πλησίον ἤδη πόλεσιν ἐπεβάλλετο τὰς ὠφελείας παρέχειν σπέρματα τοῖς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria διαδούς. Καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ὤνησεν οὐχ ἧττον αὐτὸν εὐστοχηθείσης εἰς εὐφορίαν τῆς χάριτος, ὡς ἅπασιν ἱκανὰ τὰ περὶ τὰς τροφὰς γενέσθαι. | 311 Having provided these things as well, he even ventured to offer assistance to neighboring cities, distributing seeds to the people in Syria. This benefited him no less, as the gift resulted in a successful harvest, ensuring there was enough food for everyone. |
| 311 And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went further, in order to provide necessaries for their neighbors, and gave seed to the Syrians, which thing turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. | 311 When he had provided these for his own subjects, he went further to provide essentials for their neighbours. He gave seed to the Syrians, which resulted to his own advantage, for when this help was seasonably given to their fruitful soil, all now had a plentiful supply of food. |
| 312 τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ἀμήτου περὶ τὴν γῆν ὑποφανέντος οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἢ πέντε μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων, οὓς αὐτὸς ἔθρεψεν καὶ περιεποίησεν, εἰς τὴν χώραν διέπεμψεν, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον κακωθεῖσαν αὐτῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ὑπὸ πάσης φιλοτιμίας καὶ σπουδῆς ἀναλαβὼν οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἐν ταῖς αὐταῖς κακοπαθείαις ὄντας ἐπεκούφισεν. | 312 Altogether, when the harvest appeared in the land, he sent out no fewer than 50,000 men whom he had supported and preserved. In this way, by his total ambition and zeal, he restored his kingdom which had been so ravaged; he also relieved those around him who were in the same distress. |
| 312 Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbors, who were under the same calamities; | 312 Finally, as the harvest time approached, he sent into the country no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sustained. In this way, he both repaired the damage to his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence and eased the problems of his neighbours who were in the same need. |
| 313 οὐ γὰρ ἔσθ᾽sometimes ὅστις ὑπὸ χρείας ἐντυχὼν ἀπελείφθη μὴ βοήθειαν εὕρασθαι κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν. ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆμοι καὶ πόλεις καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ὅσοιςall who, as much ἀπορία διὰ τὸ πλειόνων προίστασθαι συνετύγχανεν, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καταφεύγοντες ἔσχον ὧν ἐδεήθησαν, | 313 For there was no one who, having approached him in need, went away without finding help according to their merit. Indeed, whole communities, cities, and private individuals who were in distress because they had many people to support, fled to him and received what they needed. |
| 313 for there was nobody who had been in want that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him; nay, further, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes, and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they stood in need of, | 313 No one in want was left without suitable help. No populace or city or individual in need of support who had recourse to him to provide for them, failed to receive what they needed. |
| 314 ὥστε γενέσθαι λογιζομένων τοὺς μὲν ἔξω τῆς ἀρχῆς δοθέντας σίτου κόρους μυρίους, ὁ δὲ κόρος δύναται μεδίμνους ἈττικοὺςAthenian δέκα, τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν βασιλείαν περὶ ὀκτάκις μυρίους. | 314 It is calculated that the amount of grain given to those outside his realm was 10,000 koroi—a koros being equal to ten Attic medimnoi—while the amount given within his own kingdom was about 80,000 koroi. |
| 314 insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand, and the number that was given in his own kingdom was about fourscore thousand. | 314 It is estimated that the number of cori of wheat, valued at ten Attic medimni apiece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand. The amount given in his own kingdom was about eighty thousand. |
| 315 ταύτην δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν τῆς χάριτος εὐκαιρίαν οὕτως ἐν αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἰσχῦσαι συνέβη καὶ διαβοηθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὥστε τὰ μὲν πάλαι μίση κινηθέντα διὰ τὸ παραχαράττειν ἔνια τῶν ἐθῶν καὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐξαιρεθῆναι καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους, ἀντικατάλλαγμα δὲ φαίνεσθαι τὴν ἐν τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν δεινοτάτων φιλοτιμίαν. | 315 This care and timely generosity so influenced the Jews themselves and was so widely reported among others, that the old hatreds stirred up by his changing of certain customs were erased from the kingdom and the whole nation. In their place appeared a recognition of his ambition in helping them during their direst straits. |
| 315 Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefaction, had such influence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that he had done of that nature, | 315 His providence and timely intervention had such an influence on the Jews and was so publicized among other nations, that the old hatred he had earned by violating some of their customs and the royal succession was wiped out among all the nation. The generosity of his help in their terrible necessity had made full satisfaction for it. |
| 316 Εὔκλεια δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἦν, καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ δυσχερῆ συμβῆναι μὲν αὐτῷ μείζω λόγου, κακώσαντα δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν οὐχ ἥκιστα πρὸς εὐδοξίαν ὠφελῆσαι· τὸ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις μεγαλόψυχον παρὰ δόξαν ἐπιδειξάμενος ἀντιμετέστησε τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς δοκεῖν οὐχ οἷον ἡ πεῖρα τῶν πάλαι γεγενημένων, ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ἡ μετὰ τῆς χρείας ἐπιμέλεια παρεστήσατο. | 316 He also gained great fame among foreigners. It seems that while these hardships were beyond description and had ravaged the kingdom, they ultimately benefited his reputation. By showing an unexpected magnanimity (megalopsychon) during these shortages, he transformed the minds of the people, so that from that point on, he appeared not as experience of his past deeds suggested, but as his care during their need proved him to be." |
| 316 as it also procured him great fame among foreigners; and it looked as if these calamities that afflicted his land, to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise his glory, and to be to his great advantage; for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change the disposition of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be. | 316 He also gained great fame among foreigners. So it looked as if the troubles that had so afflicted his land were sent only to heighten his glory and to serve his advantage. His greatness of spirit in that plight, which he had shown beyond all expectation, changed many people’s view of him, so that they were ready to think that from the start he had not been as their experience seemed to show, but the man whose care in supplying their needs he now proved to be. |
Herod’s decision to "συνέκοψεν" (cut up) his gold and silver ornaments is a powerful symbolic act. These were not just bullion; they were works of art ("τέχνῃ τίμιον"). By destroying his personal luxury to buy communal bread, Herod performed a "sacrificial" act of leadership that even his harshest critics couldn't ignore. It was the ultimate political pivot: he stopped being the King who takes and became the King who gives.
The Logistics of Mercy
Herod didn't just throw money at the problem; he managed the supply chain. Josephus notes the "precise ration" ("ἔκταξιν ἀκριβεστάτην") and the appointment of bakers for the elderly. This shows the same administrative genius Herod used to build the Temple, now applied to social welfare. He understood that in a famine, disorganized aid is as useless as no aid.
"Soft Power" in Syria
By sending seeds to the Syrians, Herod was practicing "Grain Diplomacy." By stabilizing his neighbors, he prevented a mass influx of refugees into Judea and turned former rivals into debtors. The 80,000 koroi distributed within Judea (roughly 800,000 bushels) was a staggering amount, indicating that Herod had effectively socialized the entire food supply of the country for a year.
The Transformation of Philonikia to Philotimia
Throughout Book 15, Josephus uses "φιλονεικία" (contentiousness/rivalry) to describe Herod’s negative traits. Here, he uses "φιλοτιμία" (ambition/love of honor) in a positive light. Herod’s desperate need for "fame" (eukleia) and "reputation" (eudoxia) actually saved lives. He realized that a king without a people is no king at all.
A Clean Slate... Temporarily
Josephus notes that the "old hatreds" ("πάλαι μίση") were "erased" ("ἐξαιρεθῆναι"). This is a rare moment of unity in Judean history. For a brief window, the religious and cultural grievances over the "Theater" and "Trophies" were forgotten because Herod had physically "preserved" ("περιεποίησεν") 50,000 people. It proves the ancient political maxim: The belly is more powerful than the law.
The Statistics of Salvation
The figures Josephus provides are significant. 10,000 koroi for neighbors and 80,000 for his own people. Given that a koros could sustain a person for nearly a year, Herod was effectively feeding nearly half a million people. This massive expenditure likely drained the royal treasury, but it bought him a decade of relative domestic peace.
| 317 περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ συμμαχικὸν ἔπεμψεν ΚαίσαριCaesar πεντακοσίους ἐπιλέκτους τῶν σωματοφυλάκωνbodyguard, οὓς ΓάλλοςGallus ΑἴλιοςAelius ἐπὶ τὴν ἘρυθρὰνRed θάλασσαν ἦγεν εἰς πολλὰ χρησίμους αὐτῷ γενομένους. | 317 "Around that time, Herod also sent a subsidiary force to Caesar [Augustus], consisting of five hundred elite men from his bodyguards, whom Aelius Gallus led toward the Red Sea; they proved highly useful to him. |
| 317 About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of the guards of his body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus led to the Red Sea, and who were of great service to him there. | 317 About this time he sent five hundred elite troops from his bodyguard as allies to Caesar, whom Aelius Gallus led to the Red Sea and who were of great service to him there. |
| 318 πάλιν οὖν αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς ἐπίδοσιν εὐθηνουμένων βασίλειον ἐξῳκοδόμει περὶ τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ὑπερμεγέθεις οἴκους ἐγείρων καὶ κόσμῳ κατασκευάζων πολυτελεστάτῳ χρυσοῦ καὶ λίθων καὶ περιαλειμμάτων ὡς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν κλισίας μὲν ἔχειν παμπόλλους ἄνδρας ὑποδέχεσθαι Κατὰ μέτρα δὲ καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας· ὁ μὲν γὰρ ΚαίσαροςCaesar, ὁ δὲ ἈγρίππαAgrippa κέκλητο. | 318 Since his affairs were once again flourishing and on the rise, he began building a palace in the Upper City, raising houses of immense size and adorning them with the most lavish decorations of gold, precious stones, and plasterwork. Each was large enough to receive vast numbers of men in dining halls, categorized by size and name: one was called Caesar’s, and the other Agrippa’s. |
| 318 When therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built himself a palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold, and marble scats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given them; | 318 When his affairs had so improved and were again flourishing, he built himself a palace in the upper city, with two very high apartments adorned with expensive golden furniture and marble seats and beds, large enough to hold whole groups of men. These were named after Caesar and Agrippa. |
| 319 προσέλαβεν δὲ καὶ γάμον αὐτῷ κινηθεὶς ἐξ ἐρωτικῆς ἐπιθυμίας μηδένα τοῦ κατὰ τὴν οἰκείαν ἡδονὴν ζῆν ὑπολογισμὸν ποιούμενος. ἀρχὴ δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῶν γάμων ἐγένετο τοιάδε· | 319 He also took a new wife, moved by romantic desire, without making any calculation other than his own pleasure. The origin of this marriage was as follows: |
| 319 for one apartment was called Caesar's, another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and married another wife, not suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion of this his marriage was as follows: | 319 He fell in love again and married another wife, not allowing reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The cause of his marriage was as follows. |
| 320 ΣίμωνSimon ἦν ἹεροσολυμίτηςJerusalem υἱὸς ΒοηθοῦBoethus τινος ἈλεξανδρέωςAlexandria, ἱερεὺς ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, εἶχεν δὲ θυγατέρα καλλίστην τῶν τότε νομιζομένην. | 320 There was a certain Simon, a Jerusalemite and son of Boethus of Alexandria, a priest of notable reputation; he had a daughter who was considered the most beautiful woman of that time. |
| 320 There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there; this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of that time; | 320 A man of Jerusalem called Simon the son of Boethus of Alexandria, was a priest of great note and had a daughter, who was regarded as the most beautiful woman of the time. |
| 321 ὄντος οὖν λόγου παρὰ τοῖς Ἱεροσολυμίταις(people of ) Jerusalem αὐτῆς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκοῆς τὸν ἩρώδηHerod κεκινῆσθαι συνέβαινεν, ὡς δὲ καὶ θεασάμενον ἡ τῆς παιδὸς ἐξέπληξεν ὥρα, τὸ μὲν ἀπ᾽ ἐξουσίας χρώμενον διατελεῖν ἅπαν ἀπεδοκίμαζεν ὑποπτεύων ὅπερ ἦν, εἰς βίαν καὶ τυραννίδα διαβληθήσεσθαι, βέλτιον δ᾽ ᾤετο γάμῳ τὴν κόρην λαβεῖν. | 321 As word of her spread among the people of Jerusalem, it happened that Herod was first moved by report of her; and when he actually saw her, he was struck with amazement at the girl's beauty. He rejected the idea of using his absolute power to have his way with her, suspecting—as was the case—that he would be slandered for violence and tyranny; instead, he thought it better to take the girl in marriage. |
| 321 and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what was said of her; and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority to abuse her, as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny; so he thought it best to take the damsel to wife. | 321 Since the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in praise of her, Herod was moved by the report. When he saw the girl, he was struck with her beauty, but entirely rejected the idea of using his authority to abuse her, believing, as was the truth, that if he did so he would be blamed for violence and tyranny. So he thought it best to take the girl as his wife. |
| 322 καὶ τοῦ ΣίμωνοςSimon ὄντος ἀδοξοτέρου μὲν ἢ πρὸς οἰκειότητα, μείζονος δὲ ἢ καταφρονεῖσθαι, τὸν ἐπιεικέστερον τρόπον μετῄει τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν αὔξων αὐτοὺς καὶ τιμιωτέρους ἀποφαίνων· αὐτίκα γοῦν ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua μὲν τὸν τοῦ Φοαβιτος ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην, ΣίμωναSimon δὲ καθίστησιν ἐπὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τὸ κῆδος πρὸς αὐτὸν συνάπτεται. | 322 However, since Simon was of a rank too humble for a royal alliance, yet too significant to be treated with contempt, Herod pursued his desire in a more equitable way by elevating the family and making them more honored. He immediately stripped Jesus, son of Phabi, of the High Priesthood and appointed Simon to that honor, and thus joined himself to him in marriage." |
| 322 And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the most prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and making them more honorable; so he immediately deprived Jesus, the son of Phabet, of the high priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in affinity with him [by marrying his daughter]. | 322 Since Simon was of too lowly a dignity to be allied to him, but still too great to be scorned, he reasonably achieved his inclinations by raising the dignity of the family and making them more honourable. So he immediately deposed Joshua son of Phabet from the high priesthood and gave that dignity to Simon and so joined in alliance with him. |
The mention of Aelius Gallus refers to the Roman expedition to Arabia Felix (modern Yemen) in 25–24 BCE. By sending 500 of his elite guards, Herod wasn't just helping a friend; he was investing in Roman favor. These "useful" troops acted as navigators and desert-warfare specialists, reinforcing Herod’s status as Rome’s most reliable "Client King" in the East.
The Architecture of Flattery
Herod’s new palace in the Upper City (near the modern Jaffa Gate) featured two massive wings named after Augustus and his right-hand man, Marcus Agrippa. This was "power-branding." By naming his most intimate living spaces after Roman leaders, Herod signaled that his home was an extension of the Roman Empire. The scale was so vast that it replaced the old Hasmonean palace as the center of gravity in Jerusalem.
The "Mariamne II" Problem
The woman in question is often called Mariamne II. Note the tragic repetition: Herod is once again "struck with amazement" (ἐξέπληξεν) by beauty, just as he was with the first Mariamne. Josephus observes that Herod acted without "calculation" (ὑπολογισμὸν), driven purely by "ἐρωτικῆς ἐπιθυμίας" (erotic desire). After the trauma of the famine and the execution of his first wife, Herod was seeking a domestic reset.
Inventing a High Priest
The appointment of Simon, son of Boethus, is a masterclass in Herodian social engineering. Simon was an Alexandrian Jew—an outsider to the Jerusalem "old money" aristocracy. By making him High Priest, Herod solved two problems:
1) Rank: He gave his new father-in-law enough "rank" (ἀξιώματος) to justify a royal marriage.
2) Priesthood: He installed a High Priest who owed his entire career to Herod, further weakening the independent power of the priesthood.
The Rise of the Boethusians
This marriage birthed the Boethusian family, a faction often associated with the Sadducees. They became the "New Elite" of Jerusalem. This move permanently altered the religious landscape of Judea, creating a wealthy, pro-Roman priestly class that would eventually come into frequent conflict with the Pharisees and, later, the early Christian movement.
The Tyrant’s "Restraint"
Josephus notes that Herod avoided "violence and tyranny" (βίαν καὶ τυραννίδα) in pursuing the girl. This is a subtle psychological observation: Herod was weary of his reputation as a monster after the recent purges. He chose "legal" marriage not necessarily out of virtue, but as a public relations move to show he could be a "civilized" Hellenistic monarch.
| 323 τελεσθέντος δ᾽ αὐτῷ τοῦ γάμου προσκατεσκευάσατο φρούριον ἐπὶ τῶν τόπων, ἐν οἷς ἐνίκα ἸουδαίουςJews, ὅτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσόντος ἈντίγονοςAntigonus ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἦν. | 323 "When his marriage was concluded, Herod constructed an additional fortress in the places where he had once defeated the Jews, during the time when he had fallen from power and Antigonus was in control of affairs. |
| 323 When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that place where he had conquered file Jews when he was driven out of his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it. | 323 When this wedding was over, he built a citadel in that place where he had conquered the Jews when he was driven from the kingship and Antigonus held it. |
| 324 τοῦτο δὲ τὸ φρούριον ἀπέχει μὲν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem περὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίους, φύσει δὲ ἐχυρὸν καὶ πρὸς κατασκευὴν ἐπιτηδειότατόν ἐστιν ἐγγὺς ἐπιεικῶς κολωνὸς εἰς ὕψος ἀνιὼν χειροποίητον, ὡς εἶναι μαστοειδὴς τὴν περιφοράν, διείληπται δὲ κυκλοτερέσι πύργοις ὀρθίαν ἔχων ἄνοδον ξεσταῖς βαθμίσιν ἐξῳκοδομημένην εἰς διακοσίους. ἐντὸς δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καταγωγαὶ βασίλειοι πολυτελεῖς εἰς ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοῦ καὶ κόσμον πεποιημέναι· | 324 This fortress is about sixty stades [approx. 7 miles] from Jerusalem. It is naturally strong and most suitable for a structure, for nearby there is a hill rising to a height—largely man-made—so that its circumference is shaped like a breast (mastoeidēs). It is punctuated at intervals by round towers, and it has a steep ascent built with two hundred steps of polished stone. Within it are lavish royal apartments, built for both security and ornament. |
| 324 This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a further height by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of a woman’s breast. It is encompassed with circular towers, and hath a strait ascent up to it, which ascent is composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that provided both for security and for beauty. | 324 This citadel is about sixty furlongs from Jerusalem in a naturally strong place suited to such a building, on a medium-sized hill, raised up higher by man’s handiwork, until shaped like a woman’s breast. It is surrounded with circular towers and has a narrow ascent to it, composed of steps of polished stones, two hundred in number. Within are very rich royal apartments, that provide both for security and beauty. |
| 325 περὶ δὲ τὴν βάσιν τοῦ λόφου διατριβαὶ κατασκευῆς ἀξιοθεάτου τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τῆς εἰσαγωγῆς τῶν ὑδάτων, οὐ γὰρ οὗτος ὁ τόπος ἔσχηκεν, ἐκ μακροῦ καὶ διὰ πλειόνων ἀναλωμάτωνexpense, cost πεποιημένης. τὰ δ᾽ ἐπίπεδα περιῳκοδόμηται πόλις οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλάσσων τὸν λόφον ἀκρόπολιν ἔχουσα τῆς ἄλλης οἰκήσεως. | 325 Around the base of the hill, there are living quarters built in a sightly manner, notable for other things but especially for the conveyance of water, which was brought in from a great distance at vast expense, as the site itself lacked a natural source. The level ground at the base is built up into a city no smaller than any other, with the hill serving as an acropolis for the rest of the settlement." |
| 325 About the bottom there are habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account of the water which is brought thither from a great way off, and at vast expenses, for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle. | 325 About the bottom of the hill there are dwellings of a structure well worth seeing, among other things, for the water which is brought there from a long way off at a great cost, for the place itself has no water. The plain around this citadel is full of buildings, no less than a city in size and with the hill above it like a castle. |
The location of Herodium was deeply personal. It was the site where, in 40 BCE, Herod’s retreating family was nearly captured by the Hasmonean/Parthian forces. Herod’s mother’s carriage had overturned, and in his despair, he nearly committed suicide. By winning that skirmish and later building a mountain there, Herod was "monumentalizing" his own survival and the exact moment his fortunes turned.
The "Breast-Shaped" Mountain (Mastoeidēs)
Josephus’s use of the word "μαστοειδὴς" is strikingly accurate to the site’s appearance today. Herod didn’t just build a palace on a hill; he encased the palace in a massive double-walled cylinder and then piled earth around the outside to create a perfect, artificial cone. It is the only palace in history that was intentionally buried in a mountain of its own making.
Engineering the Impossible: The Water System
Herod’s obsession with "conquering nature" is seen in the waterworks ("εἰσαγωγῆς τῶν ὑδάτων"). Herodium is located on the edge of the Judean desert. To sustain a luxury palace with gardens and a massive Roman-style swimming pool at the base (Lower Herodium), Herod built an aqueduct from Solomon’s Pools near Bethlehem. This required sophisticated hydraulic engineering to maintain the necessary pressure over rugged terrain.
Security as a Luxury
Josephus notes the dual purpose of the royal quarters: "εἰς ἀσφάλειαν ὁμοῦ καὶ κόσμον" (for security and ornament). The Herodium was a "fail-safe" palace. If Jerusalem revolted, Herod could retreat to this desert fortress, which was visible from the capital but far enough away to be defensible. The four towers—one solid and three semicircular—provided a 360-degree view of the Judean wilderness and the approaches from the Dead Sea.
The "Lower City"
The description of the flat area as a "πόλις οὐδεμιᾶς ἐλάσσων" (a city no smaller than any other) refers to "Lower Herodium." Recent excavations have revealed a massive complex featuring a 70x45 meter pool, a large racecourse (stadium), and monumental buildings. It functioned as a regional administrative hub, essentially a private royal city where Herod could entertain Roman dignitaries far from the religious tensions of Jerusalem.
Polished Stone and Royal Grandeur
The "ξεσταῖς βαθμίσιν" (polished steps) and the two hundred stairs emphasize the "theatricality" of the ascent. Visitors would have to climb this grand staircase, likely flanked by gardens, feeling the sheer scale of the King’s power as they rose above the desert floor toward the circular "crown" of the mountain.
| 326 Πάντων δ᾽ αὐτῷ προκεχωρηκότων εἰς δέον ὧν ἠλπίκει τὰς μὲν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ταραχὰς οὐδ᾽ ὁπωσοῦν δι᾽ ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy εἶχεν ἑκατέρωθεν ὑπηκόους παραστησάμενος, φόβῳ μὲν ὧν ἀπαραίτητος εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας, τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν δὲ ὧν μεγαλόψυχος ἐν ταῖς περιπετείαις εὑρίσκετο. | 326 "Everything having proceeded according to his hopes, Herod no longer had any reason to view the disturbances within his own kingdom with suspicion. He had brought his subjects to order on both sides: through fear, because he was implacable in his punishments, and through gratitude, because he was found to be magnanimous in times of disaster. |
| 326 And now, when all Herod’s designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the infliction of his punishments, as by the provident care he had showed towards them, after the most magnanimous manner, when they were under their distresses. | 326 When all his plans had succeeded according to his hopes, he had no suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, for he kept his people obedient both by fear, for he was implacable in punishing, and because of his provident, magnanimous care for them, in their time of need. |
| 327 περιεβάλλετο δὲ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἀσφάλειαν ὥσπερ ἐπιτείχισμα καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς ἀρχομένοιςto rule, reign ποιούμενος· πόλεσίν τε γὰρ ὡμίλει δεξιῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως καὶ τοὺς δυνάστας ἐθεράπευεν εὐκαιρίαις ὧν ἑκάστους ἐδωρεῖτο μείζους τὰς χάριτας ἐμποιῶν καὶ τὸ μεγαλόψυχον φύσει πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν εὐπρεπὲς ἔχων, ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ πάντα διὰ πάντων αὔξεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλεῖον ἀεὶ προχωρούντων. | 327 He surrounded himself with external security as if building a counter-wall against his subjects; for he dealt with foreign cities skillfully and kindly, and he cultivated the favor of powerful men with timely gifts, bestowing honors greater than each expected. He possessed a natural magnanimity that was well-suited to kingship, so that his power increased in all respects as things always moved forward. |
| 327 But still he took care to have external security for his government as a fortress against his subjects; for the orations he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a seasonable good understanding with their governors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more augmented. | 327 But he still took care to secure his rule and defend himself against his subjects, for his speeches in the [non-Jewish] cities were very fine and full of goodwill, and he cultivated their officers by lavishing gifts on each of them, courting their friendship and using his generosity to secure his grip on the kingdom, until all his concerns were flourishing in every way. |
| 328 ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας καὶ τῆς θεραπείας, ἣν ἐθεράπευεν ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους, ἐκβαίνειν τῶν ἐθῶν ἠναγκάζετο καὶ πολλὰ τῶν νομίμων παραχαράττειν, πόλεις τε κτίζων ὑπὸ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ναοὺς ἐγείρων, οὐκ ἐν τῇ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews, | 328 However, due to his ambition (philotimia) in these matters and the veneration he paid to Caesar and the most powerful Romans, he was forced to depart from his people's customs and to alter many of the laws. He founded cities and raised temples out of this ambition—not in the land of the Jews, |
| 328 But then this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behavior and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, and by building cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples,— | 328 But his munificence and the submission and generosity he showed to Caesar and the men of power, caused him to overstep the customs of his nation and ignore many of their laws, as he built cities and temples of of ambition. |
| 329 οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο τῶν τοιούτων ἀπηγορευμένωνto forbid ἡμῖν ὡς ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους τιμᾶν πρὸς τὸν ἙλληνικὸνGreek τρόπον, τὴν δ᾽ ἔξω χώραν καὶ τὰ περὶ οὕτως κατεσκευάζετο, | 329 for they would not have endured such things, as it is forbidden among us to honor statues and fashioned images after the Greek fashion. But he constructed these things in the outlying territories and the surrounding regions. |
| 329 not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being forbidden for us to pay any honor to images, or representations of animals, after the manner of the Greeks; but still he did thus in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof. | 329 These were not in Judea, for that would not have been borne, as we are forbidden to pay honour to images or representations of animals in the style of the Greeks, but outside our boundaries in the surrounding territories. |
| 330 ἸουδαίοιςJews μὲν ἀπολογούμενος μὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐντολῆς καὶ προσταγμάτων αὐτὰ ποιεῖν, ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ καὶ ῬωμαίοιςRomans τὸ μηδὲ τῶν οἰκείων ἐθῶν ὅσον τῆς ἐκείνων τιμῆς ἐστοχάσθαι χαριζόμενος, αὐτὸς μέντοι τὸ σύμπαν αὐτοῦ στοχαζόμενος ἢ καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος μείζω τὰ μνημεῖα τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς αὖθις ὑπολιπέσθαι. ὅθεν καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐπισκευὰς τῶν πόλεων ἐκεκίνητο καὶ πλείστας εἰς τοῦτο τὰς δαπάνας ἐποιεῖτο. | 330 To the Jews, he offered the defense that he was doing these things not of his own accord, but from the orders and commands of others [the Romans]. But to Caesar and the Romans, he presented it as if he cared less for his own ancestral customs than for their honor. In truth, however, he was aiming at his own interests entirely, being ambitious to leave behind monuments of his reign to those who would come after him. For this reason, he was moved toward the rebuilding of cities and spent the greatest sums on this endeavor." |
| 330 The apology which he made to the Jews for these things was this: That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honor of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambitious to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in building such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them. | 330 To the Jews he explained that this was done not of his own will, but at the command of others, to please Caesar and the Romans, as though he gave less honour to Jewish customs than to those of those Romans. The truth was that it was all for himself for he was keen to leave to posterity great monuments of his realm, and that is why he was so eager to build such fine cities and spent such vast sums upon them. |
Josephus identifies the two pillars of Herod’s domestic stability: "φόβῳ" (fear) and "ἐπιμέλειαν" (care/provision). After the famine, Herod realized he couldn't just be a executioner; he had to be a "Father." By alternating between "implacable punishment" and "magnanimity in disasters," he created a psychological climate where the people felt they owed him their lives even as they feared for them.
Geopolitics as a "Counter-Wall" (Epiteichisma)
This is a brilliant political insight. Herod didn't just build stone walls; he built diplomatic walls. By making himself indispensable to Rome and generous to neighboring Greek cities, he made it impossible for a Jewish revolt to find external allies. If Jerusalem rose up, the surrounding pagan cities (loyal to Herod for his gifts) would act as a massive "containment zone" for the rebellion.
The Religious Loophole
Herod was a master of jurisdictional boundaries. He knew the Jews would never tolerate a temple to Augustus in Jerusalem ("οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν ἠνέσχοντο"). His solution was a "One State, Two Systems" approach. Within the borders of Judea, he played the role of the observant Jewish restorer; in the coastal cities and the Galilee, he was the enlightened Greek architect.
The Double-Talk of Diplomacy
Josephus exposes Herod’s "two-faced" rhetoric:
1) To the Jews: "The Romans are making me build these pagan temples! I have no choice!"
2) To the Romans: "I love you so much that I'm willing to ignore my own backward laws to build these temples for you!"
3) The Reality: "I want my name on these buildings so I can live forever."
Herod’s true god was "φιλοτιμία" (ambition/love of honor).The Violation of the Second Commandment
The reference to "ἀγάλματα καὶ τύπους μεμορφωμένους" (statues and shaped images) highlights the core conflict. Greek culture was visual and anthropomorphic; Jewish culture was aniconic and verbal. By introducing the "Greek fashion" into the region, Herod wasn't just building structures; he was importing a competing worldview that challenged the very concept of the Shema (the oneness of God).
Legacy as a Secular Religion
Herod spent "πλείστας τὰς δαπάνας" (the greatest sums) on monuments for "τοῖς αὖθις" (those who come after). Having lost the hope of a peaceful dynasty through the murder of his Hasmonean family, Herod turned to architecture as a form of immortality. If he couldn't have a happy family, he would have a glorious landscape.
| 331 κατιδὼν δὲ καὶ πρὸς τῇ θαλάττῃ χωρίον ἐπιτηδειότατον δέξασθαι πόλιν, ὃ πάλαι ΣτράτωνοςStrato ἐκαλεῖτο πύργος, τῇ τε διαγραφῇ μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐπεβάλλετο καὶ τοῖς οἰκοδομήμασιν ἀνιστὰς ἅπασαν οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ λευκῆς πέτρας, καὶ διακοσμῶν καὶ βασιλείοις πολυτελεστάτοις καὶ διαίταις πολιτικαῖς, | 331 "Having observed a place by the sea most suitable for receiving a city—formerly called Strato’s Tower—Herod set about a magnificent plan. He raised the entire city, not as a casual task but built from white stone, adorning it with the most lavish palaces and civic residences. |
| 331 Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for containing a city, and was before called Strato’s Tower, he set about getting a plan for a magnificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces and large edifices for containing the people; | 331 Noticing near the sea a site very suited for a city, a place previously called Strato’s Tower, he set about planning a magnificent city and diligently built it up with many buildings in white stone. He furnished it with sumptuous palaces and large buildings for gatherings of the people. |
| 332 τὸ δὲ μέγιστον καὶ πλείστην ἐργασίαν παρασχόν, ἀκλύστῳ λιμένι, μέγεθος μὲν κατὰ τὸν Πειραιᾶ, καταγωγὰς δ᾽ ἔνδον ἔχοντι καὶ δευτέρους ὑφόρμους, τῇ δὲ δομήσει περίβλεπτον, ὅτι μηδ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τὴν ἐπιτηδειότητα τῆς μεγαλουργίας εἶχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεισάκτοις καὶ πολλαῖς ἐξετελειώθη ταῖς δαπάναις. | 332 But the greatest achievement, which required the most immense labor, was a harbor safe from the waves, equal in size to the Piraeus [the port of Athens], featuring landing places and secondary anchorages within. The construction was remarkable because the site offered no natural advantage for such a grand work; it was brought to completion only through imported materials and vast expenditure. |
| 332 and what was the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyrmum [at Athens], and had towards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses. | 332 Then, as the greatest and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a harbour that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its size was not less than the Pyraeus and had toward the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship, all the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was fitted out with materials from other places, at great expense. |
| 333 κεῖται μὲν γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἐν τῇ ΦοινίκῃPhoenicia κατὰ τὸν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt παράπλουν ἸόππηςJoppa, Perea μεταξὺ καὶ ΔώρωνDōr, πολισμάτια ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶν παράλια δύσορμα διὰ τὰς κατὰ λίβα προσβολάς, αἳ ἀεὶ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ ΠόντουPontus θῖνας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾐόνα σύρουσαι καταγωγὴν οὐ διδόασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀποσαλεύειν τὰ πολλὰ τοὺς ἐμπόρους ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας. | 333 For the city lies in Phoenicia, on the sailing route to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora. These are small coastal towns with poor anchorage because of the southwest winds (Libs), which constantly drag the sea-sand onto the shore, preventing a calm landing; instead, merchants are usually forced to ride out the swells at anchor. |
| 333 This city is situate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. | 333 This city is situated in Phoenicia, on the sea-route to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, smaller coastal cities not suitable for harbours, due to the strong south winds beating upon them, which roll the sands of the sea against the shores, and do not allow for docking, and merchants there are generally forced to ride at anchor, out to sea. |
| 334 τοῦτο τὸ δυσδιάθετον τῆς χώρας διορθούμενος καὶ περιγράψας τὸν κύκλον τοῦ λιμένος ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἦν αὔταρκες πρὸς τῇ χέρσῳ μεγάλοις στόλοις ἐνορμεῖσθαι λίθους ὑπερμεγέθεις καθίει εἰς τὸ βάθος εἰς ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσι. πεντήκοντα ποδῶν ἦσαν οἱ πλείους τὸ μῆκος καὶ πλάτος οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less δεκαοκτώ, βάθος δὲ ἐννέα, τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν μείζους οἱ δὲ ἐλάττους. | 334 To correct this defect of the terrain, Herod marked out the circle of the harbor to be large enough for great fleets to anchor near the shore, and let down immense stones into the depth of twenty fathoms [approx. 120 feet]. Most were fifty feet in length, no less than eighteen in width, and nine in depth—some being even larger. |
| 334 So Herod endeavored to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fathom deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger than those dimensions. | 334 To rectify this lacuna in the landscape, he laid out a large circular harbour where large ships could safely anchor. This he achieved by letting down vast stones more than fifty feet long, no less than eighteen feet wide and nine feet deep, into twenty fathoms deep, though some were less and some were larger than that. |
| 335 ἡ δὲ ἐνδόμησις ὅσον ἦν † ἐβάλλετο κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης διακοσίους πόδας. τούτων τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ προβέβλητο κυματωγαῖς, ὡς ἀπομάχεσθαι περικλώμενον ἐκεῖ τὸν κλύδωνα· προκυμία γοῦν ἐκαλεῖτο· τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν περιεῖχεν λίθινον τεῖχος πύργοις διειλημμένον, | 335 The mole [breakwater] he built against the sea was two hundred feet wide. Half of this was positioned to break the force of the waves, so that the surge would shatter there; this was called the Prokymia [the wave-breaker]. |
| 335 This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; | 335 This mole which he built along the sea was two hundred feet wide, with half of it facing to the surge of the waves, so as to take the burnt of the waves breaking upon it, and it was called Breakwater. |
| 336 ὧν ὁ μέγιστος ΔρούσιονDrusus ὀνομάζεται, πάνυ καλόν τι χρῆμα, τὴν προσηγορίαν εἰληφὼς ἀπὸ ΔρούσουDrusus τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar προγόνου τελευτήσαντος νέου. | 336 The rest supported a stone wall punctuated with towers, the largest of which is named Drusion, a truly beautiful thing, taking its name from Drusus, Caesar’s stepson who died young. |
| 336 but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. | 336 The other half had on it a wall with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus and was a work of great excellence, named after Drusus, the son-in-law of Caesar, who died young. |
| 337 ψαλίδες δὲ ἐμπεποίηνται συνεχεῖς καταγωγαὶ τοῖς ναυτίλοις, τὸ δὲ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἀπόβασις πλατεῖα κύκλῳ περιεστεφάνωκεν τὸν πάντα λιμένα, περίπατος τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν ἥδιστος. ὁ δ᾽ εἴσπλους καὶ τὸ στόμα πεποίηται πρὸς βορέαν ἀνέμων αἰθριώτατον. | 337 Continuous vaulted chambers (psalides) were constructed as lodgings for sailors, and in front of them was a wide landing-quay encircling the entire harbor—a most pleasant promenade for those who wished to walk. The entrance and the mouth of the harbor faced north, the wind that brings the clearest weather. |
| 337 There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt. There was also before them a quay, [or landing place,] which ran round the entire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the stillest of the winds of all in this place: | 337 There were also many arches where the sailors lived, and in front of them a quay which ran around the entire harbour and was a most agreeable walk for anyone so inclined. The entrance or mouth of the port was on the north side, which was the least windy of all in this place. |
| 338 βάσις δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου παντὸς ἐν ἀριστερᾷ μὲν εἰσπλεόντων πύργος νενασμένος ἐπὶ πολὺ στερρῶς ἀντέχειν, κατὰ δεξιὰν δὲ δύο λίθοι μεγάλοι καὶ τοῦ κατὰ θάτερα πύργου μείζους, ὀρθοὶ καὶ συνεζευγμένοι. | 338 At the base of the whole circuit, to the left of those sailing in, was a massive tower built to resist the sea firmly; on the right were two huge stones, larger than the tower on the opposite side, standing upright and joined together. |
| 338 and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made very strong, in order to resist the greatest waves; while on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which were over against them; these stood upright, and were joined together. | 338 The foundations of the whole harbour wall on the left side entering the port is supported around a turret, strongly built to resist the mightiest waves; while on the right side were two huge stones, each larger than the turret, which was across from them; these stood upright and linked together. |
| 339 περίκεινται δὲ ἐν κύκλῳ τὸν λιμένα λειοτάτου λίθου κατασκευὴ συνεχεῖς οἰκήσεις κἀν τῷ μέσῳ κολωνός τις, ἐφ᾽ οὗ νεὼς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἄποπτος τοῖς εἰσπλέουσιν ἄγαλμά τε τὸ μὲν ῬώμηςRome, τὸ δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar· ἥ τε πόλις αὐτὴ ΚαισάρειαCaesar καλεῖται καλλίστης καὶ τῆς ὕλης καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τετυχηκυῖα. | 339 Encircling the harbor were continuous houses of the most polished stone, and in the center was a hill upon which stood a Temple of Caesar, visible from afar to those sailing in, containing a statue of Roma and one of Caesar. The city itself is called Caesarea, having attained the most beautiful materials and construction. |
| 339 Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the politest stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of Caesar. The city itself was called Caesarea, which was also itself built of fine materials, and was of a fine structure; | 339 There were buildings all along the circular harbour made of highly polished stone, and a platform in the middle on which was built a temple, visible in the distance by those who were sailing for that harbour. In it were two statues, one of Rome, the other of Caesar, and the city itself was called Caesarea, and was well built of fine materials. |
| 340 τὰ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὑπόνομοί τε καὶ λαῦραι πραγματείαν οὐκ ἐλάττω τῶν ὑπερῳκοδομημένων ἔχουσαι. τούτων αἱ μὲν κατὰ σύμμετρα διαστήματα φέρουσιν εἰς τὸν λιμένα καὶ τὴν θάλατταν, μία δ᾽ ἐγκαρσία πάσας ὑπέζωκεν, ὡς τούς τε ὄμβρους εὐμαρῶς καὶ τὰ λύματα τῶν οἰκητόρων συνεκδίδοσθαι τήν τε θάλατταν, ὅταν ἔξωθεν ἐπείγηται, διαρρεῖν καὶ τὴν σύμπασαν ὑποκλύζειν πόλιν. | 340 The subterranean parts of the city—the sewers and vaulted alleys—involved no less labor than the buildings above. Some of these led at regular intervals to the harbor and the sea, while one transverse tunnel joined them all together, so that rainwater and the refuse of the inhabitants were easily discharged. Furthermore, the sea itself, when the tide pressed in from the outside, would flow through and wash out the entire city. |
| 340 nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the filth of the citizens were together carried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. | 340 Even the subterranean vaults and cellars were planned no less than the buildings above ground. Some of these led at equal distances to the harbour and to the sea, but one of them ran at an angle and connected all the others, so that it easily carried away both the rainwater and the citizens sewage, since the sea flowed from outside into the city and washed it all clean. |
| 341 κατεσκεύαζεν δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ θέατρον καὶ πρὸς τῷ νοτίῳ τοῦ λιμένος ὄπισθεν ἀμφιθέατρον πολὺν ὄχλον ἀνθρώπων δέχεσθαι δυνάμενον καὶ κείμενον ἐπιτηδείως ἀποπτεύειν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν. ἡ μὲν δὴ πόλις οὕτως ἐξετελέσθη δωδεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ ταῖς ἐργασίαις οὐκ ἐγκαμόντος καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις ἐπαρκέσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως. | 341 He also constructed a theater within it, and behind the southern part of the harbor, an amphitheater capable of holding a vast crowd and positioned to offer a view of the sea. Thus the city was completed in twelve years, with the King never wearying of the labor and always providing for the costs." |
| 341 Herod also built therein a theater of stone; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphitheater also, capable of holding a vast number of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect to the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were necessary. | 341 He also made there a stone-built theatre, and to the south behind the port, an amphitheatre also, capable of holding a large crowd of people and well situated with a view of the sea. So this city was completed in twelve years; during which time the king did not fail to proceed with the work and to pay the necessary expenses. |
Josephus describes stones 50x18x9 feet being "let down." Modern archaeology has revealed that these weren't all solid quarried stone; Herod used a revolutionary Roman invention: Pozzolana (volcanic ash). This ash, when mixed with lime, created concrete that would set underwater. Herod’s engineers built massive wooden crates, floated them into position, and filled them with this concrete until they sank.
The Prokymia: Ancient Wave Physics
Josephus’s description of the "Prokymia" shows a sophisticated understanding of breakwater design. By building a sloping submerged wall in front of the main wall, the energy of the Mediterranean swells was dissipated before it hit the towers. This "stepped" breakwater protected the inner basin from the devastating winter storms that had made the coast unusable for centuries.
The "Smart City" of the 1st Century
The description of the "ὑπόνομοί τε καὶ λαῦραι" (sewers and alleys) is a testament to Roman urban planning. Herod built the city on a grid with a subterranean flushing system. The use of the tides to "wash out" ("ὑποκλύζειν") the sewers was a feat of sanitary engineering that made Caesarea one of the cleanest cities in the ancient world.
The Colossus of the Coast
The Temple of Caesar and Roma, standing on a "hill" (the podium), served as a maritime beacon. To a sailor coming from Italy or Greece, the first thing they would see in the "Holy Land" was not the Temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem (hidden behind mountains), but a massive Roman temple with 40-foot statues of the Emperor. Caesarea was Herod’s "Roman Face."
Drusus and the Politics of Grief
Naming the largest tower "Drusion" was a calculated diplomatic move. Drusus (the brother of Tiberius and son of Livia) was the "golden boy" of the Roman Empire who died in 9 BCE. By memorializing him in the harbor, Herod was signaling to Augustus that the Judean royal family shared in the personal grief of the Imperial family.
Twelve Years and an Open Checkbook
The "δωδεκαετεῖ χρόνῳ" (twelve-year period) and the "tireless expenditure" highlights Herod’s economic strategy. He turned Judea into a massive construction site, which solved unemployment and generated trade revenue. Caesarea became the primary port for the export of Judean balsam and dates, and the primary entry point for Roman legions and tax collectors.
[342-379]
Herod retains Caesar’s goodwill.
Description of Pharisees and Essenes
| 342 Ἐπὶ τοιούτοις δὲ ὢν καὶ τῆς Σεβαστῆς ἤδη πεπολισμένης ἔγνω τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ πέμπειν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus, συντευξομένους ΚαίσαριCaesar. | 342 "While Herod was in this state of prosperity, and Sebaste [Samaria] was already settled as a city, he decided to send his sons, Alexander and Aristobulus, to Rome to meet with Caesar [Augustus]. |
| 342 When Herod was engaged in such matters, and when he had already re-edified Sebaste, [Samaria,] he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to enjoy the company of Caesar; | 342 When Herod was engaged in these matters and had already rebuilt Sebaste, he decided to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome to meet with Caesar. |
| 343 τούτοις ἀνελθοῦσιν καταγωγὴ μὲν ἦν Πολλίωνος οἶκος ἀνδρὸς τῶν μάλιστα σπουδασάντων περὶ τὴν ἩρώδουHerod φιλίαν, ἐφεῖτο δὲ κἀν τοῖς ΚαίσαροςCaesar κατάγεσθαι· καὶ γὰρ ἐξεδέξατο μετὰ πάσης φιλανθρωπίας τοὺς παῖδας· καὶ δίδωσιν ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν βασιλείαν ὅτῳ βούλεται βεβαιοῦν τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότων, καὶ χώραν ἔτι τόν τε ΤράχωναTrachonitis καὶ ΒαταναίανBatanea καὶ ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis· ἔδωκεν δὲ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν παραλαβών. | 343 Upon their arrival, they were lodged at the house of Pollio, a man who was among the most earnest in his friendship with Herod, though they were also permitted to stay in Caesar’s own residences. Indeed, Caesar received the youths with every kind of benevolence. He even gave Herod the right to secure the succession of his kingdom to whichever of his offspring he wished; furthermore, he granted him additional territory: Trachonitis, Batanaea, and Auranitis, which he handed over for the following reason: |
| 343 who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio, who was very fond of Herod’s friendship; and they had leave to lodge in Caesar’s own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his, kingdom to which of his sons he pleased; and besides all this, he bestowed on him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis, which he gave him on the occasion following: | 343 When they arrived there, they lodged at the house of Pollio, who treasured Herod’s friendship. Then they were allowed lodgings in Caesar’s own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with goodwill and allowed Herod to leave his kingdom to whichever of his sons he wished. Besides, he gave him Trachonits and Batanea and Auranitis, for the following reason. |
| 344 Ζηνόδωρός τις ἐμεμίσθωτο τὸν οἶκον τὸν ΛυσανίουLysanias. τούτῳ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὰς προσόδους οὐκ ἤρκει, τὰ λῃστήρια δὲ ἔχων ἐν τῷ ΤράχωνιTrachonitis πλείω τὴν πρόσοδον ἔφερεν· οἰκοῦσι γὰρ ἄνδρες ἐξ ἀπονοίας ζῶντες τοὺς τόπους, οἳ τὰ ΔαμασκηνῶνDamascus ἐλῄζοντο, καὶ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus οὔτ᾽ εἶργεν αὐτός τε τῶν ὠφελειῶν ἐκοινώνει. | 344 A certain Zenodorus had leased the house [domain] of Lysanias. The income from the land was not enough for him, so he increased his revenue by fostering brigandage in Trachonitis. The inhabitants of these places are men who live by desperation; they were plundering the people of Damascus, and Zenodorus did not stop them—in fact, he shared in their spoils. |
| 344 One Zenodorus had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites, and so procured himself a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. | 344 Zenodorus had rented what was called the house of Lysanias. This man, dissatisfied with its revenues, was supported by the brigands who lived in Trachonitis. So he gained for himself a larger income, for the people of those places lived in a mad way and pillaged the district of Damascus. While Zenodorus did not restrain them, he did however share in what they robbed. |
| 345 κακῶς δὲ πάσχοντες οἱ πλησιόχωροι Οὐάρρωνος κατεβόων τοῦ τότε ἡγεμονεύοντος καὶ γράφειν ἠξίουν ΚαίσαριCaesar τοῦ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus τὴν ἀδικίαν. ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ἀνενεχθέντων τούτων ἀντέγραφεν ἐξελεῖν τὰ λῃστήρια τήν τε χώραν ἩρώδῃHerod προσένειμεν, ὡς διὰ τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς ἐκείνου μηκέτ᾽ ἂν ὀχληρῶν τῶν περὶ τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis γενησομένων τοῖς πλησίον· | 345 The neighbors, suffering greatly, cried out to Varro, the governor at that time, and asked him to write to Caesar about Zenodorus’s injustice. When Caesar received this report, he wrote back ordering the suppression of the brigandage and assigned the territory to Herod, so that through his care, those in Trachonitis would no longer be a nuisance to their neighbors. |
| 345 Now as the neighboring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Zenodorus. When these matters were laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that so by his care the neighboring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites; | 345 Since the neighbouring people suffered greatly from this, they complained to the governor, Varro, imploring him to write to Caesar about the crimes of Zenodorus. When this was laid before Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of brigands and to give the land to Herod, that under his care the neighbourhood might be no longer troubled by these doings of the Trachonites. |
| 346 οὐδὲ γὰρ ῥᾴδιον ἦν ἐπισχεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν ἔθει τὸ λῃστεύειν πεποιημένους καὶ βίον οὐκ ἄλλοθεν ἔχοντας· οὔτε γὰρ πόλεις αὐτοῖς οὔτε κτήσεις ἀγρῶν, ὑποφυγαὶ δὲ κατὰ τῆς γῆς καὶ σπήλαια καὶ κοινὴ μετὰ τῶν βοσκημάτων δίαιτα. μεμηχάνηνται δὲ καὶ συναγωγὰς ὑδάτων καὶ προπαρασκευὰς σιτίων αἳ δύνανται πλεῖστον ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ἀντέχειν. | 346 It was no easy task to restrain them, for they had made a habit of robbery and had no other livelihood. They possessed neither cities nor landed estates, but only subterranean retreats and caves, living there in common with their livestock. They had also engineered collections of water and stores of food so that they could hold out for a long time from their hiding places. |
| 346 for it was not an easy firing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they and their cattle lived in common together. However, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in granaries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; | 346 For it was no easy thing to restrain them, since a life of robbery had been their usual practice and they had no other way to earn their living, as they owned neither city or lands, but only some caves and dens in the earth where they and their livestock lived all together. But they had arranged for some cisterns of water and had corn in granaries and could offer stiff resistance, by suddenly coming out from their hiding places. |
| 347 αἵ γε μὴν εἴσοδοι στεναὶ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα παρερχομένων, τὰ δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀπίστως μεγάλα πρὸς εὐρυχωρίαν ἐξειργασμένων· τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὰς οἰκήσεις ἔδαφος οὐχ ὑψηλόν, ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ἐξ ἐπιπέδου. πέτρα δὲ τὸ σύμπαν σκληρὰ καὶ δύσοδος, εἰ μὴ τρίβῳ χρῷτό τις ἐξ ὁδηγίας· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὗται κατ᾽ ὀρθὸν ἀλλὰ πολλὰς ἕλικας ἐξελίττονται. | 347 The entrances were narrow, allowing only one person to pass at a time, but the interiors were incredibly vast and spacious. The ground above their dwellings was not high but appeared level with the plain. The entire area consisted of hard and impassable rock, unless one followed a guide along a track; for even these paths were not straight but twisted in many coils. |
| 347 for the entrances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, but have several revolutions. | 347 The entrances of their caves were narrow, and only one at a time could enter. The spaces inside were incredibly large and very wide though the ground over their dwellings was not very high, and rather flat. But the rocky entrances are very difficult to find, unless one gets there by the guidance of another, for the roads are not straight, but wind many times. |
| 348 τούτοις ἐπειδὴ τῶν εἰς τοὺς πλησίον κακουργημάτων ἐκωλύοντο, καὶ κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἦν ὁ τῆς λῃστείας τρόπος, ὡς μηδὲν ἀνομίας ἐν τούτῳ λελεῖφθαι. λαβὼν δὲ τὴν χάριν ἩρώδηςHerod παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν χώραν ὁδηγῶν ἐμπειρίᾳ τούς τε πονηρευομένους αὐτῶν κατέπαυσεν καὶ τοῖς περὶ ἀδεῆ τὴν εἰρήνην παρέσχεν. | 348 Since these men were now being prevented from committing crimes against their neighbors, they turned to robbing one another, leaving no form of lawlessness untried. But once Herod received this grant from Caesar and entered the territory, guided by experience, he put an end to their villainy and provided a secure peace to the surrounding peoples." |
| 348 But when these men are hindered from their wicked preying upon their neighbors, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort of injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from Caesar, and was come into this country, he procured skillful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neighboring people. | 348 When these are hindered from wickedly preying on their neighbours, their custom is to prey on each other, so that no sort of wrong is foreign to them. When Herod had received his grant from Caesar and came into this area, he got skilled guides and put a stop to their wickedness and provided peace and calm for the neighbouring people. |
By sending Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, Herod was following a standard practice for client kings. The boys were being "groomed" in the imperial court to ensure they would return as Romanized rulers loyal to Augustus. Staying with Pollio (likely Asinius Pollio, the famous orator and historian) placed them in the intellectual heart of Rome. However, this Roman education also made them distinct from their Judean subjects, contributing to the later "culture clash" within Herod's family.
Absolute Succession Power
Augustus gave Herod a "blank check" regarding his successor ("ὅτῳ βούλεται βεβαιοῦν"). While this seemed like a mark of ultimate trust, it was actually a recipe for disaster. It turned the royal family into a Darwinian arena where Herod’s many sons (from different wives) would eventually kill each other to be the "chosen one."
The "Bad Actor": Zenodorus
Zenodorus is presented as the classic "failed administrator." By leasing the domain of the former Hasmonean-allied Lysanias and funding his lifestyle through state-sponsored piracy, he created a power vacuum that forced Rome’s hand. This provided Herod with the perfect pretext to expand his borders further into the Northeast.
Guerrilla Warfare in the Basalt Desert
Josephus’s description of the Trachonitis (the modern Leja region of Syria) is geographically brilliant. This is a massive field of volcanic basalt. The "σπήλαια" (caves) were not just natural; they were engineered as "stealth" fortresses. The fact that the ground looked level ("ἐξ ἐπιπέδου") but hid massive subterranean cities meant that traditional Roman legionary tactics were useless.
Herod as "The Pacifier"
Herod’s success where others failed was due to his "ἐμπειρίᾳ" (experience). He understood Near Eastern guerrilla warfare. He used specialized light infantry and secret "Ops" (as described elsewhere in The Jewish War) to smoke the rebels out of their holes. To the Romans, Herod was the "Enforcer" who could make the desert safe for trade; to the local rebels, he was a foreign occupier who took away their ancestral (albeit violent) way of life.
"Peace" Through Surveillance
The "secure peace" ("ἀδεῆ τὴν εἰρήνην") Herod provided was built on a network of military colonies. He settled thousands of Idumaean and Babylonian Jewish veterans in these regions to act as a permanent counter-insurgency force. This turned the "wild" Northeast into a loyalist buffer zone for his kingdom.
| 349 Ὁ δὲ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ἀχθόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἀφαιρέσει, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ φθόνῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἩρώδουHerod μετειληφότος, ἀνῆλθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome κατηγορήσων αὐτοῦ. κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἄπρακτος ἀναστρέφει. | 349 "Now Zenodorus, being distressed first by the loss of his governorship, and even more so by envy that Herod had taken over his rule, went up to Rome to bring accusations against him. However, he returned having accomplished nothing. |
| 349 Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him; and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; So he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success. | 349 Now Zenodorus was agitated, first, at having the leadership taken from him, and still more by his envy of Herod, who had acquired it. So he went to Rome to accuse him, but returned without success. |
| 350 πέμπεται δ᾽ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa τῶν πέραν ἸονίουIonian διάδοχος ΚαίσαριCaesar· καὶ τούτῳ περὶ ΜιτυλήνηνMitylene χειμάζοντι συντυχὼνto meet together ἩρώδηςHerod, ἦν γὰρ εἰς τὰ μάλιστα φίλος καὶ συνήθης, πάλιν εἰς τὴν ἸουδαίανJudea ἀνέστρεφεν. | 350 Meanwhile, Agrippa was sent by Caesar as his deputy for the regions across the Ionian Sea; Herod met with him while he was wintering at Mitylene, for he was among his closest and most intimate friends, before returning to Judea. |
| 350 Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. | 350 Now Agrippa was sent to succeed Caesar in ruling the countries beyond the Ionian Sea. Herod met him when he was wintering near Mitylene, for he was his particular friend and companion, and then returned to Judea again. |
| 351 Γαδαρέων δέ τινες ἐπ᾽ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἦλθον κατηγοροῦντες αὐτοῦ, καὶ τούτους ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς δοὺς ἀναπέμπει τῷ βασιλεῖ δεσμίους. οἵ τε ἌραβεςArabs καὶ πάλαι δυσμενῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἩρώδουHerod διεκεκίνηντο καὶ στασιάζειν ἐπεχείρουν αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα τότε καὶ μετ᾽ αἰτίας, ὡς ἐδόκουν, εὐλογωτέρας· | 351 But certain men of the Gadarenes came to Agrippa accusing Herod; yet Agrippa, without even granting them a hearing, sent them back to the King in chains. Furthermore, the Arabians, who had long been hostile toward Herod’s rule, were now agitated and attempted to stir up a revolt against his government, doing so at that time with what they considered a more reasonable pretext. |
| 351 However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod’s government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; | 351 Then some of the Gadarenes came to Agrippa and accused Herod, but he sent them back in chains to the king without giving them the hearing. But still the Arabs, who of old bore ill-will to Herod’s rule, were nettled and attempted to raise a rebellion against him, as they thought, for a more justified cause. |
| 352 ὁ γὰρ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ἀπογινώσκων ἤδη τῶν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἔφθη τῆς ἐπαρχίας μέρος τι τὴν ΑὐρανῖτινAuranitis αὐτοῖς ἀποδόσθαι ταλάντων πεντήκοντα. ταύτης ἐμπεριεχομένης τῇ δωρεᾷ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὡς μὴ δικαίως ἀφαιρούμενοιto separate διημφισβήτουν, πολλάκις μὲν ταῖς καταδρομαῖς καὶ τῷ βιάζεσθαι θέλειν, ἄλλοτε δὲ καὶ πρὸς δικαιολογίαν ἰόντες. | 352 For Zenodorus, now despairing of his own affairs, had preceded them by selling a portion of the province—Auranitis—to them for fifty talents. Since this land was included in the gift from Caesar, the Arabians contested it, claiming they were being unjustly deprived of what they had bought. They often attempted to take it by raids and force, and at other times they resorted to legal arguments. |
| 352 for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, prevented [his enemies], by selling to those Arabians a part of his principality, called Auranitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Caesar, they contested the point with Herod, as unjustly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. | 352 Zenodorus, who already despaired of succeeding in his own affairs, had sold to those Arabs a part of his area, called Auranitis, for fifty talents, and as this was included in the donation of Caesar, they contested it with Herod, as if he unjustly deprived them of what they had bought. Often they did this by making raids upon him and often by attempting force against him and at other times by going to law with him. |
| 353 ἀνέπειθον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπόρους τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ δυσμενεῖς, ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐπελπίζοντες ἀεὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸν νεωτερισμὸν ἐνδιδόντες, ᾧ μάλιστα χαίρουσιν οἱ κακῶς πράττοντεςto do, accomplish τῷ βίῳ. ταῦτα δὲ ἐκ μακροῦ πραττόμενα γινώσκων ἩρώδηςHerod ὅμως οὐκ εἰς τὸ δυσμενές, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιλογισμοῦ παρηγόρει ταῖς ταραχαῖς οὐκ ἀξιῶν ἀφορμὰς ἐνδιδόναι. | 353 They also won over those soldiers who were impoverished and disaffected; these men were always hopeful for change and yielded to revolutionary impulses—a thing in which those who fare poorly in life especially delight. Although Herod knew these things had been going on for a long time, he did not respond with immediate hostility; instead, with calculated reason, he tried to soothe the disturbances, not wishing to give them further provocation." |
| 353 Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were troublesome to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been a great while apprised of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tumults. | 353 They persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them and caused him trouble, always hoping for a rebellion. In things like this, the poorest people are always to the fore. Although Herod had long known of these attempts, he did not treat them with severity, but aimed to calm things by reason, unwilling to cause any disturbance. |
Zenodorus performed a brilliant act of economic sabotage. Knowing he was losing Auranitis to Herod by Caesar’s decree, he "sold" it to the Arabians (the Nabataeans) for 50 talents just before the transfer. This created a legal nightmare for Herod: if Herod took the land, he was "stealing" from the Arabians; if he didn't, he was defying Caesar’s gift. It turned a simple border change into a multi-national legal crisis.
The Power of "Amicitia" (Friendship)
The relationship between Herod and Marcus Agrippa (Augustus’s second-in-command) was the bedrock of Herod’s security. The fact that Agrippa would arrest the Gadarene accusers without a trial ("οὐδὲ λόγον αὐτοῖς δοὺς") shows that in the Roman client-king system, personal loyalty to the Emperor’s inner circle trumped local judicial rights. Herod wasn't just a king; he was "protected" by the highest levels of Roman power.
The Psychology of Revolution
Josephus offers a timeless observation on the sociology of unrest: "ᾧ μάλιστα χαίρουσιν οἱ κακῶς πράττοντες τῷ βίῳ" (in which those who fare poorly in life especially delight). He identifies that the "revolutionary impulse" (νεωτερισμὸν) is often driven by economic desperation (ἀπόρους) rather than pure ideology. Herod’s enemies specifically targeted "impoverished soldiers," knowing that those with nothing to lose are the easiest to recruit for a coup.
Herod’s "Calculated Reason" (Epilogismou)
Surprisingly, Herod did not immediately slaughter the agitators. Josephus credits him with "ἐξ ἐπιλογισμοῦ"—calculated or reflective reasoning. Herod understood that if he reacted with too much violence, he would play into the Arabians' legal trap and look like a "tyrant" in front of the Roman governors. He chose de-escalation (παρηγόρει) to deny his enemies a "reasonable pretext" (αἰτίας εὐλογωτέρας).
The Gadarene Grievance
The Gadarenes were part of the Decapolis, a league of Hellenized cities. Their hatred for Herod stemmed from being placed under the rule of a "Jewish" king. To them, Herod was an outsider. Their failed attempt to appeal to Agrippa illustrates the frustration of local Greek elites who found themselves trapped between a loyalist king and an imperial system that refused to hear their complaints.
The 50-Talent Gambit
The sum of 50 talents was substantial (roughly the annual tax revenue of a small city). By accepting this money, Zenodorus effectively "laundered" his lost territory into cash, while leaving Herod to deal with the violent fallout. This move ensured that Herod's new northern borders would remain a "bleeding ulcer" of raids (καταδρομαῖς) and litigation for years to come.
| 354 Ἤδη δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ἑπτακαιδεκάτου προελθόντος ἔτους ΚαῖσαρCaesar εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἀφίκετο. Καὶ τότε τῶν ΓάδαραGadara κατοικούντων οἱ πλεῖστοι κατεβόων ἩρώδουHerod βαρὺν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτάγμασιν καὶ τυραννικὸν εἶναι. | 354 "Now, when the seventeenth year of his reign had passed, Caesar [Augustus] arrived in Syria. At that time, most of the inhabitants of Gadara cried out against Herod, accusing him of being burdensome in his edicts and tyrannical in his rule. |
| 354 Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants of Gadara clamored against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyrannical. | 354 When he had ruled for seventeen years, Caesar came into Syria. By then most of the people of Gadara complained that Herod was a heavy-handed tyrant. |
| 355 ταῦτα δὲ ἀπετόλμων μάλιστα μὲν ἐγκειμένου καὶ διαβάλλοντος αὐτὸν ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus καὶ παρασχόντος ὅρκους, ὡς οὐκ ἐγκαταλείψει μὴ πάντα τρόπον ἀφελέσθαι μὲν τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας, προσθήσειν δὲ τῇ διοικήσει τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar. | 355 They were especially emboldened to do this because Zenodorus was urging them on and slandering Herod, having provided oaths that he would not rest until he had stripped Herod of his kingdom by every possible means and added it to Caesar’s own administration. |
| 355 These reproaches they mainly ventured upon by the encouragement of Zenodorus, who took his oath that he would never leave Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod’s kingdom, and joined to Caesar’s province. | 355 They dared to make these insults, encouraged by Zenodorus, who swore that he would never stop trying until he got them detached from Herod’s kingdom and joined to Caesar’s province. |
| 356 τούτοις ἀναπεισθέντεςto persuade, convince οἱ ΓαδαρεῖςGadara οὐ μικρὰν καταβοὴν ἐποιήσαντο θράσει τοῦ μηδὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ ἈγρίππαAgrippa παραδοθέντας ἐν τιμωρίᾳ γενέσθαι διιέντος ἩρώδουHerod καὶ μηδὲν κακὸν εἰργασμένου· καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἐδόκει δυσπαραίτητος μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις, μεγαλόψυχος δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις ἁμαρτόντας ἀφιέναι. | 356 Persuaded by him, the Gadarenes made a great outcry, their boldness fueled by the fact that Herod had not punished those previously handed over by Agrippa but had let them go without harm; for Herod was thought to be—more than anyone else—implacable toward his own people but magnanimous (megalopsychos) in forgiving the offenses of foreigners. |
| 356 The Gadarens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him, and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm; for indeed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family, but very generous in remitting the offenses that were committed elsewhere. | 356 Persuaded by this, the Gadarenes made a major outcry against him all the more boldly because those whom Agrippa had handed over were not punished by Herod, who let them go unharmed. He had the reputation of being inflexible in punishing crimes within his own family, but very generous in forgiving offences committed elsewhere. |
| 357 κατηγορούντων οὖν ὕβρεις καὶ ἁρπαγὰς καὶ κατασκαφὰς ἱερῶν ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ἀταρακτήσας ἕτοιμοςprepared ἦν εἰς τὴν ἀπολογίαν, ἐδεξιοῦτο δὲ ΚαῖσαρCaesar αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ταραχῆς τοῦ πλήθους μεταβαλὼν τῆς εὐνοίας. | 357 When they accused him of outrages, pillaging, and the demolition of temples, Herod remained unperturbed and stood ready for his defense. Caesar greeted him kindly, his goodwill toward Herod remaining unchanged by the clamor of the multitude. |
| 357 And while they accused Herod of injuries, and plunderings, and subversions of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defense. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted nothing of his kindness to him, upon this disturbance by the multitude; | 357 And while they accused Herod of wrongs and of looting and subverting temples, he stood there calmly and was about to make his defence, but Caesar took his hand and in no way changed his esteem for him on account of the people’s agitation. |
| 358 καὶ κατὰ μὲν τὴν πρώτην ἡμέραν οἱ περὶ τούτων ἐρρέθησαν λόγοι, ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς οὐ προῆλθεν ἡ διάγνωσις· οἱ γὰρ ΓαδαρεῖςGadara ὁρῶντες τὴν ῥοπὴν αὐτοῦ τε ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ προσδοκήσαντες ὅπερ ἦν εἰκὸς ἐκδοθήσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ, κατὰ φόβον αἰκίας οἱ μὲν ἀπέσφαττον αὑτοὺς ἐν τῇ νυκτί, τινὲς δὲ καθ᾽ ὕψους ἠφίεσαν, ἄλλοι δ᾽ εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπίπτοντες ἑκοντὶ διεφθείροντο. | 358 On the first day, the arguments regarding these matters were heard, but the inquiry did not proceed on the following days. For the Gadarenes, seeing the leaning (rhopēn) of Caesar and his council, and correctly anticipating that they would be handed over to the King, were seized by fear of torture. Some cut their own throats during the night; others leaped from heights; still others threw themselves into the river and willfully perished. |
| 358 and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further; for as the Gadarens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the torments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and destroyed themselves of their own accord; | 358 These things were said on the first day, but the hearing proceeded no further. For noting the mood of Caesar and of the meeting, the Gadarenes expected, with reason, to be handed over to the king. Some of them, dreading the tortures they might undergo, cut their throats that night and some jumped down from a height and others committed suicide by jumping into the river. |
| 359 ταῦτα δὲ ἐδόκει κατάγνωσις τῆς προπετείας καὶ ἁμαρτίας, ἔνθεν οὐδὲ μελλήσας ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἀπέλυεν τῶν αἰτιῶν ἩρώδηνHerōd. ἐπισυμπίπτει δὲ οὐ μέτριον εὐτύχημα τοῖς ἤδη γεγονόσιν· ὁ γὰρ ΖηνόδωροςZenodorus ῥαγέντος αὐτῷ τοῦ σπλάγχνου καὶ πολλοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὑποχωροῦντος αἵματος ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐκλείπει τὸν βίον. | 359 This appeared to be a self-condemnation for their rashness and wrongdoing; hence, without further delay, Caesar acquitted Herod of the charges. To this was added a stroke of luck no less significant: Zenodorus died in Antioch, Syria, his bowels having burst and a great loss of blood occurring during his illness. |
| 359 which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Caesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a further great advantage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus’s belly burst, and a great quantity of blood issued from him in his sickness, and he thereby departed this life at Antioch in Syria; | 359 This seemed to condemn their rashness and crimes, so Caesar did not hesitate to clear Herod from the crimes of which he was accused. Something else happened at this time to Herod’s great advantage, for Zenodorus' belly burst and in his sickness lost a large amount of blood and departed this life in Antioch in Syria. |
| 360 ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ καὶ τὴν τούτου μοῖραν οὐκ ὀλίγην οὖσαν ἩρώδῃHerod δίδωσιν, ἣ μεταξὺ τοῦ ΤράχωνοςTrachonitis ἦν καὶ τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee, ΟὐλάθανUlatha καὶ ΠανιάδαPaneas καὶ τὴν περὶ χώραν. ἐγκαταμίγνυσιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐπιτροπεύουσιν τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐντειλάμενος μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης τὰ πάντα ποιεῖν. | 360 Caesar then granted Zenodorus’s entire portion—which was quite large—to Herod; it lay between Trachonitis and Galilee, containing Ulatha, Paneas, and the surrounding region. He also integrated Herod with the procurators of Syria, commanding them to do nothing without his counsel. |
| 360 so Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; | 360 Caesar then bestowed his country, which was a significant one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachonitis and Galilee and contained Ulatha and Paneas and the country around. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria and ordered that they should do everything with his approval. |
| 361 τό τε σύνολον εἰς τοῦτο προῆλθεν εὐτυχίας, ὥστε δύο τούτων τὴν ἀρχὴν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin διεπόντων τοσήνδε τὸ μέγεθος οὖσαν, ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἈγρίππουAgrippa, κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν οὐδένα μετὰ ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἩρώδουHerod προετίμησεν, ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ μετὰ ΚαίσαραCaesar πρῶτον ἀπεδίδου φιλίας τόπον ἩρώδῃHerod. | 361 In short, Herod reached such a height of prosperity that while two men governed the vast Roman Empire—Caesar and after him Agrippa—Caesar preferred no one after Agrippa more than Herod, and Agrippa gave the first place of friendship to Herod after Caesar. |
| 361 and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar, and then Agrippa, who was his principal favorite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides Agrippa, and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than Herod besides Caesar. | 361 In short, he arrived at such a level of prosperity that though there were just two men ruling the vast Roman empire, first Caesar and then Agrippa, who was his principal favourite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod but Agrippa and Agrippa had no closer friend than Herod but Caesar. |
| 362 τοσαύτης δὲ ἐχόμενος παρρησίας τῷ μὲν ἀδελφῷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ᾐτήσατο τετραρχίαν αὐτὸς ἀπονείμας ἐκ τῆς βασιλείας πρόσοδον ἑκατὸν ταλάντων, ὡς εἰ καί τι πάσχοι, τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν καὶ μὴ τοὺς υἱεῖς αὐτῆς κρατεῖν. | 362 Possessing such frankness (parrhēsias) with them, Herod requested from Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, assigning him a revenue of one hundred talents from the kingdom, so that if anything should happen to himself, Pheroras would be secure and Herod’s own sons would not hold power over him. |
| 362 And when he had acquired such freedom, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him. | 362 After gaining this confidence, he begged of Caesar a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras, and he himself gave him a revenue of a hundred talents from his own kingdom, so that if he came to any harm himself, his brother would be in safe and his sons would not have power over him. |
| 363 ΚαίσαραCaesar δ᾽ ἐπὶ θάλατταν προπέμψας ὡς ἐπανῆκεν, ἐν τῇ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus περικαλλέστατον αὐτῷ ναὸν ἐγείρει πέτρας λευκῆς πλησίον τοῦ Πανίου καλουμένου. | 363 After escorting Caesar to the sea, Herod returned and built a most beautiful temple of white stone in Zenodorus’s former territory, near the place called Panion. |
| 363 So when he had conducted Caesar to the sea, and was returned home, he built him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest stone, in Zenodorus’s country, near the place called Panium. | 363 When he had conducted Caesar to the sea and returned home, he built for him a most beautiful temple, of white stone, in the land of Zenodorus, near the place called Panium. |
| 364 σπήλαιον ἐν ὄρει περικαλλές ἐστιν, ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸ δὲ γῆς ὀλίσθημα καὶ βάθος ἀπερρωγὸς ἄβατον ὕδατος ἀκινήτου πλέον, καθύπερθε δ᾽ ὄρος παμμέγεθες, ὑπὸ δὲ τὸ σπήλαιον ἀνατέλλουσιν αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ ἸορδάνουJordan ποταμοῦ. τοῦτον ἐπισημότατον ὄντα τὸν τόπον καὶ τῷ ναῷ προσεκόσμησεν, ὃν ἀφιέρου ΚαίσαριCaesar. | 364 This is a very beautiful cave in a mountain, beneath which is a steep drop into an unfathomable depth of standing water; above it hangs a massive mountain, and from beneath the cave rise the springs of the Jordan River. This most famous site Herod further adorned with a temple, which he dedicated to Caesar." |
| 364 This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and frill of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable one, still further by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to Caesar. | 364 This is a lovely cave in a mountainside, under which is a great cavity and the cave is steep and tremendously deep and full of still water. Above it is a huge mountain, and under the cave are the sources of the river Jordan. This place, which was already remarkable, he adorned still further by building a temple dedicated to Caesar. |
Josephus notes a fascinating paradox in Herod’s character: he was a butcher to his own family and Jewish subjects but "megalopsychos" (magnanimous) toward Greeks and foreigners. Herod understood that the Romans valued "civility" toward Greek cities. By refusing to punish the Gadarenes when they were first handed to him in chains, he set a trap; he appeared as a victim of their "rashness" rather than their "tyrant."
The Gadarene Mass Suicide
The mass suicide of the accusers is a visceral proof of the "Herodian Terror." They knew that being "handed over to the King" (ἐκδοθήσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ) meant a slow and agonizing death. To them, drowning or leaping from a cliff was a mercy compared to Herodian justice. For Augustus, this bizarre event served as a "guilty plea" from the accusers, effectively closing the case in Herod’s favor.
The Death of Zenodorus: Divine Justice?
Josephus describes Zenodorus’s death in graphic, "Herodian" terms—bursting bowels and hemorrhaging. In ancient historiography, a "gory" death was often a literary signal of divine judgment. With Zenodorus dead, Herod didn't just win a lawsuit; he inherited the man’s entire estate, including the strategic headwaters of the Jordan.
The "Triple Alliance" of Power
Josephus defines the geopolitics of 20 BCE as a triumvirate of sorts: Augustus, Agrippa, and Herod. By being the "best friend" of the two most powerful men in the world, Herod achieved a level of diplomatic immunity that no other client king possessed. The instruction to the Syrian procurators to "do nothing without his counsel" effectively made Herod the informal Governor-General of the Levant.
The Temple at Paneas (Caesarea Philippi)
The temple Herod built at the Panion (modern Banias) was a masterstroke of religious and political branding. By placing a white marble temple to Augustus over the dark, mysterious cave of the god Pan, he was literally placing the Roman "Order" over the ancient pagan "Chaos." This site would later become the city of Caesarea Philippi, where, in the New Testament, Peter makes his confession of faith.
Pheroras and the "Back-Up" Plan
Herod’s request for a tetrarchy for his brother Pheroras shows his growing distrust of his own sons (Alexander and Aristobulus). Even at his peak, Herod was thinking about "succession insurance." He wanted a loyal brother to have independent power so that the Hasmonean-blooded sons wouldn't have total control if Herod died. This sibling loyalty would eventually backfire, as Pheroras would later become a central figure in the palace intrigues.
| 365 Τότε καὶ τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἀφῆκε τῶν φόρων τοῖς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ, πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν ἐκ τῆς ἀφορίας, τὸ δὲ πλέον ἀνακτώμενος ἔχοντας δυσμενῶς· κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐξεργασίαν τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὡς ἂν λυομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ μεταπιπτόντων τῶν ἐθῶν χαλεπῶς ἔφερον, καὶ λόγοι δὲ πόντων ἐγίνοντο παροξυνομένων ἀεὶ καὶ ταραττομένων. | 365 "At that time, Herod also remitted a third part of the taxes to his subjects, ostensibly so they might recover from the period of barrenness, but in truth to win over those who were hostile toward him. For they were deeply resentful of the pursuit of his [Hellenistic] projects, feeling that their piety was being dissolved and their customs altered; conversations were occurring everywhere among people who were constantly provoked and agitated. |
| 365 At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretense indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good-will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and the people every where talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure; | 365 Then Herod reduced by a third the taxes of those in his kingdom under the pretext of relieving their poverty, but mainly to regain their goodwill. By now they disliked him because of the changes he had made to their tradition and his neglect of their religion and customs. Everywhere the people spoke against him, outraged and provoked by his behaviour. |
| 366 ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ τοιοῦτον πολλὴν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἐπῆγεν, ἀφαιρούμενος μὲν τὰς εὐκαιρίας, ἐπιτάττων δ᾽ ἀεὶ γίνεσθαι πρὸς τοῖς πόνοις, ἦν δ᾽ οὔτε σύνοδος ἐφειμένη τοῖς περὶ τὴν πόλιν οὔτε κοινωνία Περιπάτου καὶ διαίτης, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτετήρητο τὰ πάντα. Καὶ χαλεπαὶ τῶν φωραθέντων ἦσαν αἱ κολάσεις, πολλοί τε καὶ φανερῶς καὶ λεληθότως εἰς τὸ φρούριον ἀναγόμενοι τὴν Ὑρκανίαν ἐκεῖ διεφθείροντο, κἀν τῇ πόλει κἀν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ἦσαν οἱ τοὺς συνιόντας εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπισκοποῦντες. | 366 Herod applied great diligence to counter this. He removed opportunities for gathering and commanded the people to be constantly at their labors. No assembly was permitted to those in the city, nor were social walks or communal meals allowed; instead, everything was under observation. The punishments for those caught were severe: many were taken away—both openly and secretly—to the fortress of Hyrcania and there put to death. In the city and on the roads, there were those who watched for people congregating together. |
| 366 against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the opportunities they might have to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to walk or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were severely punished; and many there were who were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to death; and there were spies set every where, both in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met together; | 366 He was on guard against such critics, forestalling any chance of their disturbing him by having them always at work. And he did not allow the citizens to meet in groups, or to walk or eat together, but watched all that they did. When any were caught, they were severely punished. Many were brought to the citadel of Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, to be executed. Spies were everywhere, both in the city and on the roads, to keep an eye on any who assembled. |
| 367 ἤδη δέ φασιν οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀμελεῖν τοῦ τοιούτου μέρους, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἰδιώτου σχῆμα λαμβάνοντα καταμίγνυσθαι νύκτωρ εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους, καὶ πεῖραν αὐτῶν, ἣν ἔχουσιν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς, λαμβάνειν. | 367 They even say that Herod himself did not neglect this part of the business, but frequently assumed the disguise of a private citizen to mingle with the crowds at night, taking the measure of their true feelings toward his rule. |
| 367 nay, it is reported that he did not himself neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government: | 367 It is even reported that he himself did not neglect this task, but often dressed up like a private citizen at night and mixed among the people to sound out their opinion of his rule. |
| 368 τοὺς μὲν οὖν παντάπασιν ἐξαυθαδιζομένους πρὸς τὸ μὴ συμπεριφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν πάντας ἐπεξῄει τοὺς τρόπους, τὸ δ᾽ ἄλλο πλῆθος ὅρκοις ἠξίου πρὸς τὴν πίστιν ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ συνηνάγκαζεν ἐνώμοτον αὐτῷ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἦ μὴν διαφυλάξειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμολογεῖν. | 368 As for those who were altogether defiant and refused to comply with his practices, he pursued them by every possible means. From the rest of the multitude, he demanded an oath of loyalty and compelled them to swear that they would maintain their goodwill toward his government. |
| 368 and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he prosecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and continue certainly so to do, in his management of the government; | 368 Any who in no way could be forced to submit to his rule were prosecuted in various ways, and he required the rest of the people to take an oath of loyalty to him and made them swear an oath of their goodwill and to continue under him as their leader. |
| 369 οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ κατὰ θεραπείαν καὶ δέος εἶκον οἷς ἠξίου, τοὺς δὲ φρονήματος μεταποιουμένους καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ τῷ καταναγκάζεσθαι πάντα τρόπον ἐκποδὼν ἐποιεῖτο. | 369 Now, most people yielded to his demands out of a desire to please him or out of fear; but those who laid claim to a higher spirit and were indignant at being so coerced, he did away with by every possible method. |
| 369 and indeed a great part of them, either to please him, or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them; but for such as were of a more open and generous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made away, with them. | 369 In fact most people, whether to please him or for fear of him, submitted to his demands, while in one way or another he did away with those of a more generous temper who objected to the compulsion he used on them. |
| 370 συνέπειθεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ Πολλίωνα τὸν ΦαρισαῖονPharisee καὶ Σαμαίαν καὶ τῶν ἐκείνοις συνδιατριβόντων τοὺς πλείστους ὀμνύειν· οἱ δ᾽ οὔτε συνεχώρησαν οὔθ᾽ ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀρνησαμένοις ἐκολάσθησαν ἐντροπῆς διὰ τὸν Πολλίωνα τυχόντες. | 370 He also tried to persuade the followers of Pollio the Pharisee and Samaias, along with most of their associates, to take the oath. However, they did not consent, yet they were not punished like others who refused, as they met with his respect on account of Pollio. |
| 370 He endeavored also to persuade Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither submit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. | 370 He even tried to persuade Pollio the Pharisee and Sameas and most of their scholars to take the oath, but though they would not submit to it they were not punished along with the others, on account of his esteem for Pollio. |
| 371 ἀφείθησαν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης καὶ οἱ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν Ἐσσαῖοι καλούμενοι· γένος δὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν διαίτῃ χρώμενον τῇ παρ᾽ ἝλλησινGreek ὑπὸ ΠυθαγόρουPythagoras καταδεδειγμένῃ. | 371 Also exempted from this necessity were those among us called Essenes. This is a group that follows a way of life similar to that which was introduced among the Greeks by Pythagoras. |
| 371 The Essenes also, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans, concerning whom I shall discourse more fully elsewhere. | 371 The Essenes too, as we call a sect of ours, were excused from this obligation. This group live the same kind of life as those called Pythagoreans among the Greeks, and I shall discuss them more fully elsewhere. |
| 372 περὶ τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄλλοις σαφέστερον διέξειμι. τοὺς δὲ Ἐσσηνοὺς ἀφ᾽ οἵας αἰτίας ἐτίμα μεῖζόν τι φρονῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἢ κατὰ τὴν θνητὴν φύσιν, εἰπεῖν ἄξιον· οὐ γὰρ ἀπρεπὴς ὁ λόγος φανεῖται τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας γένει παραδηλῶν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τούτων ὑπόληψιν. | 372 I shall describe these men more clearly elsewhere. However, it is worth explaining the reason why Herod honored the Essenes and held them in higher regard than is typical for mortal nature; for the account will not be out of place in this history as it reveals the common opinion held about them." |
| 372 However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod had these Essenes in such honor, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required; nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essenes. | 372 But I should give here the reasons why he honoured these Essenes so much and esteemed them more highly than other mortals. Such an aside is not unsuited to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion people had of them. |
The remission of one-third of the taxes ("τρίτον μέρος ἀφῆκε τῶν φόρων") was a classic populist move. Herod recognized that the "optical" offense of his pagan buildings and the "economic" offense of high taxes were creating a lethal combination. By giving back money, he hoped to buy enough silence to continue his Hellenization projects.
The Invention of the Secret Police
Josephus describes a sophisticated surveillance state. Herod banned "σύνοδος" (assembly), "κοινωνία περιπάτου" (social walks), and "διαίτης" (communal dining). In a culture where public discourse in the marketplace and communal meals were the bedrock of social life, this was an attempt to atomize the population. People were forced to be "at their labors" ("πρὸς τοῖς πόνοις"), ensuring they had neither the time nor the privacy to plot.
The King Incognito
The image of Herod wearing a "ἰδιώτου σχῆμα" (the dress of a private citizen) to spy on his subjects at night is pure psychological drama. It shows a king who is deeply insecure despite his absolute power. He knew his subjects' public "goodwill" was a mask, so he wore a mask of his own to see behind theirs. This "undercover boss" tactic is a recurring trope of ancient tyrants (like Dionysius of Syracuse or Harun al-Rashid).
Hyrcania: The "Black Site"
The fortress of Hyrcania (one of the "Seven Herodian Fortresses" in the desert) served as Herod’s "black site." Josephus notes that people were taken there "λεληθότως" (secretly) to be "διεφθείροντο" (destroyed/executed). By moving executions out of Jerusalem and into the remote desert, Herod maintained the illusion of "law and order" in the city while instilling a silent, pervasive dread.
The Pharisaic Resistance
The refusal of Pollio and Samaias (often identified with the famous rabbis Hillel and Shammai) to take the oath of loyalty was a major moral blow to Herod. The Pharisees were the most popular sect among the common people. Herod’s restraint in not punishing them ("ἐντροπῆς διὰ τὸν Πολλίωνα") shows that even he recognized there were some moral leaders so popular that killing them would spark the very revolt he feared.
The Essenes and Pythagoras
Josephus makes a fascinating cross-cultural comparison, linking the Essenes to the Pythagoreans. Both groups practiced communal property, asceticism, and strict discipline. Herod’s "honor" for the Essenes is attributed to a specific prophecy made by an Essene named Menahem, who allegedly predicted Herod’s kingship when he was a schoolboy. This "supernatural" respect allowed the Essenes to remain a "protected" non-conformist group within his state.
| 373 Ἦν τις τῶν ἘσσηνῶνEssenes ΜανάημοςManahem ὄνομα καὶ τἆλλα κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου καλοκαγαθίαν μαρτυρούμενος καὶ πρόγνωσιν ἐκ θεοῦ τῶν μελλόντων ἔχων. Οὗτος ἔτι παῖδα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd εἰς διδασκάλου φοιτῶντα κατιδὼν βασιλέα ἸουδαίωνJews προσηγόρευσεν. | 373 "There was a certain man among the Essenes named Manahem, who was attested to be of noble character in his way of life and possessed a god-given foreknowledge of the future. This man, having observed Herod as a mere boy attending his teacher’s school, addressed him as 'King of the Jews.' |
| 373 Now there was one of these Essenes, whose name was Manahem, who had this testimony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the foreknowledge of future events given him by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and saluted him as king of the Jews; | 373 One of these Essenes named Manahem not only led an excellent life, but also it is said that God gave him knowledge of future events. This man once saw Herod as a child going to school, and called him king of the Jews. |
| 374 ὁ δ᾽ ἀγνοεῖν ἢ κατειρωνεύεσθαι νομίζων αὐτὸν ἀνεμίμνησκεν ἰδιώτης ὤν. ΜανάημοςManahem δὲ μειδιάσας ἠρέμα καὶ τύπτων τῇ χειρὶ κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν " ἀλλά τοι καὶ βασιλεύσεις, ἔφη, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐδαιμόνως ἀπάξεις· ἠξίωσαι γὰρ ἐκ θεοῦ. Καὶ μέμνησο τῶν ΜαναήμουManahem πληγῶν, ὥστε σοι καὶ τοῦτο σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν κατὰ τὴν τύχην μεταπτώσεων. | 374 Herod, thinking the man either didn't know him or was mocking him, reminded him that he was but a private citizen. But Manahem smiled gently and, striking him with his hand upon the backside, said: 'But you indeed shall be King, and you shall lead the government successfully; for you have been deemed worthy of this by God. And remember the blows of Manahem, so that this may be a sign to you of the changes in fortune. |
| 374 but he, thinking that either he did not know him, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man; but Manahem smiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, "However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it. And do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune. | 374 Thinking that either he did not know him, or was joking, the boy reminded him that he was just a commoner, but Manahem smiled quietly and gave him a slap on the behind and said, "But you will be king and the beginning of your reign will be happy, for God has found you worthy. But remember how Manahem has struck you, as a sign that your fortune will change. |
| 375 ἄριστος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος λογισμός, εἰ καὶ δικαιοσύνην ἀγαπήσειας καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐπιείκειαν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας· ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ οἶδά σε τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι τὸ πᾶν ἐπιστάμενος. | 375 For such reflection is best, if only you would love justice, piety toward God, and equity toward the citizens; but I know that you will not be such a man, understanding the whole matter. |
| 375 And truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do I know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, | 375 Now here is your best policy: to love justice, piety toward God and mercy to the citizens. But knowing your whole future career, you will not always live up to this. |
| 376 εὐτυχίᾳ μὲν γὰρ ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλος διοίσεις καὶ τεύξῃ δόξης αἰωνίου, λήθην δ᾽ εὐσεβείας ἕξεις καὶ τοῦ δικαίου. ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν λάθοι τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τῇ καταστροφῇ τοῦ βίου τῆς ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν | 376 For you shall differ from others in good fortune as much as any man and shall attain eternal glory, but you shall have a forgetfulness of piety and of what is just. These things shall not be hidden from God, and his wrath on account of them shall be remembered at the end of your life.' |
| 376 for thou wilt excel all men in happiness, and obtain an everlasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God, at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful of them, and punish time for them." | 376 Though you will prosper like no one else and win everlasting fame, you will forget piety and righteousness, and at the end of your life your crimes will not be hidden from God, who will recall them and punish you for them." |
| 377 ὀργῆς ἀπομνημονευομένης. τούτοις αὐτίκα μὲν ἥκιστα τὸν νοῦν προσεῖχεν ἐλπίδι λειπόμενος αὐτῶν ἩρώδηςHerod, κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ἀρθεὶς ἕως καὶ τοῦ βασιλεύειν καὶ εὐτυχεῖν ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀρχῆς Μεταπέμπεται τὸν Μανάημον καὶ περὶ τοῦ χρόνου πόσον ἄρξει διεπυνθάνετο. | 377 At the time, Herod paid very little attention to these words, being far from such hopes. But as he rose little by little to the point of being King and flourishing in the greatness of his power, he sent for Manahem and inquired of him how long he would reign. |
| 377 Now at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. | 377 At the time Herod paid no attention to him, having no hopes of such promotion, but later, when he had the good fortune to rise to royal dignity and was in the height of his reign, he sent for Manahem and asked him how long he would reign. |
| 378 ΜανάημοςManahem δὲ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν οὐκ εἶπεν· ὡς δὲ σιωπῶντος αὐτοῦ, μόνον εἰ δέκα γενήσονται βασιλείας ἐνιαυτοὶ προσεπύθετο καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ τριάκοντα εἰπὼν τὸν ὅρον οὐκ ἐπέθηκε τῷ τέλει τῆς προθεσμίας, ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἀρκεσθεὶς τόν τε Μανάημον ἀφῆκενto send forth δεξιωσάμενος καὶ πάντας ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου τοὺς Ἐσσηνοὺς τιμῶν διετέλει. | 378 Manahem did not reveal the total time. When he remained silent, Herod asked further if he would have ten years of reign. Manahem replied, 'Twenty, and thirty,' but did not set a definitive limit to the appointed time. Herod, satisfied even with this, dismissed Manahem with a friendly greeting and continued to honor all the Essenes from that time forward. |
| 378 Manahem did not tell him the full length of his reign; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him further, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, "Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;" but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these replies, and gave Manahem his hand, and dismissed him; and from that time he continued to honor all the Essenes. | 378 Manahem did not speak at all, so as he was silent he asked him again if he would reign for even ten years. He answered, "Yes, twenty, or even thirty years" but would not say the exact limit set to it. Herod was satisfied with these replies and shook Manahem’s hand and dismissed him, and from then on he continued to honour the Essenes. |
| 379 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰ καὶ παράδοξα δηλῶσαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἠξιώσαμεν καὶ περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐμφῆναι, διότι πολλοὶ [διὰ] τοιούτων ὑπὸ καλοκαγαθίας καὶ τῆς τῶν θείων ἐμπειρίας ἀξιοῦνται. | 379 Though these things are marvelous (paradoxa), we have seen fit to report them to our readers and to show what occurs among us; for many, through such noble character and experience in divine matters, are deemed worthy of such gifts." |
| 379 We have thought it proper to relate these facts to our readers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among us, because many of these Essenes have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations. | 379 We thought it right to tell our readers these facts, however strange, and to state what happened among us, for on account their great virtue many of these Essenes have been gifted with the knowledge of divine things. |
The detail of Manahem striking Herod "κατὰ τῶν γλουτῶν" (on the buttocks) is a bizarre but brilliant piece of characterization. In the ancient world, such a gesture was a "physical mnemonic"—a way to ensure the prophecy would be literally "impressed" upon the boy's memory. It serves as a earthy, humble contrast to the "Eternal Glory" Manahem predicts.
Herod as the "Unjust King"
Josephus uses Manahem as a literary mouthpiece to judge Herod. The prophecy is not just a prediction of power, but a moral warning. Manahem predicts that Herod will suffer from "λήθην" (forgetfulness) of justice. This is a recurring theme in Josephus: Herod isn't a "bad" king because he lacks ability, but because he deliberately chooses to "forget" the Law in favor of his own "ambition."
The "Limitless" Reign
When Manahem says "Twenty, and thirty" and then stops, it heightens the tension. Herod eventually reigned for 37 years (from his Roman appointment). The vagueness of the "end" mirrors Herod's own lifelong anxiety about his mortality. He was "satisfied" (ἀρκεσθεὶς) with thirty years, likely because he never imagined he would survive the constant conspiracies of his own family for that long.
The Essene Mystique
Josephus, who claimed to have spent time with the different Jewish sects in his youth, consistently portrays the Essenes as the "Prophetic Wing" of Judaism. Unlike the Sadducees (who denied fate) or the Pharisees (who balanced fate and free will), the Essenes were known for their determinism. To Herod, a man who lived in constant fear of assassination, the Essenes were useful "oracles" who seemed to have a direct line to the "Divine Will" that placed him on the throne.
Eternal Glory vs. Divine Wrath
Manahem predicts Herod will achieve "δόξης αἰωνίου" (eternal glory). This is an ironic insight. Herod did achieve eternal fame through his buildings (Masada, Caesarea, the Temple), but Josephus balances this with the "ὀργῆς" (wrath) at the end of his life. This prepares the reader for the horrors of Book 17, where Herod's body literally rots away while he is still alive.
Josephus’s "Paradoxa"
Josephus concludes the book by labeling these events "παράδοξα" (marvelous/incredible). He is writing for a Greco-Roman audience that was obsessed with omens and portents. By including this story, he elevates Jewish history to the level of the great Roman myths (like the Sibylline oracles), suggesting that the "God of the Jews" is the true architect of the Roman East.
[380-425]
Herod magnificently rebuilds the Temple,
and builds the Antonia tower
| 380 Τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὀκτωκαιδεκάτου τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας γεγονότος ἐνιαυτοῦ μετὰ τὰς προειρημένας πράξεις ἔργον οὐ τὸ τυχὸν ἐπεβάλετο, τὸν νεὼν τοῦ θεοῦ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ κατασκευάσασθαι μείζω τε τὸν περίβολον καὶ πρὸς ὕψος ἀξιοπρεπέστερον ἐγείρειν, ἡγούμενος ἁπάντων αὐτῷ τῶν πεπραγμένων περισημότερον, ὥσπερ ἦν, ἐκτελεσθήσεσθαι τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς αἰώνιον μνήμην ἀρκέσειν. | 380 "At that time, in the eighteenth year of Herod’s reign, following the events previously described, he undertook an extraordinary task: to reconstruct the Temple of God at his own expense, making its enclosure larger and raising its height to a more magnificent scale. He believed that this, of all his achievements, would be the most illustrious—as indeed it was—and would suffice for his eternal memory. |
| 380 And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already mentioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God, and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection; and that this would be sufficient for an everlasting memorial of him; | 380 In the eighteenth year of his reign and after the actions already mentioned, Herod undertook a great work, to build the temple of God, and make it larger in size and raise it to a magnificent height, thinking it the most glorious of all his actions, as indeed it really was, and that to complete it would make him forever remembered. |
| 381 οὐχ ἕτοιμον δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιστάμενος οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ἠξίου λόγῳ προκαταστησάμενος ἐγχειρῆσαι τῷ παντί, καὶ συγκαλέσας αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε τοιάδε· | 381 However, knowing that the multitude was not prepared for this and that they would not easily be won over to such a massive undertaking, he thought it best to address them first before commencing the work. Calling them together, he spoke as follows: |
| 381 but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to assist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them: | 381 Since he knew that the people were not ready or willing to help him in so vast a plan, he sought to prepare them first with words before setting about the work itself. So he called them together and said: |
| 382 " τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν πεπραγμένων, ἄνδρες ὁμόφυλοιof the same race, περισσὸν ὑπολαμβάνω λέγειν. καίτοι τοῦτον ἐγένετο τὸν τρόπον, ὡς ἐλάττω μὲν ἐμοὶ τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κόσμον, πλείω δὲ ὑμῖν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν φέρειν. | 382 'Fellow countrymen, I consider it unnecessary to speak of the other things I have performed during my reign. Yet they were of such a kind that they brought less honor to me personally than they brought security to you. |
| 382 "I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done since I came to the kingdom, although I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself; | 382 "I hardly need to tell you, my countrymen, about the other works I have done since I came to power, although I may say they were done more for your security for than my own glory. |
| 383 οὔτε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς δυσχερεστάτοις ἀμελήσας τῶν εἰς τὰς ὑμετέρας χρείας διαφερόντων οὔτε ἐν τοῖς κατασκευάσμασιν ἐπιτηδεύσας ἐμαυτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν τὸ ἀνεπηρέαστονfree from injury, οἶμαι σὺν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήσει πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ὅσον οὐ πρότερον ἀγηοχέναι τὸ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος. | 383 For neither in the most difficult times have I neglected your needs, nor in my building projects have I sought my own advantage more than the safety of all of you; and I believe that, by the will of God, I have brought the Jewish nation to a state of prosperity never seen before. |
| 383 for I have neither been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your necessities, nor have the buildings. I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God’s assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before; | 383 I have not neglected what was for your good in the most difficult times, nor were the building I have not aimed at my own security rather than yours. I dare say that, with God’s help, I have brought the Jewish nation to a level of prosperity they never enjoyed before. |
| 384 τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ μέρος ἐξεργασθέντα περὶ τὴν χώραν καὶ πόλεις ὅσαςall who, as much ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τοῖς ἐπικτήτοις ἐγείραντες κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ηὐξήσαμεν, περίεργά μοι δοκεῖ λέγειν εἰδόσιν. τὸ δὲ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, ᾗ νῦν ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try ἐπιβάλλομαι, παντὸς εὐσεβέστατον καὶ κάλλιστον ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν γενέσθαι νῦν ἐκφανῶ· | 384 As for the specific works completed throughout the country and the cities we have raised within it and in the newly acquired territories—adorning our race with the finest splendor—I think it is redundant to speak of them to those who already know. But I shall now demonstrate that the undertaking I am currently proposing is the most pious and beautiful of our time. |
| 384 and for the particular edifices belonging to your own country, and your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby augmented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which I have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. | 384 It seems needless to tell you of the buildings in our own country and in the cities we have lately acquired, which we have built up and adorned, thereby adding to the dignity of our nation, as you know them well yourselves. Let me rather speak of the work I now want to undertake, the most pious and excellent we could possibly achieve. |
| 385 τὸν γὰρ ναὸν τοῦτον ᾠκοδόμησαν μὲν τῷ μεγίστῳ θεῷ πατέρες ἡμέτεροι μετὰ τὴν ἐκ ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἐπάνοδον, ἐνδεῖ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος εἰς ὕψος ἑξήκοντα πήχεις· τοσοῦτον γὰρ ὑπερεῖχεν ὁ πρῶτος ἐκεῖνος, ὃν Σολομῶν ἀνῳκοδόμησεν. | 385 Our fathers, after their return from Babylon, built this Temple to the Most High God; yet it lacks sixty cubits in height compared to its former size—for that was how much higher the first Temple was, which Solomon constructed. |
| 385 Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solomon built exceed this temple; | 385 Our fathers, after their return from Babylon, built this temple to God Almighty, but its height is sixty feet less than the first temple built by Solomon. |
| 386 καὶ μηδεὶς ἀμέλειαν εὐσεβείας τῶν πατέρων καταγνώτω· γέγονεν γὰρ οὐ παρ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐλάττων ὁ ναός, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα καὶ ΚῦροςCyrus καὶ ΔαρεῖοςDarius ὁ ὙστάσπουHystaspes τὰ μέτρα τῆς δομήσεως ἔδοσαν, οἷς ἐκεῖνοι καὶ τοῖς ἀπογόνοις δουλεύσαντες καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ΜακεδόσινMacedonians οὐκ ἔσχον εὐκαιρίαν τὸ πρῶτον τῆς εὐσεβείας ἀρχέτυπον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἀναγαγεῖν μέγεθος. | 386 And let no one condemn our fathers for a lack of piety. The Temple was not smaller because of them, but because Cyrus and Darius, son of Hystaspes, dictated the measurements for the building. Our fathers, being subjects to them and later to the Macedonians, had no opportunity to restore that original archetype of piety to its former magnitude. |
| 386 nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystaspes, who determined the measures for its rebuilding; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the Macedonians, that they had not the opportunity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient altitude; | 386 No one should condemn our fathers for laziness or lack of piety in this, for it was not their fault that the temple was no higher, for it was Cyrus and Darius the son of Hystaspes who decided the dimensions for its rebuilding, and since our fathers were subject to them and their descendants and after them to the Macedonians, they lacked the chance to restore this holy building to its original form and size. |
| 387 ἐπειδὴ δὲ νῦν ἐγὼ μὲν ἄρχω θεοῦ βουλήσει, περίεστιν δὲ καὶ μῆκος εἰρήνης καὶ κτῆσις χρημάτων καὶ μέγεθος προσόδων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον φίλοι καὶ δι᾽ εὐνοίας οἱ πάντων ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν κρατοῦντες ῬωμαῖοιRomans, πειράσομαι τὸ παρημελημένον ἀνάγκῃ καὶ δουλείᾳ τοῦ πρότερον χρόνου διορθούμενος τελείαν ἀποδοῦναι τῷ θεῷ τὴν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἔτυχον τῆσδε τῆς βασιλείας εὐσέβειαν." | 387 But since I am now ruling by the will of God, and there is a long period of peace, an abundance of wealth, and great revenues—and most importantly, since the Romans, who are (so to speak) masters of the world, are my friends and well-disposed toward me—I shall attempt to correct what was neglected through the necessity and servitude of former times. I wish to render to God a full measure of piety in return for the kingdom I have received from Him.'" |
| 387 but since I am now, by God’s will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal filing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endeavor to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple as complete as I am able." | 387 But since by God’s will I am now your ruler and we have had a long period of peace with abundant wealth and large revenues, and above all, since the Romans, who, so to speak, are masters of everything, are friendly disposed toward me, I will try to set right what was lacking due to the scarcity and slavery of former times, in thanksgiving to God for giving me this kingdom." |
Josephus is candid about Herod’s ego. The project wasn't born purely of religious devotion, but from a desire for "αἰώνιον μνήμην" (eternal memory). Herod understood that his theaters, hippodromes, and fortresses were Greco-Roman imports; to truly capture the soul of Judea and secure his place in history, he had to outbuild Solomon.
Herod the Politician: The Art of the Pitch
Herod’s speech is a masterclass in rhetoric. He anticipates the people's fear: that he would tear down the old Temple and never finish the new one.
1) The "Safety" Card: He reminds them that his previous "secular" buildings provided them with "ἀσφάλειαν" (security).
2) The "Nationalist" Card: He frames the current Temple’s smaller size as a symbol of foreign "servitude" (δουλείᾳ) to the Persians and Greeks.
3) The "Roman" Card: He subtly reminds them that his friendship with Rome provides the "peace and wealth" necessary for such a feat.
The 60-Cubit DiscrepancyHerod points out that the Second Temple (built under Zerubbabel) was 60 cubits (approx. 90 feet) shorter than Solomon’s. By emphasizing this, he makes the project a matter of National Honor. He isn't just "building a temple"; he is "erasing the shame" of the Persian era.
Correcting the Persians
Herod’s historical revisionism is clever. He blames Cyrus and Darius for the Temple’s humble dimensions. This allows him to cast himself as a "Liberator" who, thanks to his Roman alliance, finally has the sovereignty that the post-Exilic Judeans lacked.
Divine Mandate vs. Roman Might
Note the tension in his words: he rules "θεοῦ βουλήσει" (by the will of God), yet his success is guaranteed by the "Ῥωμαῖοι" (Romans). This is the quintessential Herodian paradox. He attempts to bridge the gap between being a "Friend of the Romans" (Philoromaios) and a "Pious Jew" by using Roman wealth to build a Jewish house of God.
The "Unfinished" Legacy
Ironically, while Herod claimed this would be his "perfect" act of piety, the work on the Temple Mount was so massive that it was not fully completed until 63 AD—only seven years before the Romans (the very friends Herod boasts of here) would burn it to the ground.
| 388 Ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν, ἐξέπληξε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὁ λόγος παρὰ δόξαν ἐμπεσών. Καὶ τὸ μὲν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἄπιστον οὐκ ἐπήγειρεν αὐτούς, ἠδημόνουν δέ, μὴ φθάσας καταλῦσαι τὸ πᾶν ἔργον οὐκ ἐξαρκέσει πρὸς τέλος ἀγαγεῖν τὴν προαίρεσιν· ὅ τε κίνδυνος αὐτοῖς μείζων ἐφαίνετο καὶ δυσεγχείρητον ἐδόκει τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. | 388 "Herod spoke these words, but his speech struck the multitude with astonishment, falling upon them contrary to their expectations. The incredible nature of what they hoped for did not uplift them; rather, they were dejected, fearing that once he had finished pulling down the whole structure, he would lack the means to bring his purpose to completion. To them, the danger seemed too great and the magnitude of the undertaking appeared impossible to achieve. |
| 388 And this was the speech which Herod made to them; but still this speech affrighted many of the people, as being unexpected by them; and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its rebuilding; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be accomplished. | 388 Herod said this and what he said astonished the crowd as something unexpected, but as it seemed unrealizable it did not enthuse but rather depressed them. They feared he would pull down the whole structure and then be unable to carry out his rebuilding plans, a danger all the greater since the size of the project made it hard to achieve. |
| 389 οὕτως δ᾽ αὐτῶν διακειμένων παρεθάρρυνεν ὁ βασιλεύς, οὐ πρότερον καθαιρήσειν φάμενος τὸν ναὸν μὴ πάντων αὐτῷ τῶν εἰς συντέλειαν παρεσκευασμένων. Καὶ ταῦτα προειπὼνto predict οὐκ ἐψεύσατο· | 389 While they were in this state of mind, the King encouraged them, declaring that he would not tear down the Temple until everything necessary for its completion had been prepared. And having made this promise, he did not prove false. |
| 389 But while they were in this disposition, the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them, | 389 While they were in this mood the king encouraged them by saying he would not pull down their temple until everything was ready for building it up again. This he promised them in advance, and it was no lie. |
| 390 χιλίας γὰρ εὐτρεπίσας ἁμάξας, αἳ βαστάσουσι τοὺς λίθους, ἐργάτας δὲ μυρίους τοὺς ἐμπειροτάτους ἐπιλεξάμενος καὶ ἱερεῦσιν τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλίοις ἱερατικὰς ὠνησάμενος στολάς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν διδάξας οἰκοδόμους, ἑτέρους δὲ τέκτονας, ἥπτετο τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προθύμως προευτρεπισμένων. | 390 For he readied one thousand wagons to carry the stones, selected ten thousand of the most experienced workmen, and purchased priestly robes for one thousand priests. Some of these priests he taught to be stone-cutters, others to be carpenters; and only when all these things had been zealously prepared in advance did he begin the construction." |
| 390 but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the building, and chose out ten thousand of the most skillful workmen, and bought a thousand sacerdotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts of stone-cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work. | 390 He got ready a thousand wagons to carry the stones and chose ten thousand of the most skilled workmen and bought a thousand vestments for as many priests and had some trained as stone-cutters, others as carpenters; only then did building begin, when he had everything well prepared. |
The reaction of the "multitude" (τοὺς πολλοὺς) is telling. They didn't doubt Herod’s wealth or his ambition; they doubted his constancy. To a pious Jew in 20 BCE, a partially demolished Temple was a cosmic catastrophe. They suspected Herod of a "bait and switch"—using the excuse of renovation to permanently dismantle the center of Jewish sacrificial life.
Logistics as a Form of Diplomacy
Herod’s response was a masterclass in "Project Management as PR." By assembling the materials before the demolition, he provided a visual guarantee. The presence of 1,000 wagons and 10,000 workmen was a physical argument that silenced his critics. He understood that in politics, a visible supply chain is more persuasive than a brilliant speech.
The Ritual Purity Solution
The most innovative part of Herod's plan was training 1,000 priests as masons and carpenters. According to the Law, commoners (and certainly the King himself) were forbidden from entering the inner sanctuary (Naos).
1) By purchasing 1,000 priestly robes, he ensured the workers remained ritually distinct.
2) By teaching them the trades of "οἰκοδόμους" (builders) and "τέκτονας" (carpenters), he bypassed the religious prohibition against laymen touching the Holy of Holies.
The Scale of the Materials
The stones used for the Temple (often called "Herodian ashlar") were legendary for their size. Some weighed over 500 tons. The 1,000 wagons mentioned were not standard carts but heavy-duty transport vehicles designed to move blocks of white marble that were often 20 to 40 feet long.
Herod the "Honest" Tyrant
Josephus explicitly notes that Herod "οὐκ ἐψεύσατο" (did not lie). This is a rare compliment from an author who often highlights Herod’s duplicity. It suggests that even the King's enemies had to admit that when it came to his architectural legacy, Herod was a man of his word. He knew that the Temple was the only thing that could potentially buy him the "Eternal Memory" he craved.
The "Zealous Preparation"
The word "προθυμώς" (zealously/eagerly) applied to the preparation suggests that once the logistical plan was clear, the mood in Jerusalem shifted from terror to a kind of frenzied anticipation. Herod had successfully transformed a potential riot into the greatest public works project in the history of the Levant.
| 391 Ἀνελὼν δὲ τοὺς ἀρχαίους θεμελίους καὶ καταβαλόμενος ἑτέρους ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν ναὸν ἤγειρεν μήκει μὲν ἑκατὸν ὄντα πηχῶν, τὸ δ᾽ ὕψος εἴκοσι περιττοῖς, οὓς τῷ χρόνῳ συνιζησάντων τῶν θεμελίων ὑπέβη. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ΝέρωνοςNerō καιροὺς ἐπεγείρειν ἐγνώκειμεν. | 391 "Having removed the ancient foundations and laid down others upon them, Herod raised the Temple to a length of one hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits—though this height later subsided as the foundations settled over time. (Indeed, we had intended to raise this part again during the time of Nero). |
| 391 So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the temple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their foundations fell down; and this part it was that we resolved to raise again in the days of Nero. | 391 He removed the old foundations and laid others and on them built the temple, a hundred feet long and twenty additional feet high, which subsided as the foundations settled, and this was the part we resolved to build again in the days of Nero. |
| 392 ᾠκοδομήθη δὲ ὁ ναὸς ἐκ λίθων λευκῶν τε καὶ κραταιῶν τὸ μέγεθος ἑκάστων περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι πήχεις ἐπὶ μῆκος, ὀκτὼ δὲ ὕψος, εὖρος δὲ περὶ δώδεκα. | 392 The Temple was constructed of stones that were white and strong, each being about twenty-five cubits in length, eight in height, and about twelve in width. |
| 392 Now the temple was built of stones that were white and strong, and each of their length was twenty-five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve; | 392 The temple was built of large white stones, each twenty-five feet long and eight feet high and about twelve wide. |
| 393 καὶ παντὸς αὐτοῦ καθότι καὶ τῆς βασιλείου στοᾶς τὸ μὲν ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν ταπεινότατον, ὑψηλότατον δὲ τὸ μεσαίτατον, ὡς περίοπτον ἐκ πολλῶν σταδίων εἶναι τοῖς τὴν χώραν νεμομένοις, μᾶλλον δ᾽ εἴ τινες κατ᾽ ἐναντίον οἰκοῦντες ἢ προσιόντες τύχοιεν. | 393 As with the whole structure, and specifically the Royal Stoa, the parts on either side were lower, while the central part was the highest, so as to be visible from many stades away to those inhabiting the countryside, and even more so to those living opposite or approaching the city. |
| 393 and the whole structure, as also the structure of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower, but the middle was much higher, till they were visible to those that dwelt in the country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived over against them, and those that approached to them. | 393 The whole structure, and the royal portico, was much lower on each side and the middle much higher, so that they were visible for many furlongs by those living in the country, but mainly by those living across from them or approaching them. |
| 394 θύρας δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς εἰσόδου σὺν τοῖς ὑπερθυρίοις ἴσον ἐχούσας τῷ ναῷ ποικίλοις ἐμπετάσμασιν κεκόσμητο, τὰ μὲν ἄνθη ἁλουργέσιν, κίονας δὲ ἐνυφασμένους. | 394 The doors at the entrance, along with their lintels, were equal in height to the Temple itself and were adorned with multicolored tapestries, featuring purple flowers and interwoven pillars. |
| 394 The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels over them, of the same height with the temple itself. They were adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and pillars interwoven; | 394 The temple had entrance doors topped by lintels as high as the temple itself, adorned with embroidered veils, interwoven with flowers of purple and designs of pillars. |
| 395 καθύπερθε δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς τριχώμασιν ἄμπελος διετέτατο χρυσῆ τοὺς βότρυας ἀπαιωρουμένους ἔχουσα, θαῦμα καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς τέχνης τοῖς ἰδοῦσιν, οἷον ἐν πολυτελείᾳ τῆς ὕλης τὸ κατασκευασθὲν ἦν. | 395 Above these, under the cornices, a golden vine was spread out, with clusters of grapes hanging down—a marvel to behold for its size and the artistry of its craftsmanship, showing what could be achieved with such costly material. |
| 395 and over these, but under the crown-work, was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the spectators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done. | 395 Under the cornice stretched out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down, whose size and workmanship amazed the viewers by the costly materials of which it was made. |
| 396 περιελάμβανεν δὲ καὶ στοαῖς μεγίσταις τὸν ναὸν ἅπαντα πρὸς τὴν ἀναλογίαν ἐπιτηδεύων καὶ τὰς δαπάνας τῶν πρὶν ὑπερβαλλόμενος, ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος τις δοκεῖ ἐπικεκοσμηκέναι τὸν ναόν. ἄμφω δ᾽ ἦσαν μετὰ τοῦ τείχους, αὐτὸ δὲ τὸ τεῖχος ἔργον μέγιστον ἀνθρώποις ἀκουσθῆναι. | 396 He also surrounded the entire Temple with magnificent porticoes (stoae), designing them in proportion to the sanctuary and exceeding the expenditures of all his predecessors, so that it seemed no one else had ever so adorned the Temple. Both porticoes were supported by a wall, and the wall itself was a work the likes of which surpassed any ever heard of by men. |
| 396 He also encompassed the entire temple with very large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto; and he laid out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before him, till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple as he had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters, which wall was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. | 396 He surrounded the entire temple with large porticoes, having them in due proportion to it, spending so much more than his predecessors that no one else seemed to have adorned the temple. There was a large wall supporting both porticoes, the most mighty work that people ever heard of. |
| 397 λόφος ἦν πετρώδης ἀνάντης ἠρέμα πρὸς τοῖς ἑῴοις μέρεσιν τῆς πόλεως ὑπτιούμενος ἐπὶ τὴν κορυφὴν ἄκραν. | 397 There was a rocky hill, steeply rising, which sloped gently toward the eastern parts of the city until it reached the very summit. |
| 397 The hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an elevated level. | 397 The hill was a rocky slope gradually rising toward the eastern parts of the city, until it reached its summit. |
| 398 τοῦτον ὁ πρῶτος ἡμῶν βασιλεὺς Σολομῶν κατ᾽ ἐπιφροσύνην μεγάλαις ἐργασίαις ἀπετείχιζεν τὰ περὶ τὴν ἄκραν ἄνωθεν, ἀπετείχιζεν δὲ κάτωθεν ἀπὸ τῆς ῥίζης ἀρχόμενος, ἣν βαθεῖα περιθεῖ φάραγξ ἠλιβάτοις πέτραις μολίβδῳ δεδεμέναις πρὸς ἀλλήλας, ἀπολαμβάνων αἰεί τι τῆς ἔσω χώρας καὶ προβαίνων εἰς βάθος, | 398 Our first king, Solomon, by his great wisdom, had walled off the parts around the summit from above; but Herod walled it off from below, starting from the very root of the hill, which is surrounded by a deep ravine. He used massive rocks bound to one another with lead, constantly reclaiming a portion of the inner space and proceeding into the depths, |
| 398 This hill it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings, by divine revelation, encompassed with a wall; it was of excellent workmanship upwards, and round the top of it. He also built a wall below, beginning at the bottom, which was encompassed by a deep valley; and at the south side he laid rocks together, and bound them one to another with lead, and included some of the inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height, | 398 This was the topmost part which, by divine revelation, Solomon first surrounded with a wall of fine workmanship. Below, in the part surrounded by a deep valley, he laid rocks side by side, fastening them together with lead, always enclosing more within it as it grew taller, |
| 399 ὥστ᾽ ἄπειρον εἶναι τό τε μέγεθος τῆς δομῆς καὶ τὸ ὕψος τετραγώνου γεγενημένης, ὡς τὰ μὲν μεγέθη τῶν λίθων ἀπὸ μετώπου κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν ὁρᾶσθαι, τὰ δ᾽ ἐντὸς σιδήρῳ διησφαλισμένα συνέχειν τὰς ἁρμογὰς ἀκινήτους τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ. | 399 so that the size and height of the structure, which was square in shape, were immense. The massive stones were visible from the front on the surface, while the interior parts were secured with iron to keep the joints unmoved for all time. |
| 399 and till both the largeness of the square edifice and its altitude were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward parts were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints immovable for all future times. | 399 so that the size and height of the square building were immense and the huge stones in front were plainly visible on the outside, while their inner sides were fastened with iron to hold them immovable for all time. |
| 400 τῆς δ᾽ ἐργασίαςwork, labour οὕτω συναπτούσης εἰς ἄκρον τὸν λόφον ἀπεργασάμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν κορυφὴν καὶ τὰ κοῖλα τῶν περὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐμπλήσας ἰσόπεδον τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τὴν ἄνω καὶ λεῖον ἐποίησεν. τοῦτ᾽ ἦν τὸ πᾶν περίβολος τεττάρων σταδίων τὸν κύκλον ἔχων, ἑκάστης γωνίας στάδιον μῆκος ἀπολαμβανούσης. | 400 When this work reached the top of the hill, he finished off the summit and filled in the hollows around the wall, making the top surface level and smooth. This entire enclosure had a circumference of four stades, with each corner measuring a stade in length. |
| 400 When this work [for the foundation] was done in this manner, and joined together as part of the hill itself to the very top of it, he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow places which were about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round, and in compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle containing in length a furlong: | 400 When this work reached the top of the hill, he joined the whole outer surface into one and filled up the hollow places near the wall and smoothly levelled its upper surface. The perimeter wall of this hill measured four furlongs, each side being a furlong. |
| 401 ἐνδοτέρωinner δὲ τούτου καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν ἄκραν ἄλλο τεῖχος ἄνω λίθινον περιθεῖ, κατὰ μὲν ἑῴαν ῥάχιν ἰσομήκη τῷ τείχει στοὰν ἔχονto have, hold διπλῆν, ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ νεὼ τετυχηκότος ἀφορῶσαν εἰς τὰς θύρας αὐτοῦ. | 401 Within this, and along the very summit, another stone wall ran around the top. Along the eastern ridge, it had a double portico of equal length to the wall, which faced the doors of the Temple, the sanctuary itself being situated in the middle. |
| 401 but within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran another wall of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double cloister, of the same length with the wall; in the midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by many kings in former times; | 401 Within this wall at its highest part ran another stone wall, with a double portico on the east side, the full length of the wall, facing the doors of the temple. |
| 402 ταύτην πολλοὶ βασιλεῖς οἱ πρόσθεν κατεσκεύασαν. τοῦ δ᾽ ἱεροῦ παντὸς ἦν ἐν κύκλῳ πεπηγμένα σκῦλα βαρβαρικά, καὶ ταῦτα πάντα βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἀνέθηκαν προσθεὶς ὅσα καὶ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἔλαβεν. | 402 Many kings of former times had constructed this portico. Around the entire sacred precinct were fixed barbarian spoils, all of which King Herod dedicated, adding those he had taken from the Arabians." |
| 402 and round about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations; all these had been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of those he had taken from the Arabians. | 402 This had been adorned by many former kings, and around the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarians; all of them dedicated by Herod, including those he had taken from the Arabs. |
Josephus describes stones 25x8x12 cubits (roughly 37x12x18 feet). These are the "Master Course" stones still visible today at the Western Wall. The use of "μολίβδῳ" (lead) and "σιδήρῳ" (iron) to bind them indicates that Herod’s engineers were using Roman techniques to ensure the platform could withstand the massive lateral pressure of the earth used to fill the hollows of the mountain.
The Golden Vine: Symbol of the Nation
The golden vine hanging over the entrance was more than just decoration; it was a potent national symbol. In Jewish thought, Israel was the "Vine of God." It was said that people would donate gold "leaves" or "grapes" to the vine as votive offerings, and it eventually became so heavy that it required many priests to move it.
The "Settling" Foundations
Josephus makes a curious technical note about the height "subsiding" (συνιζησάντων) by 20 cubits. This might be a polite way of explaining why the finished building didn't quite reach the dizzying heights Herod promised in his speech, or it may refer to a literal structural shift in the massive fill of the Temple Mount.
Solomon vs. Herod: The Competitive Architect
Josephus explicitly compares Herod to Solomon. While Solomon built on the "summit," Herod started at the "ῥίζης" (root) in the deep valleys. By building from the bottom up, Herod effectively doubled the usable surface area of the Temple Mount, turning a rugged hilltop into the 35-acre plaza we see today.
The "Barbarian Spoils"
The display of "σκῦλα βαρβαρικά" (barbarian spoils) around the precinct served a dual purpose. For the Jews, it was a sign of God's victory over their enemies. For Herod, it was a display of his personal military "street cred." By hanging his trophies from the Arabian wars alongside ancient spoils, he was physically weaving his own biography into the sacred history of the Temple.
The Royal Stoa: The Largest Building in the Levant
The "βασιλείου στοᾶς" (Royal Stoa) mentioned was a massive basilica-like structure running along the southern wall. It was the center of the city's commercial and legal life—the likely location of the "money changers" mentioned in the New Testament. Its height and length made it one of the most imposing secular buildings in the Roman Empire.
| 403 Κατὰ δὲ τὴν βόρειον πλευρὰν ἀκρόπολις ἐγγώνιος εὐερκὴς ἐτετείχιστο διάφορος ἐχυρότητι. ταύτην οἱ πρὸ ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ ἈσαμωναίωνHasmonean γένους βασιλεῖς καὶ ἀρχιερεῖς ᾠκοδόμησαν καὶ βᾶριν ἐκάλεσαν, ὡς ἐκεῖ τὴν ἱερατικὴν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεῖσθαι στολήν, ἣν ὅταν δέῃ θύειν τότε μόνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἀμφιέννυται. | 403 "On the northern side [of the Temple], a well-fortified acropolis had been built at the corner, distinct in its strength. This the kings and high priests of the Hasmonean line prior to Herod had constructed and called the Baris; there they kept the priestly vestments, which the High Priest put on only when it was necessary for him to offer sacrifice. |
| 403 Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high priest, which the high priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice. | 403 On the north side was built a citadel, with squared and exceptionally solid walls, built by the kings of the Hasmonean family, who were high priests before Herod. They called it the Tower, and in it was deposited the high priestly vestment, which the high priest wore only when he was to offer sacrifice. |
| 404 ταύτην ἩρώδηςHerod ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐφύλαξεν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν ὑπὸ ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἦν μέχρι τῶν ΤιβερίουTiberius ΚαίσαροςCaesar χρόνων. | 404 King Herod preserved this practice in that location, and after his death, the vestments remained under Roman control until the times of Tiberius Caesar. |
| 404 These vestments king Herod kept in that place; and after his death they were under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar; | 404 King Herod kept the vestment in that place, and after his death it was under the power of the Romans, until the time of Tiberius Caesar. |
| 405 ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ ΟὐιτέλλιοςVitellius ὁ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἡγεμὼν ἐπιδημήσας τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem, δεξαμένου τοῦ πλήθους αὐτὸν λαμπρότατα πάνυ θέλων αὐτοὺς τῆς εὐποιίας ἀμείψασθαι, ἐπεὶ παρεκάλεσαν τὴν ἱερὰν στολὴν ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν, ἔγραψεν περὶ τούτων ΤιβερίῳTiberius ΚαίσαριCaesar κἀκεῖνος ἐπέτρεψεν, καὶ παρέμεινεν ἡ ἐξουσία τῆς στολῆς τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews μέχρις ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa. | 405 During his reign, Vitellius, the governor of Syria, visited Jerusalem; and since the multitude received him with great splendor, he wished to repay them for their kindness. When they petitioned to have the sacred vestments under their own authority, he wrote to Tiberius Caesar about the matter, and the Emperor granted permission. Thus, the authority over the vestments remained with the Jews until the death of King Agrippa [I]. |
| 405 under whose reign Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to Jerusalem, and had been most magnificently received by the multitude, he had a mind to make them some requital for the kindness they had shewn him; so, upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Caesar, who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa; | 405 In his reign the governor of Syria, Vitellius, on a visit to Jerusalem got a splendid reception from the people and wanted to give them something in return for their goodwill toward him, so they asked to have this holy vestment back in their own power, and he wrote about it to Tiberius Caesar, who allowed it. So the priestly vestment remained in the custody of the Jews until the death of king Agrippa. |
| 406 μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ΚάσσιοςCassius ΛογγῖνοςLonginus ὁ τὴν ΣυρίανSyria τότε διοικῶν καὶ ΚούσπιοςCuspius ΦᾶδοςFadus ὁ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐπίτροπος κελεύουσιν τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἰς τὴν ἈντωνίανAntonia καταθέσθαι τὴν στολήν· ῬωμαίουςRomans γὰρ αὐτῆς εἶναι δεῖν κυρίους, καθὼς καὶ πρότερον ἦσαν. | 406 After him, however, Cassius Longinus, who then governed Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, the procurator of Judea, ordered the Jews to deposit the vestments in the Antonia; for they claimed the Romans ought to be masters of them, just as they were before. |
| 406 but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadus, who was procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the tower of Antonia, | 406 After that the governor of Syria, Cassius Longinus, and Cuspius Fadus, procurator of Judea, ordered the Jews to return the vestment to the Antonia tower, to be under the Romans as before. |
| 407 πέμπουσιν οὖν ἸουδαῖοιJews πρέσβεις πρὸς ΚλαύδιονClaudius ΚαίσαραCaesar περὶ τούτων παρακαλέσοντας. ὧν ἀναβάντων ὁ νεώτερος βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐν ῬώμῃRome τυγχάνων αἰτησάμενος παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔλαβεν ἐντειλαμένου Οὐιτελλίῳ τῷ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἀντιστρατήγῳ. | 407 The Jews therefore sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar to petition him concerning this. While they were on their way, the younger King Agrippa [II], who happened to be in Rome, made the request and obtained the authority from the Emperor, who sent orders to Vitellius, the proconsul of Syria. |
| 407 for that they ought to have them in their power, as they formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Caesar, to intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and obtained the power over them from the emperor, who gave command to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give it them accordingly. | 407 The Jews sent envoys to Claudius Caesar to petition him about it. When they arrived, king Agrippa, junior, who was then in Rome, asked for and obtained from the emperor charge over it, and he ordered Vitellius, then commander in Syria, to give it to them. |
| 408 πρότερον δ᾽ ἦν ὑπὸ σφραγῖδα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων, καὶ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin φρούραρχον ἀναβαίνοντες οἱ γαζοφύλακες καὶ καταμανθάνοντες τὴν ἑαυτῶν σφραγῖδα τὴν στολὴν ἐλάμβανον. εἶτ᾽ αὖθις τῆς ἑορτῆς παρελθούσης εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν κομίσαντες τόπον καὶ τῷ φρουράρχῳ δείξαντες σύμφωνον τὴν σφραγῖδα κατετίθεντο. | 408 Previously, the vestments were kept under the seal of the High Priest and the treasurers. One day before a festival, the treasurers would go up to the Roman garrison commander, and after verifying their own seal, they would take the vestments. Then, once the festival had passed, they would bring them back to the same place, show the garrison commander that the seal was intact, and deposit them again. |
| 408 Before that time they were kept under the seal of the high priest, and of the treasurers of the temple; which treasurers, the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the temple guards, and viewed their own seal, and received the vestments; and again, when the festival was over, they brought it to the same place, and showed the captain of the temple guards their seal, which corresponded with his seal, and reposited them there. | 408 Up to then it was kept under the seal of the high priest and the treasurers, and on the day before a festival, the treasurers went to the Roman officer of the temple guards and checked their own seal and received the vestment. Again, after the festival, they would bring it back to the same place and showing the corresponding seal to the officer of the temple guards, re-deposit it there. |
| 409 ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τῶν ἐπισυμβεβηκότων παρεδηλώθη. τότε δ᾽ οὖν ὁ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ ταύτην τὴν βᾶριν ὀχυρωτέραν κατασκευάσας ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, χαριζόμενος ἈντωνίῳAnthony φίλῳ μὲν αὐτοῦ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δὲ ἄρχοντι προσηγόρευσεν ἈντωνίανAntonia. | 409 These details were mentioned because of the events that subsequently occurred. At that time, Herod, the King of the Jews, rebuilt this Baris to be even stronger for the safety and guarding of the Temple; and wishing to please Mark Antony, who was his friend and a ruler of the Romans, he named it the Antonia." |
| 409 And that these things were so, the afflictions that happened to us afterwards [about them] are sufficient evidence. But for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia. | 409 That this was the state of affairs is shown by the misfortunes that happened to us later. But when Herod was king of the Jews he fortified the tower more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, and to gratify Antony, who was his friend and the leading Roman, he named it the Antonia Tower. |
The Antonia Fortress was strategically situated at the northwest corner of the Temple Mount on a rocky precipice. Herod didn't just rebuild the Hasmonean "Baris"; he turned it into a massive military barracks. Its height allowed Roman soldiers to look directly down into the Temple courts. As Josephus notes elsewhere, it functioned as a "clamping down" on the Temple, ensuring that any sign of riot or religious fervor could be met with immediate military intervention.
The Politics of the Vestments (Stole)
In Jerusalem, the High Priest's vestments were more than religious attire; they were a symbol of sovereignty. By keeping them under lock and key in a Roman fortress, the Romans held the Jewish religious calendar hostage. Without the vestments, the High Priest could not perform the sacrifices on the Day of Atonement or the Great Festivals. This was the ancient equivalent of "controlling the keys to the city."
The Ritual of the Seal
The description of the "σφραγῖδα" (seal) process highlights the extreme level of mutual distrust. The High Priest and the Roman commander had a shared custody arrangement. The priests had to "check out" their own holy clothes from the pagans, like a library book, and return them immediately after the holiday to prove they weren't being used as a banner for rebellion.
Vitellius and the "Soft Power" Move
The governor Vitellius (father of the future emperor) is portrayed as a diplomat. By returning the vestments to Jewish custody, he bought a period of rare peace. It shows that some Roman administrators understood that religious concessions were often more effective at maintaining order than the threat of the sword.
From Antony to Claudius: A Long History
Josephus provides a compressed history of the fortress's name. By naming it after Mark Antony, Herod was honoring his first great Roman patron. Even after Antony was defeated by Augustus, the name stuck. The fact that the younger Agrippa II had to lobby Claudius decades later shows that the "Vestment Question" remained a central flashpoint in Judean-Roman relations until the Great Revolt.
The Fortress as a "High-Point"
Josephus uses the term "ἀκρόπολις" (acropolis) for the Antonia. This is deliberate. In a Greek city, the acropolis was the religious and defensive heart. In Herod’s Jerusalem, the "acropolis" was a Roman military tower looming over the Jewish sanctuary—a physical manifestation of the Roman occupation "overshadowing" the Jewish faith.
| 410 Ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἑσπερίοις μέρεσιν τοῦ περιβόλου πύλαι τέτταρες ἐφέστασαν, ἡ μὲν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια τείνουσα τῆς ἐν μέσῳ φάραγγος εἰς δίοδον ἀπειλημμένης, αἱ δύο δὲ εἰς τὸ προάστειον, ἡ λοιπὴ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν βαθμίσιν πολλαῖς κάτω τε εἰς τὴν Φάραγγα διειλημμένη καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἄνω πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν πρόσβασιν· ἄντικρυς γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἔκειτο τοῦ ἱεροῦ θεατροειδὴς οὖσα περιεχομένη βαθείᾳ φάραγγι κατὰ πᾶν τὸ νότιον κλίμα. | 410 "In the western parts of the enclosure stood four gates: the first leading to the royal palace by way of a passage intercepted by the middle ravine; two others leading to the suburb; and the last to the rest of the city, separated by many steps leading down into the ravine and from there up again to the ascent. For the city lay opposite the Temple, being theater-like in shape and surrounded by a deep ravine along its entire southern flank. |
| 410 Now in the western quarters of the enclosure of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king’s palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road descended down into the valley by a great number of steps, and thence up again by the ascent for the city lay over against the temple in the manner of a theater, and was encompassed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; | 410 In the western side of the temple court there were four gates; the first led to the king’s palace via a passage over the intervening valley. Two more led to the suburbs, and the last led to the other side of the city, where the road descended by many steps down into the valley and from there back up again. The city lay opposite the temple as in a theatre and was surrounded with a deep valley along its entire south side. |
| 411 τὸ δὲ τέταρτον αὐτοῦ μέτωπον τὸ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν εἶχε μὲν καὶ αὐτὸ πύλας κατὰ μέσον, ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δὲ τὴν βασίλειον στοὰν τριπλῆν κατὰ μῆκος διιοῦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑῴας φάραγγος ἐπὶ τὴν ἑσπέριον· οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἐκτεῖναι προσωτέρω δυνατόν. | 411 The fourth front of the Temple, the southern one, also had gates in its middle, and upon it stood the Royal Stoa, a triple portico running in length from the eastern ravine to the western, for it was not possible to extend it further. |
| 411 but the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had indeed itself gates in its middle, as also it had the royal cloisters, with three walks, which reached in length from the east valley unto that on the west, for it was impossible it should reach any farther: | 411 The fourth face of the temple, to the south, had gates in the middle, and the triple royal portico, stretching from the east valley to that on the west, the farthest it could possibly reach. |
| 412 ἔργον δ᾽ ἦν ἀξιαφηγητότατον τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἡλίῳ· μεγάλου γὰρ ὄντος τοῦ τῆς φάραγγος ἀναλήμματος καὶ οὐδ᾽ ἀνεκτοῦ κατιδεῖν, εἴ τις ἄνωθεν εἰς τὸν βυθὸν εἰσκύπτοι, παμμέγεθες ὕψος ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ τῆς στοᾶς ἀνέστηκεν, ὡς εἴ τις ἀπ᾽ ἄκρου τοῦ ταύτης τέγους ἄμφω συντιθεὶς τὰ βάθη διοπτεύοι, σκοτοδινιᾶν οὐκ ἐξικνουμένης τῆς ὄψεως εἰς ἀμέτρητον τὸν βυθόν. | 412 This was a work more worthy of description than any other under the sun. For while the depth of the ravine was great—indeed, it was unbearable to look down if one leaned over from the top into the bottom—the height of the Stoa built over it was immense. If one stood on the very edge of its roof and looked down into both depths together, their vision could not reach the immeasurable bottom, causing dizziness (skotodinian). |
| 412 and this cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the valley was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked from above into the depth, this further vastly high elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, insomuch that if any one looked down from the top of the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he would be giddy, while his sight could not reach to such an immense depth. | 412 This structure is more noteworthy than any other under the sun, for the valley was so deep that its bottom was invisible looking down into it from above, and the added elevation of the portico made it higher still. If one looked down from the top of the battlements, with these combined altitudes, he would be light-headed, and his vision could not penetrate such a measureless depth. |
| 413 κίονες δ᾽ ἐφέστασαν κατ᾽ ἀντίστοιχον ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ μῆκος τέτραχα, συνεδέδετο γὰρ ὁ τέταρτος στοῖχος λιθοδομήτῳ τείχει, καὶ πάχος ἦν ἑκάστου κίονος εἰς τρεῖς ἐπισυναπτόντων ἀλλήλοις τὰς ὀργυιὰς περιλαβεῖν, μῆκος δὲ ποδῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι διπλῆς σπείρας ὑπειλημένης. | 413 The columns stood in four rows opposite one another along the length; the fourth row was joined to a wall of stone. The thickness of each column was such that it took three men joining hands to encircle it, and they were twenty-seven feet high, resting upon a double base (speiras). |
| 413 This cloister had pillars that stood in four rows one over against the other all along, for the fourth row was interwoven into the wall, which [also was built of stone]; and the thickness of each pillar was such, that three men might, with their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their hands again, while its length was twenty-seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis; | 413 The pillars stood in four parallel rows along the length of the portico, for the fourth row was embedded in the stone wall. Each pillar was so thick that three men with outstretched arms could barely encircle it, and was twenty-seven feet long, with a double spiral at its base. |
| 414 πλῆθος δὲ συμπάντων δύο καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν κιονοκράνων αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν ΚορίνθιονCorinthian τρόπον ἐπεξειργασμένων γλυφαῖς ἔκπληξιν ἐμποιούσαις διὰ τὴν τοῦ παντὸς μεγαλουργίαν. | 414 The total number of columns was 162, and their capitals were crafted in the Corinthian style with carvings that inspired astonishment due to the magnificence of the whole work. |
| 414 and the number of all the pillars [in that court] was a hundred and sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement [to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur of the whole. | 414 There were a hundred and sixty-two pillars in all. Their capitals were carved in the Corinthian style and were remarkable for the grandeur of the whole effect. |
| 415 τεττάρων δὲ στίχων ὄντων τρεῖς ἀπολαμβάνουσι τὰς διὰ μέσου χώρας ταῖς στοαῖς. τῶν δὲ αἱ μὲν δύο παράλληλοι τὸν αὐτὸν γεγόνασι τρόπον, εὖρος ἑκατέρας πόδες τριάκοντα, μῆκος δὲ στάδιον, ὕψος δὲ πόδες ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα· τῆς δὲ μέσης εὖρος μὲν ἡμιόλιον, ὕψος δὲ διπλάσιον· ἀνεῖχεν γὰρ πλεῖστον παρὰ τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν. | 415 Since there were four rows, they formed three aisles. Two of these, the outer ones, were built in the same manner, each thirty feet wide, a stade [approx. 600 feet] in length, and over fifty feet high. But the middle aisle was half again as wide and twice as high, for it rose far above those on either side. |
| 415 These four rows of pillars included three intervals for walking in the middle of this cloister; two of which walks were made parallel to each other, and were contrived after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet; but the breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other, and the height was double, for it was much higher than those on each side; | 415 These four rows of pillars incorporated three aisles; two of which were parallel and had the same form; each of them was thirty feet wide, a furlong long and fifty feet high. The middle aisle of the portico was half as wide again as the others and its height was twice that of the side aisles. |
| 416 αἱ δ᾽ ὀροφαὶ ξύλοις ἐξήσκηντο γλυφαῖς πολυτρόποις σχημάτων ἰδέαις, καὶ τὸ τῆς μέσης βάθος ἐπὶ μεῖζον ἠγείρετο περιδεδομημένου τοῖς ἐπιστυλίοις προμετωπιδίου τοίχου κίονας ἔχοντος ἐνδεδομημένους καὶ ξεστοῦ παντὸς ὄντος, ὡς ἄπιστα τοῖς οὐκ εἰδόσιν καὶ σὺν ἐκπλήξει θεατὰ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν εἶναι. | 416 The ceilings were adorned with wood carved into many types of shapes. The depth of the middle aisle was raised even higher by a clerestory wall built upon the lintels, featuring embedded columns and being entirely polished, so that it appeared incredible to those who did not know of it and was a sight of wonder to those who encountered it. |
| 416 but the roofs were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, representing many sorts of figures. The middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were interwoven into it, and that front was all of polished stone, insomuch that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was incredible, and to such as had seen it, was greatly amazing. | 416 The ceilings were adorned with carvings in wood, representing many sorts of figures, with the middle one being much higher than the others. Its front wall was adorned with beams resting on pillars that were interwoven into it and was all made of polished stone, so that its splendour was incredible to those who had not seen it, and truly amazing to those who had. |
| 417 τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ πρῶτος περίβολος ἦν. ἐν μέσῳ δὲ ἀπέχων οὐ πολὺ δεύτερος, προσβατὸς βαθμίσιν ὀλίγαις, ὃν περιεῖχεν ἑρκίον λιθίνου δρυφάκτου γραφῇ κωλῦον εἰσιέναι τὸν ἀλλοεθνῆ θανατικῆς ἀπειλουμένης τῆς ζημίας. | 417 Such was the first [outer] enclosure. In the middle, not far off, was a second one, accessible by a few steps. It was surrounded by a stone balustrade (dryphaktou) with an inscription forbidding a foreigner from entering under penalty of death. |
| 417 Thus was the first enclosure. In the midst of which, and not far from it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to go in under pain of death. | 417 Such was the outer enclosure. Enclosed by it and close by, was the second, reached by a few steps. This was surrounded by a stone wall as a partition, with an inscription, forbidding any foreigner to go in under pain of death. |
| 418 εἶχεν δ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐντὸς περίβολος κατὰ μὲν τὸ νότιον καὶ βόρειον κλίμα τριστοίχους πυλῶνας ἀλλήλων διεστῶτας, κατὰ δὲ ἡλίου βολὰς ἕνα τὸν μέγαν, δι᾽ οὗ παρῄειμεν ἁγνοὶ μετὰ γυναικῶν. | 418 The inner enclosure had triple-gateways on the southern and northern sides at intervals, and on the east was the great gate through which we [Jews] entered in a state of purity along with our wives. |
| 418 Now this inner enclosure had on its southern and northern quarters three gates [equally] distant one from another; but on the east quarter, towards the sun-rising, there was one large gate, through which such as were pure came in, together with their wives; | 418 On its southern and northern sides this inner enclosure had three gates equidistant from each other, but facing the sunrise there was one large gate, through which the purified could come in, with their wives. |
| 419 ἐσωτέρω δὲ κἀκείνου γυναιξὶν ἄβατον ἦν τὸ ἱερόν. ἐκείνου δ᾽ ἐνδοτέρωinner τρίτον, ὅπου τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰσελθεῖν ἐξὸν ἦν μόνοις. [ὁ ναὸς ἐν τούτῳ] καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ βωμὸς ἦν, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὰς θυσίας ὡλοκαυτοῦμεν τῷ θεῷ. | 419 Further inward from that was the sanctuary, which was forbidden to women. Deeper still was a third area, where only the priests were permitted to enter. The Temple building was in this area, and before it was the altar upon which we offered whole burnt offerings to God. |
| 419 but the temple further inward in that gate was not allowed to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of the] temple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself was within this; and before that temple was the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings to God. | 419 Farther in than that no women were allowed, and still farther in there was a third temple area, which none but the priests could enter. The actual temple was within this, in front of which stood the altar on which we offer our sacrifices and holocausts to God. |
| 420 τούτων εἰς οὐδένα τῶν τριῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἩρώδηςHerod παρῆλθεν· ἐκεκώλυτο γὰρ οὐκ ὢν ἱερεύς. ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ἔργοις τὰ περὶ τὰς στοὰς καὶ τοὺς ἔξω περιβόλους ἐπραγματεύετο καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ᾠκοδόμησεν ἔτεσιν ὀκτώ. | 420 King Herod entered into none of these three inner areas, for he was prohibited, not being a priest. Instead, in his works, he concerned himself with the porticoes and the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight years." |
| 420 Into none of these three did king Herod enter, for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest. However, he took care of the cloisters and the outer enclosures, and these he built in eight years. | 420 None of these three spaces was entered by king Herod, for they were forbidden to him, not being a priest. But he was involved in building the porticoes and the outer enclosures and these were built in eight years. |
Josephus’s use of the word "σκοτοδινιᾶν" (dizziness/vertigo) captures the sheer psychological impact of Herodian architecture. By placing the Royal Stoa—already a massive building—directly atop the highest point of the southern retaining wall over the Kidron Valley, Herod created a "skyscraper" effect that was unparalleled in the ancient world.
The "Basilica" Layout
The Royal Stoa followed the classic Roman basilica plan: a high central nave with a clerestory (upper windows) and lower side aisles. This wasn't a place of worship, but the hub of Jerusalem’s public life—a place for banking, legal disputes, and social gathering. It signaled that Jerusalem was a first-class Roman city.
The "Soreg": The Border of Death
The "λιθίνου δρυφάκτου" (stone balustrade) is famous in archaeology as the Soreg. Josephus mentions the death penalty for Gentiles who crossed it. In 1871, archaeologists actually found one of these warning stones, inscribed in Greek: "No foreigner is to enter within the forecourt and the balustrade around the sanctuary. Whoever is caught will have himself to blame for his subsequent death."
The King’s Limits
There is a profound irony in the final sentences. Herod, the man who "manufactured" a mountain and built the most beautiful building "under the sun," was ritually excluded from the very heart of his own project. He was an Idumaean by race and a layman by status. His exclusion was a constant reminder that no matter how much gold he provided, the Hasmonean priestly elite still held the keys to the "true" Temple.
Eight Years of Labor
Josephus notes that the outer areas took eight years. The inner sanctuary was completed by the priests in just eighteen months. However, the entire complex—the massive stone platform and the surrounding city infrastructure—would continue to be a construction site for another sixty years.
The Temple as a Theater
Josephus describes the city as "θεατροειδὴς" (theater-like). He views the relationship between the city and the Temple as a spectacle. The city sat on the western hill, and the inhabitants looked across the ravine at the Temple as if watching a divine performance. Herod understood this "viewing" and built the Stoa to be the ultimate backdrop.
| 421 Τοῦ δὲ ναοῦ διὰ τῶν ἱερέων οἰκοδομηθέντος ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ μησὶν πέντε ἅπας ὁ λαὸς ἐπληρώθη χαρᾶς καὶ τοῦ τάχους πρῶτον μὲν τῷ θεῷ τὰς εὐχαριστηρίους ἐποιοῦντο, μετὰ δὲ καὶ τῆς προθυμίας τοῦ βασιλέως ἑορτάζοντες καὶ κατευφημοῦντες τὴν ἀνάκτισιν. | 421 "Now, when the Temple had been built by the priests in a year and five months, the entire people were filled with joy. First, they offered thanksgivings to God for the speed of the work, and then they celebrated the King’s zeal, hailing the restoration with acclamations. |
| 421 But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six months; upon which all the people were full of joy; and presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for the alacrity the king had showed. They feasted and celebrated this rebuilding of the temple: | 421 The actual temple was built by the priests in a year and six months; then all the people were filled with joy, and prompt to give thanks, first of all to God, and then for the zeal shown by the king, and they feasted and celebrated this rebuilding. |
| 422 ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τριακοσίους ἔθυσε τῷ θεῷ βοῦς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ κατὰ δύναμιν, ὧν οὐχ οἷόν τε τὸν ἀριθμὸν εἰπεῖν· ἐκφεύγει γὰρ τὸ δύνασθαι πρὸς ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν· | 422 The King sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, and others offered according to their ability—the number of which it is impossible to state, for it escapes the power of anyone to give a true account. |
| 422 and for the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the rest every one according to his ability; the number of which sacrifices is not possible to set down, for it cannot be that we should truly relate it; | 422 The king sacrificed three hundred oxen to God, as did the others, each according to his ability, and its countless sacrifices were offered, more than we can properly estimate. |
| 423 συνεπεπτώκει γὰρ τῇ προθεσμίᾳ τοῦ περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἔργου καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἣν ἐξ ἔθους ἑώρταζον, ἐς ταὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, καὶ περισημοτάτην ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τὴν ἑορτὴν γενέσθαι. | 423 For it so happened that the completion of the work on the Temple coincided exactly with the anniversary of the King’s inauguration, which they were accustomed to celebrate; thus, the festival became most illustrious because of both events. |
| 423 for at the same time with this celebration for the work about the temple fell also the day of the king’s inauguration, which he kept of an old custom as a festival, and it now coincided with the other, which coincidence of them both made the festival most illustrious. | 423 Coinciding with this celebration for the temple was the day of the king’s inauguration, which by ancient custom he kept as a festival and as it now coincided with the other, it was a very glorious festivity indeed. |
| 424 κατεσκευάσθη δὲ καὶ κρυπτὴ διώρυξ τῷ βασιλεῖ, φέρουσα μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἈντωνίαςAntonia μέχρι τοῦ ἔσωθεν ἱεροῦ πρὸς τὴν ἀνατολικὴν θύραν, ἐφ᾽ ἧς αὐτῷ καὶ πύργον κατεσκεύασεν, ἵν᾽ ἔχῃ διὰ τῶν ὑπογέων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀνιέναι, τὸν ἐκ τοῦ δήμου νεωτερισμὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι φυλαττόμενος. | 424 There was also constructed for the King a hidden underground passage (kryptē diōryx), leading from the Antonia to the inner Temple toward the eastern gate. Above this gate, he also built a tower for himself, so that he might go up into it through the underground passages, guarding himself against any rebellion by the people against the kings. |
| 424 There was also an occult passage built for the king; it led from Antonia to the inner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he also erected for himself a tower, that he might have the opportunity of a subterraneous ascent to the temple, in order to guard against any sedition which might be made by the people against their kings. | 424 A secret passage was built for the king, from the Antonia to inside the temple area, at the eastern gate, over which he had built himself a tower, to provide him with a subterranean access to the temple, for security against any revolt the people might make against their kings. |
| 425 λέγεται δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν οἰκοδομουμένου τοῦ ναοῦ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας οὐχ ὕειν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς νυξὶ γίνεσθαι τοὺς ὄμβρους, ὡς μὴ κωλυσιεργεῖν. Καὶ τοῦτον τὸν λόγον οἱ πατέρες ἡμῖν παρέδωκαν, οὐδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπιστον, εἰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας ἀπίδοι τις ἐμφανείας τοῦ θεοῦ. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐξῳκοδομήθη τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον. | 425 It is said that at that time, while the Temple was being built, it did not rain during the day, but the rains fell only at night so as not to hinder the work. Our fathers have handed down this story to us; nor is it incredible, if one considers the other manifestations of God's presence. In this manner, then, the work concerning the Temple was completed." |
| 425 It is also reported, that during the time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the daytime, but that the showers fell in the nights, so that the work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if any one have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the rebuilding of the temple. | 425 It is also reported that while the temple was being built in the daytime it never rained, but the showers fell at night so that the work was not held up. This is what our fathers passed this on to us; nor is it incredible, if one pays heed to how God manifests himself. And that is how the temple was rebuilt. |
Josephus emphasizes that the Temple was built "διὰ τῶν ἱερέων" (by the priests). Herod was a brilliant politician; he knew that if a layman—especially an Idumaean with a "polluted" reputation—entered the holy precincts, it would spark a revolt. He famously had 1,000 priests trained as masons and carpenters so that the "Holiness of the Place" was never compromised by common hands.
The Year and Five Months
The speed of the construction (ἐνιαυτῷ καὶ μησὶν πέντε) was seen as miraculous. This timeline refers specifically to the Naos (the sanctuary building itself), not the entire Temple Mount complex, which took decades to finish (and was famously still under construction in the time of Jesus). The rapid completion was a massive PR victory for Herod, silencing critics who claimed he intended to tear down the old Temple without building a new one.
The Confluence of Festivals
The "coincidence" of the Temple's completion with Herod’s "ἡμέραν τῆς ἀρχῆς" (Inauguration Day) was likely a carefully orchestrated piece of political theater. By merging the dedication of God's house with the celebration of his own throne, Herod was attempting to achieve the ultimate synthesis of Hasmonean religious legitimacy and Herodian political power.
The "Kryptē Diōryx" (The Secret Passage)
Even in his moment of highest popularity, Herod’s paranoia remained his defining trait. The "κρυπτὴ διώρυξ" (hidden tunnel) connecting the Antonia Fortress to the Temple is a physical manifestation of his distrust of his subjects. He wanted the ability to appear in the Temple instantly or flee from it secretly. To Herod, the Temple was a house of prayer, but it was also a potential fortress of rebellion ("νεωτερισμὸν").
The "Night Rains" Miracle
Josephus includes the legend of the night-time rains to provide a theological "seal of approval" for the project. By stating "οὐδ᾽ ἐστὶν ἄπιστον" (it is not incredible), Josephus—usually a rationalist—is telling his Roman audience that the God of the Jews explicitly endorsed Herod’s Temple. This was crucial for Josephus’s own narrative goals: to show that the Temple destroyed by Titus in 70 CE was a building once favored by the Heavens.
The Sacrifice of 300 Oxen
The sacrifice of 300 oxen is an enormous display of wealth. In the ancient world, meat was a luxury; a sacrifice of this scale meant a massive public feast for the entire city of Jerusalem. For a brief moment, the "bitterness" of the previous years was drowned out by the smell of roasting meat and the sight of the gleaming white marble and gold of the new sanctuary.


