FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 16

Herod, up to the execution of Aristobulus and Alexander

Chapter 1 Herod against thievery. Mariamne's sons indicted; Herod assigns them wives
Chapter 2 Herod meets Marcus Agrippa, and maintains Roman favour. Agrippa's judgment
Chapter 3 Intrigues in Herod's family, for preferring Antipater over his other sons.
Chapter 4 Before Augustus, Herod accuses his two sons of disloyalty. Alexander's defence
Chapter 5 Completion of Caesarea-Sebaste. Magnificent Herodian building projects
Chapter 6 Asian and Libyan Jews appeal to Rome, and get the imperial support
Chapter 7 Herod robs the tomb of David, to fund building projects. Family revolt grows
Chapter 8 Herod imprisons his son Alexander, but is again reconciled through Archelaus
Chapter 9 Trachonitis revolts. Accused before Caesar, Herod sends Nicolaus to Rome
Chapter 10 Further accusations of Herod's sons, by the Spartan, Eurycles
Chapter 11 Trial and execution of Herod's sons, Aristobulus and Alexander

Chapter 1
[001-11]
Herod against thievery. Mariamne's sons indicted; Herod assigns them wives

☞

¹ Ἐν δὲ τῇ διοικήσει τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων ἐσπουδακὼς ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰς κατὰ μέρος ἀδικίας ἀναστεῖλαι τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἁμαρτανομένων τίθησι νόμον οὐδὲν ἐοικότα τοῖς πρώτοις , ὃν αὐτὸς ἐβεβαίου , τοὺς τοιχωρύχους ἀποδιδόμενος ἐπ᾽ ἐξαγωγῇ τῆς βασιλείας , ὅπερ ἦν οὐκ εἰς τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν μόνον τῶν πασχόντων φορτικόν , ἀλλὰ καὶ κατάλυσιν περιεῖχεν τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν .
¹ As king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his entire government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts of injustice which were done by criminals about the city and country, he made a law, no way like our original laws, and which he enacted of himself, to expose house-breakers to be ejected out of his kingdom; which punishment was not only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolution of the customs of our forefathers;	¹ The king was busily administering his entire realm and keen to put a stop to the injustice of criminals around the city and country. He made a law apart from our original laws, condemning house-breakers to exile from his kingdom, a punishment that was not only very severe upon the offenders, but also was alien to the customs of our ancestors.
¹ Barach

² τὸ γὰρ ἀλλοφύλοις καὶ μὴ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν δίαιταν ἔχουσιν τοῦ ζῆν δουλεύειν καὶ βιάζεσθαι πάνθ᾽ ὅσα προσέταττον ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐκεῖνοι ποιεῖν ἁμαρτία πρὸς τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἦν , οὐ κόλασις τῶν ἁλισκομένων , πεφυλαγμένης ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις τῆς τοιαύτης τιμωρίας ·
² for this slavery to foreigners, and such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this necessity that they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was an offense against our religious settlement, rather than a punishment to such as were found to have offended, such a punishment being avoided in our original laws;	² To put them into slavery to foreigners who did not live by Jewish customs, so they had to obey the commands of such people, was an offence against our religious tradition, rather than just a penalty for wrongdoing.
² Barach

³ ἐκέλευον γὰρ οἱ νόμοι τετραπλᾶ καταβάλλειν τὸν κλέπτην , οὐκ ἔχοντα δὲ πιπράσκεσθαι μέν , ἀλλ᾽ οὔτι γε τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις οὐδ᾽ ὥστε διηνεκῆ τὴν‎ δουλείαν ὑπομένειν · ἔδει γὰρ ἀφεῖσθαι μετὰ ἑξαετίαν .
³ for those laws ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold; and that if he have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released after six years.	³ Such a penalty was avoided in our original laws, which require the thief to restore fourfold, and if he does not have the amount, he must be sold, but not to foreigners, nor so as to be in perpetual slavery, for he must be released after six years.
³ Barach

⁴ τὸ δ᾽ ὥσπερ ὡρίσθη τότε χαλεπὴν καὶ παράνομον γενέσθαι τὴν‎ κόλασιν ὑπερηφανίας ἐδόκει μέρος , οὐ βασιλικῶς ἀλλὰ τυραννικῶς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ πρὸς τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἀρχομένων ὀλιγώρως θεῖναι τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν νενοηκότος .
⁴ But this law, thus enacted, in order to introduce a severe and illegal punishment, seemed to be a piece of insolence of Herod, when he did not act as a king, but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his subjects, did he venture to introduce such a punishment.	⁴ But this severe and illegal punishment seemed a kind of insolence. To introduce such a penalty rashly and without regard to his subjects, was the act of a tyrant and not of a king.
⁴ Barach

⁵ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καθ᾽ ὁμοιότητα τοῦ λοιποῦ τρόπου γιγνόμενα μέρος ἦν τῶν διαβολῶν καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ δυσνοίας .
⁵ Now this penalty, thus brought into practice, was like Herod’s other actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of the hatred he lay under.	⁵ Like Herod's other actions, this penalty he brought in became a part of his guilt and aroused hatred against him.
⁵ Barach

⁶ Ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ καὶ τὸν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸταλίανItaly πλοῦν ἐποιήσατο ΚαίσαρίCaesar τε συντυχεῖν ὁρμηθεὶς καὶ θεάσασθαι τοὺς παῖδας ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome διατρίβοντας . ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ τά τε ἄλλα φιλοφρόνως αὐτὸν ἐξεδέξατο καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ὡς ἤδη τελειωθέντας ἐν τοῖς μαθήμασιν ἀπέδωκεν ἄγειν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν .
⁶ Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous to meet with Caesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome; and Caesar was not only very obliging to him in other respects, but delivered him his sons again, that he might take them home with him, as having already completed themselves in the sciences;	⁶ Meanwhile he sailed to Italy, eager to meet with Caesar and to see his sons who lived in Rome, and Caesar was not only very pleasant to him in other respects, but also returned his sons to take home with him, having completed their studies.
⁶ Barach

⁷ ὡς δ᾽ ἧκον ἀπὸ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly , σπουδὴ περὶ τὰ μειράκια τῶν ὄχλων ἦν , καὶ περίοπτοι πᾶσιν ἐγεγόνεισαν τῷ τε μεγέθει τῆς περὶ αὐτοὺς τύχης κοσμούμενοι καὶ βασιλικοῦ κατὰ τὰς μορφὰς ἀξιώματος οὐκ ἀποδέοντες .
⁷ but as soon as the young men were come from Italy, the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity.	⁷ As soon as the young men had come from Italy, the people wanted to see them and they became celebrities among all, enhanced with great blessings of fortune and having the features of persons of royal dignity.
⁷ Barach

⁸ ἐπίφθονοί τε εὐθέως ἐδόκουν ΣαλώμῃSalome τε τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφῇ καὶ τοῖς ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ταῖς διαβολαῖς κατηγωνισμένοις · οὗτοι γὰρ ᾤοντο δυναστευόντων αὐτῶν δίκην δώσειν τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἐκείνων παρανομηθέντων .
⁸ So they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king’s sister, and to such as had raised calumnies against Mariamne; for they were suspicious, that when these came to the government, they should be punished for the wickedness they had been guilty of against their mother;	⁸ Soon they were envied by Salome, the king's sister and those who had spread lies against Mariamne, suspecting that once these came to rule, they themselves would be punished for the harm they had done to their mother.
⁸ Barach

⁹ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν οὖν ταύτην ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ δέους εἰς τὴν‎ κατ᾽ ἐκείνων διαβολὴν μετέφερον λογοποιοῦντες οὐ καθ᾽ ἡδονὰς συνεῖναι τῷ πατρὶ διὰ τὸν τῆς μητρὸς θάνατον , ὡς μηδὲ ὅσιον εἶναι δοκεῖν ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν συνιέναι τῷ τῆς τεκούσης φονεῖ ·
⁹ so they made this very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out that they were not pleased with their father’s company, because he had put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear to converse with their mother’s murderer.	⁹ This fear became a motive to spread allegations about them, so they alleged that the youths abhorred their father's company, since he had put their mother to death, and it would be an impiety to converse with their mother's murderer.
⁹ Barach

¹⁰ ταῦτα γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπὶ τὸ πιθανὸν τῆς αἰτίας φέροντες κακοῦν ἐδύναντο καὶ τῆς εὐνοίας ἧς εἶχεν εἰς τοὺς παῖδας ἀφαιρεῖν · οὐδὲ γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄντικρυς ἔλεγον , ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἐσκόρπιζον τοὺς τοιούτους λόγους · ἐξ οὗ πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀναφερομένων ὑποκατεσκευάζετο μῖσος οὐδ᾽ αὐτῇ τῇ φύσει χρόνῳ νικώμενον .
¹⁰ Now, by carrying these stories; that had indeed a true foundation [in the fact], but were only built on probabilities as to the present accusation, they were able to do them mischief, and to make Herod take away that kindness from his sons which he had before borne to them; for they did not say these things to him openly, but scattered abroad such words, among the rest of the multitude; from which words, when carried to Herod, he was induced [at last] to hate them, and which natural affection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome;	¹⁰ By spreading such stories, which indeed were based on fact but were only surmises at the time, they could do them harm and turn Herod away from his previous favour toward his sons. They did not say these things to him directly, but spread such rumours among the rest of the people. When such words came back to Herod, he was induced to hate them, something which his affection in the long term could not overcome.
¹⁰ Barach

¹¹ ἐν μέντοι τῷ τότε πάσης ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy καὶ διαβολῆς μείζονι χρώμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῇ τοῦ γεγεννηκέναι φιλοστοργίᾳ καὶ τιμῆς ἧς ἔδει μετεδίδου καὶ γυναῖκας ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γεγονόσιν ἐζεύγνυεν , ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous μὲν τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηςSalome θυγατέρα ΒερενίκηνBerenice, ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander δὲ τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus τοῦ ΚαππαδόκωνCappadocia βασιλέως ΓλαφύρανGlaphyra .
¹¹ yet was the king at that time in a condition to prefer the natural affection of a father before all the suspicions and calumnies his sons lay under. So he respected them as he ought to do, and married them to wives, now they were of an age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome’s daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.	¹¹ For the present, the king could let his natural paternal affection over-rule the suspicions and allegations heaped upon his sons. So he showed them due respect and married them to wives as soon as they were of the right age for it. To Aristobulus he gave in marriage Berenice, Salome's daughter, and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.
¹¹ Barach

Chapter 2
[012-065]
Herod sails to meet Agrippa, and maintain Roman favour.
Agrippa avenges the Ionians against the Greeks

☜ ☞

¹² Ταῦτα διοικήσας , ἐπειδὴ καὶ ΜᾶρκονMarcus ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire καταπεπλευκέναι πάλιν ἐκ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly εἰς τὴν‎ ἈσίανAsian , ἐπειχθεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἠξίωσεν εἴς τε τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ‎ παρελθεῖν καὶ τυχεῖν ὧν ἔδει παρὰ ἀνδρὸς ξένου καὶ φίλου .
¹² When Herod had despatched these affairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend.	¹² After dealing with these matters and learning that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again from Italy to Asia, he hurried to him and wished him to come to visit his kingdom and enjoy what was due to him by his friend and former guest .
¹² Barach

¹³ κἀκεῖνος μὲν εἴξας λιπαρῶς ἐγκειμένου ἧκεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ οὐδὲν ἀρεσκείας ἀπέλιπεν ἔν τε ταῖς νεοκτίστοις πόλεσιν ὑποδεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ μετὰ τοῦ τὰς κατασκευὰς ἐπιδεικνύναι πᾶσαν ἀπόλαυσιν διαίτης καὶ πολυτελείας ἐξαλλάττων αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἔν τε τῇ Σεβαστῇ καὶ ΚαισαρείᾳCaesarea περὶ τὸν λιμένα τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κατεσκευασμένον κἀν τοῖς ἐρύμασιν , ἃ πολλαῖς δαπάναις ἐξῳκοδόμησεν , τό τε ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion καὶ ἩρώδειονHerodium καὶ τὴν‎ Ὑρκανίαν .
¹³ This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea; whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at Sebaste and Caesarea, about that port that he had built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and Hyrcania.	¹³ Under strong persuasion he agreed and came to Judea, and Herod spared no efforts to please him in his newly founded cities and showing him his building works and entertaining him and his friends with all the best and finest sorts of foods, both in Sebaste and around the port he had built at Caesarea, and in the fortresses of Alexandreion and Herodium and Hyrcania, which he had refurbished at huge expense.
¹³ Barach

¹⁴ ἦγεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem ὑπαντῶντός τε τοῦ δήμου παντὸς ἐν ἑορτώδει στολῇ καὶ δεχομένου τὸν ἄνδρα σὺν εὐφημίαις . ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ τῷ θεῷ μὲν ἑκατόμβην κατέθυσεν , ἑστιᾷ δὲ τὸν δῆμον οὐδενὸς τῶν μεγίστων πλήθει λειπόμενον .
¹⁴ He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten.	¹⁴ He brought him also to the city of Jerusalem, where all the people met him in festive clothing and welcomed him with acclamations. Agrippa offered a hecatomb sacrifice to God, and gave a feast for the population, who were no fewer than in the greatest of cities.
¹⁴ Barach

¹⁵ αὐτὸς δὲ ὅσον ἐπὶ τῷ καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν κἂν ἔτι πλείους ἐπιμείνας ἡμέρας διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἠπείγετο · τὸν γὰρ πλοῦν ἐπιβαίνοντος τοῦ χειμῶνος οὐκ ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφαλῆ κομιζομένῳ πάλιν ἐξ ἀνάγκης εἰς τὴν‎ ἸωνίανIonia .
¹⁵ He also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many days with them, and would willingly have staid longer, but that the season of the year made him make haste away; for as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again to Ionia.	¹⁵ He enjoyed his stay with them for many days and would willingly have stayed longer but for the time of year, since at the approach of winter he thought it unsafe to postpone his unavoidable return voyage to Ionia.
¹⁵ Barach

¹⁶ Ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ἀπέπλει πολλαῖς αὐτὸν δωρεαῖς τετιμηκότος ἩρώδουHerod καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους . ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς χειμάσας ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις ἔαρος ἠπείγετο συντυχεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ εἰς Βόσπορον εἰδὼς στρατείαν προηγούμενον .
¹⁶ So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when he had passed the winter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the Bosptiorus.	¹⁶ So when Herod had honoured him and the main people with him with many gifts, he sailed away but in the springtime king Herod, after wintering in his own dominions, hurried to him again, knowing he was planning a campaign to the Bosphorus.
¹⁶ Barach

¹⁷ καὶ πλεύσας διὰ Ῥόδου καὶ Κῶ προσέσχεν , περὶ Λέσβον οἰόμενος ἐπικαταλήψεσθαι τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa . ἐκεῖ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπολαμβάνει πνεῦμα βόρειον εἶργον τὴν‎ ἀναγωγὴν τῶν νεῶν .
¹⁷ So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore;	¹⁷ After sailing past Rhodes and Cos, he touched at Lesbos, thinking to catch up with Agrippa there, but a north wind prevented his ships from landing.
¹⁷ Barach

¹⁸ ὁ δ᾽ ἐπιδιέτριβεν ἡμέρας πλείους ἐν τῇ Χίῳ καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν προσιόντων αὐτῷ δεξιούμενος ἀνελάμβανενto take up βασιλικαῖς δωρεαῖς , αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἰδὼν πεπτωκυῖαν στοάν , ἣν ἐν τῷ Μιθριδατικῷ πολέμῳ καθαιρεθεῖσαν οὐχ ὥσπερ τὰ ἄλλα διὰ μέγεθος καὶ κάλλος ἀναστῆναι ῥᾴδιον ἦν ,
¹⁸ so he continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and was a very large and fine building, so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest,	¹⁸ Instead he stayed for many days at Chios where he kindly treated many who came to him and captivated them with royal gifts. He noticed how the portico of the city, destroyed in the Mithridatic war, had fallen down and because of its size and beauty was not easy to rebuild.
¹⁸ Barach

¹⁹ χρήματα δοὺς ὅσα μὴ μόνον ἐπαρκεῖν , ἀλλὰ καὶ περιττεύειν ἐδύνατο πρὸς τὴν‎ συντέλειαν τοῦ κατασκευάσματος , ἐνετέλλετο μὴ περιορᾶν , ἀλλὰ θᾶττον ἐγείρειν ἀποκαθιστάντας τῇ πόλει τὸν ἴδιον κόσμον .
¹⁹ yet did he furnish a sum not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico, but to rebuild it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments.	¹⁹ He provided enough money to do so and more than sufficient to complete the building, and ordered them not to ignore the portico but to quickly rebuild it, so that the city might regain its proper appearance.
¹⁹ Barach

²⁰ αὐτὸς δὲ λήξαντος τοῦ πνεύματος εἰς ΜιτυλήνηνMitylene κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Βυζάντιον παρακομισθείς , ὡς ἤκουσεν ἐντὸς Κυανέων ἤδη πεπλευκέναι τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa , μετέσπευδεν ὡς ἐνῆν .
²⁰ And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mytilene, and thence to Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he made all the haste possible to overtake him,	²⁰ When the high winds ceased, he sailed to Mytilene and from there to Byzantium, and on hearing that Agrippa had sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he hurried on with all speed.
²⁰ Barach

²¹ καὶ περὶ Σινώπην τὴν‎ ἐν Πόντῳ καταλαβὼν ἀπροσδόκητος μὲν ὤφθη ταῖς ναυσὶ προσπλέων , ἄσμενος δὲ ἐφάνηto give light, shine πολλαί τε φιλοφρονήσεις ἦσαν , ἅτε καὶ μεγίστην πίστιν εἰληφέναι δοκοῦντος εὐνοίας καὶ φιλοστοργίας τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν ἈγρίππουAgrippa , τοσοῦτον μὲν πλοῦν ἀνύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως , οὐκ ἀπολειφθέντος δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου χρείας , ἣν μετὰ τοῦ καταλιπεῖν ἀρχὴν καὶ διοίκησιν οἰκείων πραγμάτων προυργιαιτέραν ἔθετο .
²¹ and came up with him about Sinope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the ship-men most unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly salutations there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of the king’s kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper season, for his assistance, and had left the government of his own dominions, and thought it more worth his while to come to him.	²¹ When he caught up with him near Sinope in Pontus, the sailors were surprised and pleased to see him, and many friendly greetings were exchanged, so that Agrippa thought it the greatest possible sign of the king's favour and goodwill toward him that he had made so long a voyage to come to his help, setting his needs above his own concerns and even above the administration of his own realm.
²¹ Barach

²² πᾶν γοῦν ἦν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν‎ στρατείαν ἩρώδηςHerod , ἔν τε τοῖς πραγματικοῖς συναγωνιστὴς κἀν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος σύμβουλος , ἡδὺς δὲ κἀν ταῖς ἀνέσεσι καὶ μόνος ἁπάντων κοινωνὸς ὀχληρῶν μὲν διὰ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν , ἡδέων δὲ διὰ τὴν‎ τιμήν .
²² Accordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all things; in troubles because of his kindness, and in prosperity because of the respect Agrippa had for him.	²² Herod meant everything to him in this campaign and was a great help in civil affairs and in advising him on particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion in times of relaxation and shared with him every way, loyal in time of trouble and respectful amid his pleasures.
²² Barach

²³ ὡς δ᾽ αὐτοῖς κατείργαστο καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν ΠόντονPontus , ὧν ἕνεκεν ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἐστάλη , τὴν‎ ἀνακομιδὴν οὐκέτ᾽ ἐδόκει ποιεῖσθαι πλέουσιν , ἀλλὰ διαμειψάμενοι τήν τε Παφλαγονίαν καὶ ΚαππαδοκίανCappadocia κἀκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας ὁδεύσαντες εἰς Ἔφεσον ἀφίκοντο , πάλιν δὲ ἐξ Ἐφέσου διέπλευσαν εἰς Σάμον .
²³ Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then traveled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos.	²³ When Agrippa's mission in Pontus was accomplished, they decided not to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia and from there journeyed across great Phrygia as far as Ephesus and then they sailed from Ephesus to Samos.
²³ Barach

²⁴ πολλαὶ μὲν οὖν καὶ κατὰ πόλιν ἑκάστην εὐεργεσίαι τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὰς χρείας τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ἐγένοντο · καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ὅσα διὰ χρημάτων ἦν ηπίξεως οὐ παρέλειπεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς δαπάνας ποιούμενος καὶ τῶν παρὰ ἈγρίππαAgrippa τισὶν ἐπιζητουμένων μεσίτης ἦν καὶ διεπράττετο μηδενὸς ἀτυχῆσαι τοὺς δεομένους .
²⁴ And indeed the king bestowed a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they stood in need of them; for as for those that wanted either money or kind treatment, he was not wanting to them; but he supplied the former himself out of his own expenses: he also became an intercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after his favor, and he brought things so about, that the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him,	²⁴ The king bestowed many benefits on every city he came to, according to their need. Whether they needed money or an intercessor he was not found wanting. The former he supplied from his own revenues and whenever anyone sought a favour, he interceded with Agrippa so effectively that none of the petitioners were refused.
²⁴ Barach

²⁵ ὄντος δὲ κἀκείνου χρηστοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψύχου πρὸς τὸ παρέχειν ὅσα τοῖς ἠξιωκόσιν ὠφέλιμα ὄντα μηδένα τῶν ἄλλων ἐλύπει , πλεῖστον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐποίει ῥοπὴ προτρέπουσα πρὸς τὰς εὐεργεσίας οὐ βραδύνοντα τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa .
²⁵ Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of great generosity, and ready to grant all such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they were not to the detriment of others. The inclination of the king was of great weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good;	²⁵ The latter was well disposed and most generous and ready to grant any requests that were useful to the petitioners and not to the detriment of others. The king's influence was strong in moving him to good deeds, although Agrippa himself was also quick enough to do so on his own.
²⁵ Barach

²⁶ Ἰλιεῦσι μέν γε αὐτὸν διήλλαξεν , διέλυσεν δὲ Χίοις τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐπιτρόπους χρήματα καὶ τῶν εἰσφορῶν ἀπήλλαξεν , τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις καθὸ δεηθεῖεν ἕκαστοι παρίστατο .
²⁶ for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chius owed Caesar’s procurators, and discharged them of their tributes; and helped all others, according as their several necessities required.	²⁶ He managed to reconcile him with the people of Ilium, and paid the money owed to Caesar's agents by the people of Chios and eased their taxes, and helped all others according to their requests.
²⁶ Barach

²⁷ Τότε δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ ἸωνίανIonia αὐτῶν γενομένων πολὺ πλῆθος ἸουδαίωνJews , ὃ τὰς πόλεις ᾤκει , προσῄει καιροῦ καὶ παρρησίας ἐπειλημμένοι , καὶ τὰς ἐπηρείας ἔλεγον , ἃς ἐπηρεάζοντο μήτε νόμοις οἰκείοις ἐώμενοι χρῆσθαι δίκας τε ἀναγκαζόμενοι διδόναι κατ᾽ ἐπήρειαν τῶν εὐθυνόντων ἐν ἱεραῖς ἡμέραις ,
²⁷ But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not permitted to use their own laws, but were compelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days,	²⁷ Then when they were in Ionia, a large crowd of Jews living in those cities came to them and taking advantage of the freedom of speech now afforded them, set out the wrongs they suffered in not being allowed to follow their own laws and having to go to court on their holy days because of the malice of the magistrates.
²⁷ Barach

²⁸ καὶ τῶν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem χρημάτων ἀνατιθεμένων ἀφαιροῖντο στρατειῶν καὶ λειτουργιῶν ἀναγκαζόμενοι κοινωνεῖν καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα δαπανᾶν τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων , ὧν ἀφείθησαν αἰεὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρεψάντων κατὰ τοὺς οἰκείους ζῆν νόμους .
²⁸ and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the army, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws.	²⁸ They told of how the money they used to set aside for Jerusalem was taken from them and how they were forced into the army and to take part in ceremonies that made them spend their sacred money, whereas the Romans had freed them of such burdens and had always let them live by their own laws.
²⁸ Barach

²⁹ τοιαῦτα καταβοώντων παρεστήσατο μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀκοῦσαι τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa αὐτῶν δικαιολογουμένων , Νικόλαον δέ τινα τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων ἔδωκεν εἰπεῖν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τὰ δίκαια .
²⁹ When this clamor was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges.	²⁹ After this complaint, the king asked Agrippa to hear their cause and assigned one of his friends, Nicolaus, to plead on behalf of their rights.
²⁹ Barach

³⁰ τοῦ δὲ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τε τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν τοὺς παρόντας αὐτῷ συνέδρους ποιησαμένου καταστὰς ὁ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus ὑπὲρ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἔλεξεν ·
³⁰ Accordingly, when Agrippa had called the principal of the Romans, and such of the kings and rulers as were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows:	³⁰ When Agrippa had called as assessors the leading Romans and any kings and officers who were present, Nicolaus stood up and spoke on behalf of the Jews, as follows:
³⁰ Barach

³¹ " Ἅπασι μὲν , ὦ μέγιστε ἈγρίππαAgrippa , τοῖς ἐν χρείᾳ γεγενημένοις ἀνάγκη καταφεύγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀφελέσθαι τὰς ἐπηρείας αὐτῶν δυνησομένους , τοῖς δὲ νῦν ἐντυγχάνουσιν καὶ παρρησία ·
³¹ “It is of necessity incumbent on such as are in distress to have recourse to those that have it in their power to free them from those injuries they lie under; and for those that now are complainants, they approach you with great assurance;	³¹ "Great Agrippa, all people in need must have recourse to those with the power to set them free from whatever oppresses them, and so the suppliants approach you with assurance,
³¹ Barach

³² τυχόντες γὰρ πρότερον ὑμῶν οἵους ηὔξαντο πολλάκις , τὸ μὴ τὰς χάριτας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι δι᾽ ὑμῶν αἰτοῦνται τῶν δεδωκότων , καὶ ταῦτα εἰληφότες μὲν αὐτὰς παρὰ τούτων , οἷς μόνοις διδόναι δύναμις , ἀφαιρούμενοιto separate δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς κρείττονος , ἀλλ᾽ οὓς ἴσον ἔχειν αὐτοῖς ἀρχομένους ὁμοίως ὑμῶν ἴσασιν .
³² for as they have formerly often obtained your favor, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favors you have already granted them may not be taken away from them. We have received these favors from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are;	³² Just as they have obtained your favour in the past as often as they sought it, now they ask that you, the donors, will ensure that only what you have granted may not be taken from them, favours which you alone have power to grant but have been taken away by people no greater than ourselves, who are subjects like ourselves.
³² Barach

³³ καίτοι γε εἴτε μεγάλων ἠξιώθησαν , ἔπαινός ἐστιν τῶν τετυχηκότων ὅτι τοσούτων παρέσχον αὑτοὺς ἀξίους , εἴτε μικρῶν , αἰσχρὸν μὴ καὶ ταῦτα βεβαιοῦν δεδωκότας .
³³ and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favors, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as having been found deserving of such great favors; and if those favors be but small ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not to confirm them to us.	³³ If we have been granted great favours, it is to our credit to have been deemed worthy of them, and if the favours were only minor it would be shameful for the donors not to renew them.
³³ Barach

³⁴ οἵ γε μὴν ἐμποδὼν ὄντες καὶ πρὸς ἐπήρειαν χρώμενοι ἸουδαίοιςJews εὔδηλον ὡς ἄμφω ἀδικοῦσιν , τοὺς εἰληφότας , εἰ μὴ νομίζοιεν ἀγαθοὺς οἷς οἱ κρατοῦντες ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐν τῷ καὶ τοιαῦτα δεδωκέναι , καὶ τοὺς δεδωκότας , εἰ τὰς χάριτας αὐτῶν ἀβεβαίους ἀξιοῦσιν γενέσθαι .
³⁴ And for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them reproachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favors already granted may be abrogated.	³⁴ It is clear that those who are thwarting and mistreating the Jews are wronging both our people, by not accepting as good those whom their leaders have honoured in this way, and the donors themselves, by seeking to undermine favours already granted.
³⁴ Barach

³⁵ εἰ δέ τις αὐτοὺς ἔροιτο δύο τούτων θάτερον ἐθέλοιεν ἂν ἀφαιρεθῆναι , τὸ ζῆν ἢ τὰ πάτρια ἔθη τὰς πομπὰς τὰς θυσίας τὰς ἑορτάς , ἃς τοῖς νομιζομένοις προσάγουσι θεοῖς , εὖ οἶδ᾽ , ὅτι πάντα μᾶλλον αἱρήσονται παθεῖν ἢ καταλῦσαί τι τῶν πατρίων ·
³⁵ Now if any one should ask these Gentiles themselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices, their festivals, which they celebrated in honor of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to suffer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of any of the customs of their forefathers;	³⁵ If one should ask them which of two things they would choose to abandon, their lives or their ancestral customs, solemnities, sacrifices and the festivals they celebrate in honour of those they deem to be gods, I know full well they would choose to suffer everything rather than do away with any of their heritage.
³⁵ Barach

³⁶ καὶ γὰρ τοὺς πολέμους οἱ πολλοὶ διὰ ταῦτα αἱροῦνται φυλαττόμενοι μὴ παραβαίνειν αὐτά , καὶ τὴν‎ εὐδαιμονίαν , ἣν νῦν τὸ σύμπαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἔχει , τούτῳ μετροῦμεν τῷ ἐξεῖναι κατὰ χώραν ἑκάστοις τὰ οἰκεῖα τιμῶσιν αὔξειν καὶ διαζῆν .
³⁶ for a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitous not to transgress in those matters. And indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our own institutions require, and yet to live [in peace];	³⁶ Indeed, many of them have rather chosen to go to war in defence of them, rather than transgress them. A sign of the well-being which all of mankind now enjoys on account of you is that we are each allowed to worship and live as required by our own heritage.
³⁶ Barach

³⁷ τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἂν αὐτοὶ παθεῖν ἑλόμενοι βιάζονται δρᾶν κατ᾽ ἄλλων ὥσπερ οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀσεβοῦντες , εἴτε τῶν οἰκείων εἰς θεοὺς ὁσίων ἀμελοῖεν , εἴτε τὰ οἰκεῖα τισὶν ἀνοσίως καταλύοιεν .
³⁷ and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavor to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an instance of impiety profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own towards their gods.	³⁷ But though they do not wish to be so treated themselves, they try to make others subject, as if it were not as impious to set aside the religious practice of others as to neglect to show fidelity toward one’s own gods.
³⁷ Barach

³⁸ τόδ᾽ ἕτερον δ᾽ ἤδη σκοπήσομεν · ἔστι τις δῆμος ἢ πόλις ἢ κοινὸν ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων , οἷς οὐ μέγιστον ἀγαθῶν πέφυκε προστασία τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ ῬωμαικὸνRoman κράτος ; ἐθέλοι δ᾽ ἄν τις ἀκύρους τὰς ἐντεῦθεν εἶναι χάριτας ;
³⁸ And let us now consider the one of these practices. Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing ‘. Is there any one that can desire to make void the favors they have granted?	³⁸ Furthermore, is there any people or city or human community to whom your rule and patronage and Roman power does not appear as the greatest of blessings? Would anyone seek to minimize the benefits it has brought?
³⁸ Barach

³⁹ οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ μαινόμενος · οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰσὶν οἱ μὴ μετέχοντες αὐτῶν ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ . Καὶ μὴν οἱ τινὰς ὧν ὑμεῖς ἔδοτε παραιρούμενοι βέβαιον οὐδ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν ὧν δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἔχουσιν ὑπολείπονται .
³⁹ No one is certainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favors, both public and private; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from them also;	³⁹ No one, not even a madman! No one is ruled out from sharing in these blessings, both public and private, and any who deny what you have granted cannot be sure that all you have given them may be taken from them.
³⁹ Barach

⁴⁰ καίτοι τὰς μὲν τούτων χάριτας οὐδὲ μετρῆσαι δυνατόν ἐστιν · εἰ γὰρ ἐκλογίσαιντο τὴν‎ πάλαι βασιλείαν καὶ τὴν‎ νῦν ἀρχήν , πολλῶν ὄντων ὅσα πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπέδωκεν , ἔτι κατὰ πάντων ἀρκεῖ τὸ μηκέτι δούλους ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευθέρους φαίνεσθαι .
⁴⁰ which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued; for if they consider the old governments under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their happiness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom.	⁴⁰ These favours you have brought cannot be prized highly enough, for if they compare the ancient kingdoms to your present rule, besides the many aspects of prosperity this government has brought, the main thing is that they no longer live as slaves, but as free people.
⁴⁰ Barach

⁴¹ τὰ δ᾽ ἡμέτερα καὶ λαμπρῶς πραττόντων οὐκ ἔστιν ἐπίφθονα · δι᾽ ὑμᾶς γὰρ καὶ μετὰ πάντων εὐτυχοῦμεν καὶ τούτου μόνου μετέχειν ἠξιώσαμεν , ἀκωλύτως τὴν‎ πάτριον εὐσέβειαν διαφυλάττειν , ὃ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὸ δόξειεν οὐκ ἐπίφθονον καὶ πρὸς τῶν συγχωρούντων εἶναι ·
⁴¹ Now the privileges we desire, even when we are in the best circumstances, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibition; which as it appears not in itself a privilege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us;	⁴¹ What we seek, even if we seem to be doing very well, need not be envied, for if we are flourishing on account of you it is shared by others. All we want is to guard our religious heritage without hindrance, a privilege for which we should not be envied, as it benefits those who allow it.
⁴¹ Barach

⁴² τὸ γὰρ θεῖον , εἰ χαίρει τιμώμενον , χαίρει τοῖς ἐπιτρέπουσι τιμᾶν , ἐθῶν τε τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀπάνθρωπον μὲν οὐδέν ἐστιν , εὐσεβῆ δὲ πάντα καὶ τῇ συνήθει δικαιοσύνῃ συγκαθωσιωμένα .
⁴² for if the Divinity delights in being honored, it must delight in those that permit them to be honored. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and devoted to the preservation of justice;	⁴² If the Divinity is pleased to be honoured, He must be pleased with those who allow this honour. None of our customs are inhuman, but all of them tend to piety and tend to preserve justice.
⁴² Barach

⁴³ καὶ οὔτε ἀποκρυπτόμεθα τὰ παραγγέλματα , οἷς χρώμεθα πρὸς τὸν βίον ὑπομνήμασιν τῆς εὐσεβείας καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἐπιτηδευμάτων , τήν τε ἑβδόμην τῶν ἡμερῶν ἀνίεμεν τῇ μαθήσει τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐθῶν καὶ νόμου , μελέτην ὥσπερ ἄλλου τινὸς καὶ τούτων ἀξιοῦντες εἶναι δι᾽ ὧν οὐχ ἁμαρτησόμεθα .
⁴³ nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being memorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labor; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws, we thinking it proper to reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin.	⁴³ We do not conceal the teachings by which we rule our lives, as they are the basics of piety and friendly human interaction. The seventh day we set apart for the learning of our customs and law, considering that there is no better form of study by which to avoid sin.
⁴³ Barach

⁴⁴ καλὰ μὲν οὖν , ἐὰν ἐξετάζῃ τις καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὰ τὰ ἔθη , παλαιὰ δ᾽ ἡμῖν , κἂν μή τισιν δοκῇ , ὥστ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ τοῦ χρόνου τιμητὸν δυσαποδίδακτον εἶναι τοῖς ὁσίως παρειληφόσιν καὶ διαφυλάττουσιν .
⁴⁴ If any one therefore examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think otherwise, insomuch that those who have received them cannot easily be brought to depart from them, out of that honor they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed them.	⁴⁴ If one examines our ways he will find they are good in themselves and ancient too, despite what some may think, so that those who have received and observed them cannot be easily brought to abandon what they have honoured for so long.
⁴⁴ Barach

⁴⁵ τούτων ἡμᾶς ἀφαιροῦνται κατ᾽ ἐπήρειαν , χρήματα μὲν ἃ τῷ θεῷ συμφέρομεν ἐπώνυμα διαφθείροντες καὶ φανερῶς ἱεροσυλοῦντες , τέλη δ᾽ ἐπιτιθέντες κἀν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἄγοντες ἐπὶ δικαστήρια καὶ πραγματείας ἄλλας , οὐ κατὰ χρείαν τῶν συναλλαγμάτων , ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἐπήρειαν τῆς θρησκείας , ἣν συνίσασιν ἡμῖν , μῖσος οὐ δίκαιον οὐδ᾽ αὐτεξούσιον αὐτοῖς πεπονθότες .
⁴⁵ Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is owed to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tributes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, and for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and to them involuntary, hatred;	⁴⁵ It is these that our opponents spitefully take from us when they destroy the money we set aside for God and publicly scorn his temple by imposing taxes on us and on our holy days making us come to court and do other practical business, not because our legal obligations require it but to spite our religion, whose rules they know as well as we, all because of an unjustified and arbitrary hatred.
⁴⁵ Barach

⁴⁶ ἡ γὰρ ὑμετέρα κατὰ πάντων ἀρχὴ γενομένη μία τὴν‎ μὲν εὔνοιαν ἐνεργὸν τὴν‎ δὲ δύσνοιαν ἄνεργον ποιεῖ τοῖς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου προαιρουμένοιςto bring forth, produce .
⁴⁶ for your government over all is one, tending to the establishing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it.	⁴⁶ On the contrary, your government over all is consistent in promoting people's disposition toward goodwill and curbing their malice.
⁴⁶ Barach

⁴⁷ ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἀξιοῦμεν , ὦ μέγιστε ἈγρίππαAgrippa , μὴ κακῶς πάσχειν μηδ᾽ ἐπηρεάζεσθαι μηδὲ κωλύεσθαι τοῖς ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἡμετέροις μηδ᾽ ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τῶν ὄντων μηδ᾽ ἃ μὴ βιαζόμεθα τούτους ὑπὸ τούτων βιάζεσθαι · καὶ γὰρ οὐ δίκαια μόνον ἐστίν , ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν δεδομένα πρότερον .
⁴⁷ This is therefore what we implore from thee, most excellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill-treated; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods, nor be forced by these men to do what we ourselves force nobody to do; for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you.	⁴⁷ So what we beg, great Agrippa, is not to let us be ill-treated or abused, or prevented from following our own customs, not to be robbed of our property or be oppressed by these people whom we do not oppress, for our claims are not only just but also were granted to us earlier by you.
⁴⁷ Barach

⁴⁸ ἔτι καὶ δυναίμεθ᾽ ἂν πολλὰ δόγματα τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ τὰς ἐν τῷ ΚαπετωλίῳCapitol κειμένας δέλτους ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀναγινώσκειν , ἃ δῆλον μὲν ὡς μετὰ πεῖραν τῆς ἡμετέρας εἰς ὑμᾶς πίστεως ἐδόθη , κύρια δὲ κἂν εἰ μηδενὸς ὕπαρξιν ἐχαρίσασθε .
⁴⁸ And we are able to read to you many decrees of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol, concerning these things, which it is evident were granted after you had experience of our fidelity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been;	⁴⁸ About them we can read you many decrees of the senate, recorded on the tablets in the Capitol, which clearly were granted as a result of our loyalty to you, although you should concede them even if we done nothing to please you.
⁴⁸ Barach

⁴⁹ σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐ μόνοις ἡμῖν ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις τὰ μὲν ὄντα φυλάξαντες , μείζω δὲ τῶν ἐλπισθέντων προσθέντες εὐεργετεῖτε τῷ κρατεῖν , καὶ δύναιτ᾽ ἄν τις ἐπεξιὼν τὰς ἑκάστων εὐτυχίας , ἃς δι᾽ ὑμῶν ἔχουσιν , ἀπερίληπτον ποιῆσαι τὸν λόγον .
⁴⁹ for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but almost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby your government is become a great advantage to them. And if any one were able to enumerate the prosperity you have conferred on every nation, which they possess by your means, he could never put an end to his discourse;	⁴⁹ For you have guarded not alone our property but that of almost all others, so that your empire has brought benefits beyond all their hopes, and if one were to try to list all the advantages each of them has received through you the list would never come to an end.
⁴⁹ Barach

⁵⁰ ἵνα μέντοι καὶ δικαίως ἁπάντων αὐτῶν τυγχάνοντας ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιδείξωμεν , ἀρκεῖ πρὸς παρρησίαν ἡμῖν τὰ πρότερον σιωπήσασιν τὸν βασιλεύοντα νῦν ἡμῶν καὶ σοὶ παρακαθεζόμενον εἰπεῖν .
⁵⁰ but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us, to say nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and is now one of thy assessors;	⁵⁰ Still, that we may show ourselves worthy of all the benefits granted to us, suffice it to speak of this king who now governs us and is one of your assessors.
⁵⁰ Barach

⁵¹ ᾧ ποία μὲν εὔνοια πρὸς τὸν ὑμέτερον οἶκον παραλέλειπται ; ποία δὲ πίστις ἐνδεής ἐστιν ; τίς δὲ οὐ νενόηται τιμή ; ποία δὲ χρεία μὴ εἰς πρῶτον ὁρᾷ ; τί δὴ κωλύει καὶ τὰς ἡμετέρας χάριτας τῶν εἰς τοσούτων εὐεργεσιῶν ἀριθμὸν εἶναι ;
⁵¹ and indeed in what instance of good-will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fidelity to it hath he omitted? What token of honor hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you hath he not regarded at the very first? What hindereth; therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been?	⁵¹ Where has he shown any lack of goodwill toward your house? What sign of loyalty has he not given to it? What proof of honour has he not devised? In what crisis has he not shown foresight on your behalf? So then, what prevents your favour from equalling his great favours to you?
⁵¹ Barach

⁵² καλὸν δ᾽ ἴσως μηδὲ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater παραλιπεῖν ἀνδραγαθίαν ἀμνημόνευτον , ὃς εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt εἰσβεβληκότος ΚαίσαροςCaesar δισχιλίοις ὁπλίταιςarmed warrior βοηθήσας οὔτ᾽ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ γῆν ἀγῶσιν οὔθ᾽ ὅτε νεῶν ἔδει δεύτερος ἐξητάζετο .
⁵² It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass over in silence the valor of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him with two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the management of the navy;	⁵² Probably we should not fail to mention the bravery of his father Antipater, who, when Caesar invaded Egypt, helped him with two thousand warriors and was second to none in his efforts, both in the battles on land and in those by sea.
⁵² Barach

⁵³ καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν , ὅσην ἐκεῖνοι παρέσχον ῥοπὴν τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ πόσων καὶ τίνων δωρεῶν ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἠξιώθησαν καθ᾽ ἕνα , δέον ἀναμνῆσαι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν , ἃς ἔγραψεν τότε ΚαῖσαρCaesar τῇ συγκλήτῳ , καὶ ὡς δημοσίᾳ τιμὰς καὶ πολιτείαν ἔλαβεν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ;
⁵³ and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture? or how many and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have mentioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the senate; and how Antipater had honors, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him;	⁵³ Need we mention how important their contribution was at that juncture, or of how many gifts each of them received from Caesar? And I should recall the letters Caesar wrote to the senate, and the public honours and citizenship conferred upon Antipater.
⁵³ Barach

⁵⁴ ἀρκέσει γὰρ ταῦτα τὰ τεκμήρια τοῦ καὶ τὰς χάριτας ἡμᾶς κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ἔχειν καὶ παρὰ σοῦ τὸ βέβαιον αὐτῶν αἰτεῖν , παρ᾽ οὗ καὶ μὴ πρότερον δοθείσας ἦν ἐλπίσαι τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς ὑμᾶς διάθεσιν καὶ τὴν‎ ὑμετέραν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁρῶσιν .
⁵⁴ for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favors by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had reason to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king’s disposition towards you, and your disposition towards him.	⁵⁴ Such things suffice to prove that we received these favours by our own merits, and therefore we ask you to confirm them, confident that even if not already granted to us you would grant them, due to our king's support for you and yours for him.
⁵⁴ Barach

⁵⁵ ἀπαγγέλλεται δ᾽ ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ ἸουδαίωνJews , ὡς μὲν ἐπέβης τῆς χώρας εὐμενής , ὡς δὲ ἀπέδωκας τῷ θεῷ τέλεια θύματα τιμῶν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τελείαις εὐχαῖς , ὡς δὲ τὸν δῆμον εἱστίασας καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου ξένια προσήκω .
⁵⁵ And further, we have been informed by those Jews that were there with what kindness thou camest into our country, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honoredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospitable presents to thee.	⁵⁵ We have been told by the Jews who were present how benevolently you came to our land and offered the most perfect sacrifices to God and honoured him with remarkable vows and how you gave a feast for the people and accepted their hospitality to you.
⁵⁵ Barach

⁵⁶ ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα καὶ ἔθνει καὶ πόλει πρὸς ἄνδρα τοσούτων ἐπιστατοῦντα πραγμάτων δεξιώματα καὶ σύμβολα φιλίας χρὴ δοκεῖν , ἣν ἀπέδωκας τῷ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνει τῆς ἩρώδουHerod προξενούσης αὐτὴν ἑστίαςhome,hearth .
⁵⁶ We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and to our city, to a man who is the ruler and manager of so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of Herod.	⁵⁶ We reckon all these things done by our nation and city for a man who rules and manages so much of the administration to be signs of the friendship between you and the Jewish nation, won for us by the hospitality of Herod's family.
⁵⁶ Barach

⁵⁷ τούτων ὑπομιμνήσκοντές σε καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ τοῦ παρόντος καὶ συγκαθεζομένου βασιλέως ἠξιώκαμεν περιττὸν οὐδέν , ἃ δ᾽ αὐτοὶ δεδώκατε ταῦθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων μὴ περιιδεῖν ἀφαιρουμένους ."
⁵⁷ So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but this, that what you have given us yourselves you will not see taken away by others from us.”	⁵⁷ Reminding you of these matters in the presence of the king sitting beside you, we ask no more than this: Do not look on while others rob us of what you yourselves have given us."
⁵⁷ Barach

⁵⁸ Τοιαῦτα μὲν τοῦ ΝικολάουNicolaus διελθόντος ἐγένετο οὐδεμία τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἀντικατάστασις · οὐδὲ γὰρ ὡς ἐν δικαστηρίῳ περὶ τῶν προκειμένων διελάμβανον , ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ἔντευξις ὧν ἐβιάζοντο .
⁵⁸ When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer;	⁵⁸ When Nicolaus had made this speech, no counter-argument was made to it by the Greeks, for this was not a legal trial but a petition against the violence being done to them.
⁵⁸ Barach

⁵⁹ κἀκείνων ἀπολογία μὲν οὐδεμία τοῦ μὴ ταῦτα ποιεῖν , πρόφασις δέ , ὡς τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν νεμόμενοι πάντα νῦν ἀδικοῖεν . οἱ δὲ ἐγγενεῖς τε αὑτοὺς ἐδείκνυσαν κἀν τῷ τὰ οἰκεῖα τιμᾶν μηδὲν λυποῦντες οἰκεῖν .
⁵⁹ nor did the Greeks make any defense of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretense was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship] but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them.	⁵⁹ The others made no defence nor did they at all deny what they were doing, only stating that they did them all sorts of wrong simply by living in their country. The [Jews] replied that they too belonged there and that they harmed no one by honouring their own customs.
⁵⁹ Barach

⁶⁰ συνιδὼν οὖν ἈγρίππαςAgrippa βιαζομένους ἀπεκρίνατοto answer ταῦτα · διὰ μὲν τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιάν τε καὶ φιλίαν ἕτοιμοςprepared εἶναι πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything χαρίζεσθαι ἸουδαίοιςJews , ἃ δὲ ἀξιοῦσιν καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὰ δίκαια δοκεῖν · ὥστ᾽ , εἰ μὲν ἐδέοντο καὶ πλειόνων , οὐκ ἂν ὀκνῆσαι τά γε μὴ λυποῦντα τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀρχὴν παρασχεῖν . ἐπεὶ δὲ ἃ καὶ πρότερον εἰλήφασιν ἄκυρα μὴ γενέσθαι , βεβαιοῦν αὐτοῖς ἀνεπηρεάστοις ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις διατελεῖν ἔθεσιν .
⁶⁰ So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: That, on account of Herod’s good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing further, he should not scruple to grant it them, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abrogated, he confirmed this to them, that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury. And when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly;	⁶⁰ When Agrippa saw that they had been subjected to violence he replied that on account of Herod's goodwill and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatever they asked and that what they wanted seemed justified, and that if they requested anything else he would not hesitate to grant it provided it was not harmful to Roman rule. Since they had asked only that their already existing rights not be set aside, he confirmed that they could continue observing their customs undisturbed.
⁶⁰ Barach

⁶¹ τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν διέλυε τὸν σύλλογον . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ προσεστὼς κατησπάζετο καὶ τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν διαθέσεως ὡμολόγει χάριν . ὁ δὲ καὶ εἰς ταῦτα φιλοφρονούμενος ἴσον αὑτὸν παρεῖχεν ἀντεμπλεκόμενος καὶ κατασπαζόμενος .
⁶¹ upon which Herod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition he showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms;	⁶¹ After saying this, he dissolved the assembly, and Herod stood up and embraced him and thanked him for his kindness toward him. Agrippa also accepted this most affably and similarly put his arms around him.
⁶¹ Barach

⁶² καὶ τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν · ἀπὸ δὲ Σάμου πλεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾽ οἴκου διέγνω καὶ τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa παραιτησάμενος ἀνήχθη , κατάγεται δ᾽ εἰς ΚαισάρειανCaesarea οὐ πολλαῖς ὕστερον ἡμέραις πνευμάτων ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary τυχών . κἀκεῖθεν ἐλθὼν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem συνήγαγεν ἐκκλησίαν πάνδημον · ἦν δὲ πολὺς κἀκ τῆς χώρας ὄχλος .
⁶² after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king determined to sail from Samos to his own country; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Caesarea in a few days’ time, as having favorable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also.	⁶² Then he left for Lesbos, but the king decided to sail from Samos to his own country, and after taking leave of Agrippa voyaged with favourable winds and landed in Caesarea not many days later. From there he went to Jerusalem and gathered a full assembly of the people and many from the country were there too.
⁶² Barach

⁶³ ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν ἀπολογισμόν τε τῆς ὅλης ἐκδημίας ἐποιήσατο καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews , ὅσοι κατὰ τὴν‎ ἈσίανAsian ἦσαν , ὡς δι᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνεπηρεάστως εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἕξουσιν διηγήσατο .
⁶³ So he came to them, and gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the affairs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come.	⁶³ He came and explained all about his journey and gave them a detailed report of how due to him the Jews in Asia would live undisturbed in future.
⁶³ Barach

⁶⁴ τό τε σύμπαν ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐτυχίαις καὶ τῇ διοικήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς [ὡς ] οὐδενὸς παραλείποιτο τῶν ἐκείνοις συμφερόντων , ἀγαλλόμενος τὸ τέταρτον τῶν φόρων ἀφίησιν αὐτοῖς τοῦ παρεληλυθότος ἔτους .
⁶⁴ He also told them of the entire good fortune he had met with and how he had administered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year.	⁶⁴ He gave them a summary of his good fortune and of his administration of power and how he neglecting nothing that would benefit them, and then in a joyful mood he deducted for them a quarter of their taxes for the last year.
⁶⁴ Barach

⁶⁵ οἱ δὲ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τῇ χάριτι δεδημαγωγημένοι μετὰ πλείστης χαρᾶς ἀπῄεσαν πολλὰ ἀγαθὰ συνευχόμενοι τῷ βασιλεῖ .
⁶⁵ Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favor and speech to them, that they went their ways with great gladness, and wished the king all manner of happiness.	⁶⁵ They were so pleased with his speech and with this favour that they went away happily, full of good wishes toward the king.
⁶⁵ Barach

⁶⁶ Προύβαινε δ᾽ ἀεὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ στάσιν τῆς οἰκίας καὶ χαλεπωτέραν ἐλάμβανε τὴν‎ ἐπίδοσιν , ἀντιμεταλαβούσης μὲν ὥσπερ ἐκ κληρονομίας τὸ κατὰ τῶν νεανίσκων μῖσος τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome καὶ πᾶν ὅσον εὐδοκιμήκει κατὰ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῶν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν καὶ θράσος λαμβανούσης μηδένα τῶν ἐξ ἐκείνης καταλιπεῖν , ὃς δυνήσεται τιμωρῆσαι τῷ θανάτῳ τῆς δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἀνῃρημένης , Chapter 3 [066-086] Salome plots against Mariamne's sons. Herod prefers Antipater over them; they are enraged ☜ ☞
⁶⁶ But now the affairs in Herod’s family were in more and more disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobulus], which descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne;] and as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavor that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it in their power to revenge her death.	⁶⁶ The disharmony in his household grew ever worse due to Salome's hatred of the youths, which as it were came to them by inheritance. As she had succeeded fully against their mother, she progressed to such madness and malice that she wanted none of that woman's descendants to be left alive and in a position to avenge her death.
⁶⁶ Barach

⁶⁷ δυσμενῶς δέ τι καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων θρασὺ καὶ δύσνουν εἰς τὸν γεγεννηκότα μνήμῃ τε τῆς μητρὸς οἷα πάθοι παρὰ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν καὶ τῇ τοῦ κρατεῖν ἐπιθυμίᾳ .
⁶⁷ The young men had also somewhat of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father occasioned by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affectation of dominion.	⁶⁷ Furthermore, those[two] youths had a rather reckless hostility toward their father, based on the memory of the injustice their mother had suffered and on their own desire to rule.
⁶⁷ Barach

⁶⁸ πάλιν τε τὸ κακὸν ὅμοιον ἐγεγόνει τοῖς πρώτοις , βλασφημίαι μὲν ἐξ ἐκείνων εἴς τε τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome καὶ τὸν ΦερώρανPheroras , κακοήθειαι δὲ τούτων εἰς τὰ μειράκια καὶ μετὰ πραγματείας ἐπιβουλή ·
⁶⁸ The old grudge was also renewed; and they east reproaches on Salome and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them.	⁶⁸ The situation now grew worse than before and they said harsh things against Salome and Pheroras, who in revenge felt malicious toward the young men and was busily plotting against them.
⁶⁸ Barach

⁶⁹ τὸ μὲν γὰρ μῖσος ἴσον ἦν ἐξ ἀλλήλων , ὁ δὲ τρόπος τοῦ μισεῖν οὐχ ὅμοιος · ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἐν τῷ φανερῷ λοιδορηθῆναι καὶ προσονειδίσαι προπετεῖς εὐγενὲς ὑπὸ τῆς ἀπειρίας οἰόμενοι τὸ τῆς ὀργῆς ἀνυπόστολον , οἱ δ᾽ οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον , ἀλλὰ πραγματικῶς καὶ κακοήθως ἐχρῶντο ταῖς διαβολαῖς , προέλκοντες ἀεὶ τὰ μειράκια καὶ τὸ θρασὺ καταλογιζόμενοι βίαιον ἔσεσθαι πρὸς τὸν γεγεννηκότα .
⁶⁹ Now as for this hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred was different; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a subtle and a spiteful manner, still provoking the young men, and imagining that their boldness might in time turn to the offering violence to their father;	⁶⁹ The hatred was equal on both sides, but they differed in their way of expressing that hatred. The young men were rash, publicly insulting and confronting the others, and were so inexperienced as to think it nobler to declare their minds quite openly, but the others more effectively opted for spiteful allegations, forever goading the youths in the anticipation that their boldness would eventually lead them to violence.
⁶⁹ Barach

⁷⁰ τὸ γὰρ οὐκ αἰδεῖσθαι ταῖς τῆς μητρὸς ἁμαρτίαις οὐδ᾽ οἴεσθαι δίκαια παθεῖν ἐκείνην ἄσχετον εἶναι πρὸς τὸ μὴ τὸν αἴτιον δοκοῦντα τιμωρήσεσθαι καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοχειρίας .
⁷⁰ for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these supposed that might at length exceed all bounds, and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their father, though it were by dispatching him with their own hands.	⁷⁰ For as they were not ashamed of their mother's faults and did not believe that her execution was just, one could expect them to finally go overboard and in revenge even kill him with their own hands.
⁷⁰ Barach

⁷¹ τέλος οὖν ἀνεπλήσθηto fill up πᾶσα ἡ πόλις τῶν τοιούτων λόγων καὶ καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς ἀγωνίσμασιν ἠλεεῖτο μὲν ἡ τῶν μειρακίων ἀπειρία , κατίσχυεν δὲ ἡ τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome ἐπιμέλεια καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων τὰς ἀφορμὰς τοῦ μὴ ψευδῆ λέγειν ἐλάμβανεν .
⁷¹ At length it came to this, that the whole city was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the young men was pitied; but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them, and what imputations she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of their own conduct;	⁷¹ At last the whole city was full of rumours like these, and naturally in such a conflict the naivety of the young men was pitied. Salome's plan, however, prevailed and her lies against them came to be believed because of their own conduct.
⁷¹ Barach

⁷² οἱ γὰρ οὕτως ἀχθόμενοιto be loaded, vexed τῷ θανάτῳ τῆς μητρός , ἐπειδὴ κἀκείνηνand that one/place/time καὶ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κακῶς ἔλεγεν , ἐφιλονείκουν ἐλεεινὴν μέν , ὥσπερ ἦν , ἀποφαίνειν τὴν‎ καταστροφὴν τῆς μητρός , ἐλεεινοὺς δὲ αὐτούς , οἳ τοῖς ἐκείνης φονεῦσιν ἀναγκάζονται συζῆν καὶ τῶν αὐτῶν μεταλαμβάνειν .
⁷² for they who were so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end, which indeed was truly such, and said that they were themselves in a pitiable case also, because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers, and to be partakers with them.	⁷² They were so grieved by their mother's death that when both she and they were badly spoken of, they complained that she had been pitiably treated, which indeed was true, and that they were also to be pitied for being forced to live close to her murderers and to be civil with them.
⁷² Barach

⁷³ Ταῦτα προῄει μειζόνως καιρὸν ἐχούσης τῆς στάσεως ἐν ἀποδημίᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως . ὡς δ᾽ ἐπανῆλθεν ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ τῷ πλήθει διελέξατο , καθὼς προειρήκαμεν , προσέπιπτον εὐθὺς οἱ λόγοι παρά τε τοῦ ΦερώραPheroras καὶ τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome μέγαν αὐτῷ τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι τὸν παρὰ τῶν νεανίσκων ἀνάφανδα διαπειλουμένων , ὡς οὐκ ἀνέξονται μὴ τισάμενοι τῆς μητρὸς τὸν φόνον .
⁷³ These disorders increased greatly, and the king’s absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned, and had made the forementioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fall words immediately as if he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly threatened that they would not spare him any longer, but revenge their mother’s death upon him.	⁷³ These grounds of dissension greatly increased during the king's absence and when Herod returned and had addressed the crowd as we have said, Pheroras and Salome immediately prompted the rumour that he was in great danger and that the youths were publicly threatening to no longer postpone taking revenge for their mother's death.
⁷³ Barach

⁷⁴ προσετίθεσαν δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ ὡς ταῖς παρ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus τοῦ Καππάδοκος ἐλπίσιν ἐπανέχοιεν , ὡς δι᾽ ἐκείνου πρός τε ΚαίσαραCaesar ἀφιξόμενοι καὶ κατηγορήσοντες τοῦ πατρός .
⁷⁴ They also added another circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his means to come to Caesar, and accuse their father.	⁷⁴ To this they added that their hopes were fixed on Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, with whose help they would go to Caesar and accuse their father.
⁷⁴ Barach

⁷⁵ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἐτετάρακτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀκούσας τοιούτων , ἐξεπέπληκτο δὲ μᾶλλον , ὅτι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινὲς ἀπήγγελλον , ἀνέκαμπτε τῇ συμφορᾷ τά τε πρῶτα καταλογιζόμενος ὡς οὔτε τῶν φιλτάτων οὔτε τῆς στεργομένης αὐτῷ γυναικὸς ὤνατο διὰ τὰς ἐγγινομένας ταραχὰς κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν , τό τε μᾶλλον τοῦ προσπεπτωκότος ἤδη βαρὺ καὶ μεῖζον ἐκείνων ὑπολαμβάνων ἐν συγχύσει τῆς ψυχῆς ἦν .
⁷⁵ Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately disturbed; and indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from those that were dearest to him or from his wife whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier and greater than those that were past, he was in great confusion of mind;	⁷⁵ Hearing such things, Herod was immediately troubled, all the more so when the same things were reported to him by others. He called to mind his earlier plight and considered that the disorders within his family were preventing him from enjoying any comfort from those dearest to him or from his wife whom he loved so well. Suspecting also that his troubles in future would soon be weightier and greater than those of the past, he was confused in mind,
⁷⁵ Barach

⁷⁶ τῷ γὰρ ὄντι πλεῖστα μὲν καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας τῶν ἔξωθεν εἰς εὐτυχίαν αὐτῷ τὸ δαιμόνιον προσετίθει , μέγιστα δὲ τῶν οἴκοι καὶ μηδὲ προσδοκώμενα δυστυχεῖν αὐτῷ συνέβαινεν , ἑκατέρου προιόντος ὡς οὐκ ἄν τις ᾠήθη καὶ παρέχοντος ἀμφήριστον τὴν‎ ὑπερβολήν , εἰ
⁷⁶ for Divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes; but the troubles he had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question,	⁷⁶ for some daemon had truly conferred upon him many outward advantages even beyond his hopes, but his domestic troubles were beyond the normal and rendered him unfortunate. Indeed both of these affected him to such an unimaginable degree that comparing them it is hard to say
⁷⁶ Barach

⁷⁷ δέον τὴν‎ τοσαύτην εὐτυχίαν τῶν ἔξωθεν πραγμάτων ἀλλάξασθαι τῶν οἴκοι κακῶν , ἢ τοιοῦτο μέγεθος τῶν περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους συμφορῶν διαφυγεῖν ἐν τῷ μηδὲ τὰ τῆς βασιλείας θαυμαζόμενα κεκτῆσθαι .
⁷⁷ whether, upon the comparison of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have chosen to avoid the calamities relating to his family, though he had, for a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom.	⁷⁷ whether he would have exchanged his great success in outward things for such misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not choose to avoid his domestic troubles even if he must never experience his remarkably successful kingship.
⁷⁷ Barach

⁷⁸ Ταρασσόμενος δὲ καὶ διακείμενος τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει τῶν μειρακίων ἕτερον αὐτῷ γενόμενον ἰδιωτεύοντι παῖδα προσήγετο καὶ τοῦτον ἐδόκει τιμᾶν , ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ ἈντίπατροςAntipater , οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν ὑστέρῳ καὶ τελέως ἡττηθεὶς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ πάντ᾽ εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἀναφέρων ,
⁷⁸ As he was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was born to him when he was a private man; his name was Antipater; yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased,	⁷⁸ In this troubled and unhappy state, in order to quell these youths, he brought to court another of his sons who was born to him before he came to power, the one called Antipater. At first he did not indulge him as he did later, when he was quite dominated by him and let him do as he pleased.
⁷⁸ Barach

⁷⁹ οἰόμενος δὲ παραιρήσεσθαι τοῦ θράσους τοὺς ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς νουθεσίαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνων οἰκονομῶν αὐτό . τὸ γὰρ αὔθαδες οὐκ ἂν [εἴη ] παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς , εἰ τοῦτο πεισθεῖεν , ὅτι μὴ μόνοις μηδ᾽ ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἡ διαδοχὴ τῆς βασιλείας ὀφείλεται .
⁷⁹ but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons of Mariamne, and managing this elevation of his so, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behavior of theirs [he thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity come to them.	⁷⁹ Now however, wanting to quell the insolence of the sons of Mariamne he elevated his other son as a warning to them. Their bold behaviour would calm down once they were persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not automatically belong to them alone.
⁷⁹ Barach

⁸⁰ διὸ καὶ καθάπερ ἔφεδρόν τινα τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater εἰσῆγεν οἰόμενος ὀρθῶς προνοεῖν καὶ κατασταλέντων τῶν μειρακίων ἐξεῖναι εὐκαίρως χρῆσθαι βελτίοσιν .
⁸⁰ So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these to be of a better disposition;	⁸⁰ So he introduced Antipater as their rival, thinking this would succeed and that once the pride of the youths was checked they would be easier for him to manage.
⁸⁰ Barach

⁸¹ τὸ δ᾽ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐνόησεν ἀπέβη · τοῖς τε γὰρ παισὶν οὐ μετρίως ἐδόκει κεχρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπηρείᾳ , καὶ δεινὸς ὢν τὸν τρόπον ἈντίπατροςAntipater , ἐπειδὴ παρρησίας τινὸς τῆς οὐ πρότερον οὔσης ἐλπίδος ἀντεποιήσατο , μίαν ἔσχεν ὑπόθεσιν κακοῦ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς μὴ παραχωρεῖν τῶν πρωτείων , ἀλλ᾽ ἔχεσθαιto have, hold τοῦ πατρός , ἤδη μὲν ἠλλοτριωμένου ταῖς διαβολαῖς , εὐμεταχειρίστου δ᾽ ὄντος εἰς ὅπερ ἐσπουδάκει , πολὺ χαλεπώτερον ἀεὶ γενέσθαι τοῖς διαβεβλημένοις .
⁸¹ but the event proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to distress his brethren, and not at all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be brought upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against them.	⁸¹ But it did not turn out as planned, for the boys felt that his action was unjust and provocative to them, and as Antipater was shrewd in his ways, when he got this level of freedom and began to have previously unhoped-for prospects, the only thought in his head was how to harm his brothers. To stop them from gaining pre-eminence he would keep close to his father, already alienated from them by allegation and apt to become much more severe on them if stirred by any further means he could plot.
⁸¹ Barach

⁸² ἦσαν οὖν οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μόνου οἱ λόγοι φυλαττομένου δι᾽ αὑτοῦ δόξαι τὰ τοιαῦτα καταμηνύειν , ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἐχρῆτο συνεργοῖς τοῖς ἀνυπόπτοις καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πιστευθησομένοις αὐτὸ ποιεῖν .
⁸² Accordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the suspicion as if those discoveries proceeded from him; but he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants that were unsuspected, and such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good-will they bore to the king;	⁸² Not every rumour spreading around came from him as he avoided being suspected of starting them by using collaborators who were above suspicion and would be believed to be speaking out because of their goodwill toward the king.
⁸² Barach

⁸³ ἤδη δὲ πλείους ἐγεγόνεισαν οἱ κἀκεῖνον ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠλπίκει θεραπεύοντες καὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐκ τοῦ δοκεῖν κατ᾽ εὔνοιαν τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγειν ὑπαγόμενοι . Καὶ τούτων πολυπροσώπως καὶ πιστῶς ἀλλήλοις συναγωνιζομένων ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον αἱ παρὰ τῶν μειρακίων ἀφορμαὶ προσεγίνοντο ·
⁸³ and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their good-will to him: and with these joint accusations, which from various foundations supported one another’s veracity, the young men themselves afforded further occasions to Antipater also;	⁸³ Already there were not a few cultivating his friendship on account of his prospects and it was mainly they who persuaded Herod, seeming to say such things out of goodwill. On top of these accusations, all the more credible for coming from various sides, the youths furnished further chances to attack them.
⁸³ Barach

⁸⁴ καὶ γὰρ καὶ δάκρυα πολλάκις ἦν κατ᾽ ἐπήρειαν ὧν ἠτιμάζοντο καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀνάκλησις καὶ τὸν πατέρα φανερῶς ἤδη πρὸς τοὺς φίλους οὐ δίκαιον ἐλέγχειν ἐπετήδευον , ἅπερ ἅπαντα κακοήθως ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater καιροφυλακούμενα καὶ μειζόνως πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐξαγγελλόμενα προύβαινεν οὐ μικρὰν ἀπεργαζόμενα τὴν‎ τῆς οἰκίας στάσιν .
⁸⁴ for they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, as not acting justly by them; all which things were with an evil intention reserved in memory by Antipater against a proper opportunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the family;	⁸⁴ For they were often seen in tears for the cruel dishonour done to them and talking about their mother, and among their friends they blamed their father for treating them unjustly. All such things were maliciously stored up by Antipater for the right occasion and when they were told to Herod, and elaborated upon, they heightened the tension and brought great discord into the family.
⁸⁴ Barach

⁸⁵ ἀχθόμενος γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῖς διαβολαῖς καὶ ταπεινῶσαι βουλόμενος τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne μείζονα ἀεὶ πρὸς τιμὴν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater παρεῖχεν , καὶ τέλος ἡττηθεὶς ἐπεισήγαγε μὲν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου μητέρα , ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ πολλάκις γράφων ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἰδίᾳ συνίστη σπουδαιότερον .
⁸⁵ for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Mariamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased the honor that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to Caesar in favor of him, and more earnestly recommended him to his care particularly.	⁸⁵ The king was very angry about these allegations and wishing to humble Mariamne's sons he continued to show more honour to Antipater, and finally was so won over by him that he brought back his mother and often wrote to Caesar in his favour, commending him to his particular care.
⁸⁵ Barach

⁸⁶ ἈγρίππουAgrippa γε μὴν ἀνιόντος εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome μετὰ τὴν‎ διοίκησιν τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἈσίαςAsia δεκαετῆ γεγενημένην , πλεύσας ἀπὸ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea καὶ συντυγχάνων μόνον τε τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐπήγετο καὶ παρέδωκεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀνάγειν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων ΚαίσαριCaesar φίλον ἐσόμενον , ὥστε ἤδη πάντα δοκεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ καὶ παρεῶσθαι παντάπασιν ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὰ μειράκια .
⁸⁶ And when Agrippa was returning to Rome, after he had finished his ten years’ government in Asia. Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he had none with him but Antipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Caesar’s friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father’s favor, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom.	⁸⁶ When Agrippa was returning to Rome after administering Asia for ten years, Herod sailed from Judea, and when they met, the only one to accompany him was Antipater, whom he gave over to Agrippa to bring with him, along with many gifts, to become a friend of Caesar. Now he seemed to have all in his hands and that the youths were excluded from any prospect of the kingdom.
⁸⁶ Barach

Chapter 4
[087-135]
Before Augustus, Herod accuses Mariamne's sons of disloyalty.
Alexander's defence, and reconciliation with his father

☜ ☞

⁸⁷ Πρὸς μὲν οὖν τιμὴν καὶ τὸ πρῶτον εἶναι δοκεῖν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater προυχώρει τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀποδημίαν · καὶ γὰρ ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome πᾶσιν ἐπεσταλκότος ἩρώδουHerod τοῖς φίλοις διάσημος ἦν ·
⁸⁷ And now what happened during Antipater’s absence augmented the honor to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren; for he had made a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there;	⁸⁷ During his absence the status and preeminence of Antipater grew, for he became a celebrity in Rome, where Herod had written to all his friends about him.
⁸⁷ Barach

⁸⁸ ἤχθετο δὲ τῷ μὴ παρεῖναι μηδὲ ἔχειν ἐξ εὐκαίρου διαβάλλειν ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀδελφούς , καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδεδοίκει μεταβολὴν τοῦ πατρός , εἴ τι καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἀξιώσει ἐπιεικέστερον εἰς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne φρονεῖν .
⁸⁸ only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities of perpetually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a more favorable opinion of the sons of Mariamne;	⁸⁸ But it irked him not to be at home with a constant opportunity to calumniate his brothers, and his main fear was that left on his own his father might change his mind and come to view the sons of Mariamne more favourably.
⁸⁸ Barach

⁸⁹ ταῦτα δὲ δι᾽ ἐννοίας ἔχων οὐκ ἀφίστατο τῆς ἑαυτοῦ προαιρέσεως , ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖθεν , ὅτε ἀνιάσειν τι καὶ παροξυνεῖν ἤλπιζεν τὸν πατέρα κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν , συνεχῶς ἐπέστελλεν , πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς ὑπεραγωνιῶν αὐτοῦ‎ , τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς ἀφ᾽ ἧς εἶχεν [ἐν ] φύσει κακοηθείας τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα μεγάλην καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν οὖσαν ἐμπορευόμενος ,
⁸⁹ and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate his father against his brethren, under pretense indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but in truth such as his malicious mind dictated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself:	⁸⁹ With this in mind, he did not relent in his endeavour but kept sending from Rome stories that he hoped would irritate and anger his father against the brothers, under pretext of a deep concern for him but in fact prompted by his malicious nature and to strengthen his hopes, which were already strong.
⁸⁹ Barach

⁹⁰ ἕως εἰς τοῦτο προήγαγεν τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ὀργῆς καὶ δυσφημίας , ὡς ἤδη μὲν ἔχων δυσμενῶς τοῖς μειρακίοις , ἐν δὲ κατοκνεῖν εἰς τοιοῦτον ἐμβῆναι πάθος , ὡς μήτ᾽ ἀμελῶν μήτ᾽ ἐκ προπετείας ἁμαρτάνοι , κρεῖττον ἡγήσατο πλεύσας εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐκεῖ τῶν παίδων κατηγορεῖν παρὰ ΚαίσαριCaesar , καὶ μηδὲν αὑτῷ τοιοῦτον ἐπιτρέπειν , ὃ καὶ διὰ μέγεθος τῆς ἀσεβείας ὕποπτον ἦν .
⁹⁰ and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill-disposed towards the young men; but still while he delayed to exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be suspected of impiety.	⁹⁰ Eventually Herod was roused to great anger and resentment toward the youths; yet he delayed giving vent to this violent feeling. So in order neither to be too lax nor to give offence by acting too rashly, he thought it best to sail to Rome and there accuse his sons before Caesar, so as not to commit a crime so grievous that he could be accused of impiety.
⁹⁰ Barach

⁹¹ ὡς δὲ ἀνῆλθεν εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome , ἐγένετο μὲν μέχρι τῆς Ἀκυληίας πόλεως ΚαίσαριCaesar συντυχεῖν ἐπειγόμενος , ἐλθὼν δ᾽ εἰς λόγους καὶ καιρὸν αἰτησάμενος ἐπὶ μεγάλοις οἷς ἐδόκει δυστυχεῖν παρεστήσατο μὲν τοὺς παῖδας , ᾐτιᾶτο δὲ τῆς ἀπονοίας καὶ τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως ,
⁹¹ But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei so when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against him:	⁹¹ As he hurried toward Rome to meet Caesar, he happened to meet him at the city of Aquileia and when they had a chance to speak he asked him to hear this great case where he thought himself most unfortunate, and had his sons present, whom he accused of their rash actions and of their plotting
⁹¹ Barach

⁹² ὡς ἐχθρῶς ἔχουσιν ἅπαντα τρόπον ἐσπουδακότες [μισεῖν ] τὸν ἑαυτῶν πατέρα μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὠμοτάτῳ τρόπῳ παραλαβεῖν · ὁ δ᾽ οὐδὲ θνήσκων ἐξ ἀνάγκης μᾶλλον ἢ κρίσει παραδοῦναι τῷ διαμείναντι πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐσεβεστέρῳ παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐξουσίαν ἔχοι .
⁹² That they were enemies to him; and by all the means they were able, did their endeavors to show their hatred to their own father, and would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him;	⁹² and how hostile they were to him in every way and hated their own father enough to take his life and brutally take over the kingdom, which he had received from Caesar with power to dispose of it not by force but by his free choice, to the one who remained most loyal to him.
⁹² Barach

⁹³ τοῖς δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ πλέον , ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ ταύτης στεροῖντο καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ἐλάττων λόγος , εἰ μόνον ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν πατέρα δυνηθεῖεν · οὕτως ἄγριόν τι καὶ μιαρὸν ἐντετηκέναι ταῖς ψυχαῖς αὐτῶν μῖσος . Καὶ ταύτην τὴν‎ ἀτυχίαν αὐτὸς ἐκ μακροῦ φέρων ἀναγκασθῆναι νῦν ἐξηγεῖσθαι ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ μιαίνειν αὐτοῦ‎ τὰς ἀκοὰς τοιούτοις λόγοις .
⁹³ while these my sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive their father of his life; so wild and polluted is their mind by time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language,	⁹³ But even stronger than their desire to rule is their willingness to risk their lives if it is withheld from them, if only they could kill their own father, so wild and degenerate has hatred made their minds. Having borne this misfortune for a long time, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar and to pollute his ears with such matters.
⁹³ Barach

⁹⁴ καίτοι τί μὲν εἴησαν παθόντες ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ δυσχερές ; ἐπὶ τίνι δὲ μέμφονται βαρὺν ὄντα ; πῶς δ᾽ οἷόν τε καὶ δίκαιον ἣν αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο πολλοῖς πόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις ἀρχήν , ταύτης οὐκ ἐᾶν κύριον εἶναι κρατεῖν τε καὶ διδόναι τῷ κατ᾽ ἀξίαν ;
⁹⁴ while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he hath ever laid upon them to make them complain of him; and how they can think it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he in a long time, and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should deserve best;	⁹⁴ But what harshness had they ever suffered from him, or what reason for complaint did he give them? How could they think it right to remove him from the kingdom which he had gained over so long a time and at such peril, and not let him hold it and hand it on to whoever deserved it best?
⁹⁴ Barach

⁹⁵ ὡς τοῦτό γε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἆθλονprize εὐσεβείας ἐκτίθεται τῷ μέλλοντι πρὸς τὸν ποτὲ γενήσεσθαι τοιούτῳ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν , ἅτε καὶ τῆς ἀμοιβῆς τοσῆσδε οὔσης ἐπιτυγχάνειν .
⁹⁵ and this, with other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will hereafter imitate the care he hath taken of it, and that such a one may gain so great a requital as that is:	⁹⁵ He proposed to give this and other favours in return for the loyalty of the son who would show most care for his father, and that would be the great reward for the chosen one.
⁹⁵ Barach

⁹⁶ ὅτι δὲ μηδὲ εὐσεβὲς αὐτοῖς ὑπὲρ τούτου πολυπραγμονεῖν , εὔδηλον · ὁ γὰρ ἀεί τι περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐνθυμούμενος συγκαταλογίζεται τὸν θάνατον τοῦ γεγεννηκότος , μεθ᾽ ὃν ἄλλως οὐκ ἔστιν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παραλαβεῖν .
⁹⁶ and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle with it beforehand; for he who hath ever the kingdom in his view, at the same time reckons upon procuring the death of his father, because otherwise he cannot come at the government:	⁹⁶ clearly it was impious for them to try to determine this, for anyone who is always thinking about becoming king is also reckoning upon his father's death, since otherwise he cannot take over the leadership.
⁹⁶ Barach

⁹⁷ αὐτὸς δ᾽ ὅσα βασιλευομένοις καὶ βασιλέως παισὶν οὐχ ὑστέρησεν μέχρι νῦν ἀποδιδούς , οὐ κόσμον , οὐχ ὑπηρεσίαν , οὐ τρυφήν , ἀλλὰ καὶ γάμους τοὺς ἐπισημοτάτους παρεσχῆσθαι , τῷ μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς , ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander δὲ τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρα συνοικίσας ,
⁹⁷ that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister’s daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus;	⁹⁷ For his part, he had up to now not failed to give them all that was due to the sons of a king but still subject to his royal authority. They did not lack ornaments or servants or comfort, and he had married them into the most illustrious families, one of them to his sister's daughter, and Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus.
⁹⁷ Barach

⁹⁸ τὸ δὲ μέγιστον οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἣν εἶχεν ἐξουσίαν ταύτῃ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν χρησάμενος ἀγαγεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν κοινὸν ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes ΚαίσαραCaesar , καὶ παρελόμενον αὑτοῦ πᾶν , ὅσον ἢ πατὴρ ἀσεβούμενος ἢ βασιλεὺς ἐπιβουλευόμενος δύναται , κρίσεως ἰσοτιμίᾳ παρεστακέναι ·
⁹⁸ and, what was the greatest favor of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity which, either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted treacherously, he might have done, but made them stand upon a level with him in judgment:	⁹⁸ The greatest sign of his favour was that even in this crisis he did not use his authority to execute them, as a father wrongly treated or as a king plotted against might do, but instead had brought them for judgment as equals before Caesar, their mutual benefactor.
⁹⁸ Barach

⁹⁹ δεήσει μέντοι μὴ παντάπασιν αὐτὸν ἀτιμώρητον γενέσθαι μηδ᾽ ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις φόβοις καταζῆν , οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνοις λυσιτελοῦντος ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐνεθυμήθησαν ὁρᾶν τὸν ἥλιον , εἰ νῦν διαφύγοιεν , ἔργωιdeed μέγιστα τῶν ἀνθρωπείωνhuman καὶ δράσαντας καὶ πεισομένους .
⁹⁹ that, however, it was necessary that all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun after what they have done, although they should escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind.	⁹⁹ He begged that they not be left completely unpunished, nor that he go on living in such great fear. After what they had planned they did not deserve to go on seeing the light of the sun, even should they escape this time, for they had done the vilest things known to mankind and deserved to be punished.
⁹⁹ Barach

¹⁰⁰ Ταῦτα μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐμπαθῶς ᾐτιάσατο παρὰ ΚαίσαριCaesar τοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ παῖδας . τῶν δὲ νεανίσκων ἤδη μὲν καὶ λέγοντος δάκρυα καὶ σύγχυσις ἦν · μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἐπεὶ κατέπαυσεν ἩρώδηςHerod τὸν λόγον τῷ μὲν ἔξω τῆς τοιαύτης ἀσεβείας γενέσθαι τὸν λόγον πιστὸν εἶχον ἐν τῷ συνειδότι ,
¹⁰⁰ These were the accusations which Herod laid with great vehemency against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience they were innocent;	¹⁰⁰ Herod accused his sons vehemently in this way before Caesar, and the young men wept with emotion as he was speaking. Particularly as Herod ended, though conscious of their innocence of any such filial impiety they rightly felt it hard to make their defence.
¹⁰⁰ Barach

¹⁰¹ τὸ δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιφέρεσθαι τὰς διαβολὰς δυσαπολόγητον ὥσπερ ἦν ᾔδεσαν , οὐκ εὐσχημονοῦντος οὐδὲ τοῦ κατὰ παρρησίαν λόγου πρὸς τὸν καιρόν , εἰ μέλλοιεν ἐκ βίας ἀεὶ καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐλέγχειν πεπλανημένον .
¹⁰¹ but because they were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not now decent so to do.	¹⁰¹ After the accusations made by their father, although they were free to speak their minds as freely as needed to forcibly and earnestly refute the accusations, it did not now seem quite decent to do so.
¹⁰¹ Barach

¹⁰² ἦν οὖν ἀπορία τοῦ δύνασθαι λέγειν καὶ δάκρυα καὶ τέλος οἰμωγὴ συμπαθεστέρα , δεδοικότων μέν , εἰ δόξουσιν ἐκ τοῦ συνειδότος ἠπορῆσθαι , ῥᾳδίαν δ᾽ οὐχ εὑρισκομένων τὴν‎ ἀπολογίαν ὑπό τε νεότητος καὶ ταραχῆς , ἣν ἐπεπόνθεισαν .
¹⁰² There was therefore a difficulty how they should be able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep groan, followed, while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guilt,—nor had they any defense ready, by reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under;	¹⁰² Therefore, uncertain of how they should reply, his speech was followed by their tears and deep sighing. They feared that if they said nothing it might seem to be an acknowledgement of guilt, but they had no defence ready, because of their youth and the confusion they felt.
¹⁰² Barach

¹⁰³ οὐ μὴν ὅ γε ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐπιβλέπων αὐτοὺς ὡς εἶχον ἀσύνετον ἐποιεῖτο τὸ μὴ κατὰ συνείδησιν ἀτοπωτέραν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἀπειρίας καὶ μετριότητος ὀκνεῖν , ἐλεεινοί τ᾽ ἐγεγόνεισαν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἰδίᾳ καὶ τὸν πατέρα διεκίνησαν ἀληθινῷ τῷ πάθει συνεχόμενον .
¹⁰³ yet was not Caesar unapprised, when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay to make their defense did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular; and they moved their father’s affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them.	¹⁰³ Looking at them, Caesar was not unaware that their delay in offering their defence did not come from a guilty conscience, but from shyness and lack of experience. They were also pitied by the people present, and even their father's feelings were genuinely moved.
¹⁰³ Barach

¹⁰⁴ Ἐπεὶ δὲ συνεῖδον εὐμένειάν τινα καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ παρὰ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ ἕκαστον τοὺς μὲν συνδακρύοντας , ἅπαντας δὲ συναλγοῦντας , ἅτερος αὐτῶν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἐπικαλεσάμενος αὐτὸν ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in διαλύειν τὰς αἰτίας καί ,
¹⁰⁴ But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the one of them, whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said,	¹⁰⁴ When they saw some goodwill both in him and in Caesar and that some of the others were shedding tears, and all felt pity for them, one of them, Alexander, tried to answer his accusation, and calling to his father he said,
¹⁰⁴ Barach

¹⁰⁵ " πάτερ , εἶπεν , ἡ μὲν σὴ πρὸς ἡμᾶς εὔνοια δήλη καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν‎ κρίσιν · οὐκ ἂν γάρ , εἴ τι δυσχερὲς ἐνενόεις ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν , ἐπὶ τὸν πάντας σώζοντα προήγαγες ·
¹⁰⁵ “O father, the benevolence thou hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou had any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common savior of all,	¹⁰⁵ "Father, your goodwill to us is clear, even in this trial, for if you had intended any severity toward us, you would not have led us here before the common saviour of all.
¹⁰⁵ Barach

¹⁰⁶ καὶ γὰρ παρούσης μὲν ἐξουσίας ὡς βασιλεῖ , παρούσης δὲ ὡς πατρὶ τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας ἐπεξιέναι , τὸ εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἄγειν καὶ τοῦτον ποιεῖσθαι μάρτυρα σώζοντος ἦν · οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἀποκτεῖναί τινα προαιρούμενος εἰς ἱερὰ καὶ ναοὺς ἄγει .
¹⁰⁶ for it was in thy power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the guilty; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us; for no one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars;	¹⁰⁶ It was in your power, both as a king and as a father, to punish the guilty, so that bringing us to Rome and making this man a witness suggests that you intend to spare us, for no one who intends to kill somebody will bring him to the temples and to the altars.
¹⁰⁶ Barach

¹⁰⁷ τὸ δ᾽ ἡμέτερον ἤδη χεῖρον · οὐ γὰρ ἂν ὑπομείναιμεν ἔτι ζῆν , εἰ τοιοῦτον ἠδικηκέναι πατέρα πεπιστεύμεθα . Καὶ μήποτε τοῦτ᾽ ἐκείνου χεῖρον ἀντὶ τοῦ τεθνάναι μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας τὸ ζῆν ἀδικεῖν ὑποπτευομένους .
¹⁰⁷ yet are our circumstances still worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have injured such a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt.	¹⁰⁷ Our situation is now even worse, for we cannot bear to live any longer if we are thought to have wronged such a father. To live under the suspicion of having wronged you would be worse for us than to die without such guilt.
¹⁰⁷ Barach

¹⁰⁸ εἰ μὲν οὖν εὕροι λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας ἡ παρρησία , μακάριον καὶ σὲ πεῖσαι καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον διαφυγεῖν , εἰ δ᾽ οὕτως ἡ διαβολὴ κρατεῖ , περιττὸς ἡμῖν ὁ νῦν ἥλιος , ὃν τί δεῖ βλέπειν μετὰ τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ;
¹⁰⁸ And if our open defense may be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the danger we are in; but if this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the sun this day; which why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us?	¹⁰⁸ If our frank defence is accepted as true, we shall be happy, both for persuading you and escaping the danger we are in, but if the allegation prevails, it is more than enough for us to have seen the sun this day. For why should we see it, if this suspicion against us be true?
¹⁰⁸ Barach

¹⁰⁹ τὸ μὲν οὖν φάναι βασιλείας ἐπιθυμεῖν , εὔκαιρος εἰς νέους αἰτία , καὶ τὸ προστιθέναι τὴν‎ τῆς ἀθλίας μητρός , ἱκανὸν ἐκ τῆς πρώτης τὴν‎ νῦν ἀτυχίαν ἐξεργάζεσθαι .
¹⁰⁹ Now it is easy to say of young men, that they desire to reign; and to say further, that this evil proceeds from the case of our unhappy mother. This is abundantly sufficient to produce our present misfortune out of the former;	¹⁰⁹ Now it is easy to say that young men desire to reign, and to add that this resentment proceeds from the case of our unfortunate mother, which easily could lead to our present misfortune.
¹⁰⁹ Barach

¹¹⁰ βλέψον δέ , εἰ μὴ κοινὰ ταῦτα καὶ πᾶσιν ὁμοίως λέγεσθαι δυνησόμενα · κωλύσει γὰρ οὐδέν , τῷ βασιλεύοντι παῖδες εἰ εἰσὶν νέοι καὶ μήτηρ αὐτῶν ἀποθανοῦσα , πάντας ὑπόπτους εἶναι τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιβούλους δοκεῖν . ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὸ ὕποπτον πρὸς τοιαύτην ἀσέβειαν ἀρκετόν .
¹¹⁰ but consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuously; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if he have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him; but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice.	¹¹⁰ But consider whether this charge does not apply to everyone equally. What is to stop a king who has children whose mother is dead, from suspecting all his sons of plotting against their father? But mere suspicion is not sufficient to prove such a impiety.
¹¹⁰ Barach

¹¹¹ εἰπάτω δέ τις , ἡμῖν εἰ τετόλμηται τοιοῦτον , ᾧ καὶ τὰ μὴ πιστὰ πίστιν εἴωθεν ὑπ᾽ ἐνεργείας λαμβάνειν . φαρμάκου παρασκευὴν ἐλέγχειν δύναταί τις ἢ συνωμοσίαν ἡλικιωτῶν ἢ διαφθορὰν οἰκετῶν ἢ γράμματα κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένα ;
¹¹¹ Now let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently attempted any such thing, whereby actions otherwise incredible use to be made credible? Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters written against thee?	¹¹¹ Let any man prove that we have dared any such thing, and make the incredible seem credible! Can anyone prove that poison was prepared, or that we conspired with our peers, or the corrupted servants, or wrote letters against you?
¹¹¹ Barach

¹¹² καίτοι τούτων ἕκαστον ἔσθ᾽sometimes ὅπη καὶ μὴ γενόμενον ἐκ διαβολῆς ἐπλάσθη · χαλεπὸν γὰρ οὐχ ὁμονοῶν οἶκος ἐν βασιλείᾳ · καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχήν , ἣν σὺ φῂς ἔπαθλον εὐσεβείας , συμβαίνει πολλάκις αἰτίαν γενέσθαι τοῖς πονηροτάτοις ἐλπίδων , δι᾽ ἃς οὐδεμίαν ὑποστολὴν ποιοῦνται κακοηθείας .
¹¹² though indeed there are none of those things but have sometimes been pretended by way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family that is at variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou callest a reward of piety often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried.	¹¹² No such things exist but they have been invented by way of allegation. Now a kingdom divided within itself is a disaster, and among scoundrels what you call a reward for loyalty often prompts such hopes as to get them to leave no sort of malice untried.
¹¹² Barach

¹¹³ ἀδίκημα μὲν οὖν οὐδεὶς ἐρεῖ καθ᾽ ἡμῶν · τὰς δὲ διαβολὰς πῶς ἂν λύσειεν ὁ ἀκοῦσαι μὴ θέλων ; ἐλαλήσαμέν τι μετὰ παρρησίας . οὐκ εἰς σέ · τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ἄδικον · ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τοὺς οὐδ᾽ ὅ τι λελάλητο μὴ σιωπῶντας .
¹¹³ Nor does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we have to say? Have we talked with too great freedom? Yes; but not against thee, for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them.	¹¹³ No one directly accuses us of such wicked practices but how can we put an end to allegations by hearsay, if you will not listen to us? Have we talked too freely? Yes, but not against you, for that would be unjust, but against those who never conceal anything that is spoken to them.
¹¹³ Barach

¹¹⁴ τὴν‎ μητέρα τις ἡμῶν ἔκλαυσεν . οὐχ ὅτι τέθνηκεν , ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ νεκρὰ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὑπὸ τῶν οὐκ ἀξίων . ἀρχῆς ἐπιθυμοῦμεν ἧς ἴσμεν ἔχοντα τὸν πατέρα ; τί καὶ θέλοντες ; εἰ μὲν εἰσὶν ἡμῖν τιμαὶ βασιλέων , ὥσπερ εἰσίν , οὐ κενοσπουδοῦμεν ;
¹¹⁴ Hath either of us lamented our mother? Yes; but not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that dominion which we know our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so? If we already have royal honors, as we have, should not we labor in vain? And if we have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them?	¹¹⁴ Did either of us mourn our mother? Yes, but not for her death, but that bad things were said of her which she did not deserve. Do we want the kingship which we know is held by our father? Why should we? If we already have royal honours, it would be senseless to still seek them. If we don't have them, should we not still hope for them?
¹¹⁴ Barach

¹¹⁵ εἰ δ᾽ οὐκ εἰσίν , οὐκ ἐλπίζομεν ; ἢ σὲ διαχειρισάμενοι κρατήσειν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν προσεδοκήσαμεν , οἷς οὔτε γῆ βάσιμος οὔτε πλωτὴ θάλαττα μετὰ τοιοῦτον ἔργον ; ἡ δὲ τῶν ἀρχομένων εὐσέβεια καὶ θρησκεία τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους ἠνέσχετο ἂν πατροκτόνους ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εἶναι καὶ εἰς τὸν ἁγιώτατον ὑπὸ σοῦ κατασκευασθέντα ναὸν εἰσιέναι .
¹¹⁵ Or supposing that we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as that; nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the government, and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee.	¹¹⁵ If we laid hands on you, how could we expect to win your kingship, for after such a deed we could not walk the earth or sail the sea? The piety and loyalty of the whole nation would stop patricides from taking over, or entering the holy temple built by you.
¹¹⁵ Barach

¹¹⁶ τί δ᾽ εἰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατεφρονήσαμεν , ἐδύνατό τις φονεύσας ἀτιμώρητος μένειν ζῶντος ΚαίσαροςCaesar ; οὔτ᾽ ἀσεβεῖς οὕτως ἐγέννησας οὔτ᾽ ἀλογίστους , ἀτυχεστέρους δ᾽ ἴσως ἢ σοὶ καλῶς εἶχεν .
¹¹⁶ But suppose we had made light of other dangers, can any murderer go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious or so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is convenient for thee.	¹¹⁶ But even setting aside other dangers, can any murderer go unpunished while Caesar lives? We your sons are not so disloyal or thoughtless, though perhaps more unfortunate than is good for you.
¹¹⁶ Barach

¹¹⁷ εἰ δὲ μήτ᾽ αἰτίας ἔχεις μήτ᾽ ἐπιβουλὰς εὑρίσκεις , τί σοι πρὸς πίστιν αὔταρκες τοιαύτης δυσσεβείας ; ἡ μήτηρ τέθνηκεν · ἀλλά τοι τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην οὐδὲ παροξύνειν ἡμᾶς ἀλλὰ νουθετεῖν ἠδύνατο .
¹¹⁷ But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then what befell her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness.	¹¹⁷ But if you find no true complaint or treachery, what proper evidence have you to make such a wickedness on our part credible? Our mother is dead, but her fate might as well lead us to caution as incite us to wickedness.
¹¹⁷ Barach

¹¹⁸ πλείω μὲν ἀπολογεῖσθαι δυνάμεθα , λόγον δ᾽ οὐκ ἐπιδέχεται τὰ μὴ γενόμενα . διόπερ ἐπὶ τῷ πάντων δεσπότῃ ΚαίσαριCaesar μεσιτεύοντι τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν συντιθέμεθα ταύτην τὴν‎ συνθήκην ·
¹¹⁸ We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but actions never done do not admit of discourse. Nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator between us,	¹¹⁸ We are willing to defend ourselves further, but actions never done cannot be discussed. We could reach agreement with you before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now mediating between us,
¹¹⁸ Barach

¹¹⁹ εἰ μὲν ἀνύποπτον ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας τὴν‎ πρὸς ἡμᾶς διάθεσιν ἀπολαμβάνεις , ὦ πάτερ , ζήσομεν , οὐδ᾽ οὕτως μὲν εὐτυχῶς · δεινὸν γὰρ τῶν μεγάλων κακῶν καὶ ψευδὴς αἰτία .
¹¹⁹ if thou, O father, canst bring thyself, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us let us live, though even then we shall live in an unhappy way, for to be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing;	¹¹⁹ if you, father, by the evidence of truth can bring yourself to free your mind from suspecting us and let us live. Even then we are unfortunate, since it is a terrible thing to be falsely accused of such wickedness.
¹¹⁹ Barach

¹²⁰ παρούσης δέ τινος ὀρρωδίας σὺ μὲν ἐν τῇ κατὰ σαυτὸν εὐσεβείᾳ μένε , δώσομεν δὲ λόγον ἡμεῖς ἑαυτοῖς . οὐχ οὕτως ὁ βίος ἡμῖν τίμιος , ὡς ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀδικίᾳ τοῦ δεδωκότος ."
¹²⁰ but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us.”	¹²⁰ But if you still have any fear of us, continue with your devout existence, for our life is not so precious to us as to want to keep it, if it seems to threaten injustice to our father who gave it to us."
¹²⁰ Barach

¹²¹ Τοιαῦτα δὲ λέγοντος ὅ τε ΚαῖσαρCaesar οὐδὲ πρότερον πιστεύων τῷ μεγέθει τῆς διαβολῆς ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξηλλάττετο καὶ συνεχὲς εἰς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀπέβλεπεν ὁρῶν κἀκεῖνον ὑποσυγχυνόμενον , ἀγωνία τε τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐνεπεπτώκει καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν ὁ λόγος διαδοθεὶς ἐπίφθονον ἐποίει τὸν βασιλέα .
¹²¹ When Alexander had thus spoken, Caesar, who did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod, and perceived he was a little confounded: the persons there present were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king hated,	¹²¹ When Alexander had said this, Caesar, who even before had not believed so gross an accusation, was still more moved and glancing constantly at Herod saw him look a little depressed. The others present were anxious on behalf of the young men and the rumours going around the hall made the king quite loathed.
¹²¹ Barach

¹²² τὸ γὰρ ἄπιστον τῆς διαβολῆς καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς νεανίσκους ἐν ἀκμῇ καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων ἐλεεινὸν ἐπεσπᾶτο βοήθειαν · ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐπειδὴ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ δεξιῶς καὶ μετὰ φρονήσεως ὑπήντησεν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander , ἦν οὐδ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἔτι ταὐτὸν σχῆμα , κλαίουσι μὲν ὅμως καὶ σὺν κατηφείᾳ πρὸς τὴν‎ γῆν νενευκόσιν ,
¹²² for the very incredibility of the calumny, and the commiseration of the flower of youth, the beauty of body, which were in the young men, pleaded strongly for assistance, and the more so on this account, that Alexander had made their defense with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances, which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground,	¹²² The incredibility of the accusation plus sympathy for the young men's bloom of youth and physical beauty worked on their behalf, all the more so since Alexander had made their defence so skilfully and wisely. No longer did they look as before, weeping and with their eyes on the floor,
¹²² Barach

¹²³ ἡ δ᾽ ἐλπὶς ἀμείνων ὑπεφαίνετο , καὶ δόξας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξ ὧν αὐτὸν ἔπειθεν εὔλογα κατηγορηκέναι διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν [ ἐξελέγχειν ] ἀπολογίας τινὸς ἐδεῖτο .
¹²³ but now there arose in them hope of the best; and the king himself appeared not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he having no real evidence wherewith to convict them. Indeed he wanted some apology for making the accusation;	¹²³ for now they began to hope for better things, and while the king seemed to have persuaded himself about the accusation, he now needed to apologize for it, having no solid proof.z
¹²³ Barach

¹²⁴ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ μικρὸν ἐπισχὼν τοὺς μὲν νεανίσκους , εἰ καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς διαβολῆς δοκοῦσιν , αὐτό γε τοῦτο ἁμαρτεῖν ἔφη τὸ μὴ τοιούτους αὐτοὺς παρασχεῖν τῷ πατρί , ὡς μηδὲ γενέσθαι τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς λόγον .
¹²⁴ but Caesar, after some delay, said, that although the young men were thoroughly innocent of that for which they were calumniated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspicion which was spread abroad concerning them.	¹²⁴ After a pause, Caesar said that, although the young men were fully innocent of the charge against them, yet they shared some blame in that they had not been docile enough toward their father to prevent such a report about them.
¹²⁴ Barach

¹²⁵ ἩρώδηνHerōd δὲ παρεκάλει πᾶσαν ὑπόνοιαν ἐκβαλόντα διαλλάττεσθαι τοῖς παισίν · οὐ γὰρ εἶναι δίκαιον οὐδὲ πιστεύειν τὰ τοιαῦτα κατὰ τῶν ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ . δύνασθαι δὲ τὴν‎ μετάνοιαν ἀμφοτέροις οὐ μόνον ἰάσασθαι τὰ συμβεβηκότα , παροξῦναι δὲ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν , ἐν ᾧ τὸ προπετὲς ἑκάτεροι τῆς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy ἀπολογούμενοι σπουδῇ πλείονι περὶ ἀλλήλους ἀξιώσουσι κεχρῆσθαι .
¹²⁵ He also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not just to give any credit to such reports concerning his own children; and that this repentance on both sides might still heal those breaches that had happened between them, and might improve that their good-will to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each other than they had before.	¹²⁵ He urged Herod to set aside all his suspicions and be reconciled to his sons, as it was not right to believe such things of one’s own children. Mutual repentance could still heal the breaches that had arisen between them and enliven their goodwill, so that both sides would apologize for their rash suspicions and resolve to show more concern for each other than before.
¹²⁵ Barach

¹²⁶ τοιαῦτα νουθετῶν ἔνευσε τοῖς νεανίσκοις . ἐκείνων δὲ βουλομένων ὑποπεσεῖν ἐπὶ δεήσει προαναλαβὼν αὐτοὺς ὁ πατὴρ δακρύοντας ἠσπάζετο παρ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐν μέρει περιπτύσσων , ὡς μηδένα τῶν παρατυγχανόντων ἐλεύθερον ἢ δοῦλον ἀπαθῆ γενέσθαι .
¹²⁶ After Caesar had given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young men. When therefore they were disposed to fall down to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those that were present, whether free-man or slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw.	¹²⁶ After this admonition he beckoned to the young men, who were disposed to fall down and beg for pardon; and when their father raised them up, still in tears, and embraced them one by one, no one present, whether free-man or slave, remained unmoved.
¹²⁶ Barach

¹²⁷ Τότε μὲν οὖν εὐχαριστήσαντες ΚαίσαριCaesar μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀπῄεσαν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς ἈντίπατροςAntipater ὑποκρινόμενος ἐφήδεσθαι ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς .
¹²⁷ Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together; and with them went Antipater, with an hypocritical pretense that he rejoiced at this reconciliation.	¹²⁷ After thanking Caesar they went off together, and the hypocritical Antipater went with them, pretending to be glad at the reconciliation.
¹²⁷ Barach

¹²⁸ ἐν δὲ ταῖς ὑστέραις ἡμέραις ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν ἐδωρεῖτο ΚαίσαραCaesar τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις θέας τε καὶ διανομὰς ποιούμενον τῷ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δήμῳ , ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ μετάλλου τοῦ Κυπρίων χαλκοῦ τὴν‎ ἡμίσειανhalf πρόσοδον καὶ τῆς ἡμισείας τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν ἔδωκεν καὶ τἆλλα ξενίαις καὶ καταγωγαῖς ἐτίμησεν ,
¹²⁸ And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod made him a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the people of Rome; and Caesar made him a present of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other half to him, and honored him with other gifts and incomes;	¹²⁸ In their final days with Caesar, who was then providing shows and handouts for the Roman populace, Herod made him a gift of three hundred talents and Caesar granted him half the revenue of the Cypriot copper mines and entrusted him with managing the other half and honoured him with hospitality and lodging.
¹²⁸ Barach

¹²⁹ καὶ περὶ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἐφῆκεν ὃν ἂν αἱρῆται τῶν παίδων διάδοχον καθιστάνειν ἢ καὶ διανέμειν μέρος ἑκάστῳ τῆς τιμῆς εἰς πάντας ἐλευσομένης . ἐκείνου δὲ ἤδη θέλοντος αὐτὸ ποιεῖν οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν ἔφη ζῶντι μὴ καὶ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ τῶν παίδων κρατεῖν .
¹²⁹ and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his own power to appoint which of his sons he pleased for his successor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all. And when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Caesar said he would not give him leave to deprive himself, while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or over his sons.	¹²⁹ Furthermore, he left him the right to appoint whichever of his sons he pleased to succeed to his kingdom, or to distribute it among them in parts so that each of them could share in that dignity. When he wanted to do it there and then, he would not let him give up control over his kingdom or his sons during his lifetime.
¹²⁹ Barach

¹³⁰ Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐπανῄει πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea . ἀποδημοῦντος δὲ οὐ μικρὸν μέρος ἀπέστη τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ περὶ τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis , καὶ τούτους οἱ καταλειφθέντες στρατηγοὶ χειρωσάμενοι πάλιν ὑπακούειν ἠνάγκασαν .
¹³⁰ After this, Herod returned to Judea again. But during his absence no small part of his dominion about Trachon had revolted, whom yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission again.	¹³⁰ After this he returned to Judea, but in his absence a large part of his realm around Trachonitis had rebelled, but the officers he had left behind had defeated them and brought them back into submission.
¹³⁰ Barach

¹³¹ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ πλέων σὺν τοῖς παισὶν ὡς ἐγένετο κατὰ ΚιλικίανCilicia ἐν Ἐλαιούσῃ τῇ μετωνομασμένῃ νῦν Σεβαστῇ καταλαμβάνει τὸν βασιλέα τῆς ΚαππαδοκίαςCappadocia ἈρχέλαονArchelaus , ὃς αὐτὸν ἐκδέχεται φιλοφρόνως ἡδόμενος ἐπὶ ταῖς τῶν παίδων διαλλαγαῖς καὶ τῷ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander , ὃς εἶχεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα , τῆς αἰτίας ἀπολελύσθαι , δωρεάς τε ἀντέδοσαν ἀλλήλοις ἃς εἰκὸς βασιλεῖς .
¹³¹ Now as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over against Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made one another such presents as it became kings to make,	¹³¹ Now as Herod was sailing with his sons and arrived near Cilicia, to Elaiousa, whose name has now changed to Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly, delighted that he was reconciled to his sons and that Alexander, to whom his daughter was married, was cleared of all charges, and they exchanged the usual gifts among kings.
¹³¹ Barach

¹³² ἐντεῦθεν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπὶ ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐλθὼν καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀποδημίαν διελέγετο , τὴν‎ ΚαίσαροςCaesar εἰς αὐτὸν φιλοφροσύνην καὶ τἆλλα διεξιὼν ὅσα κατὰ μέρος αὐτῷ πραχθέντα συμφέρειν ἡγεῖτο καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους εἰδέναι .
¹³² From thence Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people concerning what had been done in this his journey. He also discoursed to them about Caesar’s kindness to him, and about as many of the particulars he had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with.	¹³² From there Herod came to Judea and to the temple, where he made a speech to the people about what had been achieved during his journey. He also spoke to them about Caesar's favour to him and about as many of his activities as he thought it useful for others to know.
¹³² Barach

¹³³ τέλος ἐπὶ νουθεσίᾳ τῶν παίδων κατέστρεφε τὸν λόγον τοὺς περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος εἰς ὁμόνοιαν παρακαλῶν καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀποδεικνύων βασιλέας γενέσθαι , πρῶτον μὲν ἈντίπατρονAntipater , εἶτα καὶ τοὺς ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus .
¹³³ At last he turned his speech to the admonition of his sons; and exhorted those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexander and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariamne:	¹³³ Finally he turned to admonishing his sons, and urging the courtiers and the people to harmony, and telling them that his sons were to be kings after him, Antipater first and then the sons of Mariamne, Alexander and Aristobulus.
¹³³ Barach

¹³⁴ ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε πάντας ἀποβλέπειν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν καὶ βασιλέα καὶ δεσπότην ἁπάντων δοκεῖν μήτε γήρᾳ παραποδιζόμενον , ἐν ᾧ τοῦ χρόνου τὸ πρὸς ἀρχὴν ἐμπειρότατον ἔχειν , οὔτε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ἐλαττούμενον , ἃ δύναται καὶ βασιλείας κρατεῖν καὶ παίδων ἄρχειν , τούς τε ἡγεμόνας καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰ πρὸς ἕνα βλέποιεν αὐτὸν ἀτάραχον ἔφη τὸν βίον ἕξειν καὶ πᾶσαν ἀφορμὴν εὐδαιμονίας ἐξ ἀλλήλων ἔσεσθαι .
¹³⁴ but he desired that at present they should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life when he must be the most skillful in governing; and that he was not deficient in other arts of management that might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule over his children also. He further told the rulers under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another happy. And when he had said this, he dismissed the assembly.	¹³⁴ But for the present he wanted all to look to himself as king and lord of everything, since he was not yet weakened by old age but rather in his prime at ruling, and not lacking the ability to govern the kingdom or rule over his children. He assured the officers and soldiers that if they heeded him alone, their life would be peaceful and every chance of happiness would be provided on all sides.
¹³⁴ Barach

¹³⁵ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀφίησιν τὴν‎ ἐκκλησίαν , τοῖς πλείστοις μὲν ἀρεστὰ διειλεγμένος , ἐνίοις δ᾽ οὐχ ὁμοίως · ἤδη γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς ἁμίλλης καὶ τῶν ἐλπίδων ἃς ἐδεδώκει τοῖς παισὶ νενεωτέριστο πολλὰ καὶ νεωτέρων ἐφιέμενοι
¹³⁵ Which speech was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires of innovations among them.	¹³⁵ With that he dismissed the assembly. Most of the audience, but not all of them, welcomed his speech, since thoughts and desires of revolt sprang from the struggle between his sons and the hopes he had given them.
¹³⁵ Barach

Chapter 5
[136-159]
Herodian games, to celebrate the completion of Caesarea-Sebaste.
His magnificent building projects

☜ ☞

¹³⁶ περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον συντέλειαν ἔλαβεν ἡ ΚαισάρειαCaesar Σεβαστή , ἣν ᾠκοδόμει δεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει πρὸς τέλος ἐλθούσης αὐτῷ τῆς ὅλης κατασκευῆς , ἐκπεσούσης δὲ τῆς προθεσμίας εἰς ὄγδοον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπ᾽ ὀλυμπιάδος δευτέρας καὶ ἐνενηκοστῆς πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατόν .
¹³⁶ About this time it was that Caesarea Sebaste, which he had built, was finished. The entire building being accomplished: in the tenth year, the solemnity of it fell into the twenty-eighth year of Herod’s reign, and into the hundred and ninety-second olympiad.	¹³⁶ About this time Caesarea Sebaste, which he had been building, was completed in ten years, which had it ready by the twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign and the hundred and ninety-second Olympiad.
¹³⁶ Barach

¹³⁷ ἦν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐν καθιερώσει μείζονες ἑορταὶ καὶ παρασκευαὶ πολυτελέσταται · κατηγγέλκει μὲν γὰρ ἀγῶνα μουσικῆς καὶ γυμνικῶν ἀθλημάτων , παρεσκευάκει δὲ πολὺ πλῆθος μονομάχων καὶ θηρίων ἵππων τε δρόμον καὶ τὰ πολυτελέστερα τῶν ἔν τε τῇ ῬώμῃRome καὶ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων .
¹³⁷ There was accordingly a great festival and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication; for he had appointed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked. He had also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single combats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places.	¹³⁷ Immediately a great and sumptuous festival was prepared for its dedication, for which he arranged musical competition and gymnastic games, complete with a whole troop of gladiators and wild beasts, horse races and the very elaborate kind of shows that are customary in Rome and some other places.
¹³⁷ Barach

¹³⁸ ἀνετίθει δὲ καὶ τοῦτον τὸν ἀγῶνα ΚαίσαριCaesar κατὰ πενταετηρίδα παρεσκευασμένος ἄγειν αὐτόν · ὁ δ᾽ αὐτῷ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ εἰς τὰ τοιαῦτα παρασκευὴν ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκείων διεπέμπετο τὴν‎ φιλοτιμίαν ἐπικοσμῶν .
¹³⁸ He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own furniture, that it might want nothing to make it decent;	¹³⁸ He planned for its celebration every fifth year and dedicated these first games to Caesar, who from his own stores sent all sorts of equipment for the occasion, to add to its splendour.
¹³⁸ Barach

¹³⁹ Ἰδίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ΚαίσαροςCaesar Ἰουλία πολλὰ τῶν ἐκεῖ πολυτελεστάτων ἀπέστειλεν , ὡς μηδὲν ὑστερεῖν τὰ πάντα συντιμώμενα ταλάντων πεντακοσίων .
¹³⁹ nay, Julia, Caesar’s wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any thing. The sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents.	¹³⁹ Caesar's wife, Julia, sent much of her most valuable furnishings, so that the whole value of the equipment was estimated at no less than five hundred talents.
¹³⁹ Barach

¹⁴⁰ συνελθόντος δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ὄχλου πλείονος κατὰ θεωρίαν καὶ πρεσβείας , ἃς ἔπεμπον οἱ δῆμοι δι᾽ ἃς ἐπεπόνθεισαν εὐεργεσίας , ἅπαντας ἐξεδέξατο καὶ καταγωγαῖς καὶ τραπέζαις καὶ διηνεκέσιν ἑορταῖς , τῆς πανηγύρεως ἐν μὲν ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐχούσης τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν θεαμάτων ψυχαγωγίας , ἐν δὲ ταῖς νυξὶ τὰς εὐφροσύνας καὶ τὴν‎ εἰς τοῦτο πολυτέλειαν , ὡς ἐπίσημον γενέσθαι τὴν‎ μεγαλοψυχίαν αὐτοῦ‎ ·
¹⁴⁰ Now when a great multitude was come to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received from Herod, he entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solemnity having in the day time the diversions of the fights, and in the night time such merry meetings as cost vast sums of money, and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul;	¹⁴⁰ A large crowd gathered in the city to see the games, as well as the envoys sent by various groups on account of his benefactions to them. Herod entertained them all with lodgings and meals and continuous feasting, so that the festival offered by day the enjoyment of the games and by night merry-making on a lavish scale, costing huge sums of money and demonstrating his magnanimity.
¹⁴⁰ Barach

¹⁴¹ εἰς πάντα γὰρ ἅπερ [ἂν ] ἐπιτηδεύσειεν ἐφιλονείκει τὴν‎ τῶν ἤδη γεγενημένων ἐπίδειξιν ὑπερβαλέσθαι , καί φασιν αὐτόν τε ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ ἈγρίππανAgrippa πολλάκις εἰπεῖν , ὡς ἀποδέοι τὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἩρώδῃHerod τῆς οὔσης ἐν αὐτῷ μεγαλοψυχίας · ἄξιον γὰρ εἶναι καὶ ΣυρίαςSyria ἁπάσης καὶ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔχειν .
¹⁴¹ for in all his undertakings he was ambitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done before of the same kind. And it is related that Caesar and Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the greatness of his soul; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also.	¹⁴¹ In all his undertakings he was ambitious to surpass whatever had been done before, and they say that Caesar and Agrippa often noted that Herod's realm was too small for the greatness of his soul, and that he deserved to rule the whole of Syria and Egypt as his kingdom.
¹⁴¹ Barach

¹⁴² μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ πανήγυριν ταύτην καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς πόλιν ἄλλην ἀνήγειρεν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῷ λεγομένῳ Καφαρσαβᾶ τόπον ἔνυδρον καὶ χώραν ἀρίστηνbest φυτοῖς ἐκλέξας , ποταμοῦ τε περιρρέοντος τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτὴν καὶ καλλίστου κατὰ μέγεθος τῶν φυτῶν περιειληφότος ἄλσους .
¹⁴² After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and goodness of soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted, where a river encompassed the city itself, and a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it:	¹⁴² After this festival and the feasting were over, Herod built another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose a piece of excellent, fruitful and well-watered land, with a river flowing close to the city and a grove of fine tall trees surrounding it.
¹⁴² Barach

¹⁴³ ταύτην ἀπὸ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater τοῦ πατρὸς ἈντιπατρίδαAntipatris προσηγόρευσεν . ἐπώνυμον δὲ καὶ τῇ μητρὶ χωρίον ὑπὲρ ἹεριχοῦνJericho οἰκοδομήσας ἀσφαλείᾳ τε διάφορον καὶ καταγωγαῖς ἥδιστονmost gladly ἐκάλεσεν ΚύπρονCyprus .
¹⁴³ this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipater. He also built upon another spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cypros.	¹⁴³ This he named Antipatris, after his father Antipater; and on another site above Jericho he built a very secure and pleasant place to live, and named it after his mother, Cypros.
¹⁴³ Barach

¹⁴⁴ ΦασαήλῳPhasael τε τῷ ἀδελφῷ μνημεῖα διὰ τὴν‎ γεγενημένην εἰς αὐτὸν φιλοστοργίαν ἀνετίθει τὰ κάλλιστα , πύργον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως ἀναστήσας οὐδὲν ἐλάττω τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ Φάρον , ὃν προσηγόρευσεν ΦασάηλονPhasael , ἀσφαλείας τε τῇ πόλει μέρος ὄντα καὶ μνήμης τῷ τετελευτηκότι διὰ τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν .
¹⁴⁴ He also dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defenses of the city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name.	¹⁴⁴ He dedicated a monument of the finest kind to his brother Phasael, too, whom he had held in the great affection, by raising a tower in the city itself, not smaller than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasael, both to form part of the strong defences of the city and as a memorial to the dead man after whom it was named.
¹⁴⁴ Barach

¹⁴⁵ ὁμώνυμον δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ πόλιν περὶ τὸν αὐλῶνα τῆς ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho ἔκτισεν ἀπιόντων κατὰ βορρᾶν ἄνεμον , δι᾽ ἧς καὶ τὴν‎ περὶ χώραν ἔρημον οὖσαν ἐνεργοτέραν ἐποίησεν ταῖς ἐπιμελείαις τῶν οἰκητόρων . ΦασαηλίδαPhasaelis καὶ ταύτην ἐκάλει .
¹⁴⁵ He also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the neighboring country more fruitful by the cultivation its inhabitants introduced; and this also he called Phasaelus.	¹⁴⁵ He also built a city of that name in the valley as you go north from Jericho, whose cultivation by its inhabitants made the neighbouring country more fruitful. This too he called Phasael.
¹⁴⁵ Barach

¹⁴⁶ Τὰς δὲ ἄλλας εὐεργεσίας ἄπορονwithout passage εἰπεῖν ὅσαςall who, as much ἀπέδωκεν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἔν τε ΣυρίᾳSyria καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἙλλάδαGreek καὶ παρ᾽ οἷς ποτ᾽ ἂν ἀποδημήσας τύχοι · καὶ γὰρ πλείους λειτουργίας καὶ δημοσίων ἔργων κατασκευὰς καὶ χρήματα τοῖς δεομένοις [ἔργοις ] εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν προτέρων ἔργων ἐκλελοιπότων ἄφθονα χαρίσασθαι δοκεῖ .
¹⁴⁶ But as for his other benefits, it is impossible to reckon them up, those which he bestowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voyages; for he seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities, and the building of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary to such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other revenues:	¹⁴⁶ It is impossible to calculate all his other benefactions done for cities in Syria and Greece and in all the places he called at in his travels. He seems to have generously funded many public functions and building projects and provided the necessary money in cases where works were languishing for lack of funds.
¹⁴⁶ Barach

¹⁴⁷ τὰ δὲ μέγιστα καὶ διασημότατα τῶν πεπραγμένων αὐτῷ Ῥοδίοις μὲν τό τε Πύθιονtemple of the Pythian Apollo ἀνέστησεν οἰκείοις ἀναλώμασιν καὶ παρέσχεν ἀργυρίου πολλὰ τάλαντα πρὸς ναυπηγίαν . Νικοπολίταις δὲ τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἈκτίῳActium κτισθεῖσιν ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν δημοσίων συγκατεσκεύασεν .
¹⁴⁷ but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works, he erected Apollo’s temple at Rhodes, at his own expenses, and gave them a great number of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopolis, at Actium;	¹⁴⁷ Among his greatest and most famous of his works was building the Pythian temple at Rhodes at his own expense, and providing many talents of silver for ship-building. He also built most of the public buildings for the people of Nicopolis, founded by Caesar at Actium.
¹⁴⁷ Barach

¹⁴⁸ Ἀντιοχεῦσι δὲ τοῖς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria μεγίστην πόλιν οἰκοῦσιν , ἣν κατὰ μῆκος τέμνει πλατεῖα , ταύτην αὐτὴν στοαῖς παρ᾽ ἑκάτερα καὶ λίθῳ τὴν‎ ὕπαιθρον ὁδὸν ξεστῷ καταστορέσας πλεῖστον εἰς κόσμον καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν οἰκούντων εὐχρηστίαν ὠφέλησεν .
¹⁴⁸ and for the Antiochians, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, and was of very great advantage to the inhabitants.	¹⁴⁸ For the Antiocheans, the people of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts lengthways through it, he built porticoes along both sides of it and paved the uncovered part of the street with polished stone, to the great pleasure and benefit of the inhabitants.
¹⁴⁸ Barach

¹⁴⁹ τόν γε μὴν ὈλυμπίασινOlympian ἀγῶνα πολὺ τῆς προσηγορίας ἀδοξότερον ὑπ᾽ ἀχρηματίας διατεθειμένον τιμιώτερον ἐποίει χρημάτων προσόδους καταστήσας καὶ πρὸς θυσίας καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον ἐσεμνοποίησεν τὴν‎ πανήγυριν . διὰ δὴ ταύτην τὴν‎ φιλοτιμίαν διηνεκὴς ἀγωνοθέτης παρὰ τοῖς ἨλείοιςEleans ἀνεγράφη .
¹⁴⁹ And as to the olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for their maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally declared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games.	¹⁴⁹ He also restored the honour of the Olympic Games, which had fallen into decline for lack of money, and assigned a revenue for their upkeep and for sacrifices and other things to hallow the festival. For this generosity, an inscription by the Elians calls him the perpetual patron of the games.
¹⁴⁹ Barach

¹⁵⁰ Τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἄλλοις ἐπέρχεται θαυμάζειν τὸ διεστὸς τῆς ἐν τῇ φύσει προαιρέσεως · ὅταν μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὰς φιλοτιμίας καὶ τὰς εὐεργεσίας ἀπίδωμεν , αἷς ἐκέχρητο πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους , οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως οὐκ ἄν τις αὐτὸν καὶ τῶν ἔλαττονsmaller, less τετιμημένων ἠρνήθη μὴ συνομολογεῖν εὐεργετικωτάτῃ κεχρῆσθαι τῇ φύσει .
¹⁵⁰ Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod’s nature and purposes; for when we have respect to his magnificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature vastly beneficent;	¹⁵⁰ The diversity of his nature and decisions has struck others as amazing. When we think of his munificence and the benefits he conferred on all mankind, not even those who respected him the least could possibly deny, or fail to acknowledge, that by nature he had a vast inclination to do good.
¹⁵⁰ Barach

¹⁵¹ ὅταν δὲ εἰς τὰς τιμωρίας καὶ ἀδικίας , ἃς εἰς τοὺς ἀρχομένους καὶ τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἐπεδείξατο βλέψῃ καὶ καταμάθῃ τὸ σκληρὸν καὶ τὸ δυσπαράκλητον τοῦ τρόπου , νικηθήσεται θηριώδη δοκεῖν καὶ πάσης μετριότητος ἀλλότριον .
¹⁵¹ but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there, he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity;	¹⁵¹ On the other hand, when one looks at the penalties he inflicted and the wrongs he did, not only to his subjects, but also to his nearest relatives and notes his severe and unrelenting disposition there, one must also acknowledge that he was brutish and alien to all moderation.
¹⁵¹ Barach

¹⁵² ἔνθεν καὶ διάφορόν τινα καὶ μαχομένην ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ νομίζουσιν γενέσθαι τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν . ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὐχ οὕτως ἔχων μίαν αἰτίαν ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ὑπολαμβάνω ·
¹⁵² insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be different, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sort of actions was one and the same;	¹⁵² From this they conclude that he was inconsistent and in contradiction with himself, but I see him in another way and think the cause of both kinds of action was one and the same.
¹⁵² Barach

¹⁵³ φιλότιμος γὰρ ὢν καὶ τούτου τοῦ πάθους ἡττημένος ἰσχυρῶς , προήγετο μὲν εἰς μεγαλοψυχίαν , εἴ που μνήμης εἰς αὖθις ἢ κατὰ τὸ παρὸν εὐφημίας ἐλπὶς ἐμπέσοι .
¹⁵³ for being a man ambitious of honor, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputation at present;	¹⁵³ As one with a strong passion for fame, he was led to magnanimity wherever there seemed any hopes of being remembered in the future or famous in the present.
¹⁵³ Barach

¹⁵⁴ ταῖς δὲ δαπάναις ὑπὲρ δύναμιν χρώμενος ἠναγκάζετο χαλεπὸς εἶναι τοῖς ὑποτεταγμένοις · τὰ γὰρ εἰς οὓς ἐδαπάνα πολλὰ γενόμενα κακῶν ποριστὴν ἐξ ὧν ἐλάμβανεν ἐποίει .
¹⁵⁴ and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer of it;	¹⁵⁴ Then as his expenses were beyond his means, he was driven to be harsh on his subjects, for those on whom he spent his money were so many that they made him harmful to those from whom he procured it.
¹⁵⁴ Barach

¹⁵⁵ καὶ συνειδὼς ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠδίκει τοὺς ὑποτεταγμένους μισούμενον ἑαυτὸν τὸ μὲν ἐπανορθοῦσθαι τὰς ἁμαρτίας οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐνόμιζεν · οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰς τὰς προσόδους λυσιτελὲς ἦν . ἀντεφιλονείκει δὲ τὴν‎ δύσνοιαν αὐτὴν εὐπορίας ἀφορμὴν ποιούμενος .
¹⁵⁵ and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offenses, for that it was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains.	¹⁵⁵ In turn, being conscious of the hatred of his subjects for the wrongs he did to them, he saw no easy means of mending his ways, for that would lessen his revenue, so he strove on the contrary to turn their ill-will into a source of profit.
¹⁵⁵ Barach

¹⁵⁶ περὶ γε μὴν τοὺς οἰκείους , εἴ τις ἢ λόγῳ μὴ θεραπεύοι τὸ δοῦλον ἐξομολογούμενος ἢ δόξειεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχήν τι παρακινεῖν , οὐχ ἱκανὸς ἑαυτοῦ κρατεῖν ἐγίνετο καὶ διεξῆλθεν ὁμοῦ συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους ἴσα πολεμίοις τιμωρούμενος ἐκ τοῦ μόνος ἐθέλειν τετιμῆσθαι τὰς τοιαύτας ἁμαρτίας ἀναλαμβάνων .
¹⁵⁶ As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his government, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and punished them as if they were enemies and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honored.	¹⁵⁶ Within his own court, if anyone’s speech was not subservient and did not profess himself a slave, or seemed to think of any change in his regime, he could not contain himself, but treated even his relatives and friends as enemies and executed them, a sin stemming from his desire to be the sole centre of all honour.
¹⁵⁶ Barach

¹⁵⁷ μαρτύριον δέ μοι τούτου τοῦ πάθους , ὅτι μέγιστον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν , καὶ τὰ γινόμενα κατὰ τὰς ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ ἈγρίππαAgrippa καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων τιμάς · οἷς γὰρ ἐθεράπευεν τοὺς κρείττονας , τούτοις καὶ αὐτὸς ἠξίου θεραπεύεσθαι καὶ τὸ κάλλιστον ὧν ᾤετο παρέχων ἐν τῷ διδόναι τὴν‎ τοῦ τυχεῖν τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιθυμίαν ἐδήλου .
¹⁵⁷ Now for this, my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honor Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honors he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most excellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like presented to himself.	¹⁵⁷ My evidence of this being his main passion is what he did to honour Caesar and Agrippa and his other friends, for he wanted the self-same honours that he paid his respects to them as his superiors to be also paid to himself , and whatever was the most excellent gift he could make to another, he seemed to want given to him also.
¹⁵⁷ Barach

¹⁵⁸ τό γε μὴν ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος ἠλλοτρίωται νόμῳ πρὸς πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ συνείθισται τὸ δίκαιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρὸς δόξαν ἠγαπηκέναι . διόπερ οὐκ ἦν αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένον , ὅτι μὴ δυνατὸν εἰκόσιν ἢ ναοῖς ἢ τοιούτοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν κολακεύειν τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ φιλότιμον .
¹⁵⁸ But now the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king’s ambition with statues or temples, or any other such performances;	¹⁵⁸ The Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory, and for this reason was not in favour with him, because they could not flatter the king's ambition with statues or temples, or such paraphernalia.
¹⁵⁸ Barach

¹⁵⁹ αἰτία μὲν αὕτη μοι δοκεῖ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod περὶ μὲν τοὺς οἰκείους καὶ συμβούλους ἁμαρτίας , περὶ δὲ τοὺς ἔξω καὶ μὴ προσήκοντας εὐεργεσίας .
¹⁵⁹ And this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod’s crimes as to his own courtiers and counselors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him.	¹⁵⁹ This seems to me to have caused both Herod's crimes against his own household and counsellors and his benefactions to foreigners and people unrelated to him.
¹⁵⁹ Barach

Chapter 6
[160-178]
Some Jews appeal to Rome.
They are supported by Caesar and Agrippa

☜ ☞

¹⁶⁰ Τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἈσίανAsian ἸουδαίουςJews καὶ ὅσους ἡ πρὸς ΚυρήνῃCyrene Λιβύη κατέσχεν ἐκάκουν αἱ πόλεις , τῶν μὲν πρότερον βασιλέων ἰσονομίαν αὐτοῖς παρεσχημένων , ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε δι᾽ ἐπηρείας δυσμενῶς τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks αὐτούς , ὡς καὶ χρημάτων ἱερῶν ἀφαίρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ καταβλάπτειν ἐν τοῖς ἐπὶ μέρους .
¹⁶⁰ Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of the same nation which lived in Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that so far as to take away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions.	¹⁶⁰ The cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia as well as those who were oppressed in Libya near Cyrene. While earlier kings had given them equal rights as citizens, the Greeks now persecuted them to the point of stealing their temple money and harming them in other ways.
¹⁶⁰ Barach

¹⁶¹ πάσχοντες δὲ κακῶς καὶ πέρας οὐδὲν εὑρίσκοντες τῆς τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ἀπανθρωπίαςinhuman cruelty ἐπρεσβεύσαντο παρὰ ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ περὶ τούτων . ὁ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ αὐτὴν ἰσοτέλειαν ἔδωκεν γράψας τοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας , ὧν ὑπετάξαμεν τὰ ἀντίγραφα μαρτύρια τῆς διαθέσεως , ἣν ἔσχον ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἄνωθεν οἱ κρατοῦντες .
¹⁶¹ When therefore they were thus afflicted, and found no end of their barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caesar on those accounts, who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as testimonials of the ancient favorable disposition the Roman emperors had towards us.	¹⁶¹ In this affliction and seeing no end of their cruel treatment by the Greeks, they sent envoys to Caesar about it. He restored their former privileges and sent letters to that effect to the officers of the provinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as proof of the favourable disposition the Roman emperors formerly had toward us.
¹⁶¹ Barach

¹⁶² " ΚαῖσαρCaesar Σεβαστὸς ἀρχιερεὺς δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας λέγει . ἐπειδὴ τὸ ἔθνος τὸ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews εὐχάριστον εὑρέθη οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ ἐνεστῶτι καιρῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προγεγενημένῳ καὶ μάλιστα ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐμοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοκράτορος ΚαίσαροςCaesar πρὸς τὸν δῆμον τὸν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ὅ τε ἀρχιερεὺς αὐτῶν ὙρκανόςHyrcanus ,
¹⁶² “Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, ordains thus: Since the nation of the Jews hath been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in time past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high priest, under my father Caesar the emperor,	¹⁶² "Caesar Augustus, high priest and tribune of the people, declares : Since the Jewish nation has found favour with the Roman people, not only at this time but also in time past, and Hyrcanus the high priest in particular, under my father Caesar the emperor,
¹⁶² Barach

¹⁶³ ἔδοξέ μοι καὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συμβουλίῳ μετὰ ὁρκωμοσίας γνώμῃ δήμου ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις θεσμοῖς κατὰ τὸν πάτριον αὐτῶν νόμον , καθὼς ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ ὙρκανοῦHyrcanus ἀρχιερέως θεοῦ ὑψίστου , τά τε ἱερὰ Εἶναι ἐν ἀσυλίᾳ καὶ ἀναπέμπεσθαι εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ ἀποδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἀποδοχεῦσιν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem , ἐγγύας τε μὴ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐν σάββασιν ἢ τῇ πρὸ αὐτῆς παρασκευῇ ἀπὸ ὥρας ἐνάτης .
¹⁶³ it seemed good to me and my counselors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the care of the receivers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour.	¹⁶³ it seems good to me and my council, by the oath and decree of the people of Rome, that the Jews have freedom to follow their own customs, according to their ancestral law, as they did under Hyrcanus the high priest of the Almighty God, and that their temple money be untouched and be sent to Jerusalem and given to the care of the receivers in Jerusalem, and that they not be obliged to go before any judge on the sabbath day, nor on the eve of it, after the ninth hour.
¹⁶³ Barach

¹⁶⁴ ἐὰν δέ τις φωραθῇ> κλέπτων τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους αὐτῶν ἢ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα ἔκ τε ΣαββατείουJew (Sabbath keeper) ἔκ τε ἀνδρῶνος , εἶναι αὐτὸν ἱερόσυλον καὶ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ‎ ἐνεχθῆναι εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin .
¹⁶⁴ But if any one be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans.	¹⁶⁴ If anyone is caught stealing their holy books or their temple money, from the synagogue or school, he shall be reckoned as sacrilegious and his goods shall be confiscated to the public treasury of the Romans.
¹⁶⁴ Barach

¹⁶⁵ τό τε ψήφισμα τὸ δοθέν μοι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐσεβείας ἧς ἔχω πρὸς πάντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ ὑπὲρ ΓαίουGaius Μαρκίου Κηνσωρίνου καὶ τοῦτο τὸ διάταγμα κελεύω ἀνατεθῆναιto lay upon, burden ἐν ἐπισημοτάτῳ τόπῳ τῷ γενηθέντι μοι ὑπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς ἈσίαςAsia ἐν Ἀγκύρῃ . ἐὰν δέ τις παραβῇ τι τῶν προειρημένων , δώσει δίκην οὐ μετρίαν . ἐστηλογραφήθη ἐν τῷ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ναῷ ."
¹⁶⁵ And I give order that the testimonial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which I exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most eminent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished.” This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar.	¹⁶⁵ I will that their testimonial to me, about the piety I show toward all mankind and about Gaius Marcus Censorinus, along with this present decree, be set in the prominent place dedicated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. If anyone transgresses any part of the above decree, he shall be severely punished." This was inscribed on a pillar in the temple of Caesar.
¹⁶⁵ Barach

¹⁶⁶ " ΚαῖσαρCaesar Νωρβανῷ Φλάκκῳ χαίρειν . ἸουδαῖοιJews ὅσοι ποτ᾽ οὖν εἰσίν , [οἳ ] δι᾽ ἀρχαίαν συνήθειαν εἰώθασιν χρήματά τε ἱερὰ φέροντες ἀναπέμπεινto send back ἀκωλύτως τοῦτο ποιείτωσαν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem . Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ΚαῖσαρCaesar .
¹⁶⁶ “Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely.” These were the decrees of Caesar.	¹⁶⁶ "Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, greetings. Let the Jews, however many they are, whose ancient practice it was to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, be free to do so." These were the decrees of Caesar.
¹⁶⁶ Barach

¹⁶⁷ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγραψεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον · " ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἘφεσίωνEphesians ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν . τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἀναφερομένων ἱερῶν χρημάτων τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ φυλακὴν βούλομαι τοὺς ἐν ἈσίᾳAsia ἸουδαίουςJews ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια .
¹⁶⁷ Agrippa also did himself write after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: “Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the temple at Jerusalem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom;	¹⁶⁷ Agrippa also wrote as follows, on behalf of the Jews : "Agrippa, to the officers, council and people of the Ephesians, greetings. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money to be brought to the temple in Jerusalem be left with the Jews of Asia, according to their custom.
¹⁶⁷ Barach

¹⁶⁸ τούς τε κλέπτοντας ἱερὰ γράμματα τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews καταφεύγοντάς τε εἰς τὰς ἀσυλίας βούλομαι ἀποσπᾶσθαι καὶ παραδίδοσθαι τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews , ᾧ δικαίῳ ἀποσπῶνται οἱ ἱερόσυλοι . ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ Σιλανῷ τῷ στρατηγῷ , ἵνα σάββασιν μηδεὶς ἀναγκάζῃ ἸουδαῖονJew ἐγγύας ὁμολογεῖν ."
¹⁶⁸ and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath day.”	¹⁶⁸ Any who steal the sacred books of the Jews and flee to a sanctuary, shall be taken from there and handed over to the Jews, just as sacrilegious persons are removed. I have also written to Sylvanus the praetor, that none shall compel a Jew to come before a judge on the sabbath."
¹⁶⁸ Barach

¹⁶⁹ " ΜᾶρκοςMark ἈγρίππαςAgrippa Κυρηναίων ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν . οἱ ἐν ΚυρήνῃCyrene ἸουδαῖοιJews , ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤδη ὁ Σεβαστὸς ἔπεμψεν πρὸς τὸν ἐν ΛιβύῃLibya στρατηγὸν τόντε ὄντα Φλάβιον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἐπιμελουμένους , ἵνα ἀνεπικωλύτωςunhindered ἀναπέμπηται τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem , ὡς ἔστιν αὐτοῖς πάτριον ,
¹⁶⁹ “Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, senate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me for the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then praetor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers,	¹⁶⁹ "Marcus Agrippa to the officers, council and people of Cyrene, greetings. The Jews of Cyrene have asked me to effect what Augustus has written about to Flavius, then praetor of Libya, and the other procurators of that province, that the temple money may be freely sent to Jerusalem, as is their custom.
¹⁶⁹ Barach

¹⁷⁰ ἐνέτυχόν μοι νῦν , ὡς ὑπό τινων συκοφαντῶν ἐπηρεαζόμενοι καὶ ὡς ἐν προφάσει τελῶν μὴ ὀφειλομένων κωλύοιντο · οἷς ἀποκαθιστάνειν κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον ἐνοχλουμένοις , καὶ εἴ τινων ἱερὰ χρήματα ἀφῄρηνται τῶν πόλεων τοὺς εἰς ταῦτα ἀποκεκριμένους καὶ ταῦτα διορθώσασθαι τοῖς ἐκεῖ ἸουδαίοιςJews κελεύω ."
¹⁷⁰ they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and under pretense of taxes which were not due, are hindered from sending them, which I command to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them. And if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from their proper receivers, I further enjoin, that the same be exactly returned to the Jews in that place.”	¹⁷⁰ They complain to me of being abused by certain sycophants and being prevented from sending them under pretext of taxes which were not owed. I order that they be restored without any disturbance to them, and if that sacred money in any of the cities was taken, I order those in charge to restore it exactly to the Jews in that place."
¹⁷⁰ Barach

¹⁷¹ " ΓάιοςGaius Νωρβανὸς Φλάκκος ἀνθύπατος Σαρδιανῶν ἄρχουσι χαίρειν . Καῖσάρ μοι ἔγραψεν κελεύων μὴ κωλύεσθαι τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews ὅσα ἂν ὦσιν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναγαγόντες χρήματα ἀναπέμπεινto send back εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem . ἔγραψα οὖν ὑμῖν , ἵν᾽ εἰδῆτε , ὅτι ΚαῖσαρCaesar κἀγὼ οὕτως θέλομεν γίνεσθαι ."
¹⁷¹ “Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling together according to the custom of their forefathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and I would have you act accordingly.”	¹⁷¹ "Gaius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the officers of the Sardians, greetings. Caesar has written to me and ordered me not to forbid the Jews, however many they be, from assembling according to their ancestral custom, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem. I have written to you that you may know that both Caesar and I want you to act accordingly."
¹⁷¹ Barach

¹⁷² Οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ ἸούλιοςJulius ἈντώνιοςAntony ἀνθύπατος ἔγραψεν " ἘφεσίωνEphesians ἄρχουσιν βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν . οἱ ἐν τῇ ἈσίᾳAsia κατοικοῦντες ἸουδαῖοιJews εἰδοῖς Φεβρουαρίοις δικαιοδοτοῦντί μοι ἐν ἘφέσῳEphesus ὑπέδειξαν ΚαίσαραCaesar τὸν ΣεβαστὸνSebaste καὶ ἈγρίππανAgrippa συγκεχωρηκέναι αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις καὶ ἔθεσιν , ἀπαρχάς τε , ἃς ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας προαιρέσεως εὐσεβείας ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἀνακομιδῆς συμπορευομένους ποιεῖν ἀνεμποδίστως .
¹⁷² Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. “To the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company together to Jerusalem without disturbance.	¹⁷² No less was what Julius Antony, the proconsul, wrote: "To the officers, council and people of the Ephesians, greetings. As I was holding court at Ephesus, on the Ides of February, the Jews living in Asia proved to me that Augustus and Agrippa had let them follow their own laws and customs and offer their first-fruits, which each freely dedicates out of piety to the Deity and sent them up under escort, unimpeded.
¹⁷² Barach

¹⁷³ ᾔτουν τε , ὅπως κἀγὼ ὁμοίως τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ ΣεβαστοῦAugustus καὶ ἈγρίππαAgrippa δοθεῖσιν τὴν‎ ἐμὴν γνώμην βεβαιώσω . ὑμᾶς οὖν βούλομαι εἰδέναι ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ΣεβαστοῦAugustus καὶ ἈγρίππαAgrippa βουλήμασιν συνεπιτρέπειν αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι καὶ ποιεῖν κατὰ τὰ πάτρια χωρὶς ἐμποδισμοῦ ."
¹⁷³ They also petitioned me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would therefore have you take notice, that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance.”	¹⁷³ They also asked me that I also would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. Note therefore that according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and follow their ancestral customs, without impediment."
¹⁷³ Barach

¹⁷⁴ Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν παρεθέμην ἐξ ἀνάγκης , ἐπειδὴ μέλλουσιν αἱ τῶν ἡμετέρων πράξεων ἀναγραφαὶ τὸ πλέον εἰς τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks ἰέναι , δεικνὺς αὐτοῖς ὅτι πάσης τιμῆς ἄνωθεν ἐπιτυγχάνοντες οὐδὲν τῶν πατρίων ἐκωλύθημεν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων πράττειν , ἀλλὰ καὶ συνεργούμεθα τὰ τῆς θρησκείας ἔχοντες καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν θεὸν τιμῶν .
¹⁷⁴ I have been obliged to set down these decree because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we have been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God;	¹⁷⁴ I am obliged to set down these decrees because the history of our recent actions will be generally known among the Greeks, and I have hereby shown them that we were formerly in high esteem and were not prohibited by our governors from keeping our ancestral customs, and that we were supported by them in following our own religion and the worship we paid to God.
¹⁷⁴ Barach

¹⁷⁵ ποιοῦμαι δὲ πολλάκις αὐτῶν τὴν‎ μνήμην ἐπιδιαλλάττων τὰ γένη καὶ τὰς ἐμπεφυκυίας τοῖς ἀλογίστοις ἡμῶν τε κἀκείνων μίσους αἰτίας ὑπεξαιρούμενος .
¹⁷⁵ and I frequently make mention of these decrees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us.	¹⁷⁵ I often mention these decrees in order to reconcile other people to us and remove the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us.
¹⁷⁵ Barach

¹⁷⁶ ἔθεσιν μὲν γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστιν γένος ὃ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ χρῆται καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἔσθ᾽sometimes ὅπη πολλῆς ἐγγιγνομένης τῆς διαφορᾶς · τὸ δίκαιον δὲ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ὁμοίως ἐπιτηδεύοντες λυσιτελέστατον ὂν Ἕλλησίν τε καὶ βαρβάροις ,
¹⁷⁶ As for our customs there is no nation which always makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another;	¹⁷⁶ There is no other nation that always follows the same customs, for in almost every city we find differing practices. Now natural justice is mostly found in what is equally favourable to all people, both Greeks and barbarians,
¹⁷⁶ Barach

¹⁷⁷ οὗ πλεῖστον οἱ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν νόμοι λόγον ἔχοντες ἅπασιν ἡμᾶς , εἰ καθαρῶς ἐμμένοιμεν αὐτοῖς , εὔνους καὶ φίλους ἀπεργάζονται .
¹⁷⁷ but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men;	¹⁷⁷ and our laws have the greatest regard to this and render us benevolent and friendly to all, if we keep them properly.
¹⁷⁷ Barach

¹⁷⁸ διὸ καὶ ταῦτα παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἡμῖν ἀπαιτητέον καὶ δέον οὐκ ἐν τῇ διαφορᾷ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων οἴεσθαι τὸ ἀλλότριον , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ πρὸς καλοκαγαθίαν ἐπιτηδείως ἔχειν · τοῦτο γὰρ κοινὸν ἅπασιν καὶ μόνον ἱκανὸν διασώζειν τὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίον . ἐπάνειμι δὲ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ συνεχῆ τῆς ἱστορίας .
¹⁷⁸ on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation of human life. I now return to the thread of my history.	¹⁷⁸ Therefore we should expect a similar response from others and we declare to them they ought not to regard otherness as a reason for alienation, but should look rather to good standards of behaviour, which is the duty of us all and it alone is what preserves human society. I now return to the main line of my narrative.
¹⁷⁸ Barach

Chapter 7
[179-228]
Herod's historian conceals his robbery of David's tomb.
Dissension increases in Herod's family

☜ ☞

¹⁷⁹ Ὁ γὰρ ἩρώδηςHerod πολλοῖς τοῖς ἀναλώμασιν εἴς τε τὰς ἔξω καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ χρώμενος , ἀκηκοὼς ἔτι τάχιον ὡς ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus ὁ πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλεὺς ἀνοίξας τὸν ΔαυίδουDavid τάφον ἀργυρίου λάβοι τρισχίλια τάλαντα κειμένων πολὺ πλειόνων ἔτι καὶ δυναμένων εἰς ἅπαν ἐπαρκέσαι ταῖς χορηγίαις , ἐκ πλείονος μὲν δι᾽ ἐννοίας εἶχεν τὴν‎ ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack ,
¹⁷⁹ As for Herod, he had spent vast sums about the cities, both without and within his own kingdom; and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David’s sepulcher, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt;	¹⁷⁹ Herod had spent vast sums on projects outside as well as inside his kingdom, and when he heard how Hyrcanus, the king before him, had opened David's burial vault and taken three thousand talents of silver from it but that there was still much more there, enough to suffice all his needs, he had long intended to lay hands upon it.
¹⁷⁹ Barach

¹⁸⁰ ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε νυκτὸς ἀνοίξας τὸν τάφον εἰσέρχεται πραγματευσάμενος ἥκιστα μὲν τῇ πόλει φανερὸς εἶναι , παρειληφὼς δὲ τοὺς πιστοτάτους τῶν φίλων .
¹⁸⁰ and at this time he opened that sepulcher by night, and went into it, and endeavored that it should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends with him.	¹⁸⁰ One night he opened the burial vault and went into it taking care to be unseen from the city, and bringing with him only his most trusted friends.
¹⁸⁰ Barach

¹⁸¹ ἀποθέσιμα μὲν οὖν χρήματα καθάπερ ὙρκανὸςHyrcanus οὐχ εὗρεν , κόσμον δὲ χρυσοῦν καὶ κειμηλίων πολύν , ὃν ἀνείλετο πάντα . σπουδὴν δ᾽ εἶχεν ἐπιμελεστέραν ποιούμενος τὴν‎ ἔρευνανinquiry ἐνδοτέρωinner τε χωρεῖν καὶ κατὰ τὰς θήκας , ἐν αἷς ἦν τοῦ ΔαυίδουDavid καὶ τοῦ ΣολομῶνοςSolomon τὰ σώματα .
¹⁸¹ As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon;	¹⁸¹ He did not, like Hyrcanus, find any money, but took all the golden furniture and precious things that were stored there. Then he wanted to make a fuller search and go farther in, to where the bodies of David and Solomon lay.
¹⁸¹ Barach

¹⁸² καὶ δύο μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν δορυφόρων διεφθάρησαν φλογὸς ἔνδοθεν εἰσιοῦσιν ἀπαντώσης , ὡς ἐλέγετο , περίφοβος δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐξῄει , καὶ τοῦ δέους ἱλαστήριον μνῆμα λευκῆς πέτρας ἐπὶ τῷ στομίῳ κατεσκευάσατο πολυτελὲς τῇ δαπάνῃ .
¹⁸² where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulcher, and that at great expense also.	¹⁸² They say that two of his bodyguard were killed there, by a flame bursting out on them as they entered. So he left in terror and in his fear built a splendid and expensive memorial of white stone at the mouth of the burial vault.
¹⁸² Barach

¹⁸³ τούτου καὶ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus ὁ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἱστοριογράφος μέμνηται τοῦ κατασκευάσματος , οὐ μὴν ὅτι καὶ κατῆλθεν , οὐκ εὐπρεπῆ τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν ἐπιστάμενος . διατελεῖ δὲ καὶ τἆλλα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον χρώμενος τῇ γραφῇ ·
¹⁸³ And even Nicolaus his historiographer makes mention of this monument built by Herod, though he does not mention his going down into the sepulcher, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in the same manner in his book;	¹⁸³ His historiographer, Nicolaus, mentions this structure but not that he went down to it, knowing that the act was improper, and he treats many other things in the same way in his writings.
¹⁸³ Barach

¹⁸⁴ ζῶντι γὰρ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένως ἐκείνῳ καὶ καθ᾽ ὑπηρεσίαν ἀνέγραφεν , μόνων ἁπτόμενος τῶν εὔκλειαν αὐτῷ φερόντων , πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐμφανῶς ἀδίκων ἀντικατασκευάζων καὶ μετὰ πάσης σπουδῆς ἐπικρυπτόμενος ,
¹⁸⁴ for he wrote in Herod’s lifetime, and under his reign, and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his notorious crimes, and very diligently concealing them.	¹⁸⁴ He wrote during Herod's lifetime and under his reign, to please and serve him, and described nothing except what tended to his good name, clearly excusing many of his notorious crimes or very carefully concealing them.
¹⁸⁴ Barach

¹⁸⁵ ὅς γε καὶ τὸν ΜαριάμμηςMariamne θάνατον καὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτῆς οὕτως ὠμῶς τῷ βασιλεῖ πεπραγμένον εἰς εὐπρέπειαν ἀνάγειν βουλόμενος ἐκείνης τε ἀσέλγειαν καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων ἐπιβουλὰς καταψεύδεται , καὶ διατετέλεκεν τῇ γραφῇ τὰ μὲν πεπραγμένα δικαίως τῷ βασιλεῖ περιττότερον ἐγκωμιάζων , ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν παρανομηθέντων ἐσπουδασμένως ἀπολογούμενος .
¹⁸⁵ And as he was desirous to put handsome colors on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the incontinence of Mariamne, and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a pompous encomium upon what just actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones.	¹⁸⁵ As he wished to portray in a good light the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were cruel acts of the king, he invented her unchastity and the treachery of the young men. So he went on in his whole work, lavishing praise on the king's good actions and carefully defending his crimes.
¹⁸⁵ Barach

¹⁸⁶ ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὖν πολλὴν ἄν τις , ὡς ἔφην , ἔχοι τὴν‎ συγγνώμην · οὐ γὰρ ἱστορίαν τοῖς ἄλλοις , ἀλλὰ ὑπουργίαν τῷ βασιλεῖ ταύτην ἐποιεῖτο .
¹⁸⁶ Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nicolaus; for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to the king himself.	¹⁸⁶ As I said, one could say much to excuse this, for he did not write history for others, but was acting in service of the king.
¹⁸⁶ Barach

¹⁸⁷ ἡμεῖς δὲ καὶ γένους ὄντες ἀγχοῦ τῶν ἐξ ἈσαμωναίουHasmoneus βασιλέων καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σὺν τιμῇ τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην ἔχοντες τὸ ψεύσασθαί τι περὶ αὐτῶν οὐκ εὐπρεπὲς ὑπειληφότες καθαρῶς καὶ δικαίως ἐκτίθεμεν τὰς πράξεις , πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐγγόνων τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ βασιλεύοντας ἔτι δι᾽ ἐντροπῆς ἔχοντες , τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀλήθειαν πρὸ ἐκείνων τετιμηκότες , ἣν ὅτε δικαίως ἐγίνετο συνέβη τε παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις ὀργῆ τυγχάνειν .
¹⁸⁷ As for ourselves, who come of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an honorable place, which is the priesthood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their actions after an unblemished and upright manner. And although we reverence many of Herod’s posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and this though it sometimes happens that we incur their displeasure by so doing.	¹⁸⁷ But we, who come from a family linked to the Hasmonean kings and therefore having the honour of the priesthood, think it improper to make up stories about them and have described their actions honestly and justly. Although we respect many of Herod's descendants still reigning, we honour the truth even more, even if we sometimes incur their displeasure by doing so.
¹⁸⁷ Barach

¹⁸⁸ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack , ἣν ἐποιήσατο τῷ τάφῳ , χεῖρον ἐδόκει πράττειν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν , εἴτε δὴ τοῦ μηνίματος ἐπιδόντος εἰς ἃ μάλιστα καὶ πρότερον ἐνόσει πλείω γενέσθαι πρὸς ἀνηκέστους ἐξελθεῖν συμφοράς , εἴτε καὶ τῆς τύχης ἐν ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ ἐπίθεσιν ποιουμένης ἐν οἷς τὸ κατὰ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν εὔκαιρον οὐ μικρὰν πίστιν παρεῖχεν τοῦ διὰ τὴν‎ ἀσέβειαν αὐτῷ τὰς συμφορὰς ἀπηντηκέναι .
¹⁸⁸ And indeed Herod’s troubles in his family seemed to be augmented by reason of this attempt he made upon David’s sepulcher; whether divine vengeance increased the calamities he lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases wherein the seasonableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the calamities came upon him for his impiety;	¹⁸⁸ Herod's troubles in his family seemed to increase because of his violating the burial vault; whether God's wrath increased his troubles and rendered them insoluble, or whether fortune deserted him just at the time where the circumstances made it seem that his troubles came as a penalty for his impiety.
¹⁸⁸ Barach

¹⁸⁹ στάσις γὰρ ἦν ὥσπερ ἐμφυλίουkinsfolk πολέμου κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν καὶ μίση πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀνθυπερβαλλομένων ταῖς διαβολαῖς .
¹⁸⁹ for the tumult was like a civil war in his palace, and their hatred towards one another was like that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies.	¹⁸⁹ Conflict raged like civil war in the palace and their hatred for each other came to look like a contest in allegation.
¹⁸⁹ Barach

¹⁹⁰ ἐστρατήγει δ᾽ ἀεὶ κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἈντίπατροςAntipater δεινὸς ὢν ἔξωθεν μὲν περιβάλλειν αὐτοὺς ταῖς αἰτίαις , αὐτὸς δὲ πολλάκις ἀπολογουμένου τόπον λαμβάνων , ἵν᾽ ᾖ τὸ δοκοῦν εὔνουν πιστὸν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιχειρήσεις ὧν ἐδόκει . Καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ποικίλως ἐκπεριεληλύθει τὸν πατέρα μόνος ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνου σωτηρίας ἅπαντα πράττειν αὐτὸς πεπιστευκώς .
¹⁹⁰ However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly; while abroad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make him be believed, and forward his attempts against them; by which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed all that he did was for his preservation.	¹⁹⁰ Antipater was always very cunning in his plots against his brothers, for while he heaped accusations on them from afar, he often gave the impression of defending them, in order to be trusted for his apparent goodwill to them. In this way he used various ruses to deceive his father, who believed he was doing everything for his safety.
¹⁹⁰ Barach

¹⁹¹ ὁ δὲ καὶ ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy , ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ διοικητὴς τῶν τῆς βασιλείας πραγμάτων , ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater συνίστη καὶ μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνου μητρὸς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπειγόντων ἐβουλεύετο . Καὶ καθόλου τὰ πάντα ἦσαν οὗτοι καὶ πράττειν ὅσα θέλοιεν καὶ πρὸς δύσνοιαν ἄγειν τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ἔξωθεν οἷς ἐδόκει συμφέρειν .
¹⁹¹ Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage;	¹⁹¹ He commended Ptolemy, the chief administrator of his kingdom, as a friend to Antipater, and consulted his mother on public affairs. These had full rein and did what they pleased and roused the king to anger at outsiders, when they thought it helped their own cause.
¹⁹¹ Barach

¹⁹² οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne χαλεπώτερον ἀεὶ διετίθεντο , καὶ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ὑπ᾽ εὐγενείας οὐκ ἔφερον παρεωσμένοι καὶ τάξιν ἀτιμοτέραν ἔχοντες .
¹⁹² but still the sons of Mariamne were in a worse and worse condition perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonorable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the dishonor.	¹⁹² The status of the sons of Mariamne continually worsened, and they who were noblest by birth were downgraded to a less honoured rank which they found hard to bear.
¹⁹² Barach

¹⁹³ αἵ γε μὴν γυναῖκες , ἡ μὲν ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander συνοικοῦσα θυγάτηρ ἈρχελάουArchelaus ΓλαφύραGlaphyra μῖσος εἶχεν εἰς τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome κατά τε τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα διάθεσιν κἀκ τοῦ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐκείνης θυγατέρα δοκεῖν ὑπερηφανώτερον διακεῖσθαι · συνῴκει μὲν γὰρ ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous , τὴν‎ δὲ ἰσοτιμίαν αὐτῆς ἀναξιοπάθει ΓλαφύραGlaphyra .
¹⁹³ And for the women, Glaphyra, Alexander’s wife, the daughter of Archelaus, hated Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome’s daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, which equality of hers to herself Glaphyra took very impatiently.	¹⁹³ Among the women, there was hatred between Alexander's wife, Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, and Salome, because of her pact with her husband and because Glaphyra was insolent toward Salome's daughter, the wife of Aristobulus, whose equal status Glaphyra could not bear.
¹⁹³ Barach

¹⁹⁴ Δευτέρας οὖν ταύτης ἔριδος ἐμπεπτωκυίας οὐδ᾽ ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς ΦερώραςPheroras ἔξω ταραχῆς ἦν , ἰδίαν δὲ ὑπόθεσιν ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy καὶ μίσους εἶχεν · ἐμπεπτώκει μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἔρωταto ask δουλευούσης αὐτῷ γυναικός , ἥττητο δὲ τῆς ἀνθρώπου μεμηνότως ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κρατούμενος , ὥστ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγγυηθείσης θυγατρὸς τὴν‎ μὲν ὑπερηφανῆσαι , πρὸς δὲ τῇ δούλῃ τὸν νοῦν εἶχεν .
¹⁹⁴ Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither did the king’s brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a particular foundation for suspicion and hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the king’s daughter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the other, who had been but a servant.	¹⁹⁴ Apart from this second quarrel, the king's brother Pheroras still did not keep out of trouble, but caused further suspicion and hatred. He had fallen in love with one of his slave-girls, who held him so besotted that he scorned the king's daughter, to whom he was betrothed and gave his heart to the slave-girl.
¹⁹⁴ Barach

¹⁹⁵ ἤχθετο δὲ ἀτιμασθεὶς ἩρώδηςHerod τῷ πολλὰ μὲν εὐεργετῆσαι τὸν ἀδελφόν , δυνάμει δὲ καὶ κοινωνὸν ἔχειν τῆς βασιλείας , οὐχ ὅμοιον εἰς τὰς ἀμοιβὰς ὁρῶν , κἀν τῷ προσώπῳ δυστυχεῖν ᾤετο .
¹⁹⁵ Herod also was grieved by the dishonor that was done him, because he had bestowed many favors upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner with him in the kingdom, and saw that he had not made him a due return for his labors, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account.	¹⁹⁵ Herod felt dishonoured by this as he had favoured his brother in many ways and let him share the kingship with him, and was unhappy to see him not playing his proper part.
¹⁹⁵ Barach

¹⁹⁶ καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν κόρην μὴ τυχὼν ΦερώραPheroras δικαίου παιδὶ ΦασαήλουPhasael δίδωσιν , αὐτὸς δὲ χρόνου διελθόντος οἰόμενος ἤδη παρηκμακέναι τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν τἀδελφῷ περὶ τε τῶν πρώτων ᾐτιᾶτο καὶ τὴν‎ δευτέραν ἠξίου λαμβάνειν , ΚύπροςCyprus ἐκαλεῖτο .
¹⁹⁶ So upon Pheroras’s unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus’s son; but after some time, when he thought the heat of his brother’s affections was over, he blamed him for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter, whose name was Cypros.	¹⁹⁶ As Pheroras did not take the girl, he gave her to Phasael's son; but after some time, thinking his brother's passion had cooled, he reproached him for his previous conduct and asked him to take his second girl, named Cypros.
¹⁹⁶ Barach

¹⁹⁷ ΦερώρᾳPheroras δὲ συμβουλεύει ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἤδη ποτὲ παυσαμένῳ τῆς εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀτιμίας καταβαλεῖν τὸν ἔρωταto ask · καὶ γὰρ αἰσχρὸν εἶναι δούλης ἡττώμενον ἀποστερεῖνto rob, defraud μὲν αὑτὸν τῆς εὐνοίας τῆς παρὰ βασιλέως , αἴτιον δὲ κἀκείνῳ ταραχῆς καὶ μίσους πρὸς αὐτὸν καθίστασθαι .
¹⁹⁷ Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affronting his brother, and to forsake her whom he had loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamored of a servant, as to deprive himself of the king’s good-will to him, and become an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by him.	¹⁹⁷ Ptolemy also told Pheroras he should stop bringing disgrace to his brother and abandon his affair, since it is ignoble to belong to a slave and so lose the king's goodwill and cause trouble to him and bring hatred on himself.
¹⁹⁷ Barach

¹⁹⁸ ταῦτ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ἰδὼν λυσιτελήσοντα τῷ καὶ πρότερον ἐν διαβολαῖς γενόμενος συνεγνῶσθαι , τὴν‎ μὲν ἄνθρωπον ἤδη καὶ παῖδα ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔχων ἀποπέμπεται , βασιλεῖ δ᾽ ὡμολόγει λήψεσθαι τὴν‎ δευτέραν αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατέρα καὶ τριακοστὴν ἡμέραν συνέθετο τοῦ γάμου , συνεπομνύμενος ὡς οὐδὲν ἔτι κοινώνημα πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀποπεμφθεῖσαν ἔσται‎ .
¹⁹⁸ Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no further conversation with her whom he had put away;	¹⁹⁸ Knowing that this advice was for his own good, as he had earlier been accused and forgiven, he did put her away, even though he already had a son by her, and he promised the king to marry his second daughter and agreed to be wed in thirty days, and swore to have no further contact with the one he had set aside.
¹⁹⁸ Barach

¹⁹⁹ διελθουσῶν δὲ τῶν τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν τοσοῦτον ἦν ἥττων τοῦ ἔρωτος , ὥστε μηδὲν μὲν ἔτι ποιῆσαι τῶν ὡμολογημένων , πάλιν δὲ διατελεῖν ἐπὶ τῇ πρώτῃ .
¹⁹⁹ but when the thirty days were over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve openly, and made him angry,	¹⁹⁹ But when the thirty days had passed, he was such a slave to his feelings that he did not keep his promise, but continued with his first woman.
¹⁹⁹ Barach

²⁰⁰ ταῦτα φανερῶς ἤδη τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐλύπει καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἦγεν . ἦσαν οὖν λόγοι τινὲς ἀεὶ παραπίπτοντες παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ , καὶ πολλοὶ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀφορμὴν τῶν κατὰ ΦερώρουPheroras διαβολῶν ἐποιοῦντο . διέλειπεν δὲ οὐκ ἔσθ᾽sometimes ἥτις ἡμέρα οὐδ᾽ ‎ὥρα , καθ᾽ ἣν ἀτρεμεῖν αὐτῷ συνέβαινεν , ἀλλ᾽ ἀεί τι προσέπιπτεν καινῶν ἀγωνισμάτων συγγενῶν καὶ φιλτάτων εἰς ἀλλήλους πεποιημένων .
²⁰⁰ while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; and many made the king’s anger an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor had the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose among his relations, and those that were dearest to him;	²⁰⁰ This caused Herod to be publicly sad and angry, so that he was always saying one thing or other against him, and many took opportunity from the king's anger to tell lies against Pheroras. Not a day or hour passed but Herod met some new quarrel or other among his relatives and those dearest to him.
²⁰⁰ Barach

²⁰¹ τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome χαλεπὴ καὶ δύσνους οὖσα τοῖς ἐκ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne οὐδὲ τὴν‎ ἑαυτῆς θυγατέρα συνοικοῦσαν ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous θατέρῳ τῶν νεανίσκων εἴα τῇ τοῦ γάμου πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὐνοίᾳ χρῆσθαι , λέγειν τε εἴ τι λαλήσειεν κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἀναπείθουσα καὶ μηνύειν ἑαυτῇ κἀν τοῖς προσκρούμασιν , οἷα συμβαίνει , πολλὰς ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy εἰσάγουσα .
²⁰¹ for Salome was of a harsh temper, and ill-natured to Mariamne’s sons; nor would she suffer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunderstandings happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it;	²⁰¹ Salome had a harsh temper and was malicious to Mariamne's sons. She kept her own daughter, the wife of one of those young men, Aristobulus, from loving her husband, persuading her to tell her all that he said to her in private and when friction arose, as it often does, she raised many faults about it.
²⁰¹ Barach

²⁰² δι᾽ ὧν αὐτὴ μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐμάνθανεν , δύσνουν δὲ τὴν‎ παῖδα τῷ νεανίσκῳ πεποιήκει .
²⁰² by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured to the young man.	²⁰² In this way she learned all about them and caused the girl to dislike the young man.
²⁰² Barach

²⁰³ χαριζομένη δ᾽ ἐκείνη τῇ μητρὶ πολλάκις ἔλεγεν , ὡς μέμνηνταιto remember μὲν ἰδιάζοντες ἐκεῖνοι τῆς ΜαριάμμηςMariamne , ἐστυγήκασι δὲ τὸν πατέρα , συνεχὲς δὲ διαπειλοῦσιν , εἰ τύχοιεν αὐτοί ποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς , τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων γυναικῶν παῖδας ἩρώδῃHerod γεγενημένους κωμογραμματεῖς καταστήσειν · ἁρμόσειν γὰρ εἰς τοιαύτην χρείαν τὸ νῦν ἐπιμελὲς αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς παιδείαν ἐσπουδασμένον .
²⁰³ And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by themselves; and that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once got the kingdom, they would make Herod’s sons by his other wives country-schoolmasters, for that the present education which was given them, and their diligence in learning, fitted them for such an employment.	²⁰³ To gratify her, the girl told her mother that when they were alone they often spoke of Mariamne, and that they hated their father and often threatened that if they came to rule, they would make village schoolmasters of Herod's sons by his other wives, as their education and their diligence in study fitted them for that work.
²⁰³ Barach

²⁰⁴ τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας , εἴ ποτε καὶ ταύτας ἴδοιεν τοῦ μητρῴου κόσμου μετειληφυίας , ἀντὶ τῆς παρούσης ἁβρότητος ἀπειλεῖν , ὡς τρύχεσιν ἠμφιεσμέναι καθειργοῦνται μηδὲ τὸν ἥλιον βλέπουσαι .
²⁰⁴ And as for the women, whenever they saw them adorned with their mother’s clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the light of the sun.	²⁰⁴ Also, if ever they saw the women wearing their mother's finery, they threatened that instead of their present things, they would be clothed in sackcloth and kept where they would never see the sun.
²⁰⁴ Barach

²⁰⁵ ταῦτ᾽ εὐθὺς ἀπηγγέλλετο διὰ τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome τῷ βασιλεῖ · κἀκεῖνος ἤκουεν μὲν ἀλγεινῶς , ἐπειρᾶτο δὲ διορθοῦν , ἐκακοῦτο δὲ ταῖς ὑποψίαις καὶ χείρων ἀεὶ γινόμενος ἅπασιν κατὰ πάντων ἐπίστευεν . οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε μὲν ἐπιπλήξας τοῖς παισὶν ἀπολογησαμένων ῥᾴων εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ἐγίνετο , ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς πολὺ χείρω προσέπεσεν .
²⁰⁵ These stories were presently carried by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavored to make up matters; but these suspicions afflicted him, and becoming more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon his rebuking his sons, and hearing the defense they made for themselves, he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents came upon him.	²⁰⁵ These tales were soon brought back by Salome to the king, who hated to hear them and tried to resolve things; but the suspicions made him worse and he came to believe that everyone was against everyone else. After rebuking his sons and hearing their response, he was easier for a while, though soon afterward much worse things happened to him.
²⁰⁵ Barach

²⁰⁶ Ὁ γὰρ ΦερώραςPheroras ἐλθὼν παρὰ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἔχοντα τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus θυγατέρα ΓλαφύρανGlaphyra , ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν , ΣαλώμηςSalome ἔφη λεγούσης ἀκηκοέναι τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἡττῆσθαι τοῦ τῆς ΓλαφύραςGlaphyra ἔρωτος καὶ δυσπαρηγόρητον αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν εἶναι .
²⁰⁶ For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he had heard from Salome that Herod has enamored on Glaphyra, and that his passion for her was incurable.	²⁰⁶ Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus as already said, and told him that he heard Salome say that Herod was hopelessly in love with Glaphyra.
²⁰⁶ Barach

²⁰⁷ τοῦτο οὖν ἐκεῖνος ἀκούσας ὑπό τε νεότητος καὶ ζηλοτυπίας ἐξεκαίετο καὶ τὰ κατὰ τιμὴν εἰς τὴν‎ παῖδα γινόμενα παρ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod , πολλάκις δ᾽ ἦσαν αἱ τοιαῦται φιλοφρονήσεις , ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐλάμβανεν ἐξ ὑπονοιῶν διὰ τὸν ἐκπεσόντα λόγον .
²⁰⁷ When Alexander heard that, he was all on fire, from his youth and jealousy; and he interpreted the instances of Herod’s obliging behavior to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which came from those suspicions he had on account of that word which fell from Pheroras;	²⁰⁷ The youth flared up with youthful jealousy and saw a bad meaning in Herod's frequent signs of courtesy to the girl, his suspicions were aroused by what he had heard.
²⁰⁷ Barach

²⁰⁸ οὐκ τε τὴν‎ ὀδύνην τοῦ πράγματος , ἀλλὰ ἐλθὼν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καταμηνύει τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ ΦερώραPheroras ῥηθέντα μετὰ δακρύων . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐκπαθὴς γενόμενος καὶ τὸ σὺν αἰσχύνῃ τῆς διαβολῆς ἐψευσμένον οὐ φέρων ἐτετάρακτο .
²⁰⁸ nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed him what word: Pheroras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it;	²⁰⁸ He could not hide his distress but went to his father in tears and told him what Pheroras had said. This shameful and malicious accusation upset Herod and he took it badly.
²⁰⁸ Barach

²⁰⁹ καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ὠδύρετο τὴν‎ πονηρίαν τῶν οἰκείων οἷος εἰς αὐτοὺς γενόμενος οἵων τυγχάνοι , Μεταπέμπεται δὲ τὸν ΦερώρανPheroras καὶ προσονειδίσας " κάκιστε πάντων , εἶπεν , εἰς τοῦτο τῆς ἀμέτρου καὶ περιττῆς ἦλθες ἀχαριστίας , ὡς τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ ἡμῶν νοῆσαι , τοιαῦτα δὲ λαλεῖν ;
²⁰⁹ and often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and how good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said, “Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such things of me, but to speak of them?	²⁰⁹ He often complained about the malice of his household and how good he had been to them and how little thanks he got for it. So he sent for Pheroras and rebuked him and said,
²⁰⁹ Barach

²¹⁰ ἆρ᾽then, so then οὐχ ὁρῶ τὴν‎ σὴν προαίρεσιν , ὡς οὐ βλασφημίας ἐστοχασμένος τοὺς τοιούτους λόγους τῷ παιδὶ προσήνεγκας , ἐπιβουλὴν δὲ καὶ φάρμακον αὐτοὺς ποιούμενος τῆς ἐμῆς ἀπωλείας ; τίς γὰρ ἄν , εἰ μὴ δαιμόνων ἀγαθῶν ἔτυχεν , ὥσπερ οὗτος ὁ παῖς , ἠνέσχετο τὸν πατέρα μὴ τίσασθαι διὰ τοιαύτην ὑποψίαν ;
²¹⁰ I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are. It is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me, and get me destroyed by poison. And who is there, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, but would not bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him?	²¹⁰ "You wretch, do you think I don't see your plan? Not only do you think such vile things of me but you even say them to the boy! Was it your plan to get rid of me by such poison? And who is there except my son, without a good spirit at his elbow, who would not take revenge on his father, on such a suspicion?
²¹⁰ Barach

²¹¹ πότερον δὲ λόγον εἰς τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἢ ξίφος εἰς τὴν‎ δεξιὰν ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτῷ δοκεῖς κατὰ τοῦ γεγεννηκότος ; τί δέ σοι βούλεται τὸ μισοῦντά τε αὐτὸν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς μόνην τὴν‎ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ βλασφημίαν εὔνοιαν ὑποκρίνασθαι καὶ περὶ τούτων λέγειν , ἃ τῆς σῆς ἀσεβείας ἦν καὶ νοῆσαι καὶ διαβαλεῖν ;
²¹¹ Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words?	²¹¹ Do you think you put only a word in his mind? Rather was it not a sword in his hand to kill his father? You who hate both him and his brother, why do you pretend to care for them, just to say against me such things as only an impious wretch like you could think or declare?
²¹¹ Barach

²¹² ἔρρε κάκιστος εἰς ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes καὶ ἀδελφὸν γενόμενος . Καὶ σοὶ μὲν ἡ συνείδησις αὕτη συζήσειεν , ἐγὼ δὲ νικῴην ἀεὶ τοὺς ἐμοὺς μήτε ἀμυνόμενος κατ᾽ ἀξίαν καὶ μειζόνως εὐεργετῶν ἢ τυχεῖν εἰσι δίκαιοι ."
²¹² Begone, thou that art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother, and may that evil conscience of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them, as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy of.”	²¹² Begone, you abomination to your benefactor and brother, and take your bad conscience with you! For I have heaped favour on my relatives and instead of taking due revenge on them, I give them more good than they deserve."
²¹² Barach

²¹³ Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς. ΦερώραςPheroras δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ τῇ μοχθηρίᾳ ΣαλώμηνSalome ἔφη ταῦτα συμπείσειν καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνης εἶναι τοὺς λόγους . ἡ δὲ ὡς μόνον ἤκουσεν , ἐτύγχανεν δὲ παροῦσα , πιθανῶς ἀνεβόησεν ,
²¹³ Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the very act of his villainy, said that “it was Salome who was the framer of this plot, and that the words came from her.”	²¹³ So said the king. Pheroras, caught in the act of his villainy, said that Salome had framed this plot and that the words came from her.
²¹³ Barach

²¹⁴ ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη παρ᾽ αὐτῆς τοιοῦτον , καὶ ὅτι διὰ σπουδῆς ἐστιν ἅπασιν εἰς μῖσος ἀγαγεῖν αὐτὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐνέχειν διὰ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν , ἣν ἔχοι περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀεὶ προγινώσκουσα τοὺς κινδύνους .
²¹⁴ But as soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all earnestly endeavored to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because of the good-will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing the dangers that were coming upon him,	²¹⁴ As soon as she heard this, for she was nearby, she shouted out convincingly that nothing of the kind ever came from her lips; that all were trying to make the king hate her, because in her love for Herod she was always foreseeing the dangers to him.
²¹⁴ Barach

²¹⁵ ἐν δὲ τῷ παρόντι καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι · μόνη γὰρ ἀναπείθουσα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐκβάλλειν ἣν εἶχε γυναῖκα , λαμβάνειν δὲ θυγατέρα τὴν‎ βασιλέως εἰκότως ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου μεμισῆσθαι .
²¹⁵ and that at present there were more plots against him than usual; for while she was the only person who persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king’s daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by him.	²¹⁵ Now there were more plots than ever. And since it was only she who advised her brother to put away his former wife and marry the king's daughter, it was no wonder she was hated by him.
²¹⁵ Barach

²¹⁶ τοιαῦτα λεγούσης καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἐπιδραττομένης τῶν τριχῶν , πολλάκις δὲ τυπτούσης τὰ στέρνα , ἡ μὲν ὄψις εἶχέ τι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἄρνησιν πιθανόν , ἡ δὲ κακοήθεια τοῦ τρόπου τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς γινομένοις ὑπόκρισιν ἀπεσήμαινεν .
²¹⁶ As she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat her breast, her countenance made her denial to be believed; but the perverseness of her manners declared at the same time her dissimulation in these proceedings;	²¹⁶ As she said this, often tearing her hair and beating her breast, her face made her denial credible, but the malice of her character marked her as deceitful in these matters.
²¹⁶ Barach

²¹⁷ ὁ δὲ ΦερώραςPheroras εἰς μέσον ἀπείληπτο μηδὲν εὔσχημον εἰς ἀπολογίαν ἔχων , εἰπεῖν μὲν ὡμολογηκώς , ἀκοῦσαι δ᾽ οὐ πιστευόμενος . ἐγένετο δ᾽ ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἥ τε σύγχυσις καὶ ἡ τῶν λόγων εἰς ἀλλήλους ἅμιλλα .
²¹⁷ but Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defense, while he confessed that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believed when he said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to another.	²¹⁷ Pheroras was caught in the middle and had really nothing he could say for himself. He admitted saying the thing, but was not believed about hearing it from her, so the confusion of their stories only increased.
²¹⁷ Barach

²¹⁸ τέλος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τόν τε ἀδελφὸν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν μεμισηκὼς ἀπεπέμπετο καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπαινέσας τῆς ἐγκρατείας καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνενεγκεῖν τοὺς λόγους ὀψὲ τῆς ὥρας περὶ θεραπείαν τοῦ σώματος ἐγένετο .
²¹⁸ At last the king, out of his hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away; and when he had commended the moderation of his son, and that he had himself told him of the report, he went in the evening to refresh himself.	²¹⁸ At last the king, who hated both his brother and sister, sent both of them away, and after praising his son for his balance and for reporting it to him, he went in the evening to rest his body.
²¹⁸ Barach

²¹⁹ τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς μάχης ἐμπεσούσηςto fall upon κακῶς ἤκουσεν ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome · παρ᾽ αὐτῆς γὰρ ἐδόκει κεκινῆσθαι τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ διαβολήν · αἵ τε τοῦ βασιλέως γυναῖκες ἤχθοντο φύσει δυσχερεστάτην εἰδυῖαι καὶ γινομένην ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλην κατὰ καιροὺς ἐχθρὰν καὶ φίλην . ἔλεγον οὖν ἀεί τι πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd κατ᾽ αὐτῆς καί τι συμπεσὸν ἐπὶ μεῖζον ἤγαγεν τὴν‎ εἰς τοῦτο παρρησίαν .
²¹⁹ After such a contest as this had fallen out among them, Salome’s reputation suffered greatly, since she was supposed to have first raised the calumny; and the king’s wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, and sometimes an enemy, at different seasons: so they perpetually said one thing or another against her; and somewhat that now fell out made them the bolder in speaking against her.	²¹⁹ Salome's reputation suffered a lot from this conflict since she was thought to have begun the allegation. The king's wives were angry with her, knowing her to be such an ill-natured woman, who at various times would be a friend or an enemy, so they were always telling Herod one thing or other against her, and something now happened that made them speak out the more.
²¹⁹ Barach

²²⁰ Ἦν μὲν γὰρ ὁ τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia βασιλεὺς Ὀβόδας ἀπράγμων καὶ νωθὴς τὴν‎ φύσιν , Σύλλαιος δ᾽ αὐτῷ διῴκει τὰ πολλὰ δεινὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν νέος ἔτι καὶ καλός .
²²⁰ There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for him. He was a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal.	²²⁰ Obodas, king of Arabia, was by nature inactive and slothful, and Syllaeus, a shrewd and handsome young man, handled most things for him.
²²⁰ Barach

²²¹ ὑπὸ χρείας οὖν τινος ἐλθὼν ὡς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd συνδειπνῶν εἶδεν τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome , καὶ τὸν νοῦν ἔσχεν πρὸς αὐτήν , γινώσκων δ᾽ ὅτι καὶ χήρα τυγχάνοι διελέγετο .
²²¹ This Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, and set his heart upon her; and understanding that she was a widow, he discoursed with her.	²²¹ When this Syllaeus once came to dine with Herod, he saw Salome and his heart was set on her, so he spoke with her, knowing she happened to be a widow.
²²¹ Barach

²²² ΣαλώμηSalome δὲ καὶ χεῖρον ἢ πάλαι φερομένη παρὰ τἀδελφῷ καὶ τὸν νεανίσκον οὐκ ἀπαθῶς ὁρῶσα πρὸς τὸν γάμον ὥρμητο , ταῖς τε μεταξὺ φοιτώντων ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐνεφαίνετο πλείω τε καὶ μὴ μέτρια τῆς ἐκείνων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμολογίας .
²²² Now because Salome was at this time less in favor with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared many, and those very great, indications of their agreement together.	²²² Since by this time Salome was out of favour with her brother, she felt something for the young man and was inclined to marry him, so during supper they showed many signs of mutual attraction.
²²² Barach

²²³ ταῦτα δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες ἀνέφερον τῷ βασιλεῖ διαγελῶσαι τὴν‎ ἀσχημοσύνην , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ ΦερώραPheroras προσεπυνθάνετο καὶ τηρεῖν ἠξίου παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον , πῶς τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐσχήκασιν . ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἀπήγγελλενto bring a report , ὅτι καὶ νεύμασιν καὶ βλέμμασιν οὐκ ἄδηλοι τῆς ὁρμῆς εἰσιν ἀμφότεραι .
²²³ Now the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired about it further of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at supper, how their behavior was one toward another; who told him, that by the signals which came from their heads and their eyes, they both were evidently in love.	²²³ The women reported it to the king and laughed at its impropriety so Herod asked Pheroras about it and told him to watch how they acted toward each other at supper. He reported that it was clear from their faces and their eyes, that they were both in love.
²²³ Barach

²²⁴ μετὰ τοῦτο ὁ μὲν ἌραψArab ὕποπτος ὢν ἀπῄει · διαλιπὼν δὲ δύο μῆνας ἢ τρεῖς ἔρχεταιto come/go πάλιν ὡς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τούτῳ καὶ λόγους ἩρώδῃHerod προσέφερεν , ἀξιῶν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome δοθῆναι πρὸς γάμον · ἔσεσθαι γὰρ οὐκ ἀλυσιτελὲς τὸ κῆδος ἐπιμιξίᾳ τῆς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀρχῆς , ἣν αὐτῷ καὶ νῦν ἤδη παρεῖναι δυνάμει καὶ μᾶλλον ὀφείλεσθαι .
²²⁴ After this, Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards, as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the government of which country was already in effect under his power, and more evidently would be his hereafter.	²²⁴ After this the Arab went away under suspicion, but came again in two or three months for the same purpose, and spoke to Herod about it and asked for Salome as his wife. Such a union with Arabia might not be a disadvantage, as the country was effectively in his hands already and would later be more obviously his.
²²⁴ Barach

²²⁵ τοῦ δὲ ἩρώδουHerod τὸν λόγον ἀναφέροντος καὶ πυνθανομένου τῆς ἀδελφῆς , εἰ πρὸς τὸν γάμον ἑτοίμως ἔχει , ταχέως μὲν ἐκείνη προσήκατο , Σύλλαιος δὲ ἀξιούντωνto think worthy αὐτὸν ἐγγραφῆναι τοῖς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθεσι καὶ τότε γαμεῖν , ἄλλως γὰρ οὐκ εἶναι δυνατόν , οὐχ ὑπομείνας , ἀλλὰ καὶ καταλευσθήσεσθαι πρὸς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian εἰπών , εἰ τοῦτο πράξειεν , ἀπαλλάττεται .
²²⁵ Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately agreed to it. But when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs.	²²⁵ When Herod spoke of it to his sister and asked if she was prepared to marry the man, she quickly agreed. But when Syllaeus was asked to join the Jewish religion in order to marry her, as it could not happen on any other terms, he did not accept it and left, saying that if he did so he would be stoned by the Arabs.
²²⁵ Barach

²²⁶ ΣαλώμηνSalome οὖν ὅ τε ΦερώραςPheroras ἤδη διέβαλλεν εἰς ἀκρασίαν καὶ μᾶλλον αἱ γυναῖκες , λέγουσαι κοινωνίαν αὐτῇ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἌραβαArabian .
²²⁶ Then did Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more; and said that Sylleus had debauched her.	²²⁶ Pheroras then rebuked Salome for her passion, and the women went further and said she had defiled herself with the Arab.
²²⁶ Barach

²²⁷ τήν τε κόρην , ἣν τἀδελφῷ κατενεγύησεν ὁ βασιλεύς , ἣν ὁ μὲν ΦερώραςPheroras οὐκ ἔλαβεν , ὡς προεῖπον , ἡττημένος τῆς γυναικός , αἰτούσης ΣαλώμηςSalome εἰς τὸν υἱὸν τὸν ἐκ Κοστοβάρου γενόμενον ὥρμητο μὲν ἐκείνῳ συνοικίσαι ,
²²⁷ As for that damsel which the king had betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he had not taken her, as I have before related, because he was enamored on his former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus;	²²⁷ Now the girl the king had betrothed to his brother and whom Pheroras had not married, as already reported, because of his love for his former wife, was, at Salome's request, to be given to her son by Costobarus.
²²⁷ Barach

²²⁸ μεταπείθεται δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ΦερώραPheroras τόν τε νεανίσκον οὐκ εὔνουν ἔσεσθαι λέγοντος διὰ τὴν‎ ἀπώλειαν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ δικαιότερον εἶναι λαβεῖν τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ παῖδα τῆς τετραρχίας ὄντα διάδοχον . οὕτω δὲ συγγνώμην ᾐτεῖτο καὶ μὴ πείσας οὕτως . ἐκείνη μὲν οὖν ἀντιμετατεθείσης τῆς ἐγγύης ἐγαμεῖτο τῷ ΦερώραPheroras μειρακίῳ φερνὴν ἐπιδόντος ἑκατὸν τάλαντα τοῦ βασιλέως .
²²⁸ which match he was very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded that this young man would not be kind to her, since his father had been slain by him, and that it was more just that his son, who was to be his successor in the tetrarchy, should have her. So he begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was disposal of to this young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her portion a hundred talents.	²²⁸ Herod agreed to this match but was dissuaded by Pheroras, who said the young man would not be kind to her, because of his father's murder and that it would be better if his son, who was to be his successor in the tetrarchy, could have her. So asking his pardon, he got him to do so. By this change of her espousals, the girl was given to this young man, the son of Pheroras, and the king gave her a dowry of a hundred talents.
²²⁸ Barach

Chapter 8
[229-270]
Herod imprisons his son Alexander.
They are reconciled through Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.

☜ ☞

²²⁹ Οὐκ ἀνεῖτο δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν ἀεὶ καὶ μείζους τὰς ταραχὰς λαμβάνοντα , καὶ συμπίπτει τι τοιοῦτον ἐξ αἰτίας μὲν οὐκ εὐπρεποῦς , χωρῆσαν δὲ πρόσω κατὰ δυσχέρειαν ·
²²⁹ But still the affairs of Herod’s family were no better, but perpetually more troublesome. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon him.	²²⁹ But still the affairs of his family were no better but grew more troubled and then a shameful thing happened, which brought him into even more difficulties.
²²⁹ Barach

²³⁰ ἦσαν εὐνοῦχοι τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ κάλλος οὐ μετρίως ἐσπουδασμένοι . τούτων ὁ μὲν οἰνοχοεῖν , ὁ δὲ δεῖπνον προσφέρειν , ὁ δὲ κατακοιμίζειν βασιλέα πεπίστευτο καὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς .
²³⁰ There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing him drink was intrusted to one of them; of bringing him his supper, to another; and of putting him to bed, to the third, who also managed the principal affairs of the government;	²³⁰ The king had eunuchs of whom he was very fond on account of their beauty, and one of them he entrusted with bringing him his drink, another with bringing his supper, and the third with putting him to bed. This one also managed the major items of his regime.
²³⁰ Barach

²³¹ καί τις ἀγγέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ διαφθαρῆναι τούτους ὑπὸ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν . ἀνακρίναντι δὲ περὶ μὲν τῆς γεγενημένης πρὸς αὐτὸν κοινωνίας καὶ μίξεως ὡμολόγουν , ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν δυσχερὲς εἰς τὸν πατέρα συνειδέναι .
²³¹ and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the king’s son with great sums of money. And when they were asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they confessed it, but said they knew of no further mischief of his against his father;	²³¹ Someone told the king that these eunuchs had been bribed by his son Alexander with a large sum of money. When they were asked if Alexander had had intimacy and intercourse with them, they confessed it, but said they knew of no further harm he had done to his father
²³¹ Barach

²³² βασανιζόμενοι δὲ μᾶλλον κἀν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ὄντες ἐπιτεινόντων ἀεὶ τῶν ὑπηρετῶνassistant minister καὶ χαριζομένων τῷ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τὸ τοιοῦτον , ἔλεγον ὡς εἴη δυσμένεια πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ μῖσος ἔμφυτον ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander .
²³² but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father;	²³² Under more severe torture and racking to the limits at Antipater's request, they told of the great ill-will and hatred that Alexander bore his father
²³² Barach

²³³ παραινοίη δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἩρώδηνHerōd μὲν ἀπεγνωκέναι περιττὸν ἤδη τετυχηκότα καὶ τῷ γήρᾳ παρακάλυμμα τοῦ χρόνου ποιούμενον , μελαίνοντα τὰς τρίχας καὶ κλέπτοντα τὸν ἔλεγχον τῆς ἡλικίας · εἰ δ᾽ αὐτῷ προσέχοιεν τὸν νοῦν , περιγενομένης τῆς βασιλείας , ἣν καὶ μὴ βουλομένου τοῦ πατρὸς οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς εἶναι , ταχὺ τὸν πρῶτον ἕξειν ἐν αὐτῇ τόπον ·
²³³ and that he told them that Herod despaired to live much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he colored his hair black, and endeavored to conceal what would discover how old he was; but that if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom, which, in spite of his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly have the first place in that kingdom under him,	²³³ and that he had indicated to them Herod could not hope to live much longer and that he blackened his hair to hide the effect of his age, but that if they supported him now, they would soon get prime places in the kingdom whenever he gained it, for in spite of his father it would come to no one else.
²³³ Barach

²³⁴ οὐ γὰρ μόνον διὰ τὸ γένος , ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ ταῖς παρασκευαῖςpreparation, supply ἕτοιμον αὐτῷ τὸ κρατεῖν εἶναι · πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων , πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν φίλων συνεστᾶσιν οὐχὶ πονηροὶ πᾶν ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything καὶ δρᾶν καὶ πάσχειν .
²³⁴ for that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birth-right, but by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever should come on that account.	²³⁴ The kingship belonged to him not only by birth-right but also by planning, for he was ready to seize it and many of the king's officers and friends were on his side, ready to do and to endure anything to achieve it.
²³⁴ Barach

²³⁵ Τούτων τῶν λόγων ἀκούσας ἩρώδηςHerod ὅλος ἐγένετο τῆς ἐπηρείας καὶ τοῦ δέους , τὰ μὲν εἰς ὕβριν ῥηθέντα χαλεπῶς , τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ὑπόνοιαν οὐκ ἀκινδύνως ἐκλαβών , ὥστε καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων ἠρεθίζετο καὶ πικρὸς ὢν ἐδεδοίκει , μὴ καί τι ταῖς ἀληθείαις συνέστηκεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἰσχυρότερον ἢ φυλάξασθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρόν .
²³⁵ When Herod heard this confession, he was all over anger and fear, some parts seeming to him reproachful, and some made him suspicious of dangers that attended him, insomuch that on both accounts he was provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more heavy plot was laid against him than he should be then able to escape from;	²³⁵ When Herod heard this confession, he was full of anger and fear, as it seemed a great affront to him and made him think himself in danger and both things together provoked in him a bitter fear that the plot against him was stronger than he could guard against.
²³⁵ Barach

²³⁶ ἔνθεν οὐδ᾽ ἐκ φανεροῦ τὴν‎ ἔρευνανinquiry ἐποιεῖτο , κατασκόπους δὲ τῶν ὑπονοουμένων διέπεμψεν . ὑποψίαsuspicion, jealousy τε καὶ μίση πρὸς ἅπαντας ἦν , καὶ τὴν‎ ὑπόνοιαν ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ λαμβάνων πολλὴν καὶ κατὰ τῶν οὐκ ἀξίων αὐτῇ χρώμενος διετέλει .
²³⁶ whereupon he did not now make an open search, but sent about spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless;	²³⁶ Meanwhile he did not make a public investigation, but sent around spies to watch anyone he suspected, for being full of anxiety and hatred to all around him and much concerned for his own safety, he continued suspecting the guiltless.
²³⁶ Barach

²³⁷ πέρας τε οὐδὲν ἦν , ἀλλὰ μένειν οἱ νομιζόμενοι μᾶλλον ὡς ἂν καὶ μᾶλλον ἰσχύοντες ἐδόκουν αὐτῷ φοβεροί · τοῖς δ᾽ οἷς οὐκ ἦν συνήθεια πλείων ὀνομάσαι μόνον ἐδόκει , καὶ μέρος εὐθὺς ἀσφαλείας ἐδόκουν ἀπολλύμενοι .
²³⁷ nor did he set any bounds to himself, but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt him, they were to him very frightful; and for those that did not use to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they were destroyed.	²³⁷ There was no limit to it, for thinking that those closest to him had the most power to harm him, he feared them the most and those who did not normally visit him had only to be named and it immediately seemed safer to him to have them destroyed.
²³⁷ Barach

²³⁸ τέλος τε οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ μηδὲν ἔχειν βέβαιον εἰς ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐτράπησαν , νομίζοντες μέν , εἰ φθάσας ἕτερος τὸν ἕτερον διαβάλοι , τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ πρὸς σωτηρίαν φέρειν , ἐπίφθονοι δ᾽ εἴ ποτε τύχοιεν ὧν ἠξίουν γενόμενοι καὶ τὸ δικαίως αὐτοὶ παθεῖν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἄλλους ἠδίκησαν προσλαμβάνοντες μόνον .
²³⁸ And at last his domestics were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to save himself; yet when any had overthrown others, they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly who unjustly accused others, and they only thereby prevented their own accusation;	²³⁸ Finally those around him reached the point that being so unsure of saving their own lives, they began accusing each other, thinking that whoever was first to accuse his neighbour was most likely to save himself. But anyone who caused the death of others was hated, and whoever accused others unjustly was considered deserving to suffer and only hurried his own accusation.
²³⁸ Barach

²³⁹ ἤδη γοῦν οἰκείας τινὲς ἔχθρας ἐπεξῄεσαν τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ καὶ καταφωραθέντες ἐν τοῖς ὁμοίοις ἐγένοντο , τὸν καιρὸν ὥσπερ ὄργανον καὶ πάγην ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς νοοῦντες καὶ συναλισκόμενοι τῇ πείρᾳ , καθ᾽ ἣν ἑτέροις ἐπεβούλευον .
²³⁹ nay, they now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies; yet when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same snare which they laid for others:	²³⁹ People now pursued their private vendettas, and were similarly punished whenever they were caught. Some saw this as an opportunity to entrap their enemies, but when they tried it, were caught in the same trap they set for the others.
²³⁹ Barach

²⁴⁰ ἥ τε γὰρ μετάνοια τῷ βασιλεῖ ταχὺ διὰ τὸ μὴ προφανῶς ἁμαρτάνοντας ἀναιρεῖν ἐπεγίνετο καὶ ταύτης τὸ χαλεπὸν οὐκ εἰς τὸ παύσασθαι τὰ ὅμοια δρᾶν , ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸ τιμωρήσασθαιto avenge, punish τοῖς ἴσοις τοὺς ἐνδειξαμένους ἀπηρτίζετο .
²⁴⁰ and the king soon repented of what he had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more severe in him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers.	²⁴⁰ The king soon had a change of heart because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of the people he had killed. But sadly he did not learn from his repentance to avoid doing it again, but went on to inflict similar punishment upon their accusers.
²⁴⁰ Barach

²⁴¹ Τοιαύτη μὲν ἦν τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν ταραχή . πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν φίλων ἤδη καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ προεῖπεν , ὡς οὔτ᾽ ἐμφανίζεσθαι δέον αὐτῷ λοιπὸν οὔτ᾽ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον εἰσιέναι . ταύτην δὲ τὴν‎ παραγγελίαν ἐποιεῖτο καθ᾽ ὧν ἡ παρρησία ἐλάττονος ἢ πλείονος ἐντροπῆς μετειλήφει ·
²⁴¹ And in this state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and he had already told many of his friends directly that they ought not to appear before him, her come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction was, that [when they were there], he had less freedom of acting, or a greater restraint on himself on their account;	²⁴¹ Such disorder ruled in the palace, and he had already told many of his friends not to enter his sight or even come to the palace, and his reason for this prohibition was that they inhibited his freedom of action and put some restraint upon him.
²⁴¹ Barach

²⁴² καὶ γὰρ Ἀνδρόμαχον καὶ Γέμελλον ἄνδρας ἄνωθεν φίλους αὐτῷ , καὶ πολλὰ μὲν περὶ τὰς βασιλικὰς χρείας ἔν τε πρεσβείαις καὶ συμβουλίαις ὀνήσαντας αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν οἶκον , συμπαιδεύσαντας δὲ τοὺς υἱοὺς καὶ τί γὰρ ἢ πρῶτον παρρησίας τόπον ἐσχηκότας παρῃτήσατο τότε ,
²⁴² for at this time it was that he expelled Andromachus and Gamellus, men who had of old been his friends, and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with him.	²⁴² For instance, he expelled Andromachus and Gemellus, who had formerly been his friends and were very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom and had helped his family as envoys and counsellors, and had been tutors to his sons and had the greatest freedom with him.
²⁴² Barach

²⁴³ τὸν μὲν , ὅτι ΔημήτριοςDemetrius ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ συνήθης ἦν ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander , Γέμελλον δὲ εὔνουν ἐπιστάμενος ἐκείνῳ · καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς κἀν τῇ παιδείᾳ παραγεγόνει καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome συνδιέτριβεν ἀποδημίαν . παρῃτήσατο δὲ καὶ τούτους ἡδέως μὲν ἂν καὶ χεῖρον , ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ μὴ κατ᾽ ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἀσήμωνunmarked ἔχειν τὴν‎ ἄχρι τοσούτων παρρησίαν τήν τε τιμὴν καὶ τὸ δύνασθαι κωλύειν ἁμαρτάνοντας παραιρούμενος
²⁴³ He expelled Andromachus, because his son Demetrius was a companion to Alexander; and Gamellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school, and absent at Rome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to have done worse by them; but that he might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their dignity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings.	²⁴³ One of them he expelled because his son Demetrius was a companion to Alexander, and the other, Gemellus, because he knew of his liking for Alexander, having been with him at school and in Rome. These he expelled and would have done worse to them, but in order not to seem to take such liberty against men so well reputed, he contented himself with depriving them of their dignity and their power to hold him back from sinning. .
²⁴³ Barach

²⁴⁴ Ἦν δὲ τούτων ἁπάντων αἴτιος ἈντίπατροςAntipater , ὃς ἐπειδὴ τὸ νενοσηκὸς τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς παρρησίας κατέμαθεν , ἔκπαλαι μὲν συνεδρεύων αὐτῷ προσέκειτο καὶ μᾶλλον ἐδόκει τι περαίνειν , τῶν ἀντέχειν δυναμένων ἕκαστος εἰ ὑπεξαιρεθείη .
²⁴⁴ Now it was Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been a great while one of his counselors, he hurried him on, and then thought he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could oppose him was taken away.	²⁴⁴ Antipater was behind all this, for knowing his father's lack of restraint, and having long been one of his advisers, he urged him on, believing he could accomplish something effective once all who could oppose him were out of the way.
²⁴⁴ Barach

²⁴⁵ τότε γοῦν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνδρόμαχον ἀπελαθέντων λόγου καὶ παρρησίας πρῶτον μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσους ᾤετο πιστοὺς ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander βασάνοις ἀνέκρινεν , εἴ τι κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τολμηθὲν εἰδείησαν · οἱ δὲ ἀπέθνησκον οὐδὲν ἔχοντες λέγειν .
²⁴⁵ When therefore Andromachus and his friends were driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer, the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alexander, Whether they knew of any of his attempts against him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter,	²⁴⁵ When Andromachus and his friends had been excluded from conversing freely with the king, he first examined under torture all whom he judged faithful to Alexander, to see if they knew of any plot against him, but they died having nothing to say of it.
²⁴⁵ Barach

²⁴⁶ τῷ δ᾽ ἦν φιλονεικίας αἴτιον , εἰ μή τι τοιοῦτον οἷον ἐδόκει κακῶς εὑρίσκοιτο , καὶ δεινὸς ἈντίπατροςAntipater τὸν μὲν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας ἀναίτιον εἰς ἐγκράτειαν καὶ πίστιν διαβαλεῖν , ἐπιπαροξῦναι δὲ ζητεῖν ἐκ πλειόνων τὸ λανθάνον τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως .
²⁴⁶ which made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent, as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers what attempts were still concealed.	²⁴⁶ His inability to prove his suspicions only spurred him on and Antipater shrewdly alleged that the denials of those who were really innocent only showed their obstinate fidelity, and thereby spurred him further to find out the hidden aspects of the plot, by torturing many more.
²⁴⁶ Barach

²⁴⁷ καί τις ἐν πολλοῖς τοῖς βασανιζομένοις εἶπεν , ὡς εἰδείη τὸν νεανίσκον λέγοντα πολλάκις , ὅταν ἐπαινούμενος αὐτὸς τύχῃ τό τε σῶμα ὡς εἴη μέγας καὶ τὴν‎ τοξικὴν εὔστοχος καὶ τἆλλα τὰ πρὸς ἀρετὴν ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας , ὅτι ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ κακὰ μᾶλλον ἤπερ ἀγαθὰ παρὰ τῆς φύσεώς ἐστιν · ἄχθεσθαι γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸν πατέρα καὶ φθονεῖν ,
²⁴⁷ Now there was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a skillful marksman, and that in his other commendable exercises he exceeded all men, these qualifications given him by nature, though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him,	²⁴⁷ One of the many who were tortured alleged how the young man had often said, when he was praised for being tall in stature and a fine marksman and how he excelled others in virtue, that the good traits with which he was endowed by nature were rather doing him harm, since they only provoked his father to envy him.
²⁴⁷ Barach

²⁴⁸ αὐτός τε ὅταν μὲν ἅμα περιπατῶν συστέλλειν αὑτὸν καὶ καθαιρεῖν ὡς μὴ μείζων ὁρᾶσθαι , τοξεύων δὲ ἐν τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις ἐκείνου παρόντος ἀπὸ σκοποῦ ῥίπτειν · τὴν‎ γὰρ φιλοτιμίαν εἰδέναι τοῦ γεγεννηκότος τούτων εὐδοκιμούντων.
²⁴⁸ because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his father, he endeavored to depress and shorten himself, that he might not appear too tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed his mark on purpose, for he knew how ambitious his father was of being superior in such exercises.	²⁴⁸ He said that when he walked around with his father, he tried to hunch and lower himself, so as not be seen to be taller, and that when he shot at anything while hunting, if his father was near, he would purposely miss, knowing how his father took pride in excelling at such things.
²⁴⁸ Barach

²⁴⁹ Βασανιζομένῳ τῷ τε λόγῳ καὶ προσγινομένης ἀνέσεως τῷ σώματι προσετίθει δ᾽ ὅτι καὶ συνεργὸν ἔχων τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἐν κυνηγεσίῳ λοχήσας Φεύγειν εἰς ῬώμηνRome , ἐπειδὰν τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ πραχθῇ , τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αἰτησόμενος .
²⁴⁹ So when the man was tormented about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to lie in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when they had done so to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them.	²⁴⁹ When tortured about this and then given some ease, the man added how the brother, Aristobulus, had planned to help him by ambushing their father out hunting and killing him, and fleeing to Rome after the deed, to ask for the kingdom.
²⁴⁹ Barach

²⁵⁰ εὑρέθη δὲ καὶ γράμματα τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν , ἐν οἷς ἐμέμφετο τὸν πατέρα μὴ δίκαια ποιεῖν , ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater χώραν ἀπονέμοντα πρόσοδον διακοσίων ταλάντων φέρουσαν .
²⁵⁰ There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother, wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to two hundred talents.	²⁵⁰ Letters of the young man to his brother were also found, where he complained that his father was not acting justly in assigning a country to Antipater, that yielded a revenue of two hundred talents.
²⁵⁰ Barach

²⁵¹ ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐθὺς μὲν ἔδοξέν τι πιστὸν ἔχειν ἩρώδηςHerod , ὡς ᾤετο , κατὰ τῆς τῶν παίδων ὑποψίαςsuspicion, jealousy καὶ συλλαβὼν ἔδησεν τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander . αὖθις δὲ οὐκ ἀνίει χαλεπὸς ὤν , τὰ μὲν οὐδ᾽ οἷς ἤκουσεν ἄγαν πεπιστευκώς · ἀναλογιζομένῳ γὰρ ἄξιον μὲν ἐπιβουλῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ἐφαίνετο , μέμψεις δὲ καὶ νεανικαὶ φιλοτιμίαι , καὶ τὸ κτείναντα φανερῶς εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome ὁρμᾶν ἀπίθανον .
²⁵¹ Upon these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on, in his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his sons; so he took up Alexander and bound him: yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and was not quite satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom];	²⁵¹ With these Herod immediately thought he had firm ground for his suspicions about his sons, so he put Alexander in chains. But though he did not cease being rigorous he was not quite satisfied with the truth of what he had heard, and after pondering it, found that they had made only juvenile complaints and objections, and furthermore, it was not credible that his son would kill him and afterward go publicly to Rome.
²⁵¹ Barach

²⁵² ἠξίου δὲ καὶ μεῖζόν τι λαβεῖν τῆς περὶ τὸν υἱὸν παρανομίας τεκμήριον καὶ φιλόνεικος ἦν μὴ δόξαι προπετῶς τὰ δεσμὰ κατεγνωκέναι . τῶν τε φίλων τῶν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander βασανίζων τοὺς ἐν τέλει διέφθειρεν αὐτῶν οὐκ ὀλίγους οὐδὲν εἰπόντας ὧν ἐκεῖνος ᾤετο .
²⁵² so he was desirous to have some surer mark of his son’s wickedness, and was very solicitous about it, that he might not appear to have condemned him to be put in prison too rashly; so he tortured the principal of Alexander’s friends, and put not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them which he suspected.	²⁵² He wanted a surer proof of his son's crime and was anxious not to seem to have put him in chains too rashly, so he proceeded to torture Alexander's main friends and put not a few of them to death, but without their saying any of the things he expected.
²⁵² Barach

²⁵³ πολλῆς δὲ τῆς εἰς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἑτοιμότητος οὔσης καὶ φόβου καὶ ταραχῆς περὶ τὸ βασίλειον , εἷς τις τῶν νεωτέρων ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἀνάγκαις ἐγένετο , διαπέμπειν ἔφη τοῖς ἐν ῬώμῃRome φίλοις τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἀξιοῦντα κληθῆναι θᾶττον ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar · ἔχειν γὰρ αὐτῷ πρᾶξιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συνισταμένην μηνῦσαι ΜιθριδάτηνMithridates τὸν βασιλέα ΠάρθωνParthians τοῦ πατρὸς ᾑρημένου κατὰ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin φίλον · εἶναι δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ φάρμακον ἐν ἈσκάλωνιAskalon παρεσκευασμένον .
²⁵³ And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Caesar, and that he could discover a plot against him; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined in friendship with his father against the Romans, and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelon.	²⁵³ While he was most intent on this matter and terror and upheaval racked the palace, one of the younger men, in direst agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends in Rome asking to have himself quickly invited there by Caesar so that he could reveal a plot against him, namely that his father had opted for a friendship with Mithridates, the king of Parthia, against the Romans and that he had a poison ready prepared for him at Askelon.
²⁵³ Barach

²⁵⁴ Τούτοις ἐπίστευσεν ἩρώδηςHerod καί τινα παραμυθίαν τῆς προπετείας εἴληφεν ἐν τοῖς κακοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν χειρόνων κολακευόμενος . Καὶ τὸ μὲν φάρμακον εὐθὺς ἐσπουδακότι ζητεῖν οὐχ εὑρέθη .
²⁵⁴ To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rashness, as flattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition; but as for the poisonous potion, which he labored to find, he could find none.	²⁵⁴ Herod believed this and since it offered some excuse for his urgency, seemed pleased to find things in such dire straits. But the poison was not found, despite all his efforts.
²⁵⁴ Barach

²⁵⁵ τὴν‎ δ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν τῶν κακῶν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἐκ φιλονεικίας ἐπιρρῶσαι θέλων εἰς μὲν ἄρνησιν οὐκ ἐτράπετοto turn toward , μετῄει δὲ τὴν‎ προπέτειαν τοῦ πατρὸς ἁμαρτίᾳ μείζονι , τάχα δὲ καὶ διὰ τούτου βουλόμενος δυσωπῆσαι τὸ πρὸς τὰς διαβολὰς ἕτοιμον , οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ εἰ καὶ ἔτυχεν πιστευθεὶς κακοῦν αὐτόν τε καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν προῃρημένος .
²⁵⁵ As for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the rashness of his father with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to plague him and his whole kingdom;	²⁵⁵ Alexander, out of obstinacy, seemed to want to make his troubles worse and did not bother to deny the accusations, but punished his father's rashness with a greater fault of his own. Perhaps he wanted to make him ashamed for too readily believing in the allegations, so he aimed to snub both him and his whole kingdom, if he could gain credence for his story.
²⁵⁵ Barach

²⁵⁶ γράμματα γὰρ γράψας ἐν βιβλίοις τέσσαρσιν ἀπέστειλεν , ὡς οὐδὲν δεῖ βασανίζειν οὐδὲ περαιτέρω χωρεῖν · γενέσθαι γὰρ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ ταύτης συλλαμβάνειν τόν τε ΦερώρανPheroras καὶ τοὺς πιστοτάτους αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων , ΣαλώμηνSalome δὲ καὶ νύκτωρ ἐπεισελθοῦσαν ἄκοντι μιγῆναι ·
²⁵⁶ for he wrote four letters, and sent them to him, that he did not need to torture any more persons, for he had plotted against him; and that he had for his partners Pheroras and the most faithful of his friends; and that Salome came in to him by night, and that she lay with him whether he would or not;	²⁵⁶ He wrote a work in four volumes and sent it off, saying there was no need to torture any more people, for there was a plot against him, involving Pheroras and the most faithful of his friends, and that Salome had come to him by night and lain with him against his will,
²⁵⁶ Barach

²⁵⁷ καὶ πάντας ἐπὶ ταὐτὸν ἥκειν τοὺς θᾶττον ἐκεῖνον ἐκποδὼν ποιησαμένους χρόνου τῆς ἀεὶ προσδοκίας ἔχειν . ἐν τούτοις καὶ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy διεβέβλητο καὶ Σαπίννιος οἱ πιστότατοι τῷ βασιλεῖ .
²⁵⁷ and that all men were come to be of one mind, to make away with him as soon as they could, and so get clear of the continual fear they were in from him. Among these were accused Ptolemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faithful friends to the king.	²⁵⁷ and that all people were agreed to do away with him as soon as they could and so get away from their continual fear under him. Among those he accused were Ptolemy and Sapinnius, who were the king's most faithful friends.
²⁵⁷ Barach

²⁵⁸ καὶ τί γὰρ ἢ καθάπερ λύττης τινὸς ἐμπεσούσηςto fall upon κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων οἱ πάλαι φίλτατοι τεθηρίωντο , μήτ᾽ ἀπολογίας μήτ᾽ ἐλέγχου τόπον ἕως ἀληθείας δυσμενῶς , ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ γινομένης ἀκρίτου τινὸς εἰς ἅπαντας ἀπωλείας , καὶ τῶν μὲν δεσμά , τῶν δὲ θανάτους , τῶν δὲ τὸ ταῦτα μέλλειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὀδυρομένων , ἡσυχία τε καὶ κατήφεια τὸ βασίλειον ἀπεκόσμει τῆς πρώτης εὐδαιμονίας .
²⁵⁸ And what more can be said, but that those who before were the most intimate friends, were become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain madness had fallen upon them, while there was no room for defense or refutation, in order to the discovery of the truth, but all were at random doomed to destruction; so that some lamented those that were in prison, some those that were put to death, and others lamented that they were in expectation of the same miseries; and a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse to that happy state it was formerly in.	²⁵⁸ In the upshot, those who had previously been closest friends now savaged each other, and there was no room for defence or refutation or finding the truth, since all were doomed at random. Some grieved at being imprisoned, some at being put to death and others that such things were in store for them, so that silence and darkness made the kingdom ugly, so different from its former happy state.
²⁵⁸ Barach

²⁵⁹ καὶ χαλεπὸς ἦν ἩρώδῃHerod πᾶς ὁ βίος ἐκτεταραγμένῳ καὶ τὸ μηδενὶ πιστεύειν μέγα τῆς προσδοκίας κολαστήριον ἔχοντι · πολλάκις γοῦν ὡς ἐπανιστάμενον αὐτῷ τὸν υἱὸν ἢ καὶ ξιφήρη παρεστῶτα διὰ φαντασίας ἐλάμβανεν .
²⁵⁹ Herod’s own life also was entirely disturbed; and because he could trust nobody, he was sorely punished by the expectation of further misery; for he often fancied in his imagination that his son had fallen upon him, or stood by him with a sword in his hand;	²⁵⁹ Herod's own life was utterly troubled, and as he could trust no one, he was deeply troubled by the prospect of further misery, and he often imagined that his son was attacking him, or stood beside him with a sword in his hand.
²⁵⁹ Barach

²⁶⁰ οὕτως ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν πρὸς τούτῳ γινομένη πάθος ἀνεμάξατο μανίας οὐχ ἧττον δὲ καὶ ἀνοίας . Καὶ τὰ περὶ ἐκεῖνον εἶχεν οὕτως .
²⁶⁰ and thus was his mind night and day intent upon this thing, and revolved it over and over, no otherwise than if he were under a distraction. And this was the sad condition Herod was now in.	²⁶⁰ Night and day his mind revolved around this matter and he was obsessed with this mania as if he were mad, such was his condition at the time.
²⁶⁰ Barach

²⁶¹ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ ὁ τῶν ΚαππαδόκωνCappadocia βασιλεύς , ὡς ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd , ἀγωνιῶν τε ὑπὲρ τῆς θυγατρὸς καὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου καὶ συναλγῶν ἀνδρὶ φίλῳ τῆς ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ταραχῆς , ἧκεν οὐκ ἐν παρέργῳ θέμενος τὰ πράγματα .
²⁶¹ But when Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the state that Herod was in, and being in great distress about his daughter, and the young man [her husband], and grieving with Herod, as with a man that was his friend, on account of so great a disturbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem] on purpose to compose their differences;	²⁶¹ When Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, heard of the goings-on in Herod's court he was anxious about his daughter and her young man until, sympathetic with his friend's suffering amid such stress, he came to help resolve the affair.
²⁶¹ Barach

²⁶² καὶ καταλαβὼν οὕτως ἔχοντα τὸ μὲν ἐπιτιμᾶν ἢ φάναι γενέσθαι τι προπετὲς αὐτῷ τελέως ἀνοίκειον εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ἡγήσατο · φιλονεικήσειν γὰρ κεκακωμένον καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπολογεῖσθαι σπεύδοντα πλείονος ὀργῆς ἀναπλησθήσεσθαι ·
²⁶² and when he found Herod in such a temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point with him, and by still more and more apologizing for himself to be the more irritated:	²⁶² Seeing how things were, he thought it untimely to reproach him or charge him with acting rashly, because this would make him argue the point with him and by again having to defend himself he would become the more irritated.
²⁶² Barach

²⁶³ μετῄει δὲ τάξιν ἑτέραν τὴν‎ ἐπανόρθωσιν τῶν ἠτυχημένων , ὀργιζόμενος τῷ νεανίσκῳ κἀκεῖνον ἐπιεικῆ λέγων τῷ μηδὲν ἐκ προπετείας ἐργάσασθαι , τόν τε γάμον διαλύσειν ἔφη πρὸς τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander , καὶ μηδ᾽ ἂν τῆς θυγατρὸς φείσασθαι , εἴ τι συνειδυῖα τούτῳ οὐ κατεμήνυσεν .
²⁶³ he went, therefore, another way to work, in order to correct the former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young man, and said that Herod had been so very mild a man, that he had not acted a rash part at all. He also said he would dissolve his daughter’s marriage with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing, and did not inform Herod of it.	²⁶³ So in order to correct the unfortunate situation, he set about it another way. Seeming to be angry with the young man, he declared that Herod had not acted at all rashly but had in fact been very mild. He said also that if his own daughter had been aware of anything and did not inform Herod of it, he would not spare her but would dissolve her marriage with Alexander.
²⁶³ Barach

²⁶⁴ τοιούτου δ᾽ ὄντος οὐ κατὰ προσδοκίαν ὧν ἩρώδηςHerod ᾤετο , τὸ δὲ πλέον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἐπιδεικνυμένου , μετέπιπτεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς χαλεπότητος καὶ λαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου δοκεῖν τὰ πεπραγμένα πεποιηκέναι κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς τὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀντιμεθίστατο πάθος .
²⁶⁴ When Archelaus appeared to be of this temper, and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined, and, for the main, took Herod’s part, and was angry on his account, the king abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection of a father,	²⁶⁴ As he seemed to be in this mood, quite other than what Herod had expected and in the main, sided with him and was angry on his behalf, the king's harshness abated and he took the opportunity, now that he seemed to have acted justly up to this, of gradually taking a paternal stance.
²⁶⁴ Barach

²⁶⁵ οἰκτρὸς δ᾽ ἦν ἐν ἀμφοτέροις , ὅτε μὲν ἀπελύοντό τινες τὰς τοῦ νεανίσκου διαβολὰς εἰς ὀργὴν ἐκταραττόμενος , ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus συγκατηγόρει , πρὸς δάκρυα καὶ λύπην οὐκ ἀπαθῆ μεθιστάμενος · ἐδεῖτο γοῦν ἐκείνου μήτε διαλύειν τὸν γάμον ὀργῆς τε ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἔχειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ νεανίσκος ἠδίκησεν .
²⁶⁵ and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he was thrown into a passion; but when Archelaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner. Accordingly, he desired that he would not dissolve his son’s marriage, and became not so angry as before for his offenses.	²⁶⁵ He was to be pitied in two ways, for when some people refuted the allegations against the young man it roused him to anger, but when Archelaus joined in the accusation, he emotionally dissolved into tears and sorrow, and even asked him not to dissolve the marriage and was less angry than before at the young man's offences.
²⁶⁵ Barach

²⁶⁶ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ παραλαβὼν ἐπιεικέστερον εἴς τε τοὺς φίλους μετέφερεν τὰς διαβολάς , ἐκείνων εἶναι λέγων νέον ὄντα καὶ κακοηθείας ἀναίσθητον διαφθεῖραι , τόν τε ἀδελφὸν αὐτῷ μᾶλλον εἰς ὑποψίαν καθίστη ·
²⁶⁶ So when Archelaus had brought him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the calumnies upon his friends; and said it must be owing to them that so young a man, and one unacquainted with malice, was corrupted; and he supposed that there was more reason to suspect the brother than the soft.	²⁶⁶ After Archelaus had made him more lenient, he turned his accusations onto his friends, saying that it was their fault that so young a man and one unused to malice, was corrupted, and he suspected his brother more than the rest.
²⁶⁶ Barach

²⁶⁷ τοῦ γὰρ ἩρώδουHerod χαλεπῶς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ΦερώρανPheroras ἔχοντος ὁ μὲν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ διαλλάξοντος ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ὁρῶν μάλιστα δυνάμενον αὐτὸς τυχὼν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἐτράπετοto turn toward μελανείμων καὶ πάντα τὰ σημεῖα τῆς μετὰ μικρὸν ἀπωλείας ἔχων ,
²⁶⁷ Upon which Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had no one that could make a reconciliation between him and his brother. So when he saw that Archelaus had the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one that had all the signs upon him of an undone man.	²⁶⁷ As Herod was now very angry with him, Pheroras, who had no one to act as his reconciler, noted how much power Archelaus had with Herod, so he went to him in a mourning robe, with all the signs of a ruined man.
²⁶⁷ Barach

²⁶⁸ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ οὔτε ὑπερεῖδεν τὴν‎ ἔντευξιν οὔτ᾽ ἔφη δυνατὸς εἶναι ταχὺ μεταπείθειν οὕτως ἔχοντα τὸν βασιλέα · βέλτιον δὲ εἶναι αὐτῷ προσιέναι καὶ δεῖσθαι , τῶν πάντων αἴτιον αὑτὸν ὁμολογοῦντα · ὠφελήσειν γὰρ οὕτως τοῦ θυμοῦ τὸ περιττόν , αὐτὸς δὲ συλλήψεσθαι παρών .
²⁶⁸ Upon this Archelaus did not overlook the intercession he made to him, nor yet did he undertake to change the king’s disposition towards him immediately; and he said that it was better for him to come himself to the king, and confess himself the occasion of all; that this would make the king’s anger not to be extravagant towards him, and that then he would be present to assist him.	²⁶⁸ Archelaus did not ignore his petition but did not immediately undertake to change the king's disposition toward him. He said that it was better for him to go to him in person, and confess himself the cause of it all; this would help to allay the wrathfulness and then he would be present to help him.
²⁶⁸ Barach

²⁶⁹ ταῦτα δὲ πεισθέντος αὐτοῦ‎ συναμφότερον ἦν διαπεπραγμένον , αἵ τε διαβολαὶ παρὰ δόξαν ἀφῄρηντο τοῦ νεανίσκου καὶ ΦερώρανPheroras ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus διαλλάξας οὕτως εἰς ΚαππαδοκίανCappadocia ἀπῄει , κεχαρισμένος ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος ἐν τῇ τότε περιστάσει τῶν καιρῶν ἩρώδῃHerod γενόμενος . ὅθεν καὶ δώροις αὐτὸν ἐτίμησεν πολυτελεστάτοις κἀν τοῖς ἄλλοις μεγαλοπρεπῶς ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλτατον ἡγησάμενος .
²⁶⁹ When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both of them; and the calumnies raised against the young man were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Archelaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation, went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at this juncture of time the most acceptable person to Herod in the world; on which account he gave him the richest presents, as tokens of his respects to him; and being on other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed him one of his dearest friends.	²⁶⁹ After he was persuaded about this, both sides were satisfied. Beyond all expectation the allegations against the young man were set aside and Archelaus also reconciled Pheroras with the king. Then he went off to Cappadocia, and as at this juncture he had been the most acceptable person of all to Herod, he gave him lavish gifts as tokens of his respect and cordially regarded him as one of his dearest friends.
²⁶⁹ Barach

²⁷⁰ ἐποιήσατο δὲ καὶ συνθήκας εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐλθεῖν , ἐπειδὴ περὶ τούτων ἐγέγραπτο ΚαίσαριCaesar , καὶ μέχρις ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ παρῆλθον . ἐκεῖ καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα ΣυρίαςSyria Τίτιον ἐκ διαφορᾶς ἈρχελάῳArchelaus κακῶς ἔχοντα διήλλαξεν ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ πάλιν εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ὑποστρέφει .
²⁷⁰ He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a reconciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea.	²⁷⁰ They had also agreed that he [Herod ] should go to Rome, since someone had written to Caesar about these matters, and he accompanied him as far as Antioch. There Herod reconciled Archelaus with Titius, the ruler of Syria, who had been hostile to him because of some dispute, and then returned to Judea.
²⁷⁰ Barach

Chapter 9
[271-299]
Trachonitis revolts against Herod's rule.
Accused before Caesar, he sends an advocate to Rome

☜ ☞

²⁷¹ Γενομένῳ δὲ ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome κἀκεῖθεν ἐπανήκοντι συνέστη πόλεμος πρὸς τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης · οἱ κατοικοῦντες τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀφελομένου ΖηνόδωρονZenodorus καὶ προσθέντος ἩρώδῃHerod τὴν‎ χώραν λῃστεύειν μὲν οὐκ εἶχον ἐξουσίαν ἔτι , γεωργεῖν δὲ καὶ ζῆν ἡμέρως ἠναγκάζοντο .
²⁷¹ When Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war arose between him and the Arabians, on the occasion following: The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after Caesar had taken the country away from Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now power to rob, but were forced to plough the land, and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not like;	²⁷¹ When Herod had gone to Rome and had returned, a war arose between him and the Arabs, as follows : After Caesar had taken their land from Zenodorus and given it to Herod, the people of Trachonitis were no longer able to rob, but were forced to till the land and to live at peace.
²⁷¹ Barach

²⁷² τόδ᾽ ἦν ἐκείνοις οὐχ αἱρετὸν οὐδὲ λυσιτέλειαν ἔφερεν ἡ γῆ πονούντων . ὅμως δὲ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπείχοντο τῶν εἰς τοὺς περιοίκους ἀδικημάτων , καὶ πολλὴ διὰ τοῦτο ἦν εὐδοξία τῆς ἐπιμελείας ἩρώδῃHerod .
²⁷² and when they did take that pains, the ground did not produce much fruit for them. However, at the first the king would not permit them to rob, and so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their neighbors, which procured Herod a great reputation for his care.	²⁷² This was not what they wished and even though they laboured, their land was not very fruitful. At first the king curbed the robbers and stopped them from living unjustly off their neighbours, which gained Herod a great reputation for effectiveness.
²⁷² Barach

²⁷³ πλεύσαντος δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome , ὅτε καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander κατηγόρει καὶ παραθησόμενος ἈντίπατρονAntipater τὸν υἱὸν παρεληλύθει ΚαίσαριCaesar , λόγον ὡς ἀπολωλὼς εἴη διασπείροντες οἱ τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis νεμόμενοι τῆς τε ἀρχῆς ἀπέστησαν καὶ πάλιν ἐπὶ τὰ συνήθη τοὺς πλησιοχώρους ἀδικεῖν ἐτρέποντο .
²⁷³ But when he was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar’s protection, the Trachonites spread a report as if he were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and betook themselves again to their accustomed way of robbing their neighbors;	²⁷³ But when he was sailing to Rome, at the time when he went to accuse his son Alexander and entrust Antipater to the care of Caesar, the Trachonites spread a rumour that he was dead and rebelled from his rule and went back to robbing the neighbouring districts as before.
²⁷³ Barach

²⁷⁴ τότε μὲν οὖν αὐτοὺς οἱ στρατηγοὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπόντος ἐχειρώσαντο . περὶ τετταράκοντα δέ τινες ἀρχιλῃσταὶ κατὰ δέος τῶν ἡλωκότων ἐξέλιπον μὲν τὴν‎ χώραν ,
²⁷⁴ at which time the king’s commanders subdued them during his absence; but about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified by those that had been taken, left the country,	²⁷⁴ During the king's absence his officers kept them subdued and about forty of the principal brigands, terrified by the capture of the others, left the country and went to Arabia.
²⁷⁴ Barach

²⁷⁵ εἰς δὲ τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ἀφορμήσαντες ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus δεξαμένου μετὰ τὴν‎ ἀποτυχίαν τοῦ ΣαλώμηςSalome γάμου , τόπον τε ἐρυμνὸν ἐκείνου δόντος ᾤκησαν καὶ κατατρέχοντες οὐ μόνον τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν‎ κοίλην ΣυρίανSyria ἅπασαν ἐλῄζοντο , παρέχοντος ὀρμητήρια τοῦ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus καὶ κακῶς ποιοῦσιν χρόνου .
²⁷⁵ and retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. So they overran not only Judea, but all Celesyria also, and carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them places of protection and quietness during their wicked practices.	²⁷⁵ Syllaeus, who was disappointed at not marrying Salome, made them welcome and gave them a stronghold in which to live. So they overran and plundered not only Judea but also all of Coele-Syria, while Syllaeus gave them places of refuge from which to make their raids in safety.
²⁷⁵ Barach

²⁷⁶ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἐπανελθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἔγνω πολλὰ τῶν οἰκείων αὐτῷ κεκακωμένα , καὶ τῶν μὲν λῃστῶν ἐγκρατὴς γενέσθαι οὐκ ἠδυνήθη διὰ τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν , ἣν ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian προστασίας ἐπορίσαντο , χαλεπῶς δὲ ἔχων αὐτὸς τῶν ἀδικημάτων περιελθὼν τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis τοὺς οἰκείους αὐτῶν ἀπέσφαξεν .
²⁷⁶ But when Herod came back from Rome, he perceived that his dominions had greatly suffered by them; and since he could not reach the robbers themselves, because of the secure retreat they had in that country, and which the Arabian government afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the injuries they had done him, he went all over Trachonitis, and slew their relations;	²⁷⁶ Returning from Rome, Herod saw how much his people had suffered from them, but since he could not reach the brigands because of the protection they had from the rulers of Arabia, he was so indignant at their crimes that he went all around Trachonitis slaughtering their relatives.
²⁷⁶ Barach

²⁷⁷ ἐντεῦθεν ἐκεῖνοι καὶ μᾶλλον πρὸς ὀργὰς ὧν ἐπεπόνθεισαν ὄντος αὐτοῖς καὶ νόμου πάντα τρόπον ἐπεξιέναι τοὺς τῶν οἰκείων φονεῖς ἀνυποτιμήτως τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod πᾶσαν ἄγοντες καὶ φέροντες διετέλουν . ἐκεῖνος δὲ διελέγετο περὶ τούτων τοῖς ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἡγεμόσιν ΣατορνίνῳSaturninus τε καὶ Οὐολομνίῳ ἐπὶ κολάσει τοὺς λῃστὰς ἐξαιτούμενος .
²⁷⁷ whereupon these robbers were more angry than before, it being a law among them to be avenged on the murderers of their relations by all possible means; so they continued to tear and rend every thing under Herod’s dominion with impunity. Then did he discourse about these robberies to Saturninus and Volumnius, and required that they should be punished;	²⁷⁷ This drove these brigands to a fury, as their law demanded vengeance by all possible means against anyone who murdered their relatives, so they continued with impunity to harass and steal everything in Herod's realm, so that he spoke about these robbers to Saturninus and Volumnius, demanding that they be handed over to him for punishment.
²⁷⁷ Barach

²⁷⁸ ὅθεν ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον ἰσχυρῶς δυσμενῶς πλείους μὲν ἐγίνοντο , πάντα δὲ ἐτάραττον ἐπ᾽ ἀναστάσει τῆς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλείας χωρία καὶ κώμας πορθοῦντες καὶ τοὺς λαμβανομένους τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀπέσφαττον , ὡς εἶναι πολέμῳ τὴν‎ ἀδικίαν ἐοικυῖαν · ἐγεγόνεισαν γὰρ ἤδη περὶ χιλίους .
²⁷⁸ upon which occasion they still the more confirmed themselves in their robberies, and became more numerous, and made very great disturbances, laying waste the countries and villages that belonged to Herod’s kingdom, and killing those men whom they caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war, for the robbers were now become about a thousand;—	²⁷⁸ But they robbed all the more and grew in numbers and revolt was in the air as they plundered the towns and villages of Herod's kingdom, killing their captives, until their ravaging came to be like a real war, for their numbers had grown to about a thousand.
²⁷⁸ Barach

²⁷⁹ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀχθόμενος ἩρώδηςHerod τούς τε λῃστὰς ἐξῄτει καὶ χρέος ὃ διὰ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus δανείσας ἔτυχεν Ὀβάδᾳ τάλαντα ἑξήκοντα , παρηκούσης αὐτῷ τῆς προθεσμίας ἀπολαβεῖν ἠξίου .
²⁷⁹ at which Herod was sore displeased, and required the robbers, as well as the money which he had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and since the time of payment was now past, he desired to have it paid him;	²⁷⁹ Incensed by this, Herod demanded that Obodas hand over the brigands, as well as the sixty talents which he had lent him through Syllaeus, since the time for its repayment was now overdue.
²⁷⁹ Barach

²⁸⁰ Σύλλαιος δὲ τὸν μὲν Ὀβάδαν παρεωσμένος αὐτὸς δὲ ἅπαντα διοικῶν τούς τε λῃστὰς ἔξαρνος ἦν μὴ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia εἶναι καὶ περὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἀνεβάλλετο , περὶ ὧν ἐπί τε ΣατορνίνουSaturninus καὶ Οὐολομνίου τῶν ΣυρίαςSyria ἐπιστατούντων ἐγίνοντο λόγοι .
²⁸⁰ but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria.	²⁸⁰ But Syllaeus, who had set aside Obodas and now managed everything himself, denied that the brigands were in Arabia and postponed repayment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the officers of Syria.
²⁸⁰ Barach

²⁸¹ τέλος δὲ συνέθεντο δι᾽ ἐκείνων ἐντὸς ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα τά τε χρήματα τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀπολαβεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἀλλήλων ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ τῇ βασιλείᾳ Καὶ παρὰ μὲν ἩρώδῃHerod τῶν ἈράβωνArabian οὐδεὶς εὑρέθη τὸ σύνολον οὔτε ἐπ᾽ ἀδικίας οὔτε κατ᾽ ἄλλον τρόπον , οἱ δ᾽ ἌραβεςArabs ἠλέγχοντο τοὺς λῃστὰς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔχειν .
²⁸¹ At last he, by their means, agreed, that within thirty days’ time Herod should be paid his money, and that each of them should deliver up the other’s subjects reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other’s subjects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any other account, but it was proved that the Arabians had the robbers amongst them.	²⁸¹ Through their intervention he finally agreed that Herod would be paid his money within thirty days and that they would reciprocally hand over [any refugees ] from each other's kingdoms. None of the other's subjects were found in Herod's kingdom, either held for crime or for any other reason, whereas it was proven that the Arabs had the brigands among them.
²⁸¹ Barach

²⁸² Διελθούσης δὲ τῆς προθεσμίας Σύλλαιος οὐδὲν τῶν δικαίων πεποιηκὼς εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀνέρχεται . ῥύσια δὲ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις λῃστῶν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐποιεῖτο ,
²⁸² When this day appointed for payment of the money was past, without Sylleus’s performing any part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the payment of the money, and that the robbers that were in Arabia should be delivered up;	²⁸² When this day appointed for payment of the money passed without Syllaeus' fulfilling either part of his agreement, and he had gone to Rome, Herod acted to ensure the repayment of the money and the capture of the brigands who were in the other land.
²⁸² Barach

²⁸³ καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν ΣατορνῖνονSaturninus καὶ Οὐολόμνιον ἐπιτρεπόντων ἀγνωμονοῦντας ἐπεξιέναι στρατιάν τε ἔχων προήγαγεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἑπτὰ σταθμοὺς διανύσας , καὶ γενόμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ φρουρίου τοῦ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἔχοντος αἱρεῖ μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου πάντας αὐτούς , κατασκάπτει δὲ τὸ χωρίον Ῥάεπτα καλούμενον · τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οὐδὲν ἐλύπησεν .
²⁸³ and, by the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, executed the judgment himself upon those that were refractory. He took an army that he had, and let it into Arabia, and in three days’ time marched seven mansions; and when he came to the garrison wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and took them all, and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, but did no harm to any others.	²⁸³ With the permission of Saturninus and Volumnius, he acted against those defaulters, took his army into Arabia and reached the brigands' stronghold after covering seven days march in three days. There he attacked them and took them all and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, without harming any others.
²⁸³ Barach

²⁸⁴ ἐκβοηθησάντων δὲ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἡγουμένου Νακέβου μάχη γίνεται , καθ᾽ ἣν ὀλίγοι μὲν τῶν ἩρώδουHerod , Νάκεβος δὲ ὁ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian στρατηγὸς καὶ περὶ εἰκοσιπέντε τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ πίπτουσιν , οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι πρὸς φυγὴν ἐτράποντο .
²⁸⁴ But as the Arabians came to their assistance, under Naceb their captain, there ensued a battle, wherein a few of Herod’s soldiers, and Naceb, the captain of the Arabians, and about twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest betook themselves to flight.	²⁸⁴ But as the Arabs came to their help, under their general, Nakeb, a battle ensued where a few of Herod's soldiers and Nakeb, the general of the Arabs and about twenty of his soldiers, fell, while the rest took to flight.
²⁸⁴ Barach

²⁸⁵ τισάμενος δὲ τούτους τρισχιλίους ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea ἐπὶ τῇ ΤραχωνίτιδιTrachonitis κατοικίσας ἦγεν λῃστὰς τοὺς ἐκεῖ , καὶ περὶ τούτων τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἔπεμπεν περὶ ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia οὖσιν , ἀποδεικνὺς ὅτι μηδὲν πλέον ὧν ἀγνωμονοῦντας ἐπεξελθεῖν ἔδει τοὺς ἌραβαςArabs αὐτῷ πέπρακται . ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνοι πολυπραγμονοῦντες εὕρισκον οὐ ψευδόμενον .
²⁸⁵ So when he had brought these to punishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the robbers that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that were about Phoenicia, and demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought to do, in punishing the refractory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true.	²⁸⁵ When he had punished these he placed three thousand Idumaeans in Trachonitis and thereby put a restraint on the brigands who were there. He also sent a report to the leaders around Phoenicia, saying that he had done nothing but his duty in punishing the refractory Arabs, which on investigation they found to be no more than the truth.
²⁸⁵ Barach

²⁸⁶ Ἄγγελοι δὲ ΣυλλαίῳSyllaeus καταταχήσαντες εἰς ῬώμηνRome τὰ πεπραγμένα διεσάφουν εἰς μεῖζον , ὡς εἰκός , ἕκαστον τῶν γεγονότων αἴροντες .
²⁸⁶ However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and informed him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing.	²⁸⁶ However, messengers were hurried away to Syllaeus in Rome to report the events to him and, as usual, they exaggerated everything.
²⁸⁶ Barach

²⁸⁷ ὁ δὲ ἤδη μὲν ἐπεπραγμάτευτο γνώριμος εἶναι ΚαίσαριCaesar , τότε δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν ἀναστρεφόμενος ὡς ἤκουσεν εὐθὺς μεταμφιέννυται μέλαιναν ἐσθῆτα καὶ παρελθὼν ἔλεγεν ὡς αὐτόν , ὅτι πολέμῳ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia εἴη κεκακωμένα καὶ πᾶσα ἀνάστατος ἡ βασιλεία στρατιᾷ πορθήσαντος αὐτὴν ἩρώδουHerod .
²⁸⁷ Now Sylleus had already insinuated himself into the knowledge of Caesar, and was then about the palace; and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed his habit into black, and went in, and told Caesar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and that all his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod’s laying it waste with his army;	²⁸⁷ Now he had already managed to get acquainted with Caesar and was then attending the court, so as soon as he heard of these events he changed into black clothing and went in and told Caesar that Arabia was embroiled in war and all his kingdom was in turmoil, for Herod had laid it waste with his army.
²⁸⁷ Barach

²⁸⁸ δακρύων δὲ πεντακοσίους μὲν ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις ἈράβωνArabian ἀπολωλέναι τοὺς πρώτους ἔλεγεν , ἀνῃρῆσθαι δὲ καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν Νάκεβον οἰκεῖον αὐτῷ καὶ συγγενῆ , πλοῦτον δὲ διηρπάσθαι τὸν ἐν Ῥαέπτοις , καταπεφρονῆσθαι δὲ τὸν Ὀβόδαν ὑπὸ ἀσθενείας οὐκ ἀρκέσαντα τῷ πολέμῳ διὰ τὸ μήτ᾽ αὐτὸν μήτε τὴν‎ ἈραβικὴνArabia δύναμιν παρεῖναι .
²⁸⁸ and he said, with tears in his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the Arabians had been destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, his familiar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of body rendered him unfit for war; on which account neither he, nor the Arabian army, were present.	²⁸⁸ With tears in his eyes, he told how two thousand five hundred leading Arabs had been destroyed and their general Nakebus, his associate and kinsman, was also killed, and the wealth at Raepta had been pillaged and Obodas scorned because his physical infirmity made him unfit for war, which was the reason why neither he nor the Arabian army, had been present.
²⁸⁸ Barach

²⁸⁹ τοιαῦτα τοῦ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus λέγοντος καὶ προστιθέντος ἐπιφθόνως , ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς ἀπέλθοι τῆς χώρας μὴ πεπιστευκὼς ὅτι ΚαίσαριCaesar μέλοι τὴν‎ εἰρήνην ἅπασιν εἶναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους , μηδ᾽ εἰ παρὼν ἐτύγχανεν ἐκεῖ λυσιτελῆ ποιῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον ἩρώδῃHerod , παροξυνθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἀνέκρινε τῶν ἩρώδουHerod τοὺς παρόντας καὶ τῶν ἰδίων τοὺς ἀπὸ ΣυρίαςSyria ἥκοντας αὐτὸ μόνον , εἰ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἩρώδηςHerod ἐξαγάγοι .
²⁸⁹ When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously, that he would not himself have come out of the country, unless he had believed that Caesar would have provided that they should all have peace one with another, and that, had he been there, he would have taken care that the war should not have been to Herod’s advantage; Caesar was provoked when this was said, and asked no more than this one question, both of Herod’s friends that were there, and of his own friends, who were come from Syria, Whether Herod had led an army thither?	²⁸⁹ As Syllaeus said this he maliciously added that he would not have come from his land in person if he had not trusted that Caesar would ensure that all would stay at peace with each other and that, had he been there, he would have ensured that the war would not have gone in Herod's favour. Enraged by this, Caesar asked just this one question, both of Herod's friends there present and of his own friends who had come from Syria: "Had Herod led his army abroad?"
²⁸⁹ Barach

²⁹⁰ τῶν δὲ τοῦτο μὲν αὐτὸ λέγειν ἀνάγκην δυσμενῶς , τὸ δὲ ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ καὶ πῶς οὐκ ἀκούοντος , ὀργή τε μείζων ἐγίνετο τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ γράφει πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd τά τε ἄλλα χαλεπῶς καὶ τοῦτο τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τὸ κεφάλαιον , ὅτι πάλαι χρώμενος αὐτῷ φίλῳ νῦν ὑπηκόῳ χρήσεται .
²⁹⁰ And when they were forced to confess so much, Caesar, without staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle was this, that whereas of old he had used him as his friend, he should now use him as his subject.	²⁹⁰ When they were forced to admit it, without staying to hear why he did it and how it was done, Caesar was still more annoyed and wrote sharply to Herod that whereas he formerly used to regard him as a friend, he would now treat him as a subject.
²⁹⁰ Barach

²⁹¹ γράφει δὲ καὶ Σύλλαιος ὑπὲρ τούτων τοῖς ἌραψινArabs . οἱ δ᾽ ἐπαρθέντες οὔτε τῶν λῃστῶν ὅσοι διέφυγον ἐξεδίδοσαν οὔτε τὰ χρήματα διευλύτουν , νομάς τε ἃς ἐκείνου μισθωσάμενοι διακατεῖχον ἀμισθὶ ταύταις ἐχρῶντο , τεταπεινωμένου τοῦ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews βασιλέως διὰ τὴν‎ ὀργὴν τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar .
²⁹¹ Sylleus also wrote an account of this to the Arabians, who were so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up the robbers that had fled to them, nor paid the money that was due; they retained those pastures also which they had hired, and kept them without paying their rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in a low condition, by reason of Caesar’s anger at him.	²⁹¹ Syllaeus also wrote an account of this to the Arabs, who were so elated by it that they neither handed over the brigands who had fled to them nor paid the money that was overdue. They also held onto the pastures which they had rented without paying their rent, all because the king of the Jews had been humbled due to Caesar's anger with him.
²⁹¹ Barach

²⁹² ἐπιτίθενται δὲ τῷ καιρῷ καὶ οἱ τὴν‎ ΤραχωνῖτινTrachonitis ἔχοντες τῆς τῶν ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea φρουρᾶς κατεξαναστάντες καὶ λῃστηρίοις χρώμενοι μετὰ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian , οἳ ἐλεηλάτουν τὴν‎ ἐκείνων χώραν οὐκ ἀπὸ ὠφελείας μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ μνησικακίας χαλεπώτεροι τὰς ἀδικίας ὄντες .
²⁹² Those of Trachonitis also made use of this opportunity, and rose up against the Idumean garrison, and followed the same way of robbing with the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also.	²⁹² The people of Trachonitis also took this opportunity to rise against their Idumaean garrison and adopted the same sort of robbery as the Arabs who had pillaged their country, but were even fiercer in their lawlessness, not only for profit, but also for revenge.
²⁹² Barach

²⁹³ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ταῦτα πάντα φέρων ἠνείχετο μεταβεβληκυίας αὐτῷ τῆς παρρησίας , ἣν εἶχε διὰ ΚαίσαραCaesar , καὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἀφῄρητο τοῦ φρονήματος · οὐδὲ γὰρ πέμψαντος αὐτοῦ‎ πρεσβείαν ἀπολογησομένην ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἠνέσχετο , πάλιν δὲ τοὺς συνελθόντας ἀπράκτους ἀνέπεμψεν .
²⁹³ Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his being quite gone with which Caesar’s favor used to inspire him; for Caesar would not admit so much as an embassage from him to ‘make an apology for him; and when they came again, he sent them away without success.	²⁹³ Herod had to bear the loss of all the confidence with which he used to be inspired by Caesar's favour, and was dispirited that Caesar would not even admit a delegation from him to make his excuses, and sent them away unheard even when they went a second time.
²⁹³ Barach

²⁹⁴ ἦν δ᾽ οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀθυμία καὶ δέος , ὅ τε Σύλλαιος οὐ μετρίως ἐλύπει πιστευθείς τε καὶ παρὼν ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome , τότε δὲ καὶ μειζόνων ἁπτόμενος · ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ὀβόδας ἐτεθνήκει , παραλαμβάνει δὲ τὴν‎ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian ἀρχὴν ΑἰνείαςEneas ὁ μετονομασθεὶς αὖθις ἈρέταςAretas .
²⁹⁴ So he was cast into sadness and fear; and Sylleus’s circumstances grieved him exceedingly, who was now believed by Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was dead; and Aeneas, whose name was afterward changed to Aretas,	²⁹⁴ This depressed and alarmed him, and he was grieved that Syllaeus was now a trusted presence in Rome, with further aspirations, for Obodas was now dead, and Aeneas, whose name later changed to Aretas, had taken on the leadership of the Arabs.
²⁹⁴ Barach

²⁹⁵ τοῦτον γὰρ ἐπεχείρειto put one's hand in διαβολαῖς παρωσάμενος αὐτὸς ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν‎ ἀρχήν , χρήματα μὲν πολλὰ διδοὺς τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλήν , πολλὰ δὲ ΚαίσαριCaesar δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος . ὁ δὲ τῷ μὴ τὸν ἈρέτανAretas ἐπιστείλαντα πρότερον αὐτῷ βασιλεύειν ὠργίζετο .
²⁹⁵ took the government, for Sylleus endeavored by calumnies to get him turned out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with which design he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised much money to Caesar, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before he took the kingdom;	²⁹⁵ For by allegations he was seeking to get this man expelled from his rule , to gain it for himself, giving large sums to the courtiers and promising much to Caesar, who was angry with Aretas for not sending to him first before taking over as king.
²⁹⁵ Barach

²⁹⁶ πέμπει δὲ κἀκεῖνος ἐπιστολὴν καὶ δῶρα τῷ ΚαίσαριCaesar στέφανόν τε χρυσοῦν ἀπὸ πολλῶν ταλάντων · ἡ δὲ ἐπιστολὴepistle κατηγόρει Σύλλαιον ὄντα πονηρὸν δοῦλον Ὀβόδαν τε φαρμάκοις διαφθεῖραι καὶ ζῶντος ἔτι κρατεῖν αὐτὸν τάς τε τῶν ἈράβωνArabian μοιχεύοντα καὶ χρήματα δανειζόμενον , ὥστ᾽ ἐξιδιώσασθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχήν .
²⁹⁶ yet did Aeneas send an epistle and presents to Caesar, and a golden crown, of the weight of many talents. Now that epistle accused Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive, he had governed him as he pleased; and had also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had borrowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for himself:	²⁹⁶ But Herod also sent a letter and gifts to Caesar and a golden crown, of the weight of many talents. The letter accused Syllaeus of being an unfaithful servant and killing Obodas by poison, and that in his lifetime he had ruled him as he pleased, and of debauching the wives of the Arabs, and borrowing money to win the realm for himself.
²⁹⁶ Barach

²⁹⁷ προσέσχεν δὲ οὐδὲ τούτοις ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar , ἀλλ᾽ ἀποπέμπει μηδὲν τῶν δώρων λαβών . τὰ δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea καὶ ἈραβίανArabia ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπεδίδου τὰ μὲν εἰς ἀταξίαν τὰ δ᾽ ὡς καταφθειρομένων μηδένα προεστάναι ·
²⁹⁷ yet did not Caesar give heed to these accusations, but sent his ambassadors back, without receiving any of his presents. But in the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and worse, partly because of the anarchy they were under, and partly because, as bad as they were, nobody had power to govern them;	²⁹⁷ Yet Caesar did not heed these accusations but rejected his envoys without receiving any of his gifts. Meanwhile affairs in Judea and Arabia grew ever worse, partly due to anarchy and partly because, in their dire state, no one could govern them.
²⁹⁷ Barach

²⁹⁸ τῶν γὰρ βασιλέων ὁ μὲν οὐδέπω τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν βεβαίαν ἔχων οὐχ ἱκανὸς ἦν κωλύειν τοὺς ἀδικοῦντας , ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠμύνατο τάχιον ὀργισθέντος αὐτῷ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἁπάσας τὰς εἰς αὐτὸν παρανομίας φέρειν ἠναγκάζετο .
²⁹⁸ for of the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had not authority sufficient to restrain the evil-doers; and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately angry at him for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear all the injuries that were offered him.	²⁹⁸ Of the two kings, one was not yet confirmed in power and so had not the authority to restrain the evil-doers, and as Herod had incurred Caesar's anger by taking revenge too soon, he had to bear all the crimes committed against him.
²⁹⁸ Barach

²⁹⁹ πέρας δ᾽ οὐδὲν ὁρῶν τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν ἔγνω πάλιν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀποστέλλειν , εἴ τι δύναιτο μετριώτερον εὑρεῖν διά τε τῶν φίλων καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar τὴν‎ ἐντυχίαν ποιησάμενος . κἀκεῖ μὲν ὁ ΔαμασκηνὸςDamascus ἀπῄει ΝικόλαοςNicolaus .
²⁹⁹ At length, when he saw no end of the mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends had prevailed to mitigate Caesar, and to address themselves to Caesar himself; and the ambassador he sent thither was Nicolaus of Damascus.	²⁹⁹ Seeing no end to the troubles surrounding him, he again decided to send envoys to Rome, to see whether his friends could mollify Caesar and also to contact the man directly. The envoy he sent was Nicolaus of Damascus.
²⁹⁹ Barach

Chapter 10
[300-355]
Further accusations of Herod's sons, by the Spartan, Eurycles.

☜ ☞

³⁰⁰ Ἐξετετάρακτο δὲ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ οἰκίαν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας αὐτῷ πολὺ χεῖρον ἐσχηκότα περὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον . ὅλως μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ τὸν ἔμπροσθε χρόνον ἀσύνοπτον ἦν , ὡς τὸ μέγιστον καὶ δυσχερέστατον τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων παθῶν ἀπειλεῖται τῇ βασιλείᾳ διὰ τῆς τύχης , ἐπέβαινεν δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ηὐξήθη τότε παρὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν .
³⁰⁰ The disorders about Herod’s family and children about this time grew much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen before-hand, that fortune threatened the greatest and most insupportable misfortunes possible to his kingdom. Its progress and augmentation at this time arose on the occasion following:	³⁰⁰ At that time the disorders around Herod's family and children grew much worse, as it now seemed certain that fortune threatened his kingdom with the worst and most dire of human sorrows. The matter that developed on this occasion was as follows.
³⁰⁰ Barach

³⁰¹ ΕὐρυκλῆςEurycles ἀπὸ Λακεδαίμονος οὐκ ἄσημος τῶν ἐκεῖ κακὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἄνθρωπος καὶ περὶ τρυφὴν καὶ κολακείαν δεινὸς ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν ἔχειν τε καὶ μὴ δοκεῖν , ἐπιδημήσας ὡς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd δῶρά τε δίδωσιν αὐτῷ καὶ πλείω παρ᾽ ἐκείνου λαβὼν ταῖς εὐκαιρίαις τῶν ἐντεύξεων ἐπραγματεύσατο Φίλος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα γενέσθαι βασιλέως .
³⁰¹ One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian, (a person of note there, but a man of a perverse mind, and so cunning in his ways of voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to indulge neither of them,) came in his travels to Herod, and made him presents, but so that he received more presents from him. He also took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the king’s friends.	³⁰¹ A Spartan named Eurycles, a man of note there but a perverse character and so cunning that he could indulge in both luxury and flattery without seeming to do either, came in his travels to Herod and gave him gifts, but in such a way that he received even more gifts from him. He also availed of his chances to ingratiate himself to him so that he became one of the king's closest friends.
³⁰¹ Barach

³⁰² ἦν δ᾽ αὐτῷ καταγωγὴ μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater , πρόσοδος δὲ καὶ συνήθεια πρὸς τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander · ἈρχελάῳArchelaus γὰρ ἔλεγεν εἶναι τῷ Καππάδοκι διὰ σπουδῆς .
³⁰² He had his lodging in Antipater’s house; but he had not only access, but free conversation, with Alexander, as pretending to him that he was in great favor with Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia;	³⁰² His lodging was in Antipater's house, but he also had access and familiarity with Alexander, telling him that he was on close terms with Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia.
³⁰² Barach

³⁰³ ὅθεν καὶ τὴν‎ ΓλαφύρανGlaphyra ὑπεκρίνατο τιμᾶν , καὶ πολὺς ἦν ἀφανῶς μὲν ἐκθεραπεύων ἅπαντας ἀεὶ δὲ τοῖς λαλουμένοις ἢ γινομένοις προσέχων , ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀντιχαρίζεσθαι τὰς διαβολάς .
³⁰³ whence he pretended much respect to Glaphyra, and in an occult manner cultivated a friendship with them all; but always attending to what was said and done, that he might be furnished with calumnies to please them all.	³⁰³ Thus he pretended to have respect for Glaphyra and secretly cultivated friendship with them all, but always paying close attention to what was said and done, so as to be supplied with allegations to please all of them.
³⁰³ Barach

³⁰⁴ τέλος δὲ τοιοῦτος ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰς συντυχίας ἀπέβαινεν , ὡς ἐκείνῳ μὲν εἶναι Φίλος τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις δοκεῖν κατὰ τὸ συμφέρον ἐκείνῳ προσεῖναι . Οὗτος ἈλέξανδρονAlexander παράγει νέον ὄντα καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐπεπόνθει μηδενὶ μὲν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον δὲ μόνον ἀδεῶς πεπεισμένον ἐξεῖναι λέγειν ·
³⁰⁴ In short, he behaved himself so to every body in his conversation, as to appear to be his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being any where was for that person’s advantage. So he won upon Alexander, who was but young; and persuaded him that he might open his grievances to him with assurance and with nobody else.	³⁰⁴ In short, in his conversation he behaved himself to everyone so as to seem to be his particular friend while giving him to believe that wherever he was, it was for the other's advantage. This man won over the young Alexander, persuading him that he could reveal his grievances to him in confidence, but to no one else.
³⁰⁴ Barach

³⁰⁵ ἐνέφαινεν οὖν ἀχθόμενος , ὡς ὁ πατὴρ ἠλλοτρίωτο , καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα διηγεῖτο καὶ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater , ὅτι παρωθούμενος αὐτοὺς τῆς τιμῆς τὰ πάντα ἤδη δύναται . τούτων δὲ ἀνεκτὸν οὐδὲν ἔφη κατεσκευασμένου πρὸς μῖσος ἤδη τοῦ πατρός , ὡς μηδὲ συμποσίοις ἢ συλλόγοις ἀνέχεσθαι λέγων .
³⁰⁵ So he declared his grief to him, how his father was alienated from him. He related to him also the affairs of his mother, and of Antipater; that he had driven them from their proper dignity, and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this was tolerable, since his father was already come to hate them; and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table, nor to his conversation.	³⁰⁵ So he revealed to him how upset he was that his father was alienated from him. He also told him all about his mother and about how Antipater had driven them from their proper dignity and already held power over everything, and that all this was intolerable, for his father's hatred was such that he could not bear to speak with them at parties or other gatherings.
³⁰⁵ Barach

³⁰⁶ τοιαῦτα μὲν ἐκεῖνος , ὡς εἰκός , ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἤλγει · τοὺς δὲ λόγους ΕὐρυκλῆςEurycles ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τούτους ἀνέφερεν , λέγων μὲν ὡς οὐχ ἕνεκα σοῦ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸν ποιεῖν , νικᾶσθαι δὲ ὑπὸ σοῦ τιμώμενος τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ πράγματος καὶ φυλάττεσθαι παρακελευόμενος τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander · οὐ γὰρ ἀπαθῶς τούτων ἕκαστον λέγειν , ἀλλὰ τοῖς ῥήμασιν αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὴν‎ αὐτοχειρίαν .
³⁰⁶ Such were the complaints, as was but natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled him; and these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him he did not inform him of this on his own account, but that being overcome by his kindness, the great importance of the thing obliged him to do it; and he warned him to have a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with vehemency, and that, in consequence of what he said, he would certainly kill him with his own hand.	³⁰⁶ Such were his natural feelings about what troubled him, and Eurycles carried these words to Antipater saying that he was doing this not for his own sake but moved by kindness and obliged by the importance of the matter, and he warned him to watch out for Alexander, since his words were spoken with passion and that they were of a kind that could lead to murder.
³⁰⁶ Barach

³⁰⁷ ἈντίπατροςAntipater μὲν οὖν εὔνουν ὑπολαμβάνων ἐκ τούτων μεγάλας αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἕκαστα δωρεὰς ἐδίδου καὶ τέλος ἤδη πείθει πρὸς τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀναφέρειν τὸν λόγον .
³⁰⁷ Whereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard.	³⁰⁷ Antipater, thinking this to be friendly advice, lavished gifts on him on many occasions and finally persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard.
³⁰⁷ Barach

³⁰⁸ ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἦν τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander δύσνοιαν ἐξ ὧν ἔλεγεν ἀκηκοέναι διηγούμενος ἀπίθανος , ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω διέθηκε τὸν βασιλέα περιάγων ἀεὶ τοῖς ῥήμασι καὶ παροξύνων , ὡς ἀμετάγνωστον ποιῆσαι τὸ μῖσος . ἐδήλωσεν δὲ καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν καιρόν ·
³⁰⁸ So when he related to the king Alexander’s ill temper, as discovered by the words he had heard him speak, he was easily believed by him; and he thereby brought the king to that pass, turning him about by his words, and irritating him, till he increased his hatred to him and made him implacable,	³⁰⁸ When he plausibly reported Alexander's bad feeling to the king, as revealed by the words he had heard him say, his words got the king so worked up and angry that his hatred toward the lad became implacable.
³⁰⁸ Barach

³⁰⁹ εὐθὺς γὰρ ΕὐρυκλεῖEurycles δίδωσιν πεντήκοντα τάλαντα δωρεάν . ὁ δὲ ταῦτα λαβὼν καὶ πρὸς ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἀναβὰς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ΚαππαδόκωνCappadocia τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἐπῄνειto approve, commend καὶ χρήσιμος ἔλεγεν αὐτῷ πολλὰ πρὸς τὰς διαλλαγὰς τὰς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα γεγενῆσθαι .
³⁰⁹ which he showed at that very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alexander before him, and told him that he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a reconciliation between him and his father.	³⁰⁹ He showed this at the time, for immediately he gave Eurycles a gift of fifty talents. When the man received them he went to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, praising Alexander to him and telling him how much he had done for him, to ensure his reconciliation with his father.
³⁰⁹ Barach

³¹⁰ χρηματισάμενος δὲ καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου πρὶν καταφωραθῆναι τῆς κακοηθείας ἀπῄει . ΕὐρυκλῆςEurycles μὲν οὖν οὐδὲ ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι παυσάμενος εἶναι μοχθηρὸς ἐπὶ πολλοῖς ἀδικήμασιν ἀπεστερήθη τῆς πατρίδος .
³¹⁰ So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious practices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of injustice, he was banished from his own country.	³¹⁰ Having received money from him also, he left before his deviousness was found out, but even when Eurycles had returned to Sparta he did not give up his mischief, and so was banished from his own country for his many acts of injustice.
³¹⁰ Barach

³¹¹ Ὁ δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὥσπερ πρότερον εἶχεν πρός τε τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ τὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus ἀκούειν μόνον τὰς κατ᾽ αὐτῶν διαβολάς , ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη διὰ μίσους οἰκείου γεγενημένος αὐτὸς εἰ καὶ μὴ λέγοι τις ἐξειργάζετο ,
³¹¹ But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now in the temper he was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had been content with the hearing their calumnies when others told him of them; but he was now come to that pass as to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak against them, though they did not do it of themselves.	³¹¹ The king of the Jews was no longer as well disposed toward Alexander and Aristobulus as formerly, when he had simply listened to stories against them; now he hated them and urged others to speak against them, even against their inclination.
³¹¹ Barach

³¹² παρατηρῶν ἕκαστα καὶ πυνθανόμενος καὶ πᾶσιν ἐνδιδοὺς τοῖς βουλομένοις , εἴ τις ἔχοι τι κατ᾽ ἐκείνων εἰπεῖν , Εὐάρατόν τε ΚῷονCos ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander συνειδέναι . Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὖν καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν τὸ πάντων ἥδιστονmost gladly ἩρώδηςHerod ἐλάμβανεν .
³¹² He also observed all that was said, and put questions, and gave ear to every one that would but speak, if they could but say any thing against them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alexander; which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news imaginable.	³¹² He noted all that was said and asked questions and listened to whatever anyone wished to say against them, until finally he heard that Euaratus of Cos had conspired with Alexander, news which Herod received with the greatest of pleasure.
³¹² Barach

³¹³ Ἐπιγίνεται δὲ κατὰ τῶν νεανίσκων μεῖζόν τι σκευωρουμένης ἀεὶ τῆς κατ᾽ αὐτῶν διαβολῆς καὶ πᾶσιν , ὡς εἰπεῖν , ἄθλου τούτου προκειμένου λέγειν τι περὶ ἐκείνων δυσχερὲς πρὸς τῆς τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐδόκει σωτηρίας .
³¹³ But still a greater misfortune came upon the young men; while the calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a man may say, one would think it was every one’s endeavor to lay some grievous thing to their charge, which might appear to be for the king’s preservation.	³¹³ Further misfortune befell the young men while the allegations against them were continually increasing, and, so to speak, it seemed that everyone wanted to charge them with some grievous fault, ostensibly for the king's safety.
³¹³ Barach

³¹⁴ σωματοφύλακες ἦσαν ἩρώδῃHerod δύο κατ᾽ ἰσχὺν καὶ μέγεθος τιμώμενοι ἸούκουνδοςJucundus καὶ τύραννος . οὗτοι προσκρούσαντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπεωσμένοι περὶ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἦσαν συνιππαζόμενοι καὶ κατὰ τὰ γυμνάσια τιμώμενοι καί τι χρυσίον καὶ δωρεὰς ἄλλας ἔλαβον .
³¹⁴ There were two guards of Herod’s body, who were in great esteem for their strength and tallness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, who was displeased at them; these now used to ride along with Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great esteem with him, and had some gold and other gifts bestowed on them.	³¹⁴ Herod had two bodyguards who were esteemed for their strength and size, Jucundus and Tyrannus. These had been cast off by the king, who was displeased with them and now used to ride along with Alexander who esteemed them for their skill in gymnastics and gave them gold and other gifts.
³¹⁴ Barach

³¹⁵ εὐθὺς οὖν καὶ τούτους ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ὑποψίαις ἔχων ἐβασάνιζεν , οἱ δὲ διακαρτερήσαντες πολὺν χρόνον ὕστερον ἔλεγον , ὅτι πείθοι φονεύειν αὐτοὺς ἩρώδηνHerōd ἈλέξανδροςAlexander , ἐπεὶ περὶ κυνηγέσιονhuntng, a hunt θηρίων διώκων προλάβοι · δυνατὸν γὰρ εἶναι λέγειν ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου κατενεχθεὶς ἐμπαρείη ταῖς αὐτοῦ‎ λόγχαις ·
³¹⁵ Now the king having an immediate suspicion of those men, had them tortured, who endured the torture courageously for a long time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have persuaded them to kill Herod, when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run through with his own spear, for that he had once such a misfortune formerly.	³¹⁵ Immediately suspecting these men, the king had them tortured. For a long time they held out but finally they confessed that Alexander tried to persuade them to kill Herod, when he was hunting wild beasts, so that he could be said to have fallen from his horse and been pierced by his own spear, a thing that had befallen him once before.
³¹⁵ Barach

³¹⁶ καὶ γὰρ πρότερον αὐτῷ τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι πάθος . ἐπέδειξαν δὲ καὶ τὸ χρυσίον ἐν ἱππῶνι κατορωρυγμένον καὶ τὸν ἀρχικύνηγον ἐξήλεγχον , ὅτι καὶ λόγχας αὐτοῖς δοίη βασιλικὰς καὶ τοῖς ἈλέξανδρονAlexander θεραπεύουσιν ὅπλα κελεύοντος ἐκείνου .
³¹⁶ They also showed where there was money hidden in the stable under ground; and these convicted the king’s chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal hunting spears and weapons to Alexander’s dependents, at Alexander’s command.	³¹⁶ They also showed where money was hidden under ground in the stable and they stated that the king's hunt-master had given them the royal hunting spears and weapons to Alexander's dependants, at his command.
³¹⁶ Barach

³¹⁷ μετὰ τούτους ὁ φρούραρχος ἈλεξανδρείουAlexander συλληφθεὶςto seize, arrest, collect ἐβασανίζετο · καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος αἰτίαν εἶχεν δέξεσθαι τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ παρέξειν χρήματα τοῖς νεανίσκοις ὑπεσχῆσθαι τὰ κείμενα τῶν βασιλικῶν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο τὸ φρούριον .
³¹⁷ After these, the commander of the garrison of Alexandrium was caught and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to receive the young men into his fortress, and to supply them with that money of the king’s which was laid up in that fortress,	³¹⁷ After this, the commander of the garrison of Alexandreion was caught and tortured, accused of promising to welcome the young men into his protection and to supply them money from the king's treasury, deposited in that fortress.
³¹⁷ Barach

³¹⁸ αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν ὡμολόγησεν , ΝαχώρηςNahor δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ παρελθὼν ταῦτ᾽ ἔφη γενέσθαι , καὶ γράμματα ἐπέδωκεν ὡς εἰκάσαι τῆς ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander χειρός · " τελέσαντες σὺν θεῷ εἰπεῖν ἃ προεθέμεθα πάντα ἥξομεν πρὸς ὑμᾶς · ἀλλὰ πειράθητε , καθὼς ὑπέσχησθε ,
³¹⁸ yet did not he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but his son came in, and said it was so, and delivered up the writing, which, so far as could be guessed, was in Alexander’s hand. Its contents were these: “When we have finished, by God’s help, all that we have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavors, as you have promised, to receive us into your fortress.”	³¹⁸ The man himself did not admit any of this, but his son came and affirmed that it was so and handed over writings which seemed to be in Alexander's hand, which said: "When with God's help, we complete all our plans, we will come to you; then try, as you promised, to receive us into the fortress."
³¹⁸ Barach

³¹⁹ δέξασθαι ἡμᾶς τῷ φρουρίῳ . μετὰ τοῦτο τὸ γραμματεῖον ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod οὐκ ἐνδοιασίμως εἶχεν περὶ τῆς τῶν παίδων εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλῆς , ἈλέξανδροςAlexander δὲ ΔιόφαντονDiophantus ἔφη τὸν γραμματέα μιμήσασθαι τὸν τύπον καὶ δι᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater κακουργηθῆναι τὸ γραμματίδιον · ὁ γάρ τοι ΔιόφαντοςDiophantus ἐδόκει τὰ τοιαῦτα δεινὸς ἐν ὑστέρῳ τε διελεγχθεὶς ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις οὕτως ἀπέθανεν .
³¹⁹ After this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treacherous designs of his sons against him. But Alexander said that Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he was afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death for it.	³¹⁹ After this writing was produced, Herod had no doubt that his sons had plotted against him. But Alexander said that Diophantus the scribe had imitated his hand and that the document had been maliciously composed by Antipater, for Diophantus seemed skilled in such practices, and was later convicted of forging other papers, for which he was put to death.
³¹⁹ Barach

³²⁰ Τοὺς δὲ βασανισθέντας ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ εἰς τὸ πλῆθος προήγαγεν ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho κατηγοροῦντας τῶν παίδων · καὶ τούτους μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς οἱ πολλοὶ βάλλοντες ἀπέκτειναν .
³²⁰ So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have them accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death;	³²⁰ So the king produced before the people in Jericho the men who had been tortured, to have them accuse the young men, after which the mob stoned the accusers to death,
³²⁰ Barach

³²¹ ὡρμημένων δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὁμοίως κτεῖναι , τοῦτο μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς παρῃτήσατο διὰ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy καὶ ΦερώραPheroras τὸ πλῆθος ἀναστείλας , ἦν δὲ φυλακὴ καὶ τήρησις αὐτῶν καὶ προσῄει μὲν οὐδείς , πάντα δ᾽ ἐπεσκοπεῖτο τὰ γινόμενα καὶ λαλούμενα , καὶ τί γὰρ ἢ καταδίκων εἶχον ἀδοξίαν καὶ δέος .
³²¹ and when they were going to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king would not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude, by the means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young men were put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody might come at them; and all that they did or said was watched, and the reproach and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those of condemned criminals:	³²¹ and would have likewise killed Alexander and Aristobulus, but the king would not let them, restraining the mob with the help of Ptolemy and Pheroras. Instead they were put under such close custody that no one could come to them, and everything they did or said was watched and their disgrace and fear differed little from that of men who were condemned.
³²¹ Barach

³²² ἕτερος δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἐκ βαρυθυμίας ὑπαγόμενος καὶ τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ τηθίδα καὶ πενθερὰν συναλγεῖν αὐτῷ ταῖς συμφοραῖς καὶ μισεῖν τὸν τοιαῦτα πειθόμενον " οὐ γάρ , ἔφη , καὶ σοὶ κίνδυνος ἀπωλείας διαβεβλημένῃ ΣυλλαίῳSyllaeus κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα
³²² and one of them, who was Aristobulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-law, to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate him who had suffered things to come to that pass; when he said to her, “Art thou not in danger of destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst disclosed beforehand all our affairs to Syllcus, when thou wast in hopes of being married to him?”	³²² One of them, Aristobulus, felt so oppressed that he expected his aunt and Salome his mother-in-law to be sorry for his troubles and to hate the man who had caused all this. He asked her, "Are you not in danger too, since it is rumoured that when you were hoping to marry Syllaeus you told him all that was happening here?"
³²² Barach

³²³ γάμων ἅπαντα τἀνθάδε προμηνύειν ; τούτους ἐκείνη ταχὺ μάλα τἀδελφῷ προσφέρει τοὺς λόγους . ὁ δ᾽ οὐκέτι κατασχὼν αὑτὸν δῆσαί τε κελεύει καὶ διαστήσαντας ἀπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ὅσα κακῶς ἐποίησαν ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ ταῦτα γραψαμένους ἀποφέρειν .
³²³ But she immediately carried these words to her brother. Upon this he was out of patience, and gave command to bind him; and enjoined them both, now they were kept separate one from the other, to write down the ill things they had done against their father, and bring the writings to him,	³²³ She quickly passed on these words to her brother, which riled him so that he had him chained, and ordered both of them, separated from each other, to list the wrongs they had done to their father, for the writings to be sent to Caesar.
³²³ Barach

³²⁴ οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ τοῦτο προσετέτακτο αὐτοῖς , ἐγγράφουσιν ἐπιβουλὴν μὲν οὔτε νοῆσαι κατὰ τοῦ γεγεννηκότος οὔτε συσκευάσασθαι , δρασμῷ δὲ ἐπιβαλέσθαι καὶ τοῦτο δι᾽ ἀνάγκην ὑπόπτου καὶ δυσχεροῦς ὄντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ βίου .
³²⁴ So when this was enjoined them, they wrote this, that they had laid no treacherous designs, nor made any preparations against their father, but that they had intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were in, their lives being now uncertain and tedious to them.	³²⁴ At this order, they wrote that they had no plot or project against their father, but had simply planned to escape, since in their predicament their life was unsafe and harsh.
³²⁴ Barach

³²⁵ Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἥκοντος ἐκ ΚαππαδοκίαςCappadocia πρεσβευτοῦa messenger, envoy παρὰ ἈρχελάουArchelaus Μήλα τινός , ὃς ἦν δυνάστης τῶν ἐκείνου , βουλόμενος ἩρώδηςHerod ἐνδείξασθαι τὴν‎ δύσνοιαν ἈρχελάουArchelaus πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκάλει τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὡς ἦν ἐν τοῖς δεσμοῖς καὶ πάλιν ἠρώτα περὶ τῆς φυγῆς , ὅπου καὶ πῶς ἐγνώκασιν ἀποχωρεῖν .
³²⁵ About this time there came an ambassador out of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the principal rulers under him. So Herod, being desirous to show Archelaus’s ill-will to him, called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds, and asked him again concerning his flight, whether and how they had resolved to retire.	³²⁵ About this time an envoy named Melas came from Archelaus in Cappadocia, one of his chief men. Wanting to prove the hostility of Archelaus toward him, Herod brought Alexander to him in chains and asked him again about his flight, and how they had planned to escape.
³²⁵ Barach

³²⁶ ὁ δὲ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander πρὸς ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἔφη κἀκεῖθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ὁμολογήσαντα διαπέμψειν · ἄλλο δ᾽ οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἄτοπον οὔτε δυσχερὲς ἐντεθυμῆσθαι κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς οὐδ᾽ ὅσα συνεσκεύασται κακοηθείᾳ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀληθὲς εἶναί τι τούτων .
³²⁶ Alexander replied, To Archelaus, who had promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked nor mischievous designs against their father, and that nothing of that nature which their adversaries had charged upon them was true;	³²⁶ Alexander replied that Archelaus had promised to send them away to Rome, but that they had no wicked plans against their father and that none of the things their opponents accused them of was true.
³²⁶ Barach

³²⁷ βούλεσθαι δ᾽ ἂν ἔτι ζῆν καὶ τοὺς περὶ τύραννος εἰς ἐξέτασινa close exam ἀσφαλεστέραν , ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους ἀπολέσθαι θᾶττον ἈντιπάτρουAntipater τῷ πλήθει τοὺς ἰδίους ἐγκαθιστάντος φίλους .
³²⁷ and that their desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had been suddenly slain by the means of Antipater, who put his own friends among the multitude [for that purpose].	³²⁷ They did wish that Tyrannus and his friends were alive to be examined more fully, but these had been summarily killed since Antipater had placed some of his men among the crowd.
³²⁷ Barach

³²⁸ Τοιαῦτα λέγοντος ἐκέλευσεν ἅμα τόν τε Μήλαν καὶ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἄγειν ὡς ΓλαφύρανGlaphyra τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus καὶ πυνθάνεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῆς , εἰ μηδὲν ἠγνόειnot to know τῶν εἰς ἐπιβουλὴν ἩρώδουHerod γιγνομένων .
³²⁸ When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander and Melas should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus’s daughter, and that she should be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of Alexander’s treacherous designs against Herod?	³²⁸ When this was said, Herod ordered that both Alexander and Melas should be brought to Archelaus' daughter Glaphyra, to inquire if she knew anything about the plot against Herod.
³²⁸ Barach

³²⁹ ὡς δὲ ἧκον , εὐθὺς μὲν ΓλαφύραGlaphyra δεσμώτην ἰδοῦσα τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἔπληξε τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν καὶ καταπληξαμένη μέγα καὶ συμπαθὲς ἀνῴμωξεν . ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου δάκρυα καὶ τῶν παρόντων ὀδυνηρά τις θέα , μέχρι πλείονος οὐδὲ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἧκον εἰπεῖν ἢ πράττειν δυναμένων .
³²⁹ Now as soon as they were come to her, and she saw Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in a great consternation gave a deep and moving groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were not able to say or to do any thing;	³²⁹ When they reached her and she saw Alexander in chains, she struck her head and in a panic gave a deep and pitiful groan. The young man also began to weep and for all present it was so miserable a spectacle that for a long time they were unable to say or to do anything.
³²⁹ Barach

³³⁰ ὀψὲ δὲ τοῦ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy , τούτῳ γὰρ ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἐπετέτακτο , φράζειν κελεύοντος εἴ τι τῶν πραττομένωνto do ἡ γυνὴ σύνοιδεν αὐτῷ , " τί δ᾽ οὐκ ἄν , ἔφη , συνέγνω τῆς ψυχῆς ἐμοὶ
³³⁰ but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bid him say whether his wife was conscious of his actions. He replied, “How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?”	³³⁰ Finally Ptolemy, who was told to bring Alexander, ordered him to say if his wife knew what he was doing. He answered, "How could she not, she whom I love better than my own soul and by whom I have had my children?"
³³⁰ Barach

³³¹ στεργομένη πλέον καὶ κοινωνοῦσα τέκνων ; ἡ δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα μὲν ἀνεβόησεν , ὡς συνειδείη μὲν οὐδὲν ἄτοπον , εἰ δὲ φέροι πρὸς τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τὸ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτῆς τι ψεύσασθαι , πάνθ᾽ ὁμολογεῖν . ὁ δὲ ἈλέξανδροςAlexander " ἀσεβὲς μὲν οὐδέν , εἶπεν , οὐδ᾽ ὧν ὑπονοοῦσιν οὓς ἥκιστα ἐχρῆν οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐνόησα σύ τε οὐδὲν οἶσθα , ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι
³³¹ Upon which she cried out that she knew of no wicked designs of his; but that yet, if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation, she would confess it all. Alexander replied, “There is no such wickedness as those (who ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only, that we had resolved to retire to Archelaus, and from thence to Rome.”	³³¹ At this she cried out that she knew of no scheming of his, but that if by accusing herself falsely she could help to save him, she would confess anything at all. Alexander answered, "I have neither committed nor thought of the unholy crimes suspected by those who least of all ought to do so, except that we had resolved to go back to Archelaus and from there to Rome."
³³¹ Barach

³³² παρ᾽ ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἀποχωρεῖν ἐγνώκειμεν κἀκεῖθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome . ταῦτ᾽ ἐκείνης ὁμολογούσης ὁ μὲν ἩρώδηςHerod ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἐξεληλέγχθαι τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν δυσνοίας ὑπολαβὼν δίδωσιν Ὀλύμπῳ καὶ Οὐολομνίῳ γράμματα κελεύσας ἐν παράπλῳ μὲν Ἐλαιούσῃ τῆς ΚιλικίαςCilicia προσσχόντας ἈρχελάῳArchelaus τε περὶ τούτων ἀποδοῦναι καὶ μεμψαμένους ὅτι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς ἐφάψαιτο τοῖς παισὶν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς ῬώμηνRome πλεῖν .
³³² Which she also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus’s ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bid them, as they sailed by, to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Archelaus the letter. And that when they had ex-postulated with him, that he had a hand in his son’s treacherous design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome;	³³² When she also confessed this, Herod reckoned that Archelaus' hostility to him was fully proven and handed a letter to Olympus and Volumnius, with instructions to call at Eleusa in Cilicia as they sailed past and deliver it to Archelaus, and only after accusing him of being party to his son's plot against him should they sail on from there to Rome.
³³² Barach

³³³ κἂν εὕρωσιν ἀνύσαντά τι Νικόλαον , ὡς μηκέτ᾽ αὐτῷ δυσχεραίνειν ΚαίσαραCaesar , διδόναι τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ τοὺς ἐλέγχους τοὺς κατὰ τῶν νεανίσκων συνεσκευασμένως ἐπέστειλεν .
³³³ and that, in case they found Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Caesar was no longer displeased at him, he should give him his letters, and the proofs which he had ready to show against the young men.	³³³ If they found that Nicolaus had made any headway and that Caesar was no longer displeased with him, they should hand over the letters and the proofs he had ready against the young men.
³³³ Barach

³³⁴ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus μὲν οὖν ἀπελογεῖτο δέξασθαι μὲν τοὺς νεανίσκους ὁμολογήσας διὰ τὸ συμφέρειν αὐτοῖς τε ἐκείνοις καὶ τῷ πατρὶ μὴ χαλεπώτερόν τι προστεθῆναι κατ᾽ ὀργὴν ὧν ὑπόπτως ἔχοντες ἐστασίαζον · οὐ μὴν καὶ πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar πέμψειν οὐδ᾽ ἄλλο τι κατὰ δύσνοιαν τὴν‎ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ὁμολογῆσαι τοῖς νεανίσκοις .
³³⁴ As to Archelaus, he made his defense for himself, that he had promised to receive the young men, because it was both for their own and their father’s advantage so to do, lest some too severe procedure should be gone upon in that anger and disorder they were in on occasion of the present suspicions; but that still he had not promised to send them to Caesar; and that he had not promised any thing else to the young men that could show any ill-will to him.	³³⁴ But Archelaus said in his own defence that he had promised to welcome the young men, as this would benefit both them and their father, to keep them from doing anything rash in their anger arising from his suspicions. He had not, however, promised to send them to Caesar, nor promised the young men anything else, to cause any ill-will against him.
³³⁴ Barach

³³⁵ Εἰς δὲ τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome ἀποκομισθέντες ἔσχον καιρὸν ἐπιδοῦναι τὰ γράμματα τῷ ΚαίσαραCaesar διηλλαγμένον εὑρεῖν ἩρώδῃHerod · τὰ γὰρ περὶ τὴν‎ ΝικολάουNicolaus πρεσβείαν ἀπέβη τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ·
³³⁵ When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit opportunity of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they found him reconciled to Herod; for the circumstances of Nicolaus’s embassage had been as follows:	³³⁵ When these envoys arrived in Rome, they had a chance to deliver their letters to Caesar, as they found him reconciled to Herod, for Nicolaus' mission had gone as follows.
³³⁵ Barach

³³⁶ ὡς ἀνῆλθεν εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν ἐγένετο , πρῶτον μὲν οὐκ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐληλύθει μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus κατηγορεῖν ἠξίου , καὶ δῆλοι πρὸ τῆς ἐντυχίας ἦσαν ἀλλήλους πολεμοῦντες .
³³⁶ As soon as he was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of all set about what he was come for only, but he thought fit also to accuse Sylleus.	³³⁶ When he came to Rome and was in the court circles, he did not at first go directly about his mandate, but he thought fit also to accuse Syllaeus, for even before he met with them, the Arabs were quarrelling with each other.
³³⁶ Barach

³³⁷ οἱ δὲ ἌραβεςArabs ὑπονοήσαντες ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τῷ ΝικολάῳNicolaus προσελθόντες τὰς ἀδικίας ἁπάσας ἐμήνυον καὶ τῶν Ὀβόδου ὡς διαφθαρέντων πάντων ἐμφανῆ τεκμήρια παρέχοντες , ἦν γὰρ καὶ τῶν γραμμάτων αὐτοῦ‎ ὃ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀπόστασινa revolt ὑφῃρημένοι διὰ τούτων ἤλεγχον .
³³⁷ Now the Arabians, even before he came to talk with them, were quarrelling one with another; and some of them left Sylleus’s party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed him of all the wicked things that had been done; and produced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter of a great number of Obodas’s friends by Sylleus; for when these men left Sylleus, they had carried off with them those letters whereby they could convict him.	³³⁷ Some of them changed sides and joined Nicolaus, telling him of all the evil that had been done, and making clear to him that many of Obodas' friends had been slaughtered, for when these men left Syllaeus, they took with them letters by which they could convict him.
³³⁷ Barach

³³⁸ ὁ δὲ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus εὐτυχίαν τινὰ ταύτην ὁρῶν αὐτῷ προσγεγενημένην δι᾽ αὐτῆς ἐπραγματεύετο τὸ μέλλον , ἐπείγων εἰς διαλλαγὰς ἐλθεῖν ἩρώδῃHerod ΚαίσαραCaesar · σαφῶς γὰρ ἠπίστατο βουλομένῳ μὲν ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ ὧν ἔπραξεν οὐκ ἔσεσθαι παρρησίαν , ἐθέλοντι δὲ κατηγορεῖν ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus γενήσεσθαι καιρὸν ὑπὲρ ἩρώδουHerod λέγειν .
³³⁸ When Nicolaus saw such an opportunity afforded him, he made use of it, in order to gain his own point afterward, and endeavored immediately to make a reconciliation between Caesar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he should desire to make a defense for Herod directly, he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he desired to accuse Sylleus, there would an occasion present itself of speaking on Herod’s behalf.	³³⁸ Nicolaus saw this as a chance to be later used to his advantage, and immediately tried to reconcile Caesar to Herod, knowing that if he tried to defend the king directly he would not be allowed to do so, but that if he asked to bring a charge against Syllaeus, he would get the chance to speak on behalf of Herod.
³³⁸ Barach

³³⁹ συνεστώτων οὖν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους καὶ δοθείσης ἡμέρας ὁ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus παρόντων αὐτῷ τῶν ἈρέταAretas πρέσβεων τά τε ἄλλα κατηγόρει τοῦ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus , τήν τε τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπώλειαν λέγων καὶ πολλῶν ἈράβωνArabian ,
³³⁹ So when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas’s ambassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many others of the Arabians;	³³⁹ When the two sides agreed and the day was appointed, Nicolaus indicted Syllaeus in the presence of the envoys from Aretas, accusing him of the death of the king and of many other Arabs,
³³⁹ Barach

³⁴⁰ χρήματά τε ὡς εἴη δεδανεισμένος ἐπ᾽ οὐδὲν ὑγιές , καὶ μοιχείας ἐξελέγχων οὐ τῶν ἐν ἈραβίᾳArabia μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐν ῬώμῃRome γυναικῶν · προσετίθει δὲ τὸ μέγιστον , ὡς ἐξαπατήσειεν ΚαίσαραCaesar μηδὲν ἀληθὲς διδάξας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἩρώδῃHerod πεπραγμένων .
³⁴⁰ that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he had been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Reinan women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod, and that all that he had said about the actions of Herod were falsities.	³⁴⁰ of borrowing money for no good motive, and of committing adultery, not only with Arabian women, but also with Romans. He added that above all else he had alienated Caesar from Herod and had given a falsified account of his actions.
³⁴⁰ Barach

³⁴¹ ὡς δ᾽ ἧκεν ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν τόπον , ὁ μὲν ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐξεῖργεν αὐτὸν τοῦτο μόνον ἀξιῶν ὑπὲρ ἩρώδουHerod λέγειν , εἰ μὴ στρατιὰν ἤγαγεν εἰς ἈραβίανArabia μηδὲ δισχιλίους πεντακοσίους ἀποκτείνειεν τῶν ἐκεῖ μηδ᾽ αἰχμαλώτους λάβοι τὴν‎ χώραν διαρπάσας .
³⁴¹ When Nicolaus was come to this topic, Caesar stopped him from going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod, and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand five hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor pillaged the country.	³⁴¹ When Nicolaus raised this topic, Caesar stopped him and asked him to speak specifically on this matter about Herod and to prove that he had not led an army into Arabia, or killed two thousand five hundred men there, or taken prisoners, or pillaged the country.
³⁴¹ Barach

³⁴² πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus ὑπὲρ τούτων ἔφη καὶ μάλιστα διδάξειν , ὅτι μηδὲν ἢ τὰ πλεῖστά γε αὐτῶν οὐ γέγονεν , ὡς σὺ ἀκήκοας καὶ δίκαιον ἦν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς χαλεπώτερον φέρειν .
³⁴² To which Nicolaus made this answer: “I shall principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast been informed; for had they been true, thou mightest justly have been still more angry at Herod.”	³⁴² To this Nicolaus replied, "I shall clearly show that either nothing or very little of what was told to you really happened, for if they had, you could in fairness have been still more angry with Herod."
³⁴² Barach

³⁴³ πρὸς δὲ τὸ παράδοξον ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐνδόντος αὑτὸν ἀκροατήν , τὸ δάνειον εἰπὼν τῶν πεντακοσίων ταλάντων καὶ τὴν‎ συγγραφήν , ἐν ᾗ καὶ τοῦτο ἦν προσγεγραμμένον ἐξεῖναι τῆς προθεσμίας παρελθούσης ῥύσια λαμβάνειν ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς χώρας , τὴν‎ μὲν στρατείαν οὐ στρατείαν ἔλεγεν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ δικαίαν τῶν ἰδίων ἀπαίτησιν χρημάτων ·
³⁴³ At this strange assertion Caesar was very attentive; and Nicolaus said that there was a debt due to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein it was written, that if the time appointed be lapsed, it should be lawful to make a seizure out of any part of his country. “As for the pretended army,” he said, “it was no army, but a party sent out to require the just payment of the money;	³⁴³ This strange assertion made Caesar very attentive, and Nicolaus said that a debt of five hundred talents was owed to Herod and a bond in which it was written that if the time appointed should expire, he was entitled to recover the loan from any part of the country. "The so-called army," he said, "was no army, but an attempt to demand the just payment of the money.
³⁴³ Barach

³⁴⁴ καὶ μηδὲ ταύτην ταχὺ μηδ᾽ ὡς ἐπέτρεπον αἱ συγγραφαί , πολλάκις μὲν ἐπὶ ΣατορνῖνονSaturninus ἐλθόντα καὶ Οὐολόμνιον τοὺς τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἡγεμόνας , τελευταῖον δὲ ἐν ΒηρυτῷBerytus τούτων ἐναντίον ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus τὴν‎ σὴν τύχην ἐπομόσαντος , ἦ μὴν ἐντὸς ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα παρέξειν τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ἩρώδουHerod πεφευγότας .
³⁴⁴ that this was not sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria; and that at last he had sworn at Berytus, by thy fortune, that he would certainly pay the money within thirty days, and deliver up the fugitives that were under his dominion.	³⁴⁴ Neither had this demand been sent immediately, or as soon as the bond allowed, for Syllaeus had often come before the governors of Syria, Saturninus and Volumnius, and finally he had sworn at Berytus, by your fortune, to certainly pay the money within thirty days and hand over the fugitives from Herod's dominion who had taken refuge with him.
³⁴⁴ Barach

³⁴⁵ ὧν οὐδὲν ποιήσαντος ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus πάλιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἐλθεῖν ἩρώδηνHerōd κἀκείνων ἐφέντων αὐτῷ λαμβάνειν τὰ ῥύσια μόγις οὕτως ἐξελθεῖν σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν .
³⁴⁵ And that when Sylleus had performed nothing of this, Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their permission to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose.	³⁴⁵ But when Syllaeus had fulfilled none of this, Herod came again before the governors and with their permission reluctantly left his country with some soldiers to recover his money.
³⁴⁵ Barach

³⁴⁶ ὁ μὲν δὴ πόλεμος , ὡς οὗτοι τραγῳδοῦντες ἔλεγον , καὶ τὰ τῆς ἐπιστρατείας τοιαῦτα . καίτοι πῶς ἂν εἴη πόλεμος , ἐπιτρεψάντων μὲν τῶν σῶν ἡγεμόνων , δεδωκυίας δὲ τῆς συνθήκης , ἠσεβημένου δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν καὶ τοῦ σοῦ , ΚαῖσαρCaesar , ὀνόματος ;
³⁴⁶ And this is all the war which these men so tragically describe; and this is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be called a war, when thy presidents permitted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was not executed till thy name, O Caesar, as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned?	³⁴⁶ This was the 'war' and expedition so tragically described by these men. But how can it be called a war, when it was permitted by your governors, allowed by the agreement, and not begun until your name, O Caesar, as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned?
³⁴⁶ Barach

³⁴⁷ τὰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἑξῆς ἤδη λεκτέον . λῃσταὶ τῶν τὸν ΤράχωναTrachonitis κατοικούντων τετταράκοντα τὸ πρῶτον εἶτ᾽ αὖθις πλείονες τὰς ἩρώδουHerod κολάσεις διαφεύγοντες ὁρμητήριον ἐποιήσαντο τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia . τούτους ὑπεδέξατο Σύλλαιος ἐπὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους τρέφων καὶ χώραν ἔδωκε νέμεσθαι καὶ τὰ κέρδη τῶν λῃστῶν αὐτὸς ἐλάμβανεν .
³⁴⁷ And now I must speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis; at first their number was no more than forty, but they became more afterwards, and they escaped the punishment Herod would have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them with food, that they might be mischievous to all mankind, and gave them a country to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by robbery;	³⁴⁷ At this point I must explain about the prisoners. There were brigands who lived in Trachonitis; at first was no more than forty in number though they became more numerous later and they escaped from Herod's punishment by taking refuge in Arabia. Syllaeus received them and let them become a scourge to all mankind by giving them food and a place to live; and he shared in the profits of their robbery.
³⁴⁷ Barach

³⁴⁸ ὡμολόγησε δὲ καὶ τούτους ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ὅρκοις ἀποδώσειν κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν τοῦ δανείου προθεσμίαν . Καὶ δύναιτ᾽ ἂν οὐκ ἐπιδεῖξαι κατὰ τὸ παρὸν οὔτ᾽ ἄλλον τινὰ τῆς ἈράβωνArabian χώρας ἢ τούτους ἐξῃρημένους οὔτε πάντας , ἀλλ᾽ ὅσοι μὴ λαθεῖν ἴσχυσαν .
³⁴⁸ yet did he promise that he would deliver up these men, and that by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other persons have at this time been taken out of Arabia besides these, and indeed not all these neither, but only so many as could not conceal themselves.	³⁴⁸ Then he promised to hand over these men with the same oaths and at same time as he solemnly swore to repay his debt. But he cannot at all prove that apart from these any others have at this time been removed from Arabia, and not even all of these, but only those who could not hide themselves.
³⁴⁸ Barach

³⁴⁹ οὕτως οὖν καὶ τοῦ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἐπιφθόνου συκοφαντήματος πεφηνότος μέγιστον , ὦ ΚαῖσαρCaesar , κατάμαθε πλάσμα καὶ ψεῦσμα πρὸς τὴν‎ σὴν ὀργὴν αὐτῷ ποιηθέν .
³⁴⁹ And thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath been so odiously represented, appear to be no better than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke thy indignation;	³⁴⁹ The vile allegation of the prisoners seems to be just a fiction told in order to provoke your anger.
³⁴⁹ Barach

³⁵⁰ Φημὶ γὰρ ἐπελθούσης ἡμῖν τῆς τῶν ἈράβωνArabian δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν περὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd πεσόντος ἑνὸς καὶ δευτέρου , τότε μόλις ἀμυνομένου Νάκεβον τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν καὶ περὶ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τοὺς πάντας ὧν ἕκαστον αὐτὸς εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀναφέρων δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους τοὺς ἀπολωλότας ἔλεγεν ."
³⁵⁰ for I venture to affirm that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod’s party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have been two thousand five hundred.”	³⁵⁰ I dare say that when the forces of the Arabs attacked us and one or two of Herod's party fell, only then did he defend himself, and only Nacebus their general and about twenty-five others in all, died. And so, if Syllaeus reckons those who were killed at two thousand five hundred it is by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred."
³⁵⁰ Barach

³⁵¹ Ταῦτα μᾶλλον ἐκίνει τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαιον ἐπιστραφεὶς ὀργῆς μεστὸς ἀνέκρινεν , ὁπόσοιhow great, how much τεθνήκασιν ἈράβωνArabian . ἀπορουμένου δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ πεπλανῆσθαι λέγοντος αἵ τε συνθῆκαι τῶν δανείων ἀνεγινώσκοντο καὶ τὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράμματα πόλεις τε ὅσαιall who, as much τὰ λῃστήρια κατῃτιῶντο ,
³⁵¹ This provoked Caesar more than ever. So he turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants also were read about the money he had borrowed, and the letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the several cities, so many as had been injured by the robbers.	³⁵¹ More than ever provoked by this, Caesar turned angrily to Syllaeus and asked him how many of the Arabs were killed, but he hesitated and said he had been mistaken. The deeds about the money he had borrowed were also read, and the letters of the officers of Syria and the complaints of the various cities that had been harmed by the brigands.
³⁵¹ Barach

³⁵² καὶ πέρας εἰς τοῦτο μετέστη ΚαῖσαρCaesar , ὡς τοῦ μὲν ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus καταγνῶναι θάνατον , ἩρώδῃHerod δὲ διαλλάττεσθαι μετάνοιαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐκ διαβολῆς πικρότερον ἔγραψεν αὐτῷ πεπονθώς , καί τι τοιοῦτον εἰπεῖν εἰς τὸν Σύλλαιον , ὡς ἀναγκάσειεν αὐτὸν ψευδεῖ λόγῳ πρὸς ἄνδρα φίλον ἀγνωμονῆσαι .
³⁵² The conclusion was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he had compelled him, by his lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a man that was his friend.	³⁵² The upshot was that Syllaeus was condemned to die and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod and expressed regret for the severe way he had written to him, on account of the allegation, and he told Syllaeus that by his false version of things he had made him guilty of ingratitude toward a man who was his friend.
³⁵² Barach

³⁵³ τὸ δὲ σύμπαν ὁ μὲν Σύλλαιος ἀνεπέμπετο τὰς δίκας καὶ τὰ χρέα τοῖς δεδανεικόσιν ἀποδώσων εἶθ᾽ οὕτω κολασθησόμενος . ἈρέτᾳAretas δ᾽ οὐκ εὐμενὴς ἦν ΚαῖσαρCaesar , ὅτι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν μὴ δι᾽ ἐκείνου καθ᾽ αὑτὸν δὲ ἔλαβεν . ἐγνώκει δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἈραβίανArabia ἩρώδῃHerod διδόναι , διεκώλυσεν δὲ τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου πεμφθέντα γράμματα .
³⁵³ At the last all came to this, Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod’s suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]. But still Caesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the government, without his consent first obtained, for he had determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered him from so doing;	³⁵³ The final result was that Syllaeus was sent off to answer Herod's charge and to repay the debt he owed and then to be executed. But Caesar was still offended with Aretas for taking power without first obtaining his consent, for he had decided to bestow Arabia upon Herod, except that the letters he had sent stopped him from doing so.
³⁵³ Barach

³⁵⁴ τοῖς γὰρ περὶ τὸν ὌλυμπονOlympus καὶ Οὐολόμνιον εὐμενῆ ΚαίσαραCaesar πυνθανομένοις εὐθὺς ἔδοξεν ἐξ ἐντολῆς ἩρώδουHerod τὰ περὶ τῶν παίδων γράμματα καὶ τοὺς ἐλέγχους ἀναδιδόναι .
³⁵⁴ for Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was now become favorable to Herod, thought fit immediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by Herod to give him concerning his sons.	³⁵⁴ The reason was that Olympus and Volumnius, noting how favourable Caesar had become to Herod, had immediately decided to give him the letters Herod had ordered them to deliver about his sons.
³⁵⁴ Barach

³⁵⁵ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ἀναγνοὺς τὸ μὲν ἀρχὴν ἄλλην προσθεῖναι γέροντι καὶ κακῶς πράττοντι τὰ περὶ τοὺς παῖδας οὐκ ᾠήθη καλῶς ἔχειν , δεξάμενος δὲ τοὺς παρὰ ἈρέταAretas καὶ τοῦτο μόνον ἐπιτιμήσας , ὡς προπετείᾳreckless attitude χρήσαιτο τῷ μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀναμεῖναι λαβεῖν , τά τε δῶρα προσήκατο καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐβεβαίωσεν .
³⁵⁵ When Caesar had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add another government to him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he admitted Aretas’s ambassadors; and after he had just reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and confirmed him in his government.	³⁵⁵ When Caesar had read them, he thought it would not be right to give him another kingdom, now he was old and in a bad relationship with his sons, so he admitted Aretas' envoys, and after only reproaching him for his rashness in not waiting to receive the kingdom from him, he accepted his gifts and confirmed him in office.
³⁵⁵ Barach

Chapter 11
[356-404]
Trial and execution of Herod's sons, Aristobulus and Alexander

☜ ☞

³⁵⁶ ἩρώδῃHerod δὲ γράφει διηλλαγμένος ἐπί τε τοῖς παισὶν ἄχθεσθαι λέγων καὶ δέον , εἰ μὲν ἀνοσιώτερόν τι τετολμήκασιν , ἐπεξιέναι πατραλόας ὄντας · αὐτῷ γὰρ ἐφεῖναι ταύτην τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν · εἰ δὲ δρασμὸν ἐνόησαν , ἄλλως νουθετήσαντα μηδὲν ἀνήκεστον διαπράττεσθαι .
³⁵⁶ So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behoove him to punish them as parricides, for which he gave him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have him give them an admonition, and not proceed to extremity with them.	³⁵⁶ He wrote conciliatingly to Herod saying he was sorry about his sons, and that if they dared to be impious to him, he should punish them as patricides, and was empowered to do so; but if they had only planned to escape, he should warn them but not go to extremes.
³⁵⁶ Barach

³⁵⁷ συμβουλεύειν δὲ ἔχειν αὐτῷ συνέδριον ἀποδείξαντα περὶ ΒηρυτόνBerytus , ἐν ᾗ κατοικοῦσιν ῬωμαῖοιRomans , καὶ παραλαβόντα τούς τε ἡγεμόνας καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ΚαππαδόκωνCappadocia ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ὅσους τε τῶν ἄλλων οἴεται φιλίᾳ τε καὶ ἀξιώματι ἐπιφανεῖςto display μετὰ τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης ὅ τι χρὴ διαλαμβάνειν .
³⁵⁷ He also advised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus, which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus king of Cappadocia, and as many more as he thought to be illustrious for their friendship to him, and the dignities they were in, and determine what should be done by their approbation.	³⁵⁷ He advised him to call a meeting near Berytus, a city belonging to the Romans, and bring the officers of Syria and Archelaus king of Cappadocia and as many others as he wished, either special friends of his or people of eminence, and with their approval decide what to do. These were Caesar's directions.
³⁵⁷ Barach

³⁵⁸ ΚαῖσαρCaesar μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐπέστελλεν . ὁ δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod τῶν γραμμάτων ὡς αὐτὸν ἀπενεχθέντων περιχαρὴς μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς ἐγεγόνει , περιχαρὴς δὲ καὶ τῷ πάντ᾽ ἐξεῖναι κατὰ τῶν παίδων αὐτῷ .
³⁵⁸ These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar’s reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons.	³⁵⁸ When the letter was brought to him, Herod was immediately pleased with the reconciliation and glad also to be given complete authority over his sons.
³⁵⁸ Barach

³⁵⁹ καί πως τὸ μὲν οὐκ εὖ πράττειν ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ χαλεπὸν μὲν ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε θρασὺν οὔτε προπετῆ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀπώλειαν τῶν τέκνων παρεῖχεν αὐτόν , ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε μεταβολῆς ἀμείνονος καὶ παρρησίας ἐπιλαβόμενος τὸ μῖσος ἐκενοδόξει τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν .
³⁵⁹ And it strangely came about, that whereas before, in his adversity, though he had indeed showed himself severe, yet had he not been very rash nor hasty in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advantage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against them after an unheard-of manner;	³⁵⁹ Oddly, whereas when things were not going well he had shown himself severe, but had been neither rash nor hasty in seeking to kill his sons, now that he was prospering he availed of this improvement and his present freedom to vent his hatred of them in an unheard-of manner.
³⁵⁹ Barach

³⁶⁰ διέπεμπεν οὖν ὅσους ἐδόκει καλεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἈρχελάουArchelaus χωρίς · ἐκεῖνον δὲ δι᾽ ἔχθος οὐκ ἠξίου παρατυγχάνειν ἢ καὶ τῇ προαιρέσει νομίζων ἐμποδὼν ἔσεσθαι .
³⁶⁰ he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Archelaus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or he thought he would be an obstacle to his designs.	³⁶⁰ He sent for as many as he wanted to this assembly, except Archelaus, either because he hated him too much to invite him or thought he would oppose his plans.
³⁶⁰ Barach

³⁶¹ Γενομένων δὲ ἐν ΒηρυτῷBerytus τῶν ἡγεμόνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσους τῶν πόλεων ἐκάλεσεν , τοὺς μὲν παῖδας , οὐ γὰρ ἠξίου παράγειν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον , ἐν κώμῃ τινὶ ΣιδωνίωνSidonians εἶχεν Παλαεστῶ καλουμένῃ πλησίον τῆς πόλεως , ὡς ἔχειν εἰ κληθεῖεν παραστῆσαι .
³⁶¹ When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities, were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belonging to Sidon, called Platana, but near to the city, that if they were called, he might produce them,	³⁶¹ When the officers and the others he had called from the cities came to Berytus, since he did not want to present his sons before the assembly he kept them in a village of Sidon, called Palesto, near enough to this city to be able to bring them if they were called for.
³⁶¹ Barach

³⁶² μόνος δὲ καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν εἰσελθὼν ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα συγκαθημένων ἀνδρῶν κατηγόρει κατηγορίαν οὐκ ὀδυνηρὰν ὡς πρὸς ἀνάγκην ὧν ἠτύχει , πλεῖστον δὲ ἀπεοικυῖαν ᾗ πατὴρ ἐπὶ παισὶν εἴποι ·
³⁶² for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and that in such a way as if it were not a melancholy accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent for a father to accuse his sons,	³⁶² He came alone before the hundred and fifty assessors and accused his sons as though he regretted accusing them and did so under compulsion, a strange way for a father to speak of his sons.
³⁶² Barach

³⁶³ βίαιος γὰρ ἦν καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ ἀπόδειξιν τῆς αἰτίας ἐτετάρακτο καὶ μέγιστα θυμοῦ καὶ ἀγριότητος ἐνεδίδου σημεῖα , τούς τε ἐλέγχους οὐκ ἐκείνοις ἐπιτρέπων καταμαθεῖν , ἀλλὰ συνηγορίαν αὐτοῖς προτιθεὶς πατρὶ κατὰ παίδων ἀσχήμονα , καὶ τὰ γραφέντα δι᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων ἀναγινώσκων , ἐν οἷς ἐπιβουλὴ μὲν ἤ τις ἐπίνοια δυσσεβείας οὐκ ἐγέγραπτο , μόνον δὲ ὡς φυγεῖν βουλεύοιντο καὶ λοιδορίαι τινὲς εἰς αὐτὸν ὀνείδη περιέχουσαι διὰ τὴν‎ δύσνοιαν .
³⁶³ for he was very vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he suffer the assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be true by his own authority, after a manner most indecent in a father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein there was no confession of any plots or contrivances against him, but only how they had contrived to fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them;	³⁶³ He was vehement and incoherent about the proof of their crime and gave signs of extreme rage and savagery, not letting the assessors consider the weight of the evidence, but asserting it as true by his own authority, an ugly way for a father to treat his sons. He read out what they had written, even where no mention was made of plots or plans against him, only of their wish to escape, but containing some insults about him arising from ill-will.
³⁶³ Barach

³⁶⁴ ἐφ᾽ αἷς ἐκεῖνος ὡς ἐγένετο μᾶλλόν τε ἐξεβόα καὶ τὸ περιὸν εἰς ὁμολογίαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς δι᾽ ἐκείνων ηὔξανεν ἐπομνύμενος , ὡς ἥδιον ἂν στέροιτο τοῦ ζῆν ἢ τοιούτων ἀκούειν λόγων .
³⁶⁴ and when he came to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they said, as if they had confessed the design against him, and took his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful words.	³⁶⁴ He shouted loudest about these insults, exaggerating them into the confession of a plot, and swore that he would rather lose his life than listen to such words.
³⁶⁴ Barach

³⁶⁵ τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον εἰπών , ὅτι καὶ τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar δόσει τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν αὐτὸς ἔχοι , προσέθηκεν αὐτῷ καὶ πάτριον νόμον κελεύειν , εἴ του κατηγορήσαντες οἱ γονεῖς ἐπιθοῖεν τῇ κεφαλῇ τὰς χεῖρας , ἐπάναγκες εἶναι τοῖς περιεστῶσιν βάλλειν καὶ τοῦτον ἀποκτείνειν τὸν τρόπον .
³⁶⁵ At last he said that he had sufficient authority, both by nature and by Caesar’s grant to him, [to do what he thought fit]. He also added an allegation of a law of their country, which enjoined this: That if parents laid their hands on the head of him that was accused, the standersby were obliged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him;	³⁶⁵ Finally he said that himself he had the authority, both from nature and by Caesar's grant and mentioned an ancestral law that if parents laid their hands on the head of the accused, the bystanders were obliged to stone him and kill him.
³⁶⁵ Barach

³⁶⁶ ὅπερ ἕτοιμοςprepared ὢν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖν ὅμως ἀναμεῖναι τὴν‎ ἐκείνων κρίσιν , ἥκειν μέντοι δικαστὰς μὲν οὐχ οὕτως ἐπὶ φανεροῖς οἷς ἐκ τῶν παίδων ὀλίγου πάθοι , συνοργισθῆναι δὲ καιρὸν ἔχοντας , ὡς οὐδενὶ καὶ τῶν πόρρω γεγονότων ἀμελῆσαι τοιαύτης ἐπιβουλῆς ἄξιον .
³⁶⁶ which though he were ready to do in his own country and kingdom, yet did he wait for their determination; and yet they came thither not so much as judges, to condemn them for such manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons’ means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their detestation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment].	³⁶⁶ Although prepared to do this in his own country and kingdom, he still would abide by their decision, for they were there not so much as judges, to condemn them for such blatant plots, by which his sons had almost killed him, but as men who had the chance to share his anger at such actions and declare how unworthy it is for anyone, however distant, to turn a blind eye on such treachery.
³⁶⁶ Barach

³⁶⁷ Ταῦτα τοῦ βασιλέως εἰπόντος καὶ τῶν νεανίσκων οὐδὲ ἕως ἀπολογίας παρηγμένων συμφρονήσαντες οἱ κατὰ τὸ συνέδριον , ὡς ἐπιεικείας καὶ διαλλαγῶν χεῖρον ἔχοι , τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἐβεβαίουν αὐτῷ .
³⁶⁷ When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced to make any defense for themselves, the assessors perceived there was no room for equity and reconciliation, so they confirmed his authority.	³⁶⁷ When the king said this and the young men were not brought in to defend themselves, the assessors saw no hope for fair play or for reconciliation, so they affirmed his authority.
³⁶⁷ Barach

³⁶⁸ καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ΣατορνῖνοςSaturninus ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς καὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώματος ἀπεφήνατο γνώμην ἀηδεστάτῃ περιστάσει χρώμενος · ἔφη γὰρ καταδικάζειν μὲν τῶν ἩρώδουHerod παίδων , κτείνειν δ᾽ οὐκ οἴεσθαι δικαιοῦν αὐτὸς παῖδας ἔχων καὶ τοῦ πάθους μείζονος ὄντος , εἰ καὶ πάντα δι᾽ αὐτοὺς δεδυστύχηκεν .
³⁶⁸ And in the first place, Saturninus, a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble; and said that he condemned Herod’s sons, but did not think they should be put to death. He had sons of his own, and to put one’s son to death is a greater misfortune than any other that could befall him by their means.	³⁶⁸ Saturninus, who had been consul and was a man of great dignity, first pronounced his verdict, very carefully, in the circumstances. He said that he found Herod's sons guilty, but did not think they should be put to death. He had sons of his own and to execute one’s own son would be the greatest harm they could cause him.
³⁶⁸ Barach

³⁶⁹ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ ΣατορνίνουSaturninus παῖδες , εἵποντο γὰρ αὐτῷ πρεσβευταὶ τρεῖς ὄντες , τὴν‎ αὐτὴν γνώμην ἀπεφήναντοto display, show forth , Οὐολόμνιος δὲ ἄντικρυς ἔφη κολάζειν θανάτῳ τοὺς οὕτως ἀσεβήσαντας εἰς τὸν πατέρα . τὰ δ᾽ αὐτὰ καὶ τῶν ἑξῆς οἱ πλείους , ὥστε καὶ μηκέτι ἄλλο τι δοκεῖν ἢ καταδεδικάσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τοὺς νεανίσκους .
³⁶⁹ After him Saturninus’s sons, for he had three sons that followed him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary, Volumnius’s sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so impiously undutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the young men were condemned to die.	³⁶⁹ After him Saturninus' sons, for three of them had come with him as legates, expressed the same view. On the contrary, Volumnius voted the death penalty on those who had been so ignobly disloyal to their father, and most of the others said the same, so that in conclusion it seemed the young men were condemned to die.
³⁶⁹ Barach

³⁷⁰ κἀκεῖθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἩρώδηςHerod ἧκεν ἄγων αὐτοὺς εἰς ΤύρονTyre , καὶ τοῦ τε ΝικολάουNicolaus πλεύσαντος ὡς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἐπυνθάνετο προδιηγησάμενος τὰ ἐν ΒηρυτῷBerytus , ἥντιν᾽ ἔχοιεν γνώμην περὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ οἱ ἐν ῬώμῃRome αὐτοῦ‎ φίλοι ,
³⁷⁰ Immediately after this Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter.	³⁷⁰ Immediately Herod left and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him on his voyage from Rome. After telling him what had happened at Berytus, he asked what he felt about the matter of his sons and what his friends in Rome thought of it.
³⁷⁰ Barach

³⁷¹ κἀκεῖνος εἶπεν , ὅτι δοκεῖ μὲν ἀσεβῆ εἶναι τὰ ἐκείνοις περὶ σὲ ἐγνωσμένα , χρῆναι μέντοι αὐτοὺς καθείρξαντα δεσμώτας φυλάττειν ,
³⁷¹ His answer was, “That what they had determined to do to thee was impious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison;	³⁷¹ He answered, "What they wanted to do to you was foul and you ought to keep them in prison.
³⁷¹ Barach

³⁷² καὶ εἰ μὲν ἑτέρως σοι δοκοίη κολάζειν αὐτούς , μὴ φαίνοιο ὀργῇ τὸ πλεῖον ἢ γνώμῃ κεχρῆσθαι , εἰ δὲ τἀναντία ἀπολύειν , μὴ ἀνεπανόρθωτον εἴη σοι τὸ ἀτύχημα . ταῦτα δοκεῖ καὶ ἐν ῬώμηRome τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν σῶν φίλων . Καὶ ὃς σιωπήσας ἐν πολλῇ ἐγένετο συννοίᾳ κἀκεῖνον ἐκέλευσεν συμπλεῖν αὐτῷ .
³⁷² and if thou thinkest any thing further necessary, thou mayest indeed so punish them, that thou mayest not appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by judgment; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable; and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at Rome also.” Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and bid Nicolaus sail along with him.	³⁷² If you think anything more is required, you should punish them in such a way that you do not seem to be yielding to anger instead of being guided by judgment. If you are inclined to clemency, you may absolve them so that your misfortunes do not grow beyond repair. This is the view of most of your friends in Rome." Silent and deep in thought, Herod ordered the man to sail along with him.
³⁷² Barach

³⁷³ ὡς δ᾽ ἦλθεν εἰς ΚαισάρειανCaesarea γίνεται λόγος οὖν ἦν εὐθὺς ἅπασιν τῶν παίδων καὶ μετέωρος ἡ βασιλεία , ποῖ ποτε χωρήσειεν τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκδεχομένων ·
³⁷³ Now as they came to Caesarea, every body was there talking of Herod’s sons, and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation of what would become of them;	³⁷³ As they came to Caesarea, all were talking about the sons and the kingdom was in suspense, wondering what would become of them.
³⁷³ Barach

³⁷⁴ δεινὸν γὰρ ὑπῄει πάντας δέος ἐκ παλαιοῦ καταστασιαζομένους εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πέρας ἐλθεῖν , καὶ τοῖς μὲν πάθεσιν ἐδυσχέραινον , οὐκ ἦν δ᾽ οὔτε εἰπεῖν τι προπετὲς οὔτ᾽ ἄλλου λέγοντος ἀκούειν ἀκίνδυνον , ἀλλ᾽ ἐγκεκλεισμένοι τὸν ἔλεον ὀδυνηρῶς μὲν ἀναύδως δὲ τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ πάθους ἔφερον .
³⁷⁴ for a terrible fear seized upon all men, lest the ancient disorders of the family should come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say any rash thing about this matter, nor even to hear another saying it, but men’s pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent;	³⁷⁴ All were fearful that the old dispute in the family should come to such an end and they were deeply sorry for the victims, but it was not safe to say anything forthright about it, or even to listen to others, and so they had to hide their pity under a silence that made their grief all the worse.
³⁷⁴ Barach

³⁷⁵ εἷς δὲ αὐτῶν πάλαι στρατιώτης ὄνομα ΤίρωνTiro , υἱοῦ αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν ὄντος ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander φίλου , πάνθ᾽ ὅσα καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ὑποδυόμενα δι᾽ ἡσυχίας ἦν , αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽ ἐλευθεριότητος ἐξελάλει καὶ βοᾶν ἠναγκάζετο πολλάκις ἐν τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἀπαρακαλύπτως λέγων ,
³⁷⁵ yet was there an old soldier of Herod’s, whose name was Tero, who had a son of the same age with Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the multitude,	³⁷⁵ Then an old soldier of Herod's named Tiro, who had a son who was a friend of Alexander's and of the same age as him, took the liberty to say out publicly what others were silently thinking about it, and often said aloud among the populace,
³⁷⁵ Barach

³⁷⁶ ὡς ἀπόλοιτο μὲν ἡ ἀλήθεια , τὸ δὲ δίκαιον ἐκ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀνῃρημένον εἴη , κρατοίη δὲ τὰ ψεύσματα καὶ ἡ κακοήθεια καὶ τοσοῦτο νέφος ἐπάγοι τοῖς πράγμασιν , ὡς μηδὲ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων παθῶν ὁρᾶσθαι τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν .
³⁷⁶ and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befall men.	³⁷⁶ quite unambiguously, that truth was destroyed and justice was removed from mankind, while lies and malice prevailed and enveloped public affairs in such a fog that the offenders could not see the greatest evils that can happen to human beings.
³⁷⁶ Barach

³⁷⁷ τοιοῦτος ὢν ἐδόκει μὲν οὐκ ἀκινδύνως παρρησιάζεσθαι , τὸ δ᾽ εὔλογον ἐκίνει πάντας οὐκ ἀνάνδρωςhusbandlessly αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν ἱσταμένου .
³⁷⁷ And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper time also,	³⁷⁷ The man seemed to speak without fear of the danger, and the rightness of what he said made people admire his bravery at this time.
³⁷⁷ Barach

³⁷⁸ διὸ καὶ πάνθ᾽ ἅπερ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος εἴποιεν ἡδέως ἤκουον ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου λεγόμενα καὶ τὸ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἀσφαλὲς ἐν τῷ σιγᾶν προορώμενοι τὴν‎ ἐκείνου παρρησίαν ὅμως ἀπεδέχοντο · τὸ γὰρ προσδοκώμενον πάθος ἐβιάζετο πάνθ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ λαλεῖν .
³⁷⁸ for which reason every one heard what he said with pleasure; and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so great an affliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.	³⁷⁸ All were glad to hear his words and though they took care of their own safety by keeping silent, they were pleased with the great freedom he took, for their anticipation of misfortune drove them to say whatever they pleased about him.
³⁷⁸ Barach

³⁷⁹ Ὁ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μετὰ πάσης παρρησίας ὠσάμενος μόνος μόνῳ λέγειν ἠξίου , καὶ συγχωρήσαντος " οὐ δυνάμενος , εἶπεν , ὦ βασιλεῦ , διακαρτερεῖν ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πάθει τὴν‎ τολμηρὰν ταύτην παρρησίαν , ἀναγκαίαν δὲ σοὶ καὶ συμφέρουσαν , εἰ λάβοις τι χρήσιμον ἐξ αὐτῆς , προύκρινα τῆς ἐμῆς ἀσφαλείας .
³⁷⁹ This man had thrust himself into the king’s presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king permitted him to do, where he said this: “Since I am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advantage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety.	³⁷⁹ With great temerity he made his way into the king's presence and asked to speak with him alone. When the king let him, he said, "Your majesty, since I cannot bear the anxiety I feel, I choose to take this audacious liberty which may be for your good, if you wish to profit from it, rather than look after my own safety.
³⁷⁹ Barach

³⁸⁰ ποῖ ποτε οἴχονταί σου καὶ πεπτώκασιν ἐκ τῆς ψυχῆς αἱ φρένες ; ποῖ δὲ καὶ ὁ περιττὸς ἐκεῖνος νοῦς , ᾧ πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα κατώρθους ; τίς δὲ ἡ τῶν φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν ἐρημίαdesert, wilderness ;
³⁸⁰ Whither is thy understanding gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious-actions?	³⁸⁰ Where is your wisdom gone, to leave your soul so empty? Where is your great prudence, by which you have done many glorious deeds? Why have your friends and relatives deserted you?
³⁸⁰ Barach

³⁸¹ κρίνω δὲ οὐδὲ παρόντας αὐτοὺς συγγενεῖς εἶναι ἢ φίλους , οἳ περιορῶσι τοιοῦτο μῦσος ἐπὶ τῇ μακαριζομένῃ ποτὲ βασιλείᾳ . σὺ δ᾽ οὐ σκέψει τί τὸ πραττόμενόν ἐστιν ;
³⁸¹ Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and relations? Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive what is doing?	³⁸¹ I judge them to be neither true relatives or friends, if they ignore such terrible wickedness in your once flourishing kingdom. Don't you see what is happening?
³⁸¹ Barach

³⁸² δύο νεανίσκους ἐκ βασιλίδος γυναικὸς γενομένους εἰς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἄκρους ἀναιρήσεις σεαυτὸν ἐν γήρᾳ καταλιπὼν ἐφ᾽ ἑνὶ παιδὶ κακῶς οἰκονομήσαντι τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτὸν ἐλπίδα καὶ συγγενέσιν , ὧν αὐτὸς τοσαυτάκιςso great, so large, so many ἤδη κατέγνωκας θάνατον;
³⁸² Wilt thou slay these two young men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath very ill managed the hopes thou hast given him,’ and to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself?	³⁸² These two young men, borne by your queenly wife, who are supremely gifted with every virtue,—would you kill them and leave yourself destitute in your old age, at the mercy of one son who has badly managed the hope you have given him, and of relatives, whom you so often resolved to kill?
³⁸² Barach

³⁸³ οὐκ ἐννοεῖς , ὅτι καὶ τῶν ὄχλων ἡ σιωπὴ τὴν‎ ἀμογίαν ὅμως ὁρᾷ καὶ μισεῖ τὸ πάθος , ἥ τε στρατιὰ πᾶσα καὶ ταύτης οἱ πρωτεύοντες ἔλεον μὲν τῶν ἀτυχούντων ,
³⁸³ Dost not thou take notice, that the very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in this matter.”	³⁸³ Do not you know from the crowds' very silence that they see the wrong and abhor their suffering? The whole army and its officers pity the poor unhappy youths and feel hatred toward those who are promoting this matter."
³⁸³ Barach

³⁸⁴ μῖσος δὲ τῶν ταῦτα διαπραττομένων ἐσχήκασιν ; ἤκουεν τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν οὐ παντάπασιν ἀγνωμόνως , ἀλλὰ τί δεῖ καὶ λέγειν , διεκίνησεν αὐτὸν ἁψαμένουto ignite τοῦ ΤίρωνοςTiro ἐναργῶς τοῦ τε πάθους καὶ τῆς περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους ἀπιστίας .
³⁸⁴ These words the king heard, and for some time with good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behavior and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it;	³⁸⁴ For some time the king listened equably to these words, and was moved when Tiro clearly touched on his suffering and on the treachery of his household.
³⁸⁴ Barach

³⁸⁵ αὖθις δὲ ὁ μὲν ἐπεδίδου κατὰ μικρὸν ἀμέτρῳ καὶ στρατιωτικῇ χρώμενος παρρησίᾳ · τὸ γὰρ ἀπαίδευτον ὑπεξέπιπτε τοῦ καιροῦ , ταραχῆς δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐνεπίμπλατο ,
³⁸⁵ but Tero went on further, and by degrees used an unbounded military freedom of speech, nor was he so well disciplined as to accommodate himself to the time. So Herod was greatly disturbed,	³⁸⁵ But when he went further and spoke out with a soldier's freedom of speech, too little disciplined to adapt himself to the occasion, Herod grew agitated
³⁸⁵ Barach

³⁸⁶ καὶ μᾶλλον ὀνειδίζεσθαι δοκῶν ἢ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον ἀκούειν τῶν λόγων , ἐπειδὴ καὶ τοὺς διακειμένους στρατιώτας καὶ τοὺς ἀγανακτοῦντας ἡγεμόνας ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire , προστάττει τῷ τε ὀνόματι δηλωθέντων ἁπάντων καὶ τὸν ΤίρωναTiro δήσαντας ἔχειν ἐν φυλακῇ .
³⁸⁶ and seeming to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the officers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison.	³⁸⁶ and seemed to feel insulted rather than helped by the speech. When he inquired about the names of the disapproving soldiers and their officers he ordered that all who had been named, and Tiro himself, be chained up in prison.
³⁸⁶ Barach

³⁸⁷ Τούτου γενηθέντος ἐπιτίθεται τῷ καιρῷ καὶ ΤρύφωνTryphon τις κουρεὺς τοῦ βασιλέως , ὃς ἔφη προσελθὼν ὡς πείθοι πολλάκις αὐτὸν ὁ ΤίρωνTiro , ὁπόταν θεραπεύῃ βασιλέως ξυρῷ τὸν λαιμὸν ἀποτέμνειν · ἔσεσθαι γὰρ ἐν πρώτοις περὶ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ μεγάλας λήψεσθαι δωρεάς .
³⁸⁷ When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king’s barber, took the opportunity, and came and told the king, that Tero would often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the chief of Alexander’s friends, and receive great rewards from him.	³⁸⁷ When this was done the king's barber, Trypho, came and told him that Tiro had often tried to persuade him to cut his throat, when he trimmed him with the razor, with a promise that he would be among Alexander's principal friends and receive great rewards from him.
³⁸⁷ Barach

³⁸⁸ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντα συλλαμβάνειν κελεύει , καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα βάσανος ἦν τοῦ τε ΤίρωνοςTiro καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῦ κουρέως .
³⁸⁸ When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his son, and the barber should be tortured, which was done accordingly;	³⁸⁸ At this, the king had him arrested, and later had Tiro and his son and the barber put to the torture.
³⁸⁸ Barach

³⁸⁹ διακαρτεροῦντός τε τοῦ ΤίρωνοςTiro ὁρῶν ὁ νεανίσκος τὸν πατέρα χαλεπῶς μὲν ἤδη διακείμενον , ἔχοντα δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας αὑτῷ τε τὸ μέλλον ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὸν πάσχοντα δυσχερείας προῦπτον , ἔφη μηνύσειν τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν , εἰ παραιτήσεται διὰ τοῦ φράσαι τῆς βασάνου καὶ τῆς αἰκίας αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν πατέρα .
³⁸⁹ but while Tero bore up himself, his son seeing his father already in a sad case, and had no hope of deliverance, and perceiving what would be the consequence of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the truth.	³⁸⁹ During this, although Tiro himself bore up, his son seeing his father in a wretched state and with no hope of survival himself, and knowing what awful sufferings lay ahead, said that he would tell the king the truth if only he would spare him and his father from the torture in return.
³⁸⁹ Barach

³⁹⁰ δόντος δὲ πίστιν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔλεγεν ὡς εἴη τις συνθήκη ἐπιθέσθαι δι᾽ αὐτοχειρίας βασιλεῖ τὸν ΤίρωναTiro , προσελθεῖν γὰρ εὔπορον εἶναι μόνον μόνῳ καὶ δράσαντα παθεῖν τι τῶν εἰκότων οὐκ ἀγεννὲς ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander χαριζόμενον .
³⁹⁰ And when the king had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agreement made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favor of Alexander.	³⁹⁰ When he received a guarantee about this, he said it had been agreed for Tiro to assassinate the king, as he could easily come to him when he was alone, and that if he later died for it, as seemed likely, it would be a noble act done on behalf of Alexander.
³⁹⁰ Barach

³⁹¹ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνος εἰπὼν ἐξαιρεῖται τὸν πατέρα τῆς ἀνάγκης , ἄδηλον εἴτε τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν ἐκβιασθεὶς φράζειν , εἴτε κἂν παραγραφὴν νοήσας τινὰ ταύτην τῶν κακῶν αὐτῷ καὶ τῷ γεγεννηκότι .
³⁹¹ This was what Tero’s son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in; but uncertain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what was true, or whether it were a contrivance of his, in order to procure his own and his father’s deliverance from their miseries.	³⁹¹ This was what he said, to free his father from his plight, but what is uncertain is whether he had spoken the truth under compulsion, or whether it was something invented to save himself and his father from their predicament.
³⁹¹ Barach

³⁹² Ὁ δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod οὐδ᾽ εἴ τι πρότερον ἦν αὐτῷ ἐνδοιάσιμον περὶ τὴν‎ τεκνοκτονίαν τούτῳ τόπον ἢ χώραν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ καταλελοιπώς , ἀλλὰ πᾶν ἐξῃρημένος τὸ δυνησόμενον αὐτῷ μετάνοιαν ἀμείνονος λογισμοῦ παρασχεῖν ἔσπευσεν ἤδη τέλος ἐπιθεῖναι τῇ προαιρέσει .
³⁹² As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but he had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already made haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion.	³⁹² If Herod had previously had any doubts about killing his sons, there no longer room for them in his soul, for setting aside any inclination to think better of it, he hurried to carry out his decision.
³⁹² Barach

³⁹³ καὶ προαγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τριακοσίους τε τῶν ἡγεμόνων τοὺς ἐν αἰτίᾳ γενομένους καὶ τὸν ΤίρωναTiro σὺν τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τῷ πρὸ ἐκείνου διελέγχοντι κουρεῖ κατηγορίαν ἁπάντων αὐτῶν ἐποιήσατο .
³⁹³ He also brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused them before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them all;	³⁹³ He brought before the assembly three hundred of the officers who were charged, along with Tiro and his son and the barber who had denounced them, and indicted them all.
³⁹³ Barach

³⁹⁴ κἀκείνους μὲν τὸ πλῆθος ἀεὶ τοῖς παρατυχοῦσιν βάλλοντες ἀπέκτειναν . ἈλέξανδροςAlexander δὲ καὶ ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἀχθέντες εἰς ΣεβαστὴνSebaste ἐπιτάξαντος τοῦ πατρὸς στραγγάλῃ κτείνονται . τὰ δὲ σώματα νύκτωρ εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειονAlexandreion ἀπέθεντο τοῦ τε μητροπάτορος ἐκεῖ καὶ τῶν πλείστων αὐτοῖς προγόνων κειμένων .
³⁹⁴ whom the multitude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father’s command, and there strangled; but their dead bodies were in the night time carried to Alexandrium, where their uncle by the mother’s side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited.	³⁹⁴ The mob simply took up whatever came to hand and stoned them to death, and at their father's command Alexander and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste and strangled there, and their corpses were brought by night to Alexandreion, where their maternal uncle and most of their ancestors lay buried. But one may also wonder if the young men were culpable for giving their father so many reasons for anger over a period of time and so bringing his merciless vengeance on themselves.
³⁹⁴ Barach

³⁹⁵ Ἴσως μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἄλογον ἐνίοις καταφαίνεται τρεφόμενον ἐκ πολλοῦ τὸ μῖσος οὕτως αὐξηθῆναι καὶ περαιτέρω προελθὸν ἀπονικῆσαι τὴν‎ φύσιν . ἐπίστασις δὲ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν εἰκότως , εἴτε εἰς τοὺς νεανίσκους ἀνοιστέον τὴν‎ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν πρὸς αἰτίαν ἐνάγοντας τὸν πατέρα καὶ χρόνῳ παρασκευάσαντας ὑπὸ χαλεπότητος ἀνήκεστον αὐτοῖς ,
³⁹⁵ And now perhaps it may not seem unreasonable to some, that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed further, and overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consideration, whether it be to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occasion to their father’s anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on long in the same way put things past remedy, and brought him to use them so unmercifully;	³⁹⁵ Some may find it not unreasonable for a hatred so long nourished to finally increase to the extent of overcoming nature. But one may also wonder if the young men were culpable for giving their father so many reasons for anger over a period of time and so bringing his merciless vengeance on themselves.
³⁹⁵ Perhaps then, it seems not unreasonable to some that the hatred, being nourished for a long time, should thus grow and, having advanced further, should overcome nature. Barach

³⁹⁶ εἴτε καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον , ἀπαθῆ καὶ περιττὸν ὄντα περὶ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τῆς ἄλλης εὐδοξίας , ὡς μηδένα οἴεσθαι παραλειπτέον ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πᾶν τὸ βουλόμενον ἀνίκητον ἔχειν,
³⁹⁶ or whether it be to be laid to the father’s charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend to his glory, that tae would take no one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue immovable;	³⁹⁶ Perhaps, again, the blame was his, for being so dour and so obsessed with ruling and with everything concerning his reputation, that he would stop at nothing and wanted to continue having his way, unchallenged.
³⁹⁶ Or even against that man himself, since he was unswayed and excessive concerning the desire for power and other forms of glory, such that he considered no one ought to be overlooked concerning the goal of having everything he wished unconquerable.

³⁹⁷ ἢ καὶ τὴν‎ τύχην παντὸς εὐγνώμονος λογισμοῦ μείζω τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἐσχηκυῖαν , ὅθεν καὶ πειθόμεθα τὰς ἀνθρωπίνας πράξεις ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης προκαθωσιῶσθαι τῇ τοῦ γενέσθαι πάντως ἀνάγκῃ καὶ καλοῦμεν αὐτὴν εἱμαρμένην , ὡς οὐδενὸς ὄντος , ὃ μὴ δι᾽ αὐτὴν γίνεται .
³⁹⁷ or, indeed, whether fortune have not greater power than all prudent reasonings; whence we are persuaded that human actions are thereby determined beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her;	³⁹⁷ Or perhaps Fortune's power is above all intelligent explanation, and we should take the view that human actions are thereby decided in advance by the inevitable necessity we call Fate, so that there is nothing which is not done by her.
³⁹⁷ Barach

³⁹⁸ τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν λόγον ὡς μείζω πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀρκέσει κινεῖν ἡμῖν τε αὐτοῖς ἀποδιδόντας τι καὶ τὰς διαφορὰς τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων οὐκ ἀνυπευθύνους ποιοῦντας , ἃ πρὸ ἡμῶν ἤδη πεφιλοσόφηται καὶ τῷ νόμῳ .
³⁹⁸ wherefore I suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attribute somewhat to ourselves, and renders men not unaccountable for the different conducts of their lives, which notion is no other than the philosophical determination of our ancient law.	³⁹⁸ It is sufficient to compare this with the opposite notion which attributes things to ourselves and makes us accountable for the various conduct of our lives, which is the philosophical basis for our Law.
³⁹⁸ Barach

³⁹⁹ τῶν δὲ ἄλλων δύο τὸν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν παίδων μέμψαιτ᾽ ἄν τις αἰτίαν ὑπό τε αὐθαδείας νεωτερικῆς καὶ βασιλικῆς οἰήσεως , ὅτι καὶ διαβολῶν ἠνείχοντο κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τῶν πραττομένωνto do αὐτῷ περὶ τὸν βίον οὐκ εὐμενεῖς ἦσαν ἐξετασταί , καὶ κακοήθεις μὲν ὑπονοεῖν , ἀκρατεῖς δὲ λέγειν , εὐάλωται δὲ δι᾽ ἀμφότερα τοῖς ἐπιτηροῦσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ πρὸς χάριν καταμηνύουσιν .
³⁹⁹ Accordingly, of the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father, while certainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his life, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and revealed them to gain favor;	³⁹⁹ Of the other two causes we mentioned, one may blame the young men for acting out of youthful vanity and sense of royalty, ready to listen to allegations against their father, and certainly not fair in judging the actions of his life, but ill-natured in their suspicion and intemperate in speech and on both counts an easy prey to those who watched them and denounced them to gain favour.
³⁹⁹ Barach

⁴⁰⁰ ὁ μέντοι πατὴρ οὐδ᾽ ἐντροπῆς ἄξιος ἔοικεν φαίνεσθαι τοῦ περὶ ἐκείνους ἀσεβήματος , ὃς οὔτε πίστιν ἐπιβουλῆς ἐναργῆvisible λαβὼν οὔτε παρασκευὴν ἐπιχειρήσεως ἐλέγχειν ἔχων ἐτόλμησεν ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ φύντας , ἀρίστους μὲν τὰ σώματα καὶ περιποθήτους πᾶσιν τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις , οὐκ ἀποδέοντας δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν , εἴ που θηρᾶν ἢ γυμνάζεσθαι τὰ πολέμων ἢ λέγειν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμπεσόντων ἔδει .
⁴⁰⁰ yet cannot their father be thought worthy of excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bodies, and the great darlings of other men, and no way deficient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse;	⁴⁰⁰ On the other hand, their father cannot be excused for his horrific treatment of them, when, without any certain proof of a plot against him or evidence that they were planning it, he dared to kill his own sons, who were so handsome in body and so cherished by others and proficient in action, in hunting, or in military exercises, or in speaking about various topics.
⁴⁰⁰ Barach

⁴⁰¹ τούτων γὰρ ἁπάντων μετεῖχον , ἈλέξανδροςAlexander δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ὁ πρεσβύτερος · ἤρκει γάρ , εἰ καὶ κατέγνω , καὶ ζῶντας ὅμως ἐν δεσμοῖς ἢ ξενιτεύοντας ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχειν μεγάλην ἀσφάλειαν αὐτῷ περιβεβλημένῳ τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δύναμιν , δι᾽ ἣν οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ βίας παθεῖν ἐδύνατο .
⁴⁰¹ for in all these they were skillful, and especially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them alive in bonds, or to let them live at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by a sudden onset, or by open force;	⁴⁰¹ In all these they were skilled, especially the elder of them, Alexander. Even if he condemned them, it would have sufficed to keep them alive in chains, or to let them live in exile, far from his dominions, while he had the strong security of Roman forces around him, to protect him from any attack or violence.
⁴⁰¹ Barach

⁴⁰² τὸ δ᾽ ἀποκτεῖναι ταχὺ καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν τοῦ νικῶντος αὐτὸν πάθους ἀσεβείας τεκμήριον ἀνυποτιμήτου Καὶ τῆς ἡλικίας οὔσης ἐν γήρᾳ τοσοῦτον ἐξήμαρτεν .
⁴⁰² but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to gratify a passion that governed him, was a demonstration of insufferable impiety. He also was guilty of so great a crime in his older age;	⁴⁰² But to kill them hastily, simply to gratify his fierce passion, was a woeful act of impiety especially as this crime was committed in his old age.
⁴⁰² Barach

⁴⁰³ ἥ γε μὴν παρολκὴ καὶ τὸ χρονίζον οὐκ ἂν αὐτῷ συγγνώμην τινὰ φέροι · ταχὺ μὲν γὰρ ἐκπλαγέντα καὶ κεκινημένον χωρῆσαι πρός τι τῶν ἀτόπων , εἰ καὶ δυσχερές , ἀλλ᾽ ἀεὶ συμβαῖνον , ἐν ἐπιστάσει δὲ καὶ μήκει πολλάκις μὲν ὁρμηθέντα πολλάκις δὲ μελλήσαντα τὸ τελευταῖον ὑποστῆναι καὶ διαπράξασθαι , φονώσης καὶ δυσμετακινήτου ψυχῆς ἀπὸ τῶν χειρόνων .
⁴⁰³ nor will the delays that he made, and the length of time in which the thing was done, plead at all for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet is it a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from that which is evil.	⁴⁰³ Nor can he be excused because of the postponements or the length of time over which it was done, since a man may be excused for committing a crime, even a major one, when he is suddenly caught off guard and troubled in mind, but to do so after reflection and frequent impulses and as many delays, and then finally carry it out, was the act of a murderous mind not easily turned aside from evil.
⁴⁰³ Barach

⁴⁰⁴ ἐδήλωσεν δὲ καὶ τοῖς αὖθις οὐκ ἀποσχόμενος οὐδὲ τῶν περιλοίπων ὅσους ἐδόκει φιλτάτους , ἐφ᾽ οἷς τὸ μὲν δίκαιον ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἐποίει συμπαθεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀπολλυμένους , τὸ δ᾽ ὠμὸν ὅμοιον ἦν τὸ μηδὲ ἐκείνων φεισάμενον . διέξιμεν δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἑξῆς ἀφηγούμενοι .
⁴⁰⁴ And this temper he showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the justice of the punishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter.	⁴⁰⁴ He showed the same mindset elsewhere, not sparing others who seemed his closest friends, and if the justice in those cases caused those who died to be less pitied, his savagery was such that he did not refrain from killing them either. We shall have occasion to talk more of these, later.
⁴⁰⁴ Barach

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 16

Herod, up to the execution of Aristobulus and Alexander

Chapter 1 [001-11] Herod against thievery. Mariamne's sons indicted; Herod assigns them wives

Chapter 2 [012-065] Herod sails to meet Agrippa, and maintain Roman favour. Agrippa avenges the Ionians against the Greeks

Chapter 3 [066-086] Salome plots against Mariamne's sons. Herod prefers Antipater over them; they are enraged

Chapter 4 [087-135] Before Augustus, Herod accuses Mariamne's sons of disloyalty. Alexander's defence, and reconciliation with his father

Chapter 5 [136-159] Herodian games, to celebrate the completion of Caesarea-Sebaste. His magnificent building projects

Chapter 6 [160-178] Some Jews appeal to Rome. They are supported by Caesar and Agrippa

Chapter 7 [179-228] Herod's historian conceals his robbery of David's tomb. Dissension increases in Herod's family

Chapter 8 [229-270] Herod imprisons his son Alexander. They are reconciled through Archelaus, king of Cappadocia.

Chapter 9 [271-299] Trachonitis revolts against Herod's rule. Accused before Caesar, he sends an advocate to Rome

Chapter 10 [300-355] Further accusations of Herod's sons, by the Spartan, Eurycles.

Chapter 11 [356-404] Trial and execution of Herod's sons, Aristobulus and Alexander

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 16