FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, Jewish War<br>Book 7

After the fall of Jerusalem

Chapter 1	Jerusalem is demolished. Titus thanks and rewards his soldiers
Chapter 2	Games in Caesarea Philippi. Simon is held for the triumph in Rome
Chapter 3	Titus has many captives killed. Danger to the Jews in Antioch
Chapter 4	Vespasian's welcome in Rome; Germans and Sarmatians revolt
Chapter 5	A strange river in Syria; Triumph of Titus and Vespasian, in Rome
Chapter 6	Lucilius Bassus captures Machaerus and other places
Chapter 7	Ruin of Commagene king. Alans ravage the Medes and Armenians
Chapter 8	Masada besieged by Silva. Eleazar's speeches to the besieged
Chapter 9	The people in Masada, persuaded by Eleazar, agree to kill each other
Chapter 10	Sicarii flee to Alexandria, putting its Jewish community at risk
Chapter 11	Jonathan stirs up rebellion in Cyrene and accuses the innocent.

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese's edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
Jerusalem is demolished.
Titus thanks and rewards his soldiers

☞

¹ Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ οὔτε φονεύειν οὔτε διαρπάζειν εἶχεν ἡ στρατιὰ πάντων τοῖς θυμοῖς ἐπιλειπόντων, οὐ γὰρ δή γε φειδοῖ τινος ἔμελλον ἀφέξεσθαι δρᾶν ἔχοντες, κελεύει ἤδη τήν τε πόλιν ἅπασαν καὶ τὸν νεὼν κατασκάπτειν, πύργους μὲν ὅσοι τῶν ἄλλων ὑπερανειστήκεσαν καταλιπόντας, , τεῖχος δ᾽ ὅσον ἦν ἐξ ἑσπέρας τὴν‎ πόλιν περιέχον,

¹ Since the army had no one left to kill or plunder—for their rage lacked objects to vent upon, and they certainly would not have held back from any action had they the opportunity—Caesar [Titus] now ordered the entire city and the Temple to be razed to the ground, leaving only the towers that rose highest, namely Phasael, Hippicus, and Mariamme, and as much of the wall as enclosed the city on the west side.^[1]

¹ Now, as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other such work to be done) Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the west side.

¹ When the army had no one left to kill or plunder, since none were left on whom to vent their fury, and any survivors would not have been spared, Caesar ordered them to demolish the entire city and temple, and leave standing only the highest of the towers: Phasael and Hippicus and Mariamne, and the part of the wall enclosing the city on the west side.

^[1]September 70 AD

² τοῦτο μέν, ὅπως εἴη τοῖς ὑπολειφθησομένοις φρουροῖς στρατόπεδον, τοὺς πύργους δέ, ἵνα τοῖς ἔπειτα σημαίνωσιν οἵας πόλεως καὶ τίνα τρόπον ὀχυρᾶς οὕτως ἐκράτησεν ἡ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀνδραγαθία.	² This portion of the wall was spared to serve as an encampment for the garrison that was to be left behind, while the towers were spared to demonstrate to future generations what kind of city it was, and how fortified, that the valor of the Romans had nonetheless overcome.
² This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison, as were the towers also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued;	² This wall was spared as a place of encampment for those who were to remain as garrison, and the towers were spared to show to descendants that a well fortified city had been subdued by Roman bravery.

³ Τὸν δ᾽ ἄλλον ἅπαντα τῆς πόλεως περίβολον οὕτως ἐξωμάλισαν οἱ κατασκάπτοντες, ὡς μηδεπώποτ᾽ οἰκηθῆναι πίστιν ἂν ἔτι παρασχεῖν τοῖς προσελθοῦσι.	³ The rest of the entire circuit of the city was so thoroughly leveled by those performing the demolition that it would never again offer a reason for visitors to believe it had once been inhabited.
³ but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it had ever been inhabited.	³ All the rest of the wall was so fully flattened to the ground by digging it to its foundation, that nothing was left to give visitors an impression it had ever been inhabited.

⁴ Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τὸ τέλος ἐκ τῆς τῶν νεωτερισάντων ἀνοίας ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἐγένετο, λαμπρᾷ τε πόλει καὶ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις διαβοηθείσῃ.	⁴ This was the end brought upon Jerusalem by the madness of the revolutionaries—a city of great magnificence and famous among all mankind.
⁴ This was the end which Jerusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind.	⁴ This was the end that the madness of the rebels brought on Jerusalem, that magnificent city famed among all mankind.

⁵ δὲ φυλακὴν μὲν αὐτόθι καταλιπεῖν ἔγνω τῶν ταγμάτων τὸ δέκατον καί τινας ἴλας ἱππέων καὶ λόχους πεζῶν, πάντα δ᾽ ἤδη τὰ τοῦ πολέμου διῳκηκὼς ἐπαινέσαι τε σύμπασαν ἐπόθει τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασιν καὶ τὰ προσήκοντα γέρα τοῖς ἀριστεύσασιν ἀποδοῦναι.

⁵ Caesar decided to leave the Tenth Legion there as a guard, along with certain troops of horsemen and companies of foot-soldiers; and having now settled all matters of the war, he desired to commend the whole army for their achievements and to bestow the appropriate rewards upon those who had excelled in bravery.

⁵ But Caesar resolved to leave there, as a guard, the tenth legion, with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So, having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend his whole army, on account of the great exploits they had performed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as had signalized themselves therein.

⁵ Caesar resolved to leave the tenth legion there to guard it, along with some cavalry and infantry troops. Then, having entirely settled matters regarding the war, he wished to praise his whole army for their exploits in it and to properly reward those who had distinguished themselves.

⁶ Ποιηθέντος οὖν αὐτῷ μεγάλου κατὰ μέσην τὴν‎ πρότερον παρεμβολὴν βήματος, καταστὰς ἐπὶ τοῦτο μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων εἰς ἐπήκοον ἁπάσῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ ἔλεγε χάριν μὲν πολλὴν ἔχειν αὐτοῖς τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας, ᾗ χρώμενοι διατελοῦσιν·

⁶ Accordingly, a great tribunal was erected for him in the midst of his former camp, and standing upon it with his commanders, where he could be heard by the whole army, he spoke, expressing great thanks for the goodwill they had continually shown toward him.

⁶ He had therefore a great tribunal made for him in the midst of the place where he had formerly encamped, and stood upon it with his principal commanders about him, and spake so as to be heard by the whole army in the manner following:—

⁶ For this he had a great tribunal erected in the middle of the place of his former camp and stood upon it surrounded by his chief officers and spoke so as to be heard by the whole army, thanking them handsomely for the goodwill they had shown him.

⁷ δὲ τῆς ἐν παντὶ πολέμῳ πειθαρχίας, ἣν ἐν πολλοῖς καὶ μεγάλοις κινδύνοις ἅμα τῇ κατὰ σφᾶς ἀνδρείᾳ παρέσχον, τῇ μὲν πατρίδι καὶ δι᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ κράτος αὔξοντες, φανερὸν δὲ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις καθιστάντες, ὅτι μήτε πλῆθος πολεμίων μήτε χωρίων ὀχυρότητες ἢ μεγέθη πόλεων ἢ τῶν ἀντιτεταγμένων ἀλόγιστοι τόλμαι καὶ θηριώδεις ἀγριότητες δύναιντ᾽ ἄν ποτε τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν διαφυγεῖν, κἂν εἰς πολλά τινες τὴν‎ τύχην εὕρωνται συναγωνιζομένην.

⁷ He praised them for their discipline throughout the whole war, which they had maintained through many great dangers alongside their personal courage, thereby increasing the power of their fatherland through their own deeds, and making it clear to all men that neither the numbers of enemies, nor the strength of fortresses, nor the size of cities, nor the reckless daring and beast-like ferocity of their opponents could ever escape the Roman virtue—even if some found Fortune to be fighting on their side for a time.

⁷ That he returned them abundance of thanks for their goodwill which they had showed to him: he commended them for that ready obedience they had exhibited in this whole war, which obedience had appeared in the many and great dangers which they had courageously undergone; as also for that courage they had shown, and had thereby augmented of themselves their country’s power, and had made it evident to all men, that neither the multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of their places, nor the largeness of their cities, nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get clear of the Roman valor, although some of them may have fortune in many respects on their side.

⁷ In particular he commended them for their prompt obedience during this whole war, through the many great dangers they had bravely endured, and for the courage they had shown. By this, not only had they increased their country's power but also they had made clear to all mankind that neither the number of the enemy, nor the strength of their places, nor the size of their cities, nor the rash audacity and brutish rage of their fighters could ever prevail over Roman bravery, even if some of them often seemed to have fortune on their side.

⁸ Καλὸν μὲν οὖν ἔφη καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος αὐτοὺς ἐπιθεῖναι πολλῷ χρόνῳ γενομένῳ· μηδὲ γὰρ εὔξασθαί τι τούτων ἄμεινον, ὅτ᾽when εἰς αὐτὸν καθίσταντο·	⁸ He said it was a fine thing for them to have brought a conclusion to a war that had lasted so long, for they could not have prayed for anything better than this when they first entered into it.
⁸ He said further, that it was but reasonable for them to put an end to this war, now it had lasted so long, for that they had nothing better to wish for when they entered into it;	⁸ It was a fine thing to put an end to this long war, in a manner better than they could have wished for when they began it.

⁹ τούτου δὲ κάλλιον αὐτοῖς καὶ λαμπρότερον ὑπάρχειν, ὅτι τοὺς ἡγησομένους καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιτροπεύσοντας αὐτῶν χειροτονησάντων εἴς τε τὴν‎ πατρίδα προπεμψάντων ἄσμενοι πάντες προσίενται καὶ τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐγνωσμένοις ἐμμένουσι, χάριν ἔχοντες τοῖς ἑλομένοις.

⁹ But he added that something even more beautiful and glorious for them existed: the fact that those they had elected and sent back to the fatherland to lead and take charge of the Roman Empire [Vespasian] were being welcomed by all with joy, and that everyone was abiding by their decisions and feeling grateful to those who had chosen them.

⁹ and that this happened more favorably for them, and more for their glory, that all the Romans had willingly accepted of those for their governors, and the curators of their dominions, whom they had chosen for them, and had sent into their own country for that purpose, which still continued under the management of those whom they had pitched on, and were thankful to them for pitching upon them.

⁹ Even finer and more glorious was the fact that their officers whom they had chosen to assume the government of the Roman empire and sent into their own country for that purpose, were being greeted and acknowledged with thankfulness by the population.

¹⁰ Θαυμάζειν μὲν οὖν ἔφη πάντας καὶ ἀγαπᾶν, εἰδὼς ὅτι τοῦ δυνατοῦ τὴν‎ προθυμίαν οὐδεὶς ἔσχε βραδυτέραν·	¹⁰ He said, therefore, that he admired and loved them all, knowing that no one’s readiness had been slower than his ability allowed.
¹⁰ That accordingly, although he did both admire and tenderly regard them all, because he knew that every one of them had gone as cheerfully about their work as their abilities and opportunities would give them leave;	¹⁰ Therefore he admired and appreciated them all, knowing that each of them had gone diligently about their work to the full extent of their abilities.

¹¹ τοῖς μέντοι διαπρεπέστερον ἀγωνισαμένοις ὑπὸ πλείονος καὶ τὸν μὲν αὑτῶν βίον ἀριστείαις κεκοσμηκόσι, τὴν‎ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ στρατείαν ἐπιφανεστέραν διὰ τῶν κατορθωμάτων πεποιηκόσιν ἔφη τὰ γέρα καὶ τὰς τιμὰς εὐθὺς ἀποδώσειν, καὶ μηδένα τῶν πλέον πονεῖν ἑτέρου θελησάντων τῆς δικαίας ἀμοιβῆς ἁμαρτήσεσθαι.

¹¹ However, to those who had fought more distinguishedly with greater strength, and had adorned their own lives with deeds of excellence while making his campaign more illustrious through their successes, he said he would immediately bestow rewards and honors; and no one who had been willing to labor more than another would miss out on a just reward.

¹¹ yet, he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and dignities on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force, and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner, and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits; and that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another should miss of a just retribution for the same;

¹¹ He would however, grant special rewards to those who had fought with distinction and whose exploits had won fame not only for themselves but also for his army. He said he would bestow these rewards and honours immediately, and no one who had been willing to make a greater effort than others would fail to be properly rewarded.

¹² Πλείστην γὰρ αὐτῷ τούτου γενήσεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν, ἐπεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐθέλειν τὰς ἀρετὰς τιμᾶν τῶν συστρατευομένων ἢ κολάζειν τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας.	¹² For he said he would take the greatest care in this matter, since he was more inclined to honor the virtues of his fellow soldiers than to punish those who committed faults.
¹² for that he had been exceedingly careful about this matter, and that the more, because he had much rather reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers than punish such as had offended.	¹² He would be very careful about this for he much preferred to reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers than to punish those who had offended.

¹³ Εὐθέως οὖν ἐκέλευσεν ἀναγινώσκειν τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦτο τεταγμένοις ὅσοι τι λαμπρὸν ἦσαν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατωρθωκότες.	¹³ Immediately, then, he ordered those appointed for the task to read out the names of all who had achieved some brilliant success in the war.
¹³ Hereupon Titus ordered those whose business it was to read the list of all that had performed great exploits in this war,	¹³ He immediately ordered those in charge to read the list of all who had performed any spectacular exploit in this war.

¹⁴ Καὶ κατ᾽ ὄνομα καλῶν τε παριόντας ὡς ἂν ὑπερευφραινόμενός τις ἐπ᾽ οἰκείοις κατορθώμασι καὶ στεφάνους ἐπετίθει χρυσοῦς, περιαυχένιά τε χρυσᾶ καὶ δόρατα μικρὰ χρυσᾶ καὶ σημαίας ἐδίδου πεποιημένας ἐξ ἀργύρου,

¹⁴ Calling them by name, he praised them as they came forward, as if he were someone rejoicing exceedingly in his own successes; he placed golden crowns upon them, gave them golden neck-chains, small golden spears, and banners made of silver.

¹⁴ whom he called to him by their names, and commended them before the company, and rejoiced in them in the same manner as a man would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He also put on their heads crowns of gold, and golden ornaments about their necks, and gave them long spears of gold, and ensigns that were made of silver,

¹⁴ Calling each of them to him by name he commended them before the company and congratulated them as heartily as a man would have rejoiced in his own exploits, placing crowns of gold on their heads and golden ornaments about their necks and giving them long spears of gold,

¹⁵ καὶ τὴν‎ ἑκάστου τάξιν ἤλλαττεν εἰς τὸ κρεῖττον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κἀκ τῶν λαφύρων ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσὸν ἐσθῆτάς τε καὶ τῆς ἄλλης αὐτοῖς ΛείαςLeah δαψιλῶς ἀπένειμε.	¹⁵ He also promoted each of them to a higher rank; and furthermore, from the spoils, he lavishly distributed among them silver, gold, garments, and other booty.
¹⁵ and removed every one of them to a higher rank; and besides this, he plentifully distributed among them, out of the spoils, and the other prey they had taken, silver, and gold, and garments.	¹⁵ and ensigns made of silver, and promoting each of them to a higher rank. Besides, out of the spoils and the other booty they had taken, he assigned them a generous amount of silver and gold and clothing.

¹⁶ Πάντων δὲ τετιμημένων ὅπως αὐτὸς ἕκαστον ἠξίωσε, τῇ συμπάσῃ στρατιᾷ ποιησάμενος εὐχὰς ἐπὶ πολλῇ κατέβαινεν εὐφημίᾳ τρέπεταί τε πρὸς θυσίας ἐπινικίους, καὶ πολλοῦ βοῶν πλήθους τοῖς βωμοῖς παρεστηκότος καταθύσας πάντας τῇ στρατιᾷ διαδίδωσιν εἰς εὐωχίαν.

¹⁶ When everyone had been honored according to what he deemed they deserved, he offered prayers for the whole army and descended amidst great acclaim; he then turned to the victory sacrifices, and a great multitude of oxen being stationed by the altars, he sacrificed them all and distributed them to the army for a feast.

¹⁶ So when they had all these honors bestowed on them, according to his own appointment made to every one, and he had wished all sorts of happiness to the whole army, he came down, among the great acclamations which were made to him, and then betook himself to offer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood ready at the altars, and distributed them among the army to feast on.

¹⁶ When they all had been honoured according as he deemed them worthy, and he had prayed for prosperity for the whole army, he came down amid great acclamations and went to offer the victory sacrifice. After many oxen had been offered at the altars he distributed them to the soldiers for a feast.

¹⁷ Αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς ἐν τέλει τρεῖς ἡμέρας συνεορτάσας τὴν‎ μὲν ἄλλην στρατιὰν διαφίησιν ᾗ καλῶς εἶχεν ἑκάστους ἀπιέναι, τῷ δεκάτῳ δὲ τάγματι τὴν‎ τῶν ἐπέτρεψε φυλακὴν οὐκέτι αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ἀποστείλας, ἔνθα πρότερον ἦσαν.

¹⁷ After celebrating with his officers for three days, he dismissed the rest of the army to wherever it was appropriate for each to go, but he assigned the Tenth Legion to guard Jerusalem, not sending them back to the Euphrates where they had been before.

¹⁷ And when he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the several places where they would be every one best situated; but permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been before.

¹⁷ While he himself stayed on for three days of celebration with his chief officers, he sent away the rest of his army to their various appropriate places, leaving the tenth legion as a garrison to Jerusalem and not sending them back across the Euphrates, where they had been before.

¹⁸ Μεμνημένος δὲ τοῦ δωδεκάτου τάγματος, ὅτι στρατηγοῦντος ἐνέδωκαν τοῖς , τῆς μὲν αὐτὸ παντάπασιν , ἦν γὰρ τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν , εἰς δὲ τὴν‎ καλουμένην ἀπέστειλε· παρὰ τὸν ἐν μεθορίοις τῆς ἐστὶ καὶ .

¹⁸ Remembering the Twelfth Legion—because under the command of Cestius they had given way to the Jews—he expelled them from Syria entirely (for they were previously stationed at Raphanea) and sent them to the place called Melitene, which is by the Euphrates on the borders of Armenia and Cappadocia.

¹⁸ And as he remembered that the twelfth legion had given way to the Jews, under Cestius their general, he expelled them out of all Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea, and sent them away to a place called Meletine, near Euphrates, which is in the limits of Armenia and Cappadocia;

¹⁸ Remembering how the twelfth legion under Cestius had given way to the Jews, he expelled them from Syria altogether, for they had formerly been stationed in Raphanea, and sent them away to a place called Melitene, near the Euphrates, on the borders of Armenia and Cappadocia.

¹⁹ Δύο δὲ ἠξίωσεν αὐτῷ μέχρι τῆς εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀφίξεως, τὸ πέμπτον καὶ τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον, παραμένειν.	¹⁹ But he saw fit to have two legions, the Fifth and the Fifteenth, remain with him until his arrival in Egypt.
¹⁹ he also thought fit that two of the legions should stay with him till he should go to Egypt.	¹⁹ He also decided to keep two of the legions, the fifth and the fifteenth, with him until his departure to Egypt.

²⁰ Καὶ καταβὰς ἅμα τῷ στρατῷ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ εἰς ταύτην τό τε πλῆθος τῶν λαφύρων ἀπέθετο καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους προσέταξεν ἐν αὐτῇ φυλάττεσθαι· τὸν γὰρ εἰς τὴν‎ πλοῦν ὁ χειμὼν ἐκώλυε.

²⁰ And having gone down with his army to Caesarea on the sea [Caesarea Maritima], he deposited there the mass of the spoils and commanded that the prisoners be kept under guard in that city; for the winter prevented his sailing to Italy.

²⁰ He then went down with his army to that Caesarea which lay by the seaside, and there laid up the rest of his spoils in great quantities, and gave order that the captives should be kept there; for the winter season hindered him them from sailing into Italy.

²⁰ Then going down with his army to Caesarea-on-sea he deposited the bulk of his spoils there and ordered the captives to be kept there, because the winter season prevented any sailing to Italy.

Chapter 2
Games in Caesarea Philippi.
Simon is held for the triumph in Rome

☜ ☞

²¹ Καθ᾽ ὃ δὲ καιροῦ ΤίτοςTitus ΚαῖσαρCaesar τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem πολιορκῶν προσήδρευεν, ἐν τούτῳ νεὼς φορτίδος ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian ἐπιβὰς ἀπὸ τῆς ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria εἰς ῬόδονRhodes διέβαινεν.	²¹ At the same time that Titus Caesar was occupied with the siege of Jerusalem, Vespasian had embarked on a merchant vessel and was crossing from Alexandria to Rhodes.
²¹ Now, at the same time that Titus Caesar lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian go on board a merchantship and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes;	²¹ While Titus Caesar pressed on with the siege of Jerusalem, Vespasian got on board a merchant ship and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes.

²² Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ πλέων ἐπὶ τριήρων καὶ πάσας τὰς ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ πόλεις ἐπελθὼν εὐκταίως αὐτὸν δεχομένας, ἀπὸ τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ περαιοῦται κἀκεῖθεν ἀπὸ ἐπ᾽ ἄκραν , ὅθεν ἤδη κατὰ γῆν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν‎ πορείαν.

²² Sailing from there on triremes and visiting all the cities along the coast, which received him with prayers and rejoicing, he crossed from Ionia into Greece, and from there from Corcyra to the Iapygian promontory, from where he continued his journey by land.

²² whence he sailed away in ships with three rows of oars; and as he touched at several cities that lay in his road, he was joyfully received by them all, and so passed over from Ionia into Greece; whence he set sail from Corcyra to the promontory of Iapyx, whence he took his journey by land.

²² From there he sailed in a trireme, and as he called in at several cities on his voyage, he was joyfully received by all and so crossed from Ionia to Greece, and from Corfu to the Iapygean peninsula, from which he continued his journey overland.

²³ ΤίτοςTitus δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ ΚαισαρείαςCaesarea ἀναζεύξας εἰς τὴν‎ ΦιλίππουPhilip καλουμένην ΚαισάρειανCaesarea ἧκε συχνόν	²³ Titus, meanwhile, set out from Caesarea-on-the-sea and came to the place called Caesarea Philippi, where he remained for a considerable time, performing all kinds of spectacles.
²³ But as for Titus, he marched from that Caesarea which lay by the seaside, and came to that which is named Caesarea Philippi, and staid there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there.	²³ Titus marched from Caesarea-on-sea and came to the place named Caesarea Philippi, where he stayed a long time and put on all sorts of shows.

²⁴ τ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ χρόνον ἐπέμεινεν παντοίας θεωρίας ἐπιτελῶν καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἐνταῦθα διεφθάρησαν, οἱ μὲν θηρίοις παραβληθέντες, οἱ δὲ κατὰ πληθὺν ἀλλήλοις ἀναγκαζόμενοι χρήσασθαι πολεμίοις.	²⁴ Many of the captives were destroyed there; some were thrown to wild beasts, while others were forced to fight one another in great numbers as enemies.^[1]
²⁴ And here a great number of the captives were destroyed, some being thrown to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill one another, as if they were their enemies.	²⁴ Here many of the captives were killed, some being thrown to wild beasts and many others forced to kill each other like enemies.

^[1]These were the gladitorial games where captives were forced to fight one another or face wild beasts.

²⁵ Ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὴν‎ ΣίμωνοςSimon τοῦ ΓιώραGioras σύλληψιν ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire τοῦτον γενομένην τὸν τρόπον.	²⁵ It was here that he learned of the capture of Simon, the son of Gioras, which happened in the following manner.
²⁵ And here it was that Titus was informed of the seizure of Simon the son of Gioras, which was made after the manner following:	²⁵ Titus was told about the capture of Simon the son of Gioras, which happened as follows.

²⁶ οὗτος πολιορκουμένων ἐπὶ τῆς ἄνω πόλεως ὤν, ἐπεὶ τῶν τειχῶν ἐντὸς ἡ στρατιὰ γενομένη πᾶσαν ἐπόρθει τὴν‎ πόλιν, τότε τῶν φίλων τοὺς πιστοτάτους παραλαβὼν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς λιθοτόμους τε καὶ τὸν πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐργασίαν ἐπιτήδειον τούτοις σίδηρον τροφήν τε διαρκεῖν εἰς πολλὰς ἡμέρας δυναμένην, σὺν ἐκείνοις ἅπασι καθίησιν αὑτὸν εἴς τινα τῶν ἀφανῶν ὑπονόμων.

²⁶ This Simon, while Jerusalem was being besieged, was in the Upper City; but when the Roman army got inside the walls and was plundering the whole city, he took the most faithful of his friends, along with stone-cutters and the iron tools necessary for their work, and food enough to last for many days, and let himself down with all of them into one of the hidden underground tunnels.^[1]

²⁶ This Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was in the upper city; but when the Roman army was gotten within the walls, and were laying the city waste, he then took the most faithful of his friends with him, and among them some that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools which belonged to their occupation, and as great a quantity of provisions as would suffice them for a long time, and let himself and all them down into a certain subterraneous cavern that was not visible above ground.

²⁶ During the siege of Jerusalem, this Simon had occupied the upper city, but when the Roman army got inside the ramparts and were destroying the city, he took his most faithful friends, with some stone-masons among them, with the iron tools belonging to their trade and enough provisions to last them a long time and they all let themselves down into a subterranean cave that was not visible from above ground.

^[1]Archaeology has confirmed Josephus's account. During excavations in the City of David and near the Western Wall, archaeologists discovered a massive 2,000-year-old drainage tunnel where many rebels hid. They even found cooking pots and coins from the Great Revolt inside.

²⁷ Καὶ μέχρι μὲν ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν ὄρυγμα, προυχώρουν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎, τῆς στερεᾶς δὲ γῆς ὑπαντώσης ταύτην ὑπενόμευον, ἐλπίδι τοῦ πορρωτέρω δυνήσεσθαι προελθόντες ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ ποιησάμενοι τὴν‎ ἀνάδυσιν ἀποσώζεσθαι.

²⁷ As long as the old excavation lasted, they advanced through it; but when they met with solid earth, they began to mine through it, in the hope that they would be able to proceed further and, having made their emergence in a safe place, secure their escape.

²⁷ Now, so far as had been digged of old, they went onward along it without disturbance; but where they met with solid earth, they dug a mine under ground, and this in hopes that they should be able to proceed so far as to rise from under ground in a safe place, and by that means escape.

²⁷ They went forward easily along it as far as it had already been dug, but where they met with solid earth, they mined through it, in the hope of being able to get far enough away to come up in safety and so escape.

²⁸ Ψευδῆ δὲ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα διήλεγχεν ἡ πεῖρα τῶν ἔργων· ὀλίγον τε γὰρ μόλις προύβαινον οἱ μεταλλεύοντες, ἥ τε τροφὴ καίτοι ταμιευομένοις ἔμελλεν ἐπιλείψειν.	²⁸ But the experience of the work proved their hope to be false; for the miners advanced only a little and with difficulty, and the food, even though they rationed it, was about to fail.
²⁸ But when they came to make the experiment, they were disappointed of their hope; for the miners could make but small progress, and that with difficulty also; insomuch that their provisions, though they distributed them by measure, began to fail them.	²⁸ But in the event it proved a false hope, for the miners were with difficulty able to make but little progress, so that even though they rationed them, their provisions began to run out.

²⁹ Τότε δὴ τοίνυν ὡς δι᾽ ἀπατῆσαι τοὺς δυνησόμενος λευκοὺς ἐνδιδύσκει χιτωνίσκους καὶ πορφυρᾶν ἐμπερονησάμενος χλανίδα κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον, ἐν ᾧ τὸ ἱερὸν ἦν πρόσθεν, ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀνεφάνη.

²⁹ Then, thinking he could deceive the Romans by means of a startling appearance, he put on white tunics and fastened a purple cloak over them with buckles, and at that very place where the Temple had formerly stood, he appeared up out of the ground.

²⁹ And now Simon, thinking he might be able to astonish and delude the Romans, put on a white frock, and buttoned upon him a purple cloak, and appeared out of the ground in the place where the temple had formerly been.

²⁹ Then, thinking he might be able to shock and mislead the Romans, Simon dressed in a white robe and wrapped a purple cloak around him and appeared out of the ground where the temple had formerly stood.

³⁰ Τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον τοῖς ἰδοῦσι θάμβος προσέπεσε καὶ κατὰ χώραν ἔμενον, ἔπειτα δ᾽ ἐγγυτέρω προσελθόντες ὅστις ἐστὶν ἤροντο.	³⁰ At first, those who saw him were struck with amazement and remained fixed to the spot; but afterwards, they approached closer and asked who he was.
³⁰ At the first, indeed, those that saw him were greatly astonished, and stood still where they were; but afterward they came nearer to him, and asked him who he was.	³⁰ At first, indeed, those who saw him were amazed and stayed where they were, but later they approached and asked him who he was.

³¹ Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐδήλου αὐτοῖς, καλεῖν δὲ τὸν ἡγεμόνα προσέταττεν. Καὶ ταχέως πρὸς αὐτὸν δραμόντων ἧκεν · οὗτος γὰρ ἄρχων τῆς στρατιᾶς κατελέλειπτο· τε παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν τὸν μὲν ἐφύλαττε δεδεμένον, δ᾽ ὅπως εἴη συνειλημμένος ἐδήλου.

³¹ Simon would not reveal this to them, but ordered them to call the commander. When they had quickly run to him, Terentius Rufus came—for he had been left in command of the force. After learning the whole truth from him, Rufus kept him in bonds and informed Caesar how he had been captured.

³¹ Now Simon would not tell them, but bid them call for their captain; and when they ran to call him, Terentius Rufus, who was left to command the army there, came to Simon, and learned of him the whole truth, and kept him in bonds, and let Caesar know that he was taken.

³¹ Simon would not tell them, but had them call their captain, and when they ran to call him, Terentius Rufus soon arrived. He was commander of the army there, and got the whole truth from him and put him in chains, letting Caesar know that he had been captured.

³² ΣίμωναSimon μὲν οὖν εἰς δίκην τῆς κατὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ὠμότητος, ὧν πικρῶς αὐτὸς ἐτυράννησεν, ὑπὸ τοῖς μάλιστα μισοῦσι πολεμίοις ἐποίησεν ὁ θεός,	³² Thus God brought Simon under the power of his most hated enemies to pay the penalty for his cruelty toward his fellow citizens, over whom he had tyrannized so bitterly.
³² Thus did God bring this man to be punished for what bitter and savage tyranny he had exercised against his countrymen by those who were his worst enemies;	³² That is how God had Simon punished by his worst enemies, for the bitter, savage way he had tyrannized his countrymen.

³³ οὐ βίᾳ γενόμενον αὐτοῖς ὑποχείριον, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτὸν ἑκουσίως εἰς τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν παραβαλόντα, δι᾽ ὃ πολλοὺς αὐτὸς ὠμῶς ἀπέκτεινε ψευδεῖς αἰτίας ἐπιφέρων τῆς πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans μεταβολῆς.	³³ He was not brought into their hands by force, but voluntarily cast himself into punishment; for this reason [God punished him], because he himself had cruelly put many to death by bringing false charges of deserting to the Romans.
³³ and this while he was not subdued by violence, but voluntarily delivered himself up to them to be punished, and that on the very same account that he had laid false accusations against many Jews, as if they were falling away to the Romans, and had barbarously slain them;	³³ Though not subdued by force, he freely surrendered to be punished, he who had wrongly accused and killed so many Jews for turning to the Romans.

³⁴ Οὐδὲ γὰρ διαφεύγει πονηρία θεοῦ χόλον, οὐδὲ ἀσθενὴς ἡ δίκη, χρόνῳ δὲ μέτεισι τοὺς εἰς αὐτὴν παρανομήσαντας καὶ χείρω τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν ἐπιφέρει τοῖς πονηροῖς, ὅτι καὶ προσεδόκησαν αὐτῆς ἀπηλλάχθαι μὴ παραυτίκα κολασθέντες. ἔγνω τοῦτο καὶ εἰς τὰς ὀργὰς ἐμπεσών.

³⁴ For wickedness does not escape the wrath of God, nor is Justice weak; in time, she pursues those who have transgressed against her and brings a heavier punishment upon the wicked because they expected to have escaped it by not being punished immediately. Simon learned this when he fell into the hands of the angry Romans.

³⁴ for wicked actions do not escape the Divine anger, nor is justice too weak to punish offenders, but in time overtakes those that transgress its laws, and inflicts its punishments upon the wicked in a manner, so much more severe, as they expected to escape it on account of their not being punished immediately. Simon was made sensible of this by falling under the indignation of the Romans.

³⁴ But he did not escape God's wrath, nor is justice unable to punish offenders, but in time it catches up with transgressors and punishes the wicked the more severely, as they expected to escape once they were not immediately caught. This Simon learned, by falling under the anger of the Romans.

³⁵ ἡ δ᾽ ἐκείνου γῆθεν ἄνοδος πολὺ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων στασιαστῶν πλῆθος ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνας τὰς ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς ὑπονόμοις φωραθῆναι παρεσκεύασε.	³⁵ His emergence from the earth also led to the discovery of a great multitude of the other rebels in the tunnels during those days.
³⁵ This rise of his out of the ground did also occasion the discovery of a great number of others of the seditious at that time, who had hidden themselves underground.	³⁵ His coming up also caused many of the other rebels who had hidden underground to be found.

³⁶ ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ παράλιον ἐπανελθόντι ΚαισάρειανCaesarea ΣίμωνSimon προσήχθη δεδεμένος· κἀκεῖνον μὲν εἰς ὃν ἐπιτελεῖν ἐν ῬώμῃRome παρεσκευάζετο θρίαμβον προσέταξε φυλάττειν.	³⁶ When Caesar returned to Caesarea-on-the-sea, Simon was brought to him in bonds; and Titus ordered him to be kept for the triumph which he was preparing to celebrate in Rome.
³⁶ But for Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds, when he was come back to that Caesarea which was on the seaside, who gave orders that he should be kept against that triumph which he was to celebrate at Rome upon this occasion.	³⁶ When Caesar returned to Caesarea-on-Sea, Simon was brought to him in chains, and he ordered him kept alive for the triumph which he intended to celebrate in Rome.

Chapter 3
Titus has many captives killed.
Danger to the Jews in Antioch

☜ ☞

³⁷ Διατρίβων δ᾽ αὐτόθι τὴν‎ τἀδελφοῦ γενέθλιον ἡμέραν ἐπιφανῶς ἑώρταζε, πολὺ καὶ τῆς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews κολάσεως εἰς τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τιμὴν ἀνατιθείς.	³⁷ While staying there [Caesarea Maritima], he celebrated his brother’s [Domitian’s] birthday^[1] with great splendor, dedicating much of the punishment of the Jews to his brother’s honor.
³⁷ While Titus was at Caesarea, he solemnized the birthday of his brother [Domitian] after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honor of him;	³⁷ While Titus was in Caesarea, he celebrated the birthday of his brother in a splendid manner and executed many of the captive Jews in honour of him.

^[1]October 24, 70 AD

³⁸ Ὁ γὰρ ἀριθμὸς τῶν ἔν τε ταῖς πρὸς τὰ θηρία μάχαις καὶ τῶν καταπιμπραμένων ἔν τε ταῖς ἀλληλοκτονίαις ἀναιρουμένων πεντακοσίους ἐπὶ τοῖς δισχιλίοις ὑπερέβαλε. Πάντα μέντοι ἐδόκει ταῦτα μυρίοις αὐτῶν ἀπολλυμένων τρόποις ἐλάττων κόλασις εἶναι.

³⁸ For the number of those who perished, either in fights with wild beasts or those burnt to death or killed in forced combat with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet to the Romans, though these men were perishing in ten thousand ways, all this seemed too light a punishment.

³⁸ for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when they were thus destroyed ten thousand several ways, to be a punishment beneath their deserts.

³⁸ The number of those who at this time were killed in fighting with beasts or against each other, or who were burned alive, exceeded two thousand five hundred. But to the Romans, though they died in thousands of ways, all this seemed less of a penalty than they deserved.

³⁹ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰς ἧκεν· ἡ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν τῇ πόλις ἄποικος· κἀνταῦθα χρονιωτέραν ἐποιήσατο τὴν‎ ἐπιδημίαν πλείονι χρώμενος τῇ λαμπρότητι περὶ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμέραν γενέθλιον ἔν τε ταῖς τῶν θεωριῶν καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἄλλην ἐπίνοιαν τῶν ἄλλων .

³⁹ After this, Caesar came to Berytus [Beirut], which is a Roman colony in Phoenicia. He made a longer stay in this city, exhibiting even greater magnificence in celebrating his father’s [Vespasian’s] birthday,^[1] both in the costliness of the spectacles and in the ingenuity of his other expenses.

³⁹ After this Caesar came to Berytus, which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman colony, and staid there a longer time, and exhibited a still more pompous solemnity about his father’s birthday, both in the magnificence of the shows, and in the other vast expenses he was at in his devices thereto belonging;

³⁹ After this, Caesar came to Berytus, a city of Phoenicia and a Roman colony, where he stayed somewhat longer and displayed still more pomp and ceremony about his father's birthday, both in the splendour of the shows and in his great expenses relating to it.

^[1]November 17, 70 AD

⁴⁰ Τὸ δὲ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων πλῆθος τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὡς πρόσθεν ἀπώλλυτο.	⁴⁰ The multitude of captives perished in the same manner as before.
⁴⁰ so that a great multitude of the captives were here destroyed after the same manner as before.	⁴⁰ Here too, a large number of the prisoners died in the same way as before.

⁴¹ Γενέσθαι δὲ συνέβη περὶ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον καὶ τοῖς ἐν τῶν ὑπολειπομένοις ἐγκλήματα καὶ κίνδυνον ὀλέθρου τῆς πόλεως ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τῶν ἐκταραχθείσης διά τε τὰς ἐν τῷ παρόντι διαβολὰς αὐτοῖς ἐπενεχθείσας καὶ διὰ τὰ ὑπηργμένα χρόνῳ πρόσθεν οὐ πολλῷ,

⁴¹ It happened around this time that the Jews remaining in Antioch were also under accusation and in danger of destruction, the city of the Antiochians being in an uproar against them, both because of the slanders recently brought against them and because of things that had happened not long before.

⁴¹ It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained at Antioch were under accusations, and in danger of perishing, from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians; and this both on account of the slanders spread abroad at this time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played not long before;

⁴¹ About this time, the remaining Jews in Antioch were indicted and in danger of death, since the city of the Antiochians was riled at them because of the slanders spread about them and also some incidents that had occurred in the recent past.

⁴² περὶ ὧν ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι διὰ συντόμων προειπεῖν, ἵνα καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα πραχθέντων εὐπαρακολούθητον ποιήσωμαι τὴν‎ διήγησιν.	⁴² Regarding these matters, it is necessary for me to speak briefly beforehand, in order to make my narrative of subsequent events easy to follow.
⁴² which I am obliged to describe without fail, though briefly, that I may the better connect my narration of future actions with those that went before.	⁴² These I must certainly describe, even if briefly, to better connect the rest of my narrative with what has gone before.

⁴³ Τὸ γὰρ γένος πολὺ μὲν κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην παρέσπαρται τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις, πλεῖστον δὲ τῇ κατὰ τὴν‎ γειτνίασιν ἀναμεμιγμένον ἐξαιρέτως ἐπὶ τῆς ἦν πολὺ διὰ τὸ τῆς πόλεως μέγεθος· μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀδεᾶ τὴν‎ ἐκεῖ κατοίκησιν οἱ μετ᾽ βασιλεῖς παρέσχον·

⁴³ For the Jewish race is widely dispersed among the native populations over the whole inhabited world, but it is most densely mixed with the people of Syria due to its proximity; it was especially numerous in Antioch because of the city’s great size. The kings who succeeded Antiochus [the Great] granted them a secure place of habitation there.

⁴³ For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity;

⁴³ The Jewish nation is widely scattered among the inhabitants of countries all over the world and mainly in Syria because of its proximity, and, due to the size of the city, large numbers of them live in Antioch, where the kings, after Antiochus, had allowed them to live in untroubled tranquillity.

⁴⁴ μὲν γὰρ ὁ κληθεὶς πορθήσας τὸν νεὼν ἐσύλησεν, οἱ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαβόντες τῶν ἀναθημάτων ὅσα χαλκᾶ πεποίητο πάντα τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἀπέδοσαν εἰς τὴν‎ συναγωγὴν αὐτῶν ἀναθέντες, καὶ συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς ἐξ ἴσου τῆς πόλεως τοῖς μετέχειν.

⁴⁴ For although Antiochus surnamed Epiphanes plundered Jerusalem and despoiled the Temple, those who succeeded him in the kingdom restored to the Jews in Antioch all the bronze votive offerings that had been taken, dedicating them in their synagogue, and they granted them an equal share in the city with the Greeks.

⁴⁴ for though Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeeded him in the kingdom restore all the donations that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated them to their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves;

⁴⁴ For though Antiochus, called Epiphanes, sacked Jerusalem and looted the temple, his successors in the kingdom restored to the Jews of Antioch all the donations made of brass, to be stored in their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges in the city as the Greeks themselves.

⁴⁵ Τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ τρόπον καὶ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα βασιλέων αὐτοῖς προσφερομένων εἴς τε πλῆθος ἐπέδωκαν καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ τῶν ἀναθημάτων τὸ ἱερὸν ἐξελάμπρυναν, ἀεί τε προσαγόμενοι ταῖς θρησκείαις πολὺ πλῆθος , κἀκείνους τρόπῳ τινὶ μοῖραν αὐτῶν πεποίηντο.

⁴⁵ Since the subsequent kings treated them in the same manner, they increased in number, and with the magnificence and costliness of their offerings, they made their sanctuary [synagogue] illustrious; and they were constantly attracting a great multitude of Greeks to their religious services, making them, in a way, a portion of their own body.

⁴⁵ and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body.

⁴⁵ When succeeding kings treated them in the same way, they multiplied in number and contributed much to the adornment of the temple by gifts of fine ornaments. They also made converts of many of the Greeks and thereby in a way got them to share in their own destiny.

⁴⁶ Καθ᾽ ὃν δὲ καιρὸν ὁ πόλεμος ἀνακεκήρυκτο, νεωστὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ΣυρίανSyria ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian καταπεπλεύκει, τὸ δὲ κατὰ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews παρὰ πᾶσιν ἤκμαζε μῖσος,	⁴⁶ But at the time when the war was proclaimed, and Vespasian had recently landed in Syria, and the hatred against the Jews was at its height everywhere,
⁴⁶ But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria,	⁴⁶ But about the time the war began and Vespasian had recently sailed to Syria and

⁴⁷ τότε δή τις εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν τὰ μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πατέρα τιμώμενος, ἦν γὰρ ἄρχων τῶν ἐπ᾽ , τοῦ δήμου τῶν ἐκκλησιάζοντος εἰς τὸ θέατρον παρελθὼν τόν τε πατέρα τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐνεδείκνυτο κατηγορῶν, ὅτι νυκτὶ μιᾷ καταπρῆσαι τὴν‎ πόλιν ἅπασαν διεγνώκεισαν, καὶ παρεδίδου ξένους τινὰς ὡς κεκοινωνηκότας τῶν βεβουλευμένων.

⁴⁷ then a certain man named Antiochus, one of their own and highly honored because of his father (who was the magistrate of the Jews in Antioch), came forward into the theater while the people of Antioch were in assembly and informed against his own father and the others, accusing them of having resolved to burn the entire city to the ground in a single night; and he delivered up certain foreign Jews as accomplices in the plot.

⁴⁷ and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night;; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions.

⁴⁷ hatred of the Jews was everywhere, a man named Antiochus, one of their number and greatly respected due to his father who was ruler of the Jews in Antioch, came to the theatre during an Antiochene assembly and denounced his own father, accusing both him and others of planning to burn the whole city in a single night. He also handed over to them some Jews who were foreigners, as partners in this plan.

⁴⁸ Ταῦτα ἀκούων ὁ δῆμος τὴν‎ ὀργὴν οὐ κατεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ μὲν τοὺς παραδοθέντας πῦρ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον κομίζειν, καὶ παραχρῆμα πάντες ἐπὶ τοῦ θεάτρου κατεφλέγησαν,	⁴⁸ On hearing this, the people could not restrain their rage, but immediately ordered fire to be brought for those who had been delivered up, and they were all instantly burned to death in the theater.
⁴⁸ When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately.	⁴⁸ When the people heard it they could not contain their rage, but ordered those handed over to them to be burned, and then and there they were consigned to the flames in the theatre.

⁴⁹ ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ὥρμητο τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἐν τῷ τάχιον ἐκείνους τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλεῖν τὴν‎ αὐτῶν πατρίδα σώζειν νομίζοντες.	⁴⁹ Then the crowd rushed upon the rest of the Jewish multitude, thinking that by punishing them quickly they were saving their own city.
⁴⁹ They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city.	⁴⁹ They also violently attacked the whole Jewish population, thinking that only by quickly punishing them could they save their own city.

⁵⁰ ἈντίοχοςAntiochus δὲ προσεπέτεινε τὴν‎ ὀργήν, περὶ μὲν τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ μεταβολῆς καὶ τοῦ μεμισηκέναι τὰ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθη τεκμήριον ἐμπαρέχειν οἰόμενος τὸ ἐπιθύειν ὥσπερ νόμος ἐστὶ τοῖς ἝλλησινGreek·	⁵⁰ Antiochus further inflamed their rage, for he thought he could provide a proof of his own conversion and his hatred for Jewish customs by sacrificing according to the Greek custom.
⁵⁰ As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, and of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks;	⁵⁰ Antiochus aggravated their rage and thought to prove to them his own conversion and his hatred of Jewish customs, by sacrificing in the style of the Greeks.

⁵¹ ἐκέλευε δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τὸ αὐτὸ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζειν· φανεροὺς γὰρ γενήσεσθαι τῷ μὴ θέλειν τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας. χρωμένων δὲ τῇ πείρᾳ τῶν ὀλίγοι μὲν ὑπέμειναν, οἱ δὲ μὴ βουληθέντες ἀνῃρέθησαν.

⁵¹ He recommended that they compel the others to do the same, for he said the conspirators would be revealed by their refusal. When the Antiochians tried this test, a few submitted, but those who refused were put to death.

⁵¹ he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain.

⁵¹ He got them to compel others to do the same, for in that way they could find out who the schemers were, since they would not do so. When the people of Antioch tried the experiment, a few complied, but those who would not do so were killed.

⁵² δὲ στρατιώτας παρὰ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος λαβὼν χαλεπὸς ἐφειστήκει τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ πολίταις, ἀργεῖν τὴν‎ ἑβδόμην οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων, ἀλλὰ βιαζόμενος πάντα πράττειν ὅσα δὴ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἡμέραις.

⁵² Then Antiochus, having obtained soldiers from the Roman governor, acted as a harsh overseer over his fellow citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do everything just as on other days.

⁵² As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days;

⁵² Antiochus got soldiers from the Roman commander and domineered over his fellow-Jews, not letting them to rest on the sabbath day, but forcing them to work as on other days.

⁵³ Οὕτως τε τὴν‎ ἀνάγκην ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίησεν, ὡς μὴ μόνον ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch καταλυθῆναι τὴν‎ ἑβδομάδα ἀργὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἀρξαμένου τοῦ πράγματος κἀν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁμοίως βραχύν τινα χρόνον.	⁵³ He made the necessity so strong that not only was the rest of the seventh day abolished in Antioch, but the practice, starting there, spread to other cities for a short time.
⁵³ and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time.	⁵³ He pressed them so hard on this matter that the sabbath rest was cancelled not only in Antioch, but also its example was followed in other cities, for some time.

⁵⁴ Τοιούτων δὴ τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἸουδαίοιςJews τῶν κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν κακῶν γεγενημένων δευτέρα πάλιν συμφορὰ προσέπεσε, περὶ ἧς ἐπιχειρήσαντες ἀφηγεῖσθαι καὶ ταῦτα διεξήλθομεν.	⁵⁴ Such were the evils that befell the Jews in Antioch at that time; but then a second calamity fell upon them, which is what we were intending to relate when we began this digression.
⁵⁴ Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we promised the account foregoing;	⁵⁴ After these misfortunes of the Jews in Antioch, a second disaster befell them, which I was about to describe when I prefaced it with the foregoing account.

⁵⁵ Ἐπεὶ γὰρ συνέβη καταπρησθῆναι τὴν‎ τετράγωνον ἀγορὰν ἀρχεῖά τε καὶ γραμματοφυλάκιον καὶ τὰς βασιλικάς, μόλις τε τὸ πῦρ ἐκωλύθη μετὰ πολλῆς βίας ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ πόλιν περιφερόμενον, ταύτην τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν κατηγόρει.

⁵⁵ For when it happened that the square market-place was burned down, as well as the magistrates’ quarters, the record office, and the royal palaces, and the fire was with difficulty prevented from spreading through the entire city with great violence, Antiochus accused the Jews of this deed.

⁵⁵ for upon this accident, whereby the foursquare marketplace was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done.

⁵⁵ A fire occurred that burned down the market square as well as the town hall and the public archives and the palaces, and raged so furiously that only with difficulty was it prevented from engulfing the whole city, and Antiochus accused the Jews of this deed.

⁵⁶ Καὶ τοὺς , εἰ καὶ μὴ πρότερον εἶχον πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπεχθῶς, τάχιστα τῇ διαβολῇ παρὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ συμβεβηκότος ταραχὴν ὑπαχθέντας πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐκ τῶν προυπηργμένων τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λεγομένοις πιστεύειν παρεσκεύασεν, ὡς μόνον οὐκ αὐτοὺς τὸ πῦρ ἐνιέμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἑωρακότας,

⁵⁶ The Antiochians—even if they had not been hostile before—were quickly led away by this slander amidst the confusion of the event, and because of what had happened previously, he made them much more ready to believe his words, as if they had almost seen the Jews setting the fire with their own eyes.

⁵⁶ Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill will at the Jews before, to believe this man’s accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused,

⁵⁶ The people of Antioch would have believed this, even if they had not previously borne them any ill-will. Now in their confusion and in the light of what had gone before, they felt certain his words were as true as if with their own eyes they had seen the Jews lighting the fire.

⁵⁷ καὶ καθάπερ ἐμμανεῖς γεγενημένοι μετὰ πολλοῦ τινος οἴστρου πάντες ἐπὶ τοὺς διαβεβλημένους ὥρμηντο.	⁵⁷ And as if they had become mad with a kind of frenzy, they all rushed upon those who had been slandered.
⁵⁷ and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city;	⁵⁷ Like madmen driven by a rage they violently attacked those who were accused and

⁵⁸ Μόλις δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐδυνήθη τὰς ὁρμὰς ἐπισχεῖν Ναῖος κολλήγας τις πρεσβευτής, ἀξιῶν ἐπιτρέψαι ΚαίσαριCaesar δηλωθῆναι περὶ τῶν γεγονότων·	⁵⁸ A certain Gnaeus Collegas, a legate, was barely able to restrain their impulses, requesting that he be allowed to report the events to Caesar.
⁵⁸ nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar;	⁵⁸ the governor, Gneius Collegas, barely prevailed on them to let the matter be laid before Caesar.

⁵⁹ τὸν γὰρ ἡγεμονεύοντα τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria Καισέννιον Παῖτον ἤδη μὲν ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian ἐξαπεστάλκει, συνέβαινε δὲ παρεῖναι μηδέπω.	⁵⁹ For Vespasian had already sent Caesennius Paetus to be the governor of Syria, but it happened that he had not yet arrived.
⁵⁹ for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither.	⁵⁹ As it happened, Cesennius Petus, the governor of Syria had already been sent out by Vespasian and had not yet returned.

⁶⁰ Ποιούμενος δὲ ἐπιμελῆ τὴν‎ ἀναζήτησιν ὁ κολλήγας ἐξεῦρε τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, καὶ τῶν μὲν τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ὑπ᾽ ἈντιόχουAntiochus λαβόντων ἸουδαίωνJews οὐδεὶς οὐδ᾽ ἐκοινώνησεν,	⁶⁰ Collegas, making a careful investigation, found out the truth; and not one of the Jews whom Antiochus had accused had any part in the matter.
⁶⁰ But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it,	⁶⁰ But when Collegas made careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth and that not one of the Jews accused by Antiochus had any hand in it,

⁶¹ ἅπαν δὲ τοὖργον ἔπραξαν ἄνθρωποί τινες ἀλιτήριοι διὰ χρεῶν ἀνάγκας νομίζοντες, εἰ τὴν‎ ἀγορὰν καὶ τὰ δημόσια καταπρήσειαν γράμματα, τῆς ἀπαιτήσεωςa claim ἀπαλλαγὴν ἕξειν.	⁶¹ The whole deed was done by some wicked men who, being oppressed by debts, thought that if they burned the market-place and the public records, they would be rid of the demands for payment.
⁶¹ but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the marketplace, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them.	⁶¹ but that the whole thing was done by some scoundrels deeply in debt, who thought that by setting fire to the forum and burning the public records, they could get clear of them.

⁶² ἸουδαῖοιJews μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ μετεώροις ταῖς αἰτίαις τὸ μέλλον ἔτι καραδοκοῦντες ἐν φόβοις χαλεποῖς ἀπεσάλευον.	⁶² The Jews, however, with these accusations hanging over them, remained in a state of terrible fear, anxiously waiting to see what the future would bring.
⁶² So the Jews were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them.	⁶² So the Jews were in a state of great alarm and uncertainty as they awaited the upshot of the accusations against them.

Chapter 4
Vespasian's welcome in Rome;
Germans and Sarmatians revolt

☜ ☞

⁶³ δὲ τῆς περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ κομισθείσης, ὅτι πάσαις μὲν ποθεινὸς ταῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλεσιν ἐπῆλθεν, μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ μετὰ πολλῆς αὐτὸν ἐδέξατο προθυμίας καὶ λαμπρότητος, εἰς πολλὴν χαρὰν καὶ θυμηδίαν , τῶν περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ φροντίδων ὡς ἦν ἀπηλλαγμένος.

⁶³ When Titus Caesar received the news concerning his father—that he had been welcomed with longing by all the cities throughout Italy and that Rome, especially, had received him with great enthusiasm and splendor—he was turned toward great joy and gladness, being most pleasantly relieved of the anxieties he had felt on his father’s behalf.

⁶³ And now Titus Caesar, upon the news that was brought him concerning his father, that his coming was much desired by all the Italian cities, and that Rome especially received him with great alacrity and splendor, betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a great degree, as now freed from the solicitude he had been under, after the most agreeable manner.

⁶³ Titus Caesar, hearing the news about his father, that his coming was desired by all the Italian cities and that Rome especially received him with warmth and splendour, was delighted and most agreeably set free from anxiety.

⁶⁴ γὰρ ἔτι μὲν καὶ μακρὰν ἀπόντα πάντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἄνθρωποι ταῖς γνώμαις περιεῖπον ὡς ἥκοντα, τὴν‎ προσδοκίαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ θέλειν ἄφιξιν αὐτοῦ‎ νομίζοντες καὶ πάσης ἀνάγκης ἐλευθέραν τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχοντες εὔνοιαν.

⁶⁴ For while Vespasian was still far away, all the people in Italy regarded him in their minds as though he were already present; out of their great desire for his arrival, they turned their expectation into a reality, possessing a goodwill toward him that was free from any compulsion.

⁶⁴ For all men that were in Italy showed their respects to him in their minds before he came thither, as if he were already come, as esteeming the very expectation they had of him to be his real presence, on account of the great desires they had to see him, and because the goodwill they bore him was entirely free and unconstrained;

⁶⁴ For everyone in Italy respected Vespasian and even before his arrival, imagined him as already present among them, and their goodwill toward him was entirely free and spontaneous.

⁶⁵ Τῇ τε γὰρ βουλῇ κατὰ μνήμην τῶν γεγενημένων ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἡγεμόνων μεταβολαῖς συμφορῶν εὐκταῖον ἦν ἀπολαβεῖν ἡγεμόνα γήρως σεμνότητι καὶ πράξεων ἀκμῇ πολεμικῶν κεκοσμημένον, ᾧ τὴν‎ ὑπεροχὴν πρὸς μόνην ἠπίσταντο τὴν‎ τῶν ἀρχομένων σωτηρίαν ἐσομένην.

⁶⁵ To the Senate—remembering the calamities that had occurred during the frequent changes of rulers—it was a thing to be prayed for to receive a leader adorned with the dignity of old age and the prime of military achievements, whose supremacy they knew would result in nothing other than the safety of his subjects.

⁶⁵ for it wasa desirable thing to the senate, who well remembered the calamities they had undergone in the late changes of their governors, to receive a governor who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that were to be governed.

⁶⁵ The senate, who well remembered the troubles they had endured during their recent changes of leadership, felt relieved to find a ruler hallowed with the gravity of age and highly skilled in the art of war, whom they knew would be concerned for nothing else than the safety of those he ruled.

⁶⁶ Καὶ μὴν ὁ δῆμος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν τετρυχωμένος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸν ἔσπευδε, τότε δὴ βεβαίως μὲν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι τῶν συμφορῶν ὑπολαμβάνων, ἀπολήψεσθαι δὲ τὴν‎ χρόνου μετὰ τῆς εὐετηρίας πεπιστευκώς.

⁶⁶ Moreover, the common people, worn out by civil evils, were even more eager for his coming, supposing that they would then be definitively delivered from their misfortunes and trusting that they would regain security along with prosperity.

⁶⁶ Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity;

⁶⁶ The people too, after being so harassed by civil woes, were even more eager for his arrival, thinking it would firmly rescue them from their troubles and trusting he would restore them to secure peace and prosperity.

⁶⁷ Ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰς αὐτὸν · μάλιστα γὰρ οὗτοι τῶν κατωρθωμένων αὐτῷ πολέμων ἐγίνωσκον τὸ μέγεθος, τῆς ἀπειρίας δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμόνων καὶ τῆς ἀνανδρίας πεπειραμένοι πολλῆς μὲν αἰσχύνης αὐτοὺς ἐπεθύμουν ἀπηλλάχθαι, τὸν μόνον δὲ καὶ σώζειν αὐτοὺς καὶ κοσμεῖν δυνάμενον ἀπολαβεῖν ηὔχοντο.

⁶⁷ The military, especially, looked toward him; for they, above all others, knew the greatness of the wars he had won, and having experienced the incompetence and cowardice of other leaders, they desired to be delivered from their great shame and prayed to receive the only man who was able both to save and to honor them.

⁶⁷ and for the soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were chiefly apprised of his great exploits in war; and since they had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other commanders, they were very desirous to be freed from that great shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornament to them.

⁶⁷ But the soldiery had the greatest regard of all for him, being most aware of his great exploits in war, and having had to endure the lack of skill and lack of courage in other officers, they wanted to be free from the great shame they had suffered through them and heartily desired a ruler who would bring them security and credit.

⁶⁸ Τοιαύτης δὲ εὐνοίας ἐξ ἁπάντων ὑπαρχούσης τοῖς μὲν κατὰ τὰς ἀξιώσεις προύχουσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν οὐκέτ᾽ ἀνεκτὸν ἦν ἀναμένειν, ἀλλὰ πορρωτάτω τῆς ῬώμηςRome αὐτῷ προεντυχεῖν ἔσπευδον.	⁶⁸ With such goodwill existing among everyone, those men who excelled in rank could no longer bear to wait, but hastened to meet him at a great distance from Rome.
⁶⁸ And as this goodwill to Vespasian was universal, those that enjoyed any remarkable dignities could not have patience enough to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet him at a very great distance from it;	⁶⁸ Since this goodwill toward him was universal, the high dignitaries could not just stay in Rome, but hurried to meet him far outside it.

⁶⁹ Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων τις ἠνείχετο τῆς ἐντεύξεως τὴν‎ ἀναβολήν, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως ἐξεχέοντο πάντες ἀθρόοι καὶ πᾶσιν εὐπορώτερον καὶ ῥᾷον ἐδόκει τοῦ μένειν τὸ ἀπιέναι, ὡς καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτὴν τότε πρῶτον ἐν ἑαυτῇ λαβεῖν ὀλιγανθρωπίας αἴσθησιν ἰδίαν· ἦσαν γὰρ ἐλάττους τῶν ἀπιόντων οἱ μένοντες.

⁶⁹ Indeed, no one else could endure the delay of the meeting; they all poured out in such a mass that it seemed easier and more convenient for everyone to depart than to stay behind, so that the city itself then for the first time perceived its own sparse population—for those who stayed were fewer than those who went out.

⁶⁹ nay, indeed, none of the rest could endure the delay of seeing him, but did all pour out of the city in such crowds, and were so universally possessed with the opinion that it was easier and better for them to go out than to stay there, that this was the very first time that the city joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its citizens; for those that staid within were fewer than those that went out.

⁶⁹ None of the others either could wait to see him, but all poured out of the city in crowds, all feeling that it was better to go out than to stay at home, so that for the first time the city happily saw itself almost empty, since those who stayed at home were fewer than those who went out.

⁷⁰ Ἐπεὶ δὲ προσιὼν ἠγγέλλετο, καὶ τὴν‎ ἡμερότητα τῆς ἐντεύξεως αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἑκάστους ἐδήλουν οἱ προσελθόντες, ἅπαν ἤδη τὸ λοιπὸν πλῆθος ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἐπὶ ταῖς παρόδοις ἐξεδέχετο,	⁷⁰ When it was announced that he was approaching, and those who had gone ahead reported the kindness of his greeting to each person, all the remaining multitude, along with women and children, waited for him along the roadsides.
⁷⁰ But as soon as the news was come that he was hard by, and those that had met him at first related with what good humor he received everyone that came to him, then it was that the whole multitude that had remained in the city, with their wives and children, came into the road, and waited for him there;	⁷⁰ When the news came that he was near and those who met him first told with what good humour he received every one who came to him, even the crowd that had stayed in the city came to the roadside with their wives and children, and waited for him there.

⁷¹ καὶ καθ᾽ οὓς γένοιτο παριὼν οὗτοι πρὸς τὴν‎ ἡδονὴν τῆς θέας καὶ τὸ μειλίχιον αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ὄψεως παντοίας ἠφίεσαν φωνάς, τὸν καὶ σωτῆρα καὶ μόνον ἄξιον ἡγεμόνα τῆς ἀνακαλοῦντες· ἅπασα δ᾽ ἡ πόλις ὡς νεὼς ἦν στεφανωμάτων καὶ θυμιαμάτων ἀνάπλεως.

⁷¹ And wherever he passed by, the people, out of the pleasure of the sight and the mildness of his appearance, uttered all kinds of voices, calling him their benefactor, savior, and the only worthy ruler of Rome; and the whole city was like a temple, full of garlands and incense.

⁷¹ and for those whom he passed by, they made all sorts of acclamations, on account of the joy they had to see him, and the pleasantness of his countenance, and styled him their Benefactor and Savior, and the only person who was worthy to be ruler of the city of Rome.

⁷¹ As he passed by, they cheered him in every way, delighted to see him and the pleasant expression he showed them. They acclaimed him as Benefactor and Saviour and the only one worthy to govern the city of Rome. The city was like a temple, full of garlands and sweet scents,

⁷² Μόλις δ᾽ ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἱσταμένων δυνηθεὶς εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἐλθεῖν αὐτὸς μὲν τοῖς ἔνδον θεοῖς θυσίας τῆς ἀφίξεως χαριστηρίους ἐπετέλει,	⁷² Having reached the palace with difficulty due to the multitude surrounding him, he himself performed sacrifices of thanksgiving to the household gods for his arrival.
⁷² And now the city was like a temple, full of garlands and sweet odors; nor was it easy for him to come to the royal palace, for the multitude of the people that stood about him, where yet at last he performed his sacrifices of thanksgiving to his household gods for his safe return to the city.	⁷² and if the thronging crowds all around made it hard for him to reach the royal palace, he finally got there and performed his thanks to his household gods for his safe return to the city.

⁷³ προτρέπεται δὲ τὰ πλήθη πρὸς εὐωχίαν καὶ κατὰ φυλὰς καὶ γένη καὶ γειτονίας ποιούμενοι τὰς ἑστιάσεις ηὔχοντο τῷ θεῷ σπένδοντες αὐτόν τ᾽ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον ἐπιμεῖναι τῇ ἡγεμονίαι, καὶ παισὶν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀεὶ γινομένοις φυλαχθῆναι τὸ κράτος ἀνανταγώνιστον.

⁷³ The multitudes then turned to feasting; and making their banquets by tribes, families, and neighborhoods, they prayed as they poured libations to God that Vespasian himself might remain in the Roman sovereignty for the longest time, and that the power might be preserved unchallenged for his children and their descendants forever.

⁷³ The multitude did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their neighborhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved from all opposition.

⁷³ The crowd set to feasting and celebrating drink-offerings by tribes and families in their neighbourhoods, and prayed to God that Vespasian, his sons and all their descendants, might continue to govern Rome for a very long time, as secure and unopposed rulers.

⁷⁴ ἡ μὲν οὖν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin πόλις οὕτως ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian ἐκδεξαμένη προθύμως εὐθὺς εἰς πολλὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἐπεδίδου.	⁷⁴ Thus, having received Vespasian so eagerly, the city of Rome immediately advanced toward great prosperity.
⁷⁴ And this was the manner in which Rome so joyfully received Vespasian, and thence grew immediately into a state of great prosperity.	⁷⁴ This was how the city of Rome joyfully welcomed Vespasian and soon reached great prosperity.

⁷⁵ , , προσήδρευε ,

⁷⁵ But before these times—during which Vespasian was near Alexandria and Titus was occupied with the siege of Jerusalem—

⁷⁵ But before this time, and while Vespasian was about Alexandria, and Titus was lying at the siege of Jerusalem,

⁷⁵ But before this, while Vespasian was near Alexandria and Titus was at the siege of Jerusalem, many of the Germans were in upheaval and revolt,

⁷⁶ πολὺ μέρος ΓερμανῶνGermnas ἐκινήθη πρὸς ἀπόστασινa revolt, οἷς καὶ ΓαλατῶνGalatian οἱ πλεῖστοι συμφρονήσαντες κοινῇ μεγάλας ἐλπίδας αὐτοῖς συνέθεσαν ὡς καὶ τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀπαλλαξόμενοι δεσποτείας.	⁷⁶ a large part of the Germans had been moved to revolt, and the majority of the Gauls, joining in their sentiments, shared great hopes with them of being delivered from the Roman dominion.
⁷⁶ a great multitude of the Germans were in commotion, and tended to rebellion; and as the Gauls in their neighborhood joined with them, they conspired together, and had thereby great hopes of success, and that they should free themselves from the dominion of the Romans.	⁷⁶ and as their neighbours the Gauls joined in with them, they had great hopes of success in freeing themselves from Roman rule.

⁷⁷ Ἐπῆρε δὲ τοὺς Γερμανοὺς ἅψασθαι τῆς ἀποστάσεωςa revolt καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν πρώτη μὲν ἡ φύσις οὖσα λογισμῶν ἔρημος ἀγαθῶν καὶ μετὰ μικρᾶς ἐλπίδος ἑτοίμως ῥιψοκίνδυνος·	⁷⁷ The Germans were incited to take up the revolt and bring forth war, first by their nature—which is devoid of sound reasoning and ready to cast itself into danger upon slight hope—
⁷⁷ The motives that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the war, were these: In the first place, the nature [of the people], which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger, upon small hopes;	⁷⁷ What spurred the Germans to this attempted revolt and to begin the war, was first of all their nature, incapable of good judgment and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger;

⁷⁸ ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ μῖσος τὸ πρὸς τοὺς κρατοῦντας, ἐπεὶ μόνοις ἴσασι ῬωμαίοιςRomans τὸ γένος αὐτῶν δουλεύειν βεβιασμένον. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μάλιστά γε πάντων ὁ καιρὸς αὐτοῖς θάρσος ἐνεποίησεν·	⁷⁸ and secondly by their hatred for those who held power over them, since they knew that their race was forced into slavery only to the Romans. However, above all things, the timing gave them courage.
⁷⁸ in the next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now afforded itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do;	⁷⁸ and then their hatred of their rulers, as their nation had never been subject to any but the Romans and that only by force. More than anything else, the opportunity that now offered itself urged them on,

⁷⁹ ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ταῖς συνεχέσι τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ἀλλαγαῖς ἐν ἑαυτῇ τεταραγμένην, πᾶν τε μέρος τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς οἰκουμένης πυνθανόμενοι μετέωρον εἶναι καὶ κραδαίνεσθαι, τοῦτον σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἄριστον ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκείνων κακοπραγίας καὶ στάσεως καιρὸν ᾠήθησαν παραδεδόσθαι.

⁷⁹ For seeing the Roman Empire disturbed within itself by the continuous changes of emperors, and learning that every part of the inhabited world under them was in suspense and shaking, they thought this was the best opportunity delivered to them by the Romans’ own misfortunes and civil strife.

⁷⁹ for when they saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part of the habitable earth under them was in an unsettled and tottering condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that could afford itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state of the Romans was so ill.

⁷⁹ for seeing the Roman state in disorder due to its continual change of emperors, and that every part of the world under them was unsettled and tottering, they reckoned this their best possible opportunity to rebel, with their rulers in such a divided state.

⁸⁰ Ἐνῆγον δὲ τὸ βούλευμα καὶ ταύταις αὐτοὺς ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐτύφουν ΚλασσικόςClassicus τις καὶ Οὐίτιλλος τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς [ὄντες ] ἡγεμόνων, οἳ δῆλον μὲν ὡς ἐκ μακροῦ ταύτης ἐφίεντο τῆς νεωτεροποιίας,	⁸⁰ They were led into this plan and puffed up with these hopes by a certain Classicus and Vitellius, leaders among them, who had clearly desired this revolution for a long time.
⁸⁰ Classicus also, and Vitellius, two of their commanders, puffed them up with such hopes.	⁸⁰ Two of their officers, Classicus and Vitellius, pushed this plan and puffed them up with such hopes.

⁸¹ ὑπὸ τοῦ καιροῦ δὲ θαρσῆσαι προαχθέντες τὴν‎ αὐτῶν γνώμην ἐξέφηναν· ἔμελλον δὲ προθύμως διακειμένοις τὴν‎ πεῖραν τοῖς πλήθεσι προσφέρειν.	⁸¹ Being encouraged by the timing, they now declared their purpose; and they intended to put the attempt to the test among the multitudes who were eagerly disposed toward it.
⁸¹ These had for a long time been openly desirous of such an innovation, and were induced by the present opportunity to venture upon the declaration of their sentiments; the multitude was also ready; and when these men told them of what they intended to attempt, that news was gladly received by them.	⁸¹ These had for a long time been known to long for such a change and were induced by the present opportunity to declare their feelings openly; and when they did, the people gladly supported them.

⁸² Πολλοῦ δὲ μέρους ἤδη τῶν τὴν‎ ἀποστασίαν ἀνωμολογηκότος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οὐκ ἄνδιχα φρονησάντων, ὥσπερ ἐκ δαιμονίου προνοίας πέμπει γράμματα Πετιλίῳ τὸ πρότερον ἡγεμόνι Γερμανίας γενομένῳ, τὴν‎ ὕπατον διδοὺς τιμὴν καὶ κελεύων ἄρξοντα Βρεττανίας ἀπιέναι.

⁸² While a large part of the Germans had already confessed their revolt and the others were of a similar mind, Vespasian, as if by divine providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerialis, who had previously been a commander in Germany, granting him the consular honor and commanding him to depart to rule Britain.

⁸² So when a great part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian, as guided by Divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he declared him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon him the government of Britain;

⁸² When a large section of the Germans joined the rebellion and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian, guided by divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealius, who had formerly been in command in Germany, promoting him to consul and telling him to go away as governor to Britain.

⁸³ Πορευόμενος οὖν ἐκεῖνος προσετέτακτο καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ τῶν πυθόμενος, ἤδη συνειλεγμένοις αὐτοῖς ἐπιπεσὼν καὶ παραταξάμενος πολύ τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἀναιρεῖ κατὰ τὴν‎ μάχην καὶ τῆς ἀνοίας παυσαμένους ἠνάγκασε σωφρονεῖν .

⁸³ As he was journeying to the place where he had been commanded and heard of the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them when they had already assembled, and having drawn up for battle, he killed a great number of them and forced them to be prudent and cease their madness.

⁸³ so he went whither he was ordered to go, and when he was informed of the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them as soon as they were gotten together, and put his army in battle-array, and slew a great number of them in the fight, and forced them to leave off their madness, and to grow wiser;

⁸³ As he was going in fulfilment of his orders, he was told of the revolt of the Germans, attacking them as soon as they had gathered and with his army in battle-array he killed many of them in the battle and forced them to learn their lesson and put a stop to their madness.

⁸⁴ Ἔμελλον δὲ κἀκείνου μὴ θᾶττον εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραβαλόντος δίκην οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ὑφέξειν·	⁸⁴ However, even if he had not arrived in those parts so quickly, they were destined to pay the penalty not long after.
⁸⁴ nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly upon them on the place, it had not been long ere they would however have been brought to punishment;	⁸⁴ Even if he had not so suddenly attacked them on the spot, they would have been brought to justice before long,

⁸⁵ ἡνίκα γὰρ πρῶτον ἡ τῆς αὐτῶν ἀγγελία τῇ προσέπεσε, πυθόμενος οὐχ ὡς ἂν ἕτερος ἐν τούτῳ τῆς ἡλικίας, νέος γὰρ ἦν ἔτι παντάπασιν, τηλικοῦτον ἄρασθαι μέγεθος πραγμάτων ὤκνησεν,

⁸⁵ For as soon as the news of their revolt reached Rome, Domitian Caesar [Vespasian’s younger son], hearing of it—not as another of his age might have done (for he was still very young)—did not hesitate to take up a matter of such great magnitude.

⁸⁵ for as soon as ever the news of their revolt was come to Rome, and Caesar Domitian was made acquainted with it, he made no delay, even at that his age, when he was exceeding young, but undertook this weighty affair.

⁸⁵ for as soon as the news of their revolt came to Rome and Domitian Caesar learned of it, even though he was very young he made no delay in undertaking this vital matter.

⁸⁶ ἔχων δὲ πατρόθεν ἔμφυτον τὴν‎ ἀνδραγαθίαν καὶ τελειοτέραν τὴν‎ ἄσκησινexercise τῆς ἡλικίας πεποιημένος ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους εὐθὺς ἤλαυνενto set in motion.	⁸⁶ But having a bravery natural to his father and having made his training more perfect than his age would suggest, he immediately marched against the barbarians.
⁸⁶ He had a courageous mind from his father, and had made greater improvements than belonged to such an age: accordingly he marched against the barbarians immediately;	⁸⁶ Having a courageous mind from his father, he had grown up more quickly than his age, so he immediately marched against the barbarians,

⁸⁷ Οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὴν‎ φήμην τῆς ἐφόδου καταπεσόντες ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐποιήσαντο μέγα τοῦ φόβου κέρδος εὑράμενοι τὸ χωρὶς συμφορῶν ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν πάλιν ζυγὸν ὑπαχθῆναι.	⁸⁷ They, losing heart at the rumor of his approach, submitted themselves to him, finding it a great gain to their fear to be brought back under the same yoke without further calamity.
⁸⁷ whereupon their hearts failed them at the very rumor of his approach, and they submitted themselves to him with fear, and thought it a happy thing that they were brought under their old yoke again without suffering any further mischiefs.	⁸⁷ whose hearts failed them at the very rumour of his approach and they surrendered to him out of fear and thought themselves fortunate to be brought back under their old yoke without a disaster.

⁸⁸ Πᾶσιν οὖν ἐπιθεὶς τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ τάξιν τὴν‎ προσήκουσαν , ὡς μηδ᾽ αὖθις ἄν ποτε ῥᾳδίως ἔτι τἀκεῖ ταραχθῆναι, λαμπρὸς καὶ περίβλεπτος ἐπὶ κρείττοσι μὲν τῆς ἡλικίας, πρέπουσι δὲ τῷ πατρὶ κατορθώμασιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀνέζευξε.

⁸⁸ Domitian, therefore, having set everything in Gaul in proper order so that it might never again be easily disturbed, returned to Rome, illustrious and admired for achievements greater than his age and worthy of his father.

⁸⁸ When therefore Domitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul in such good order, that it would not be easily put into disorder any more, he returned to Rome with honor and glory, as having performed such exploits as were above his own age, but worthy of so great a father.

⁸⁸ So when Domitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul in such an order that it would not easily be shaken any further, he returned to Rome with honour and glory, having performed exploits beyond his own age and worthy of so great a father.

⁸⁹ Τῇ δὲ προειρημένῃ ΓερμανῶνGermnas ἀποστάσει κατὰ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ΣκυθικὸνScythians τόλμημα πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans συνέδραμεν.	⁸⁹ At the same time as the aforementioned revolt of the Germans, a Scythian daring against the Romans also occurred.
⁸⁹ At the very same time with the forementioned revolt of the Germans did the bold attempt of the Scythians against the Romans occur;	⁸⁹ At the time of the aforesaid revolt of the Germans the Scythians made a bold attempt against the Romans.

⁹⁰ Οἱ γὰρ καλούμενοι Σκυθῶν Σαρμάται, πολὺ πλῆθος ὄντες, ἄδηλοι μὲν τὸν Ἴστρον ἐπεραιώθησαν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπιτάδε, πολλῇ δὲ βίᾳ καὶ χαλεποὶ διὰ τὸ παντάπασιν ἀνέλπιστον τῆς ἐφόδου προσπεσόντες πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς φρουρᾶς ἀναιροῦσι,

⁹⁰ For those called the Sarmatians of the Scythians, being a great multitude, crossed the Ister [Danube] unobserved to the side near us; and falling upon the land with great force and harshness because the attack was entirely unexpected, they killed many of the Romans on guard.

⁹⁰ for those Scythians who are called Sarmatians, being a very numerous people, transported themselves over the Danube into Mysia, without being perceived; after which, by their violence, and entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great many of the Romans that guarded the frontiers;

⁹⁰ Those of the Scythians who are called Sarmatians, a very numerous people, crossed over the Danube into Mysia, without being noticed. Then in a violent and unexpected attack, they killed many of the Romans that guarded the frontiers,

⁹¹ καὶ τὸν πρεσβευτὴν τὸν ὑπατικὸνof consular rank Φοντήιον ἈγρίππανAgrippa ὑπαντιάσαντα καρτερῶς μαχόμενον κτείνουσι, τὴν‎ δ᾽ ὑποκειμένην χώραν ἅπασαν κατέτρεχον ἄγοντες καὶ φέροντες ὅτῳ περιπέσοιεν.	⁹¹ They also killed the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa, who met them and fought bravely, and they overran all the underlying country, driving off and plundering whatever they fell upon.
⁹¹ and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to meet them, and fought courageously against them, he was slain by them. They then overran all the region that had been subject to him, tearing and rending everything that fell in their way.	⁹¹ and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to meet them and fought them bravely, he was killed by them, and they overran all the region that had been subject to him, tearing and plundering whatever fell in their way.

⁹² ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian δὲ τὰ γεγενημένα καὶ τὴν‎ πόρθησιν τῆς Μυσίας πυθόμενος Ῥούβριον ΓάλλονGallus ἐκπέμπει δίκην ἐπιθήσοντα τοῖς Σαρμάταις.	⁹² When Vespasian heard of these events and the plundering of Moesia, he sent out Rubrius Gallus to inflict punishment on the Sarmatians.
⁹² But when Vespasian was informed of what had happened, and how Mysia was laid waste, he sent away Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians;	⁹² When Vespasian learned what had happened and how Mysia was destroyed, he sent Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians.

⁹³ Ὑφ᾽ οὗ πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἀπέθανον, τὸ δὲ περισωθὲν μετὰ δέους εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν διέφυγεν.	⁹³ By him many of them were killed in battles, and those who survived fled in fear to their own country.
⁹³ by whose means many of them perished in the battles he fought against them, and that part which escaped fled with fear to their own country.	⁹³ Many of them died in the battles he fought against them and those who escaped fled with fear to their own country.

⁹⁴ Τοῦτο δὲ τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος ἐπιθεὶς ὁ στρατηγὸς καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἀσφαλείας προυνόησε· πλείοσι γὰρ καὶ μείζοσι φυλακαῖς τὸν τόπον διέλαβεν, ὡς εἶναι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὴν‎ διάβασιν τελέως ἀδύνατον.	⁹⁴ Having brought this end to the war, the general also provided for future security; for he divided the region with more and larger garrisons, so that the crossing was made completely impossible for the barbarians.
⁹⁴ So when this general had put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of the country also; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians to pass over the river any more.	⁹⁴ When he had put an end to the war, the general provided for the future security of the country, placing more and better garrisons in the place, until he made it quite impossible for the barbarians to cross the river any more.

⁹⁵ Ὁ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὴν‎ ΜυσίανMysia πόλεμος ταχεῖαν οὕτως ἔλαβε τὴν‎ κρίσιν.	⁹⁵ Thus the war in Moesia received a swift conclusion.
⁹⁵ And thus had this war in Mysia a sudden conclusion.	⁹⁵ And so this war in Mysia came to a sudden end.

Chapter 5
A strange river in Syria;
Triumph of Titus and Vespasian, in Rome

☜ ☞

⁹⁶ δὲ χρόνον μέν τινα διέτριβεν ἐν , καθὰ προειρήκαμεν, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἀναζεύξας καὶ δι᾽ ὧν ᾔει πόλεων τῆς ἐν πάσαις θεωρίας τε συντελῶν πολυτελεῖς καὶ τῶν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους εἰς ἐπίδειξιν τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἀπωλείας ἀποχρώμενος, θεᾶται κατὰ τὴν‎ πορείαν ποταμοῦ φύσιν ἀξίαν ἱστορηθῆναι.

⁹⁶ Titus Caesar remained for some time in Berytus, as we said before; setting out from there, through whatever cities of Syria he passed, he exhibited magnificent spectacles, using the Jewish captives to demonstrate their own destruction. During his journey, he beheld a river whose nature is worthy of recording.

⁹⁶ Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at Berytus, as we told you before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of that nation. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in history;

⁹⁶ As we have said, Titus Caesar delayed some time at Berytus. Moving on from there he gave magnificent shows in all the cities of Syria through which he passed, using the Jewish prisoners to demonstrate their own destruction, and on the journey he saw a river worthy of special mention.

⁹⁷ ῥεῖ μὲν γὰρ μέσος Ἀρκέας τῆς ἈγρίππαAgrippa βασιλείας καὶ Ῥαφανέας, ἔχει δὲ θαυμαστὴν ἰδιότητα·	⁹⁷ It flows between Arcea, in Agrippa’s kingdom, and Raphanea, and it possesses a marvelous peculiarity.
⁹⁷ it runs in the middle between Arcea, belonging to Agrippa’s kingdom, and Raphanea. It hath somewhat very peculiar in it;	⁹⁷ It flows from Arcea in Agrippa's kingdom to Raphanea and is notable in that,

⁹⁸ πολὺς γὰρ ὤν, ὅτε ῥεῖ, καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ φορὰν οὐ σχολαῖος, ἔπειτα δὲ πᾶς ἐκ τῶν πηγῶν ἐπιλείπων ἓξ ἡμερῶν ἀριθμὸν ξηρὸν παραδίδωσιν ὁρᾶν τὸν τόπον·	⁹⁸ For when it flows, it is a full stream and its current is not slow; but then it fails entirely at its sources and for the space of six days provides a dry bed to be seen.^[1]
⁹⁸ for when it runs, its current is strong, and has plenty of water;	⁹⁸ when it runs, its current is strong and plentiful, after which its sources fail for six days in a row, leaving its channel visibly dry.

^[1]The Sabbatic River: Josephus identifies this as a river in Syria (likely the Nahr al-Arus). Interestingly, Pliny the Elder also mentions it, but claims it flows for six days and rests on the seventh—the exact opposite of Josephus’s account.

⁹⁹ Εἶθ᾽ ὥσπερ οὐδεμιᾶς γενομένης μεταβολῆς ὅμοιος κατὰ τὴν‎ ἑβδόμην ἐκδίδωσι, καὶ ταύτην ἀεὶ τὴν‎ τάξιν ἀκριβῶς τετήρηται διαφυλάττων· ὅθεν δὴ καὶ αὐτὸν κεκλήκασιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἱερᾶς τῶν ἑβδόμης οὕτως ὀνομάσαντες.

⁹⁹ Then, as if no change had occurred, it gushes out on the seventh day in the same manner; and it has always strictly maintained this order. Because of this, they have called it the Sabbatic River, naming it after the sacred seventh day of the Jews.

⁹⁹ after which its springs fail for six days together, and leave its channel dry, as anyone may see; after which days it runs on the seventh day as it did before, and as though it had undergone no change at all; it hath also been observed to keep this order perpetually and exactly; whence it is that they call it the Sabbatic River, that name being taken from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.

⁹⁹ Then on the seventh day it flows as it did before, as though it had not changed at all. It has also been observed to keep this order always and exactly, and so they call it the Sabbatical River, a name taken from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.

¹⁰⁰ Ὁ δὲ τῶν ἈντιοχέωνAntioch δῆμος ἐπεὶ πλησίον ὄντα ΤίτονTitus ἐπυνθάνοντο, μένειν μὲν ἐντὸς τειχῶν ὑπὸ χαρᾶς οὐχ ὑπέμενον, ἔσπευδον δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ὑπάντησιν·	¹⁰⁰ When the people of Antioch learned Titus was near, they could not bear to stay within their walls for joy, but hastened to meet him.
¹⁰⁰ But when the people of Antioch were informed that Titus was approaching, they were so glad at it, that they could not keep within their walls, but hasted away to give him the meeting;	¹⁰⁰ When the people of Antioch were told that Titus was near they were so glad that they could not stay within their walls, but hurried out to meet him,

¹⁰¹ καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἐπὶ πλέον προῆλθον οὐκ ἄνδρες μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ γυναικῶν πλῆθος ἅμα παισὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκχεόμενοι.	¹⁰¹ They proceeded more than thirty stadia,^[1] not only the men but a multitude of women and children pouring out of the city.
¹⁰¹ nay, they proceeded as far as thirty furlongs, and more, with that intention. These were not the men only, but a multitude of women also with their children did the same;	¹⁰¹ going as far as thirty furlongs and more for that purpose, and not just the men only, but many women and their children streamed out from the city.

^[1]30 stadia=5.6 km (3.4 miles)

¹⁰² Κἀπειδήπερ ἐθεάσαντο προσιόντα, παρὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν ἑκατέρωθεν καταστάντες τάς τε δεξιὰς προύτεινον προσαγορεύοντες καὶ παντοίοις ἐπιφημίσμασι χρώμενοι συνυπέστρεφον·	¹⁰² When they saw him approaching, they lined both sides of the road, extending their right hands in greeting and welcoming him with all kinds of acclamations as they turned back with him.
¹⁰² and when they saw him coming up to them, they stood on both sides of the way, and stretched out their right hands, saluting him, and making all sorts of acclamations to him, and turned back together with him.	¹⁰² Seeing him come level with them, they stood on both sides of the road, stretching out their hands and blessing him in all ways and returned with him.

¹⁰³ συνεχὴς δὲ ἦν αὐτῶν παρὰ πάσας ἅμα τὰς εὐφημίας δέησις ἐκβαλεῖν τῆς πόλεως τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews.	¹⁰³ Amidst all their praises, there was a continuous petition that he would expel the Jews from their city.
¹⁰³ They also, among all the acclamations they made to him, besought him all the way they went to eject the Jews out of their city;	¹⁰³ Among all their acclamations ran a petition to expel the Jews from their city.

¹⁰⁴ ΤίτοςTitus μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν ἐνέδωκεν πρὸς ταύτην τὴν‎ δέησιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡσυχῆ τῶν λεγομένων ἐπήκουεν· ἐπ᾽ ἀδήλῳ δὲ τῷ τί φρονεῖ καὶ τί ποιήσει πολὺς καὶ χαλεπὸς τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ὁ φόβος ἦν·	¹⁰⁴ Titus gave no ground to this petition but listened in silence to what was said; and because it was unclear what he thought or would do, the Jews were in a state of great and distressing fear.
¹⁰⁴ yet did not Titus at all yield to this their petition, but gave them the bare hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews were in a great deal of terrible fear, under the uncertainty they were in what his opinion was, and what he would do to them.	¹⁰⁴ Titus did not yield to this petition, but listened to them quietly, leaving the Jews in terrible fear, uncertain of what his opinion was.

¹⁰⁵ οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπέμεινεν ἐν , ἀλλ᾽ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸ Ζεῦγμα τὸ κατὰ τὸν συνέτεινε τὴν‎ πορείαν, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Βολογέσου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἧκον στέφανον χρυσοῦν ἐπὶ τῇ κατὰ τῶν νίκῃ κομίζοντες.

¹⁰⁵ For Titus did not stay in Antioch, but immediately directed his march to Zeugma on the Euphrates, where ambassadors from Vologeses, king of the Parthians, came to him bringing a golden crown on account of his victory over the Jews.

¹⁰⁵ For Titus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his progress immediately to Zeugma, which lies upon the Euphrates, whither came to him messengers from Vologeses king of Parthia, and brought him a crown of gold upon the victory he had gained over the Jews;

¹⁰⁵ Titus did not stay on in Antioch, but immediately continued on to Zeugma on the Euphrates, where messengers from Vologeses king of Parthia came to him bringing him a crown of gold for his victory over the Jews.

¹⁰⁶ Ὃν δεξάμενος εἱστία τοὺς βασιλικούς, κἀκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντιόχειανAntioch ἐπανέρχεται.	¹⁰⁶ Having accepted this and feasted the royal messengers, he returned to Antioch.
¹⁰⁶ which he accepted of, and feasted the king’s messengers, and then came back to Antioch.	¹⁰⁶ He accepted this and gave a feast for the king's messengers and then returned to Antioch.

¹⁰⁷ Τῆς δὲ βουλῆς καὶ τοῦ δήμου τῶν ἈντιοχέωνAntioch πολλὰς ποιησαμένων δεήσεις ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὸ θέατρον αὐτόν, ἐν ᾧ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἠθροισμένον ἐξεδέχετο, φιλανθρώπως ὑπήκουσε.	¹⁰⁷ When the senate and people of Antioch repeatedly begged him to come to the theater, where the whole multitude was assembled to receive him, he kindly complied.
¹⁰⁷ And when the senate and people of Antioch earnestly entreated him to come upon their theater, where their whole multitude was assembled, and expected him, he complied with great humanity;	¹⁰⁷ When the senate and people of Antioch asked him to come to their theatre, where the population was assembled and waiting for him, he very cordially agreed;

¹⁰⁸ Πάλιν δ᾽ αὐτῶν σφόδρα λιπαρῶς ἐγκειμένων καὶ συνεχῶς δεομένων ἐξελάσαι τῆς πόλεως τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews, εὔστοχον ἐποιήσατο τὴν‎ ἀπόκρισιν,	¹⁰⁸ But when they again very earnestly pressed him and continually begged to drive the Jews out of the city, he made a pointed response,
¹⁰⁸ but when they pressed him with much earnestness, and continually begged of him that he would eject the Jews out of their city, he gave them this very pertinent answer:	¹⁰⁸ but when they pressed him and earnestly implored him to expel the Jews from their city, he gave them this apt answer:

¹⁰⁹ εἰπών " ἀλλ᾽ ἥ γε πατρὶς αὐτῶν, εἰς ἣν ἐκβαλεῖν ἐχρῆν ὄντας ἸουδαίουςJews, ἀνῄρηταιto take up, καὶ δέξαιτ᾽ ἂν οὐδεὶς αὐτοὺς ἔτι τόπος.	¹⁰⁹ saying: “But their own country, to which as Jews they ought to be banished, has been destroyed, and no other place would receive them now.”
¹⁰⁹ “How can this be done, since that country of theirs, whither the Jews must be obliged then to retire, is destroyed, and no place will receive them besides?”	¹⁰⁹ "But their own country, to which as Jews I should send them back, has been destroyed and nowhere else will receive them!"

¹¹⁰ Ἐπὶ δευτέραν οὖν ἈντιοχεῖςAntioch τρέπονται δέησιν τῆς προτέρας ἀποστάντες· τὰς γὰρ χαλκᾶς ἠξίουν δέλτους ἀνελεῖν αὐτόν, ἐν αἷς γέγραπται τὰ δικαιώματα τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews.	¹¹⁰ The Antiochians then turned to a second petition, dropping the first; they requested that he remove the bronze tablets on which the rights of the Jews were engraved.
¹¹⁰ Whereupon the people of Antioch, when they had failed of success in this their first request, made him a second; for they desired that he would order those tables of brass to be removed on which the Jews’ privileges were engraven.	¹¹⁰ The people of Antioch, having failed in their first request, made another, asking him to remove the brass plaques on which the Jews' privileges were engraved.

¹¹¹ Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τοῦτο ΤίτοςTitus ἐπένευσεν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐάσας πάντα κατὰ χώραν τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἸουδαίοιςJews ὡς πρότερον εἶχον εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀπηλλάττετοto want to be delivered.	¹¹¹ But Titus would not grant them this either; instead, leaving everything as it was for the Jews in Antioch, he departed for Egypt.
¹¹¹ However, Titus would not grant that either, but permitted the Jews of Antioch to continue to enjoy the very same privileges in that city which they had before, and then departed for Egypt;	¹¹¹ This too, Titus refused, and allowed the Jews of Antioch to enjoy the same privileges as before, and then he left for Egypt.

¹¹² Καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ πορείαν τοῖς προσελθὼν καὶ τὴν‎ λυπρὰν ἐρημίαν βλεπομένην ἀντιτιθεὶς τῇ ποτε τῆς πόλεως λαμπρότητι, καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν ἐρρηγμένων κατασκευασμάτων καὶ τὸ πάλαι κάλλος εἰς μνήμην βαλλόμενος, ᾤκτειρε τῆς πόλεως τὸν ὄλεθρον,

¹¹² On his journey, he came to Jerusalem, and contrasting the dismal desolation he saw with the former splendor of the city—calling to mind the greatness of the shattered structures and its ancient beauty—he pitied the city’s destruction.

¹¹² and as he came to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared the melancholy condition he saw it then in, with the ancient glory of the city, and called to mind the greatness of its present ruins, as well as its ancient splendor, he could not but pity the destruction of the city,

¹¹² On his journey he visited Jerusalem and contrasting its sad desolation with the city's former glory, its present vast ruins compared to its ancient splendour, he pitied the ruin of the city.

¹¹³ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἄν τις αὐχῶν ὅτι τηλικαύτην οὖσαν καὶ τοσαύτην εἷλε κατὰ κράτος, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἐπαρώμενος τοῖς αἰτίοις τῆς ὑπάρξασι καὶ ταύτην ἐπὶ τῇ πόλει τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν γενέσθαι παρασκευάσασιν· οὕτως ἔκδηλος ἦν οὐκ ἂν θελήσας ἐκ τῆς συμφορᾶς τῶν κολασθέντων γενέσθαι τῆς ἀρετῆς τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν.

¹¹³ He did not act like one boasting that he had taken by force so great a city, but he frequently cursed those responsible for the revolt who had brought this punishment upon the city. Thus, it was clear he did not wish his own glory to be manifested through the calamity of the punished.

¹¹³ so far was he from boasting that so great and goodly a city as that was had been by him taken by force; nay, he frequently cursed those that had been the authors of their revolt, and had brought such a punishment upon the city; insomuch that it openly appeared that he did not desire that such a calamity as this punishment of theirs amounted to should be a demonstration of his courage.

¹¹³ Far from boasting of having captured such a fine and great city by storm, he said many curses against those who had caused the revolt and brought such a penalty on the city, making it clear that he never wished the disaster of their punishment to be the proof of his courage.

¹¹⁴ Τοῦ δὲ πολλοῦ πλούτου τῆς πόλεως ἔτι κἀν τοῖς ἐρειπίοις οὐκ ὀλίγον μέρος ἀνηυρίσκετο·	¹¹⁴ Of the vast wealth of the city, no small portion was still found among the ruins.
¹¹⁴ Yet was there no small quantity of the riches that had been in that city still found among its ruins,	¹¹⁴ No small amount of the city's vast riches was still being found among its ruins,

¹¹⁵ τὰ μὲν γὰρ πολλὰ ἀνέσκαπτον οἱ , τὰ πλείω δὲ ἐκ μηνύσεως τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀνῃροῦντο, χρυσόν τε καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ τῆς ἄλλης τὰ τιμιώτατα κατασκευῆς, ἅπερ οἱ κεκτημένοι πρὸς τὰς ἀδήλους τοῦ πολέμου τύχας κατὰ γῆς ἀποτεθησαυρίκεσαν.

¹¹⁵ The Romans dug up much of it, but even more was recovered through the information of captives—gold, silver, and the most precious furniture, which the owners, facing the uncertain fortunes of war, had stored underground.

¹¹⁵ a great deal of which the Romans dug up; but the greatest part was discovered by those who were captives, and so they carried it away,—I mean the gold and the silver, and the rest of that most precious furniture which the Jews had, and which the owners had treasured up underground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.

¹¹⁵ much of which the Romans dug up, though most had been found by the prisoners, who carried it away, the gold and silver and other valuables which the owners had stored under ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.

¹¹⁶ ΤίτοςTitus δὲ τὴν‎ προκειμένην ποιούμενος πορείαν ἐπ᾽ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt καὶ τὴν‎ ἔρημον ᾗ τάχιστα διανύσας ἧκεν εἰς ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria,	¹¹⁶ Titus, continuing his journey to Egypt, crossed the desert as quickly as possible and came to Alexandria.
¹¹⁶ So Titus took the journey he intended into Egypt, and passed over the desert very suddenly, and came to Alexandria,	¹¹⁶ So Titus pursued his intended journey into Egypt and crossed the desert as quickly as possible and came to Alexandria.

¹¹⁷ καὶ πλεῖν ἐπὶ τῆς ἸταλίαςItaly διεγνωκὼς δυοῖν αὐτῷ ταγμάτων συνηκολουθηκότων ἑκάτερον ὅθεν περ ἀφῖκτο πάλιν ἀπέστειλεν, εἰς μὲν τὴν‎ ΜυσίανMysia τὸ πέμπτον, εἰς Παννονίαν δὲ τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον.	¹¹⁷ Having decided to sail for Italy, he sent the two legions that had accompanied him back to their former stations: the Fifth to Moesia and the Fifteenth to Pannonia.
¹¹⁷ and took up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And as he was accompanied by two legions, he sent each of them again to the places whence they had before come; the fifth he sent to Mysia, and the fifteenth to Pannonia:	¹¹⁷ Here, resolving to sail to Italy, he dismissed the two legions that accompanied him, sending each back to where they had come from: the fifth to Mysia and the fifteenth to Pannonia.

¹¹⁸ Τῶν αἰχμαλώτων δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας καὶ , τόν τ᾽ ἄλλον ἀριθμὸν ἑπτακοσίους ἄνδρας ἐπιλέξας μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων ὑπερβάλλοντας, προσέταξεν εἰς τὴν‎ αὐτίκα μάλα κομίζεσθαι βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς ἐν τῷ θριάμβῳ παραγαγεῖν.

¹¹⁸ Of the captives, he selected the leaders, Simon and John, and seven hundred other men distinguished for their height and physical beauty, ordering them to be sent to Italy immediately, as he wished to parade them in the triumph.

¹¹⁸ as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of the rest as being eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his triumph.

¹¹⁸ Of the captives, he ordered their officers, Simon and John, along with the other seven hundred men he had chosen for their stature and physique, to be brought soon to Italy, to parade them in his triumph.

¹¹⁹ Τοῦ πλοῦ δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ νοῦν ἀνυσθέντος ὁμοίως μὲν ἡ ῬώμηRome περὶ τὴν‎ ὑποδοχὴνa reception εἶχε καὶ τὰς ὑπαντήσεις ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατρός, λαμπρότερον δ᾽ ἦν ΤίτῳTitus καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ πατὴρ ὑπαντῶν καὶ δεχόμενος.	¹¹⁹ His voyage being completed according to his wish, Rome gave him a reception and a welcome similar to that given to his father; but it was more glorious for Titus that his father himself came out to meet and receive him.
¹¹⁹ So when he had had a prosperous voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved itself in his reception, and their meeting him at a distance, as it did in the case of his father. But what made the most splendid appearance in Titus’s opinion was, when his father met him, and received him;	¹¹⁹ So after a successful voyage the city of Rome welcomed him as it had his father, but for Titus the most splendid moment was when his father met and welcomed him.

¹²⁰ Τῷ δὲ πλήθει τῶν πολιτῶν δαιμόνιόν τινα τὴν‎ χαρὰν παρεῖχε τὸ βλέπειν αὐτοὺς ἤδη τοὺς τρεῖς ἐν ταὐτῷ γεγονότας.	¹²⁰ To the multitude of citizens, it was a source of divine joy to see all three [Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian] together in the same place.
¹²⁰ but still the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when they saw them all three together, as they did at this time;	¹²⁰ The thronging citizens were ecstatic to see all three of them together, as they did now.

¹²¹ Οὐ πολλῶν δὲ ἡμερῶν διελθουσῶν ἕνα καὶ κοινὸν ἔγνωσαν τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις ποιήσασθαι θρίαμβον, καίπερ ἑκατέρῳ τῆς βουλῆς ἴδιον ψηφισαμένης.	¹²¹ A few days later, they decided to celebrate one common triumph for their successes, although the Senate had decreed a separate one for each.
¹²¹ nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself.	¹²¹ A few days later they decided to celebrate their exploits with one common triumph, although the senate had decreed one for each of them.

¹²² Προδιασαφηθείσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐφ᾽ ἧς ἔμελλεν ἡ πομπὴ γενήσεσθαι τῶν , οὐδεὶς οἴκοι καταλέλειπτο τῆς ἀμέτρου πληθύος ἐν τῇ πόλει, πάντες δὲ ὅπη καὶ στῆναι μόνον ἦν οἷον προεληλυθότες τοὺς τόπους κατειλήφεσαν, ὅσον τοῖς ὀφθησομένοις μόνον εἰς πάροδον ἀναγκαίαν καταλιπόντες.

¹²² When the day appointed for the victory procession was announced, not a soul of the countless multitude in the city remained at home; everyone went out and occupied every spot where one could even stand, leaving only the necessary passage for those who were to be seen.

¹²² So when notice had been given beforehand of the day appointed for this pompous solemnity to be made, on account of their victories, not one of the immense multitude was left in the city, but everybody went out so far as to gain only a station where they might stand, and left only such a passage as was necessary for those that were to be seen to go along it.

¹²² When advance notice was given of the day appointed to celebrate their victories, not a person stayed at home, but everyone went out to gain standing room, leaving only enough leeway as was needed for those in the procession itself.

¹²³ Τοῦ δὲ στρατιωτικοῦ παντὸς ἔτι νύκτωρ κατὰ λόχους καὶ τάξεις ὑπὸ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι διεξωδευκότος καὶ περὶ θύρας ὄντος οὐ τῶν ἄνω βασιλείων ἀλλὰ πλησίον τοῦ τῆς ἱεροῦ, ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἀνεπαύοντο τῆς νυκτὸς ἐκείνης οἱ αὐτοκράτορες,

¹²³ While it was still night, all the soldiers had marched out by companies and ranks under their commanders and were stationed near the doors, not of the upper palace, but near the Temple of Isis, for there the Emperors had rested that night.

¹²³ Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the nighttime, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night.

¹²³ During the night all the soldiers marched out in their companies and troops, under their officers, and were gathered at the doors not of the upper palace, but near the temple of Isis, for it was there that the emperors had rested for the night.

¹²⁴ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀρχομένηνto rule, reign ἤδη τὴν‎ ἕω προίασιν ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian καὶ ΤίτοςTitus δάφνῃ μὲν ἐστεφανωμένοι, πορφυρᾶς δ᾽ ἐσθῆτας πατρίους ἀμπεχόμενοι, καὶ παρίασιν εἰς τοὺς Ὀκταουίας περιπάτους·	¹²⁴ As day began to dawn, Vespasian and Titus came forth, crowned with laurel and wearing the traditional purple robes, and proceeded to the Octavian Walks.
¹²⁴ And as soon as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those ancient purple habits which were proper to their family, and then went as far as Octavian’s Walks;	¹²⁴ At dawn that day, Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel and clothed in the traditional purple, and went as far as Octavian's Promenade,

¹²⁵ ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἥ τε βουλὴ καὶ τὰ τέλη τῶν ἀρχόντων οἵ τε ἀπὸ τῶν τιμημάτων ἱππεῖς τὴν‎ ἄφιξιν αὐτῶν ἀνέμενον.	¹²⁵ For there the Senate, the chief magistrates, and the knights of equestrian rank awaited their arrival.
¹²⁵ for there it was that the senate, and the principal rulers, and those that had been recorded as of the equestrian order, waited for them.	¹²⁵ where the senate and chief magistrates and those of the equestrian register, waited for them.

¹²⁶ πεποίητο δὲ βῆμα πρὸ τῶν στοῶν δίφρων αὐτοῖς ἐλεφαντίνων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κειμένων, ἐφ᾽ οὓς παρελθόντες ἐκαθέσθησαν, καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εὐθέως ἐπευφήμει πολλὰς αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀρετῆς μαρτυρίας ἀποδιδόντες ἅπαντες· κἀκεῖνοι χωρὶς ὅπλων ἦσαν ἐν ἐσθήσεσιν σηρικαῖς ἐστεφανωμένοι δάφναις.

¹²⁶ A tribunal had been erected in front of the porticoes with ivory chairs placed upon it; they came forward and sat down, and the military immediately shouted acclamations. The soldiers were without armor, in silk robes and crowned with laurel.

¹²⁶ Now a tribunal had been erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs had been set upon it, when they came and sat down upon them. Whereupon the soldiery made an acclamation of joy to them immediately, and all gave them attestations of their valor; while they were themselves without their arms, and only in their silken garments, and crowned with laurel:

¹²⁶ A tribunal had been erected before the porticoes and ivory chairs had been set upon it, and they came and sat on them. All the soldiers immediately made them joyful acclamations, bearing witness of their bravery, while they themselves were unarmed and were robed in silk and crowned with laurel.

¹²⁷ Δεξάμενος δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν‎ εὐφημίαν ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian ἔτι βουλομένων λέγειν τὸ τῆς σιγῆς ἐποιήσατο σύμβολον,	¹²⁷ Vespasian accepted their acclamation, and as they wished to continue speaking, he made the signal for silence.
¹²⁷ then Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs; but while they were still disposed to go on in such acclamations, he gave them a signal of silence.	¹²⁷ Vespasian accepted the acclamations, but while they still wanted to continue he signalled for silence.

¹²⁸ καὶ πολλῆς ἐκ πάντων ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἀναστὰς καὶ τῷ περιβλήματι τὸ πλέον τῆς κεφαλῆς μέρος ἐπικαλυψάμενος εὐχὰς ἐποιήσατο τὰς νενομισμένας· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ΤίτοςTitus ηὔξατο.	¹²⁸ When deep silence fell upon all, he stood up, and covering most of his head with his cloak, he offered the customary prayers; Titus did the same.
¹²⁸ And when everybody entirely held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part of his head with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers; the like prayers did Titus put up also;	¹²⁸ As everyone stayed quite still, he stood up and covered most of his head with his mantle, recited the ritual prayers, and Titus prayed likewise.

¹²⁹ μετὰ δὲ τὰς εὐχὰς εἰς κοινὸν ἅπασιν ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian βραχέα διαλεχθεὶς τοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας ἀπέλυσεν ἐπὶ τὸ νενομισμένον ἄριστον αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων εὐτρεπίζεσθαι,	¹²⁹ After the prayers, Vespasian spoke briefly to the whole assembly and dismissed the soldiers to the breakfast traditionally provided by the Emperors.
¹²⁹ after which prayers Vespasian made a short speech to all the people, and then sent away the soldiers to a dinner prepared for them by the emperors.	¹²⁹ After the prayers Vespasian made a short speech to the assembly and then sent away the soldiers to the traditional meal provided for them by the emperors.

¹³⁰ πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ πύλην αὐτὸς ἀνεχώρει τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τοῦ πέμπεσθαι δι᾽ αὐτῆς αἰεὶ τοὺς θριάμβους τῆς προσηγορίας ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν τετυχυῖαν.	¹³⁰ He then retired to the gate which, because the triumphs always pass through it, has received its name from them [the Porta Triumphalis].^[1]
¹³⁰ Then did he retire to that gate which was called the Gate of the Pomp, because pompous shows do always go through that gate;	¹³⁰ Then he withdrew to the gate from which triumphal processions always begin, and which is consequently named the triumphal gate.

^[1]This was a special gate in Rome opened only for triumphs. The route ended at the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, the most sacred site in Rome.

¹³¹ Ἐνταῦθα τροφῆς τε προαπογεύονται καὶ τὰς θριαμβικὰς ἐσθῆτας ἀμφιασάμενοι τοῖς τε παριδρυμένοις τῇ πύλῃ θύσαντες θεοῖς ἔπεμπον τὸν θρίαμβον διὰ τῶν θεάτρων διεξελαύνοντες, ὅπως εἴη τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἡ θέα ῥᾴων.

¹³¹ There they took a little food, put on the triumphal robes, and after sacrificing to the gods stationed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, driving through the theaters so that the multitudes might have a better view.

¹³¹ there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitudes.

¹³¹ There they first had some food and when they had put on their triumphal clothing and had offered sacrifices to the gods at the gate, they began the triumphal march, starting through the theatres, to let the crowds have an easier view.

¹³² Ἀμήχανον δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν εἰπεῖν τῶν θεαμάτων ἐκείνων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν‎ μεγαλοπρέπειαν ἐν ἅπασιν οἷς ἄν τις ἐπινοήσειεν ἢ τεχνῶν ἔργοις ἢ πλούτου μέρεσιν ἢ φύσεως σπανιότησιν·	¹³² It is impossible to describe worthily the multitude of the spectacles and their magnificence in everything one could imagine—works of art, displays of wealth, or rarities of nature.
¹³² Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature;	¹³² One cannot adequately describe the size of the spectacle and its magnificence, for it surpassed all imagination in the workmen's craft, the variety of riches and the rarities of nature.

¹³³ σχεδὸν γὰρ ὅσα τοῖς πώποτε ἀνθρώποις εὐδαιμονήσασιν ἐκτήθη κατὰ μέρος ἄλλα παρ᾽ ἄλλοις θαυμαστὰ καὶ πολυτελῆ, ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἀθρόα τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἡγεμονίας ἔδειξε τὸ μέγεθος.	¹³³ For almost all the wonders and costly things that ever came into the possession of the most fortunate people were collected that day to show the greatness of the Roman Empire.
¹³³ for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piecemeal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans;	¹³³ Almost every admirable and costly rarity which the most fortunate men could ever collect piece by piece, was here all heaped together on that day to show the might of the Roman empire.

¹³⁴ Ἀργύρου γὰρ καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἐλέφαντος ἐν παντοίαις ἰδέαις κατασκευασμάτων ἦν ὁρᾶν οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν πομπῇ κομιζόμενον πλῆθος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις ῥέοντα ποταμόν, καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐκ πορφύρας ὑφάσματα τῆς σπανιωτάτης φερόμενα, τὰ δ᾽ εἰς ἀκριβῆ ζωγραφίαν πεποικιλμένα τῇ τέχνῃ·

¹³⁴ One could see silver, gold, and ivory in all kinds of forms, not as if carried in a procession, but, as one might say, flowing like a river; there were tapestries of the rarest purple and others embroidered with the art of the Babylonians.

¹³⁴ for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians.

¹³⁴ Masses of silver and gold and ivory were on display, shaped into all sorts of things and did not seem to be merely carried along in a procession but, one could say, running along like a river. There were tapestries of the rarest purple being carried along, and others embroidered with detailed life, forms in the manner of the Babylonians.

¹³⁵ λίθοι τε διαφανεῖς, οἱ μὲν χρυσοῖς ἐμπεπλεγμένοι στεφάνοις, οἱ δὲ κατ᾽ ἄλλας ποιήσεις, τοσοῦτοι παρηνέχθησαν, ὥστε μαθεῖν ὅτι μάτην εἶναί τι τούτων σπάνιον ὑπειλήφαμεν.	¹³⁵ Transparent gems, some set in golden crowns and others in various designs, were carried in such numbers that we learned we were wrong to think any of these things were rare.
¹³⁵ There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities.	¹³⁵ There were precious stones that were transparent, some within in crowns of gold and some in other styles, in such numbers that we were made to realize how wrong we were in thinking of them as rarities!

¹³⁶ Ἐφέρετο δὲ καὶ θεῶν ἀγάλματα τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς μεγέθεσι θαυμαστὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ τέχνην οὐ παρέργως πεποιημένα, καὶ τούτων οὐδέν, ὅ τι μὴ τῆς ὕλης τῆς πολυτελοῦς, ζῴων τε πολλαὶ φύσεις παρήγοντο κόσμον οἰκεῖον ἁπάντων περικειμένων.

¹³⁶ Images of the gods were carried, wonderful for their size and made with meticulous skill, and none of them made of anything but costly material; many species of animals were also led along, all wearing their appropriate trappings.

¹³⁶ The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments.

¹³⁶ The images of the gods were also carried, wonderful in size, and marvellously wrought, with nothing but the most costly materials, and beasts of many kinds, each with its own ornaments.

¹³⁷ Ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ κομίζον ἕκαστα τούτων πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἁλουργαῖς ἐσθῆσι καὶ διαχρύσοις κεκοσμημένον, οἵ τ᾽ εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ πομπεύειν διακριθέντες ἐξαίρετον εἶχον καὶ καταπληκτικὴν περὶ αὐτοὺς τοῦ κόσμου τὴν‎ πολυτέλειαν.

¹³⁷ The multitude of men carrying these objects were adorned in purple and gold-embroidered garments, and those chosen for the procession itself had an extraordinary and stunning luxury about them.

¹³⁷ The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising.

¹³⁷ The many men carrying the various items wore purple clothing, interwoven with gold and everyone chosen for going in the pageant wore magnificent and colourful ornaments.

¹³⁸ Ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐδὲ τὸν αἰχμάλωτον ἦν ἰδεῖν ὄχλον ἀκόσμητον, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ τῶν ἐσθήτων ποικιλία καὶ τὸ κάλλος αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τῆς κακώσεως τῶν σωμάτων ἀηδίαν ἔκλεπτε τῆς ὄψεως.	¹³⁸ Furthermore, even the crowd of captives was not unadorned; the variety and beauty of their clothes concealed the wretchedness of their physical condition from the eye.
¹³⁸ Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies.	¹³⁸ Even the many captives were not unadorned, and the variety and texture of their clothing concealed from sight the deformity of their bodies.

¹³⁹ Θαῦμα δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα παρεῖχεν ἡ τῶν φερομένων πηγμάτων κατασκευή· καὶ γὰρ διὰ μέγεθος ἦν δεῖσαι τῷ βεβαίῳ τῆς φορᾶς ἀπιστήσαντα,	¹³⁹ But what caused the greatest wonder was the construction of the moving stages (pegmata); for their size caused fear and disbelief in their stability.
¹³⁹ But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude;	¹³⁹ Most striking of all was the structure of the floats in the pageant, so large that the onlookers were afraid that the bearers would not be able to support them,

¹⁴⁰ τριώροφα γὰρ αὐτῶν πολλὰ καὶ τετρώροφα πεποίητο, καὶ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ τῇ περὶ τὴν‎ κατασκευὴν ἦν ἡσθῆναι μετ᾽ ἐκπλήξεωςconsternation.	¹⁴⁰ Many were three or even four stories high, and one was delighted and amazed at the luxury of their construction.
¹⁴⁰ for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise;	¹⁴⁰ for many of them were made in three or even four stories, one above another, of a texture both pleasing and amazing.

¹⁴¹ Καὶ γὰρ ὑφάσματα πολλοῖς διάχρυσα περιβέβλητο, καὶ χρυσὸς καὶ ἐλέφας οὐκ ἀποίητος πᾶσι περιεπεπήγει.	¹⁴¹ For many were covered with gold-embroidered tapestries, and gold and ivory were fastened all around them.
¹⁴¹ for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all;	¹⁴¹ On many of them were laid carpets of gold, and they were festooned with wrought gold and ivory and

¹⁴² Διὰ πολλῶν δὲ μιμημάτων ὁ πόλεμος ἄλλος εἰς ἄλλα μεμερισμένος ἐναργεστάτην ὄψιν αὑτοῦ παρεῖχεν·	¹⁴² Through many representations, the war was shown in various stages, providing a most vivid image of it.
¹⁴² and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself.	¹⁴² with many images of the war in a lively variety of ways.

¹⁴³ ἦν γὰρ ὁρᾶν χώραν μὲν εὐδαίμονα δῃουμένην, δὲ φάλαγγας κτεινομένας πολεμίων, καὶ τοὺς μὲν φεύγοντας τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν ἀγομένους, τείχη δ᾽ ὑπερβάλλοντα μεγέθει μηχαναῖς ἐρειπόμενα καὶ φρουρίων ὀχυρότητας καὶ πόλεων πολυανθρώπους περιβόλους κατ᾽ ἄκρας ἐχομένους,

¹⁴³ One could see a fertile land being ravaged, whole phalanxes of enemies being slaughtered, some fleeing and others being led into captivity; walls of immense height being demolished by engines, strong fortresses being taken, and the fortified circuits of populous cities being captured from the heights.

¹⁴³ For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on,

¹⁴³ These depicted a prosperous country destroyed and entire cohorts of enemies killed, some running away and some being taken prisoner, with walls of great height and size destroyed and ruined by machines, strong fortifications and the walls of populous cities on hilltops being captured

¹⁴⁴ καὶ στρατιὰν ἔνδον τειχῶν εἰσχεομένην, καὶ πάντα φόνου πλήθοντα τόπον, καὶ τῶν ἀδυνάτων χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν ἱκεσίας, πῦρ τε ἐνιέμενον ἱεροῖς καὶ κατασκαφὰς οἴκων ἐπὶ τοῖς δεσπόταις,	¹⁴⁴ An army was seen pouring inside the walls, every place full of slaughter, the hands of the helpless raised in supplication, fire being thrown into temples, and houses being demolished over their owners.
¹⁴⁴ and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners:	¹⁴⁴ and an army pouring through the ramparts, and everywhere full of slaughter, with hands upraised in surrender when they could no longer strike, and fire set to temples and houses falling upon their owners' heads.

¹⁴⁵ καὶ μετὰ πολλὴν ἐρημίαν καὶ κατήφειαν ποταμοὺς ῥέοντας οὐκ ἐπὶ γῆν γεωργουμένην, οὐδὲ ποτὸν ἀνθρώποις ἢ βοσκήμασιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς ἐπιπανταχόθεν φλεγομένης· ταῦτα γὰρ πεισομένους αὑτοὺς τῷ πολέμῳ παρέδοσαν.

¹⁴⁵ And after great desolation and gloom, rivers were shown flowing, not over cultivated land, nor as drink for men or cattle, but through land still burning on every side; for such were the things the Jews suffered during the war.

¹⁴⁵ rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war.

¹⁴⁵ On top of this, they depicted rivers running not through cultivated land or supplying drink to man and beast, but through a wasteland still on fire on every side, and all that had happened to the Jews for getting into this war.

¹⁴⁶ ἡ τέχνη δὲ καὶ τῶν κατασκευασμάτων ἡ μεγαλουργία τοῖς οὐκ ἰδοῦσι γινόμενα τότ᾽ ἐδείκνυεν ὡς παροῦσι.	¹⁴⁶ The art and the scale of these constructions showed these events to those who had not seen them as if they were present.
¹⁴⁶ Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present.	¹⁴⁶ The art and craft of these representations was so lifelike that it showed the incidents to those who did not see them, as if they had been there.

¹⁴⁷ Τέτακτο δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ τῶν πηγμάτων ὁ τῆς ἁλισκομένηςto be caught πόλεως στρατηγὸς ὃν τρόπον ἐλήφθη.	¹⁴⁷ Upon each of the stages was stationed the general of the captured city in the manner in which he was taken.
¹⁴⁷ On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships;	¹⁴⁷ On the top of each of these floats the commander of the captured city was shown in the way he had been taken, and a number of ships were towed.

¹⁴⁸ Πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ νῆες εἵποντο. Λάφυρα δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χύδην ἐφέρετο, διέπρεπε δὲ πάντων τὰ ἐγκαταληφθέντα τῷ ἐν ἱερῷ, χρυσῆ τε τράπεζα τὴν‎ ὁλκὴν πολυτάλαντος καὶ λυχνία χρυσῆ μὲν ὁμοίως πεποιημένη, τὸ δ᾽ ἔργον ἐξήλλακτο τῆς κατὰ τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν χρῆσιν συνηθείας.

¹⁴⁸ Many ships also followed. But of the spoils, while others were carried in heaps, those taken from the Temple at Jerusalem were the most prominent: a golden table weighing many talents, and a golden lampstand (the Menorah), though its construction was different from that in ordinary use.

¹⁴⁸ and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of;

¹⁴⁸ Other spoils were carried in great plenty, but foremost of all were those taken in the temple of Jerusalem, that is, the golden table, weighing many talents, and the candlestick, also made of gold, though of a different shape from that which we normally used.

¹⁴⁹ Ὁ μὲν γὰρ μέσος ἦν κίων ἐκ τῆς βάσεως πεπηγώς, λεπτοὶ δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μεμήκυντο καυλίσκοι τριαίνης σχήματι παραπλησίαν τὴν‎ θέσιν ἔχοντες, λύχνον ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ἐπ᾽ ἄκρον κεχαλκευμένος· ἑπτὰ δ᾽ ἦσαν οὗτοι τῆς παρὰ τοῖς ἑβδομάδος τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἐμφανίζοντες.

¹⁴⁹ For there was a central shaft fixed to the base, from which extended slender branches arranged like the shape of a trident, each having a brass lamp at its end; there were seven of these, representing the honor of the seventh day among the Jews.

¹⁴⁹ for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews;

¹⁴⁹ Its middle shaft was fixed on a base and from it stretched slender branches in the form of a trident, with a bronze lamp at the top of each. There were seven of these lamps representing the importance of the number seven to the Jews.

¹⁵⁰ Ὅ τε νόμος ὁ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐφέρετο τῶν λαφύρων τελευταῖος.	¹⁵⁰ After these, the Law of the Jews (the Torah) was carried as the last of the spoils.
¹⁵⁰ and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews.	¹⁵⁰ Last of all, at the end of the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews.

¹⁵¹ Ἐπὶ τούτοις παρῄεσαν πολλοὶ Νίκης ἀγάλματα κομίζοντες· ἐξ ἐλέφαντος δ᾽ ἦν πάντων καὶ χρυσοῦ ἡ κατασκευή.	¹⁵¹ Behind these came many men carrying statues of Victory, all made of ivory and gold.
¹⁵¹ After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold.	¹⁵¹ Then came a group of men carrying images of Victory, made entirely of ivory and gold.

¹⁵² Μεθ᾽ ἃ ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian ἤλαυνε πρῶτος καὶ ΤίτοςTitus εἵπετο, ΔομετιανὸςDomitian δὲ παρίππευεν, αὐτός τε διαπρεπῶς κεκοσμημένος καὶ τὸν ἵππον παρέχων θέας ἄξιον.	¹⁵² After these, Vespasian drove first, followed by Titus; and Domitian rode alongside them, most splendidly adorned and mounted on a horse worth seeing.
¹⁵² After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration.	¹⁵² Behind them came first Vespasian followed by Titus, and with him Domitian, magnificently robed and riding a splendid horse.

¹⁵³ Ἦν δὲ τῆς πομπῆςconduct, escort τὸ τέλος ἐπὶ τὸν νεὼ τοῦ Καπετωλίου Διός, ἐφ᾽ ὃν ἐλθόντες ἔστησαν· ἦν γὰρ παλαιὸν πάτριον περιμένειν, μέχρις ἂν τὸν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν πολεμίων θάνατον ἀπαγγείλῃ τις.	¹⁵³ The end of the procession was at the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, where they arrived and halted; for it was an ancient ancestral custom to wait until the death of the enemy’s general was announced.
¹⁵³ Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still; for it was the Romans’ ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain.	¹⁵³ The pageant ended at the temple of Zeus Capitolinus, where when they had arrived, they stood still, for it was the Romans' ancient custom to wait until someone brought news that the general of the enemy was killed.

¹⁵⁴ οὗτος ἦν ὁ , τότε πεπομπευκὼς ἐν τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις, βρόχῳ δὲ περιβληθεὶς εἰς τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐσύρετο τόπον αἰκιζομένων αὐτὸν ἅμα τῶν ἀγόντων· νόμος δ᾽ ἐστὶ ἐκεῖ κτείνειν τοὺς ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ θάνατον κατεγνωσμένους.

¹⁵⁴ This was Simon, son of Gioras, who had been led in the procession among the captives; a noose was thrown around him, and he was dragged to the spot near the Forum while those leading him scourged him; it is a Roman law to execute there those condemned to death for their crimes.

¹⁵⁴ This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there.

¹⁵⁴ This general was Simon, son of Gioras, who had been led among the captives in the triumph, with a rope around his neck, scourged by those leading him along, and he had been brought to the usual place in the forum as directed in Roman law for condemned criminals to be executed.

¹⁵⁵ Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀπηγγέλθηto bring a report τέλος ἔχων καὶ πάντες εὐφήμησαν, ἤρχοντο τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς ἐπὶ ταῖς νομιζομέναις καλλιερήσαντες εὐχαῖς ἀπῄεσαν εἰς τὸ βασίλειον.	¹⁵⁵ When it was announced that he was dead and everyone shouted for joy, they began the sacrifices, and having offered them with the customary prayers, they returned to the palace.
¹⁵⁵ Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had sent up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace.	¹⁵⁵ When his end was announced and the people applauded, they began the traditional sacrifices and recited the proper prayers and when they were finished, returned to the palace.

¹⁵⁶ Καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτοὶ πρὸς εὐωχίαν ὑπεδέχοντο, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἅπασιν εὐτρεπεῖς κατὰ τὸ οἰκεῖον αἱ τῆς ἑστιάσεως ἦσαν παρασκευαί.	¹⁵⁶ The Emperors entertained some at a feast, and for all the others, preparations for banquets were made at their own homes.
¹⁵⁶ And as for some of the spectators, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for their feasting at home;	¹⁵⁶ They entertained some at their own feast, and all the rest had banquets in their homes,

¹⁵⁷ Ταύτην γὰρ τὴν‎ ἡμέραν ἡ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin πόλις ἑώρταζεν ἐπινίκιονof victory, triumphal μὲν τῆς κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων στρατείας, πέρας δὲ τῶν ἐμφυλίων κακῶν, ἀρχὴν δὲ τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐλπίδων.	¹⁵⁷ For the city of Rome celebrated this day as a victory for the campaign against their enemies, an end to civil evils, and a beginning of hopes for future prosperity.
¹⁵⁷ for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness.	¹⁵⁷ for the city of Rome was in festival that day for the victory of their army over the enemy, and that an end was now put to their civil woes and hopes for future prosperity had dawned.

¹⁵⁸ μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους καὶ τὴν‎ βεβαίωσιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας κατάστασιν ἔγνω τέμενος Εἰρήνης κατασκευάσαι· ταχὺ δὲ δὴ μάλα καὶ πάσης ἀνθρωπίνης κρεῖττον ἐπινοίας ἐτετελείωτο.

¹⁵⁸ After the triumphs and the most stable establishment of the Roman Empire, Vespasian decided to build a Temple of Peace; it was completed very quickly and beyond all human expectation.

¹⁵⁸ After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion:

¹⁵⁸ With the triumph over and the affairs of the Romans settled on a firm foundation, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, and this was completed in an unbelievably short time and quite magnificently.

¹⁵⁹ Τῇ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ πλούτου χορηγίᾳ δαιμονίῳ χρησάμενος ἔτι καὶ τοῖς ἔκπαλαι κατωρθωμένοις γραφῆς τε καὶ πλαστικῆς ἔργοις αὐτὸ κατεκόσμησεν·	¹⁵⁹ Using his vast wealth in a divine manner, he adorned it with works of painting and sculpture from ancient times.
¹⁵⁹ for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues;	¹⁵⁹ For with his vast wealth he adorned it with valuable ancient pictures and statues,

¹⁶⁰ πάντα γὰρ εἰς ἐκεῖνον τὸν νεὼ συνήχθη καὶ κατετέθη, δι᾽ ὧν τὴν‎ θέαν ἄνθρωποι πρότερον περὶ πᾶσαν ἐπλανῶντο τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην, ἕως ἄλλο παρ᾽ ἄλλοις ἦν κείμενον ἰδεῖν ποθοῦντες.	¹⁶⁰ For everything was gathered and deposited in that temple, for the sight of which men had previously wandered over the whole world, desiring to see them while they were scattered in different places.
¹⁶⁰ for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another;	¹⁶⁰ and in it were collected and kept such treasures as in the past people used to wander around the world to see, finding them piece by piece wherever they were.

¹⁶¹ Ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews χρυσᾶ κατασκευάσματα σεμνυνόμενος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς.	¹⁶¹ He also dedicated there the golden vessels from the Temple of the Jews, taking great pride in them.
¹⁶¹ he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple.	¹⁶¹ He also stored there the golden vessels from the Jewish temple, to his own honour,

¹⁶² Τὸν δὲ νόμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ πορφυρᾶ τοῦ σηκοῦ καταπετάσματα προσέταξεν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀποθεμένους φυλάττειν.	¹⁶² But their Law and the purple hangings of the sanctuary he ordered to be deposited and kept in the palace.
¹⁶² But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.	¹⁶² but he ordered that their Law and the purple veils of the holy place should be safely guarded in the palace.

Chapter 6
Lucilius Bassus captures Machaerus
and other places

☜ ☞

¹⁶³ Εἰς δὲ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea πρεσβευτὴς ΛουκίλιοςLucilius ΒάσσοςBassus ἐκπεμφθεὶς καὶ τὴν‎ στρατιὰν παρὰ Κερεαλίου Οὐετιλιανοῦ παραλαβὼν τὸ μὲν ἐν τῷ Ἡρωδείῳ φρούριον προσηγάγετο μετὰ τῶν ἐχόντων,	¹⁶³ Lucilius Bassus, having been sent as legate into Judea and receiving the army from Cerealius Vetilianus, brought over the fortress at Herodium together with its garrison.
¹⁶³ Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there he received the army from Cerealis Vitellius, and took that citadel which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that was in it;	¹⁶³ Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea and there he received the army from Cerealius Vitellianus and captured the Herodium citadel and its garrison.

¹⁶⁴ μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ πᾶν ὅσον ἦν στρατιωτικὸν συναγαγών, πολὺ δ᾽ ἦν κατὰ μέρη διῃρημένον, καὶ τῶν ταγμάτων τὸ δέκατον, ἔγνω στρατεύειν ἐπὶ · πάνυ γὰρ ἦν ἀναγκαῖον ἐξαιρεθῆναι τὸ φρούριον, μὴ διὰ τὴν‎ ὀχυρότητα πολλοὺς εἰς ἀποστασίαν ἐπαγάγηται.

¹⁶⁴ After this, having gathered all the military force (which was much divided into various parts) and the Tenth Legion, he decided to march against Machaerus. For it was absolutely necessary that this fortress be taken, lest its strength incite many to revolt.

¹⁶⁴ after which he got together all the soldiery that was there (which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties), with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Macherus; for it was highly necessary that this citadel should be demolished, lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion, by reason of its strength;

¹⁶⁴ After this he gathered all his forces which were numerous and divided into several groups, along with the tenth legion and set out to attack Machaerus, since it was essential to demolish this citadel due to its strength, or it might entice many into revolt.

¹⁶⁵ Καὶ γὰρ τοῖς κατέχουσι βεβαίαν ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας καὶ τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν ὄκνον καὶ δέος ἡ τοῦ χωρίου φύσις ἦν παρασχεῖν ἱκανωτάτη.	¹⁶⁵ For the nature of the place was such that it was capable of providing a firm hope of safety to those who held it, and hesitation and fear to those who attacked it.
¹⁶⁵ for the nature of the place was very capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack it;	¹⁶⁵ The nature of the place inspired in those who occupied it a great sense of security, and could cause its attackers much delay and anxiety,

¹⁶⁶ Αὐτὸ μὲν γὰρ τὸ τετειχισμένον πετρώδης ὄχθος ἐστὶν εἰς μήκιστον ὕψος ἐγηγερμένος, ὡς εἶναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δυσχείρωτος, μεμηχάνηται δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως εἶναι μηδὲ προσιτός·	¹⁶⁶ For the fortified place itself is a rocky hill raised to an immense height, making it difficult to subdue; indeed, by nature, it has been engineered to be inaccessible.
¹⁶⁶ for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated to a very great height; which circumstance alone made it very hard to be subdued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it could not be easily ascended;	¹⁶⁶ for it was a rocky walled-in place on a great height, which of itself made it formidable and so shaped by nature that access to it was difficult.

¹⁶⁷ φάραγξιν γὰρ πάντοθεν ἀσύνοπτον ἐχούσαιςto have, hold τὸ βάθος περιτετάφρευται, μήτε περαθῆναι ῥᾳδίως δυναμέναις καὶ χωσθῆναι παντάπασιν ἀμηχάνοις.	¹⁶⁷ For it is ditched around on all sides by ravines of invisible depth, which can neither be crossed easily nor filled up at all.
¹⁶⁷ for it is, as it were, ditched about with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth, that the eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are not easily to be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with earth.	¹⁶⁷ It was entrenched on all sides between apparently bottomless gorges that were not easy to cross, and impossible to bank up with earth.

¹⁶⁸ ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας περιτέμνουσα παρατείνει σταδίους ἑξήκοντα πέρας αὑτῆς τὴν‎ ποιουμένη λίμνην· κατὰ τοῦτο δέ πῃ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Μαχαιροῦς τὴν‎ ὑψηλοτάτην ἔχει κορυφὴν ὑπερανίσχουσαν·

¹⁶⁸ The ravine that cuts it off from the west extends sixty stadia,^[1] ending at the Asphaltite Lake [the Dead Sea]; in this direction, Machaerus^[2] has its highest peak rising above.

¹⁶⁸ For that valley which cuts it on the west extends to threescore furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltitis; on the same side it was also that Macherus had the tallest top of its hill elevated above the rest.

¹⁶⁸ The gorge which cuts it off on the west goes for sixty furlongs and ends only at lake Asphaltitis, and on that side, too, Machaerus reaches its highest point.

^[1] 60 stadia = 11 km (7 miles)
^[2]Machaerus was a hilltop stronghold east of the Dead Sea. It is famous in the New Testament as the site where John the Baptist was imprisoned and executed.

¹⁶⁹ αἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄρκτου καὶ μεσημβρίας φάραγγες μεγέθει μὲν ἀπολείπονται τῆς προειρημένης, ὁμοίως δ᾽ εἰσὶν ἀμήχανοι πρὸς ἐπιχείρησινan attempt, attack.	¹⁶⁹ The ravines to the north and south are smaller in size than the one mentioned, but are equally impossible to attack.
¹⁶⁹ But then for the valleys that lay on the north and south sides, although they be not so large as that already described, yet it is in like manner an impracticable thing to think of getting over them;	¹⁶⁹ While not as extensive as the former, the gorges on the north and south sides are equally difficult to tackle,

¹⁷⁰ Τῆς δὲ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν φάραγγος τὸ μὲν βάθος οὐκ ἔλαττονsmaller, less ἑκατὸν εὑρίσκεται πήχεων, τέρμα δὲ γίνεται πρὸς ὄρος ἀπαντικρὺ κείμενον ΜαχαιροῦντοςMachaerus.	¹⁷⁰ The depth of the ravine to the east is found to be no less than a hundred cubits,^[1] and it terminates at a mountain lying opposite Machaerus.
¹⁷⁰ and for the valley that lies on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a mountain that lies over against Macherus, with which it is bounded.	¹⁷⁰ while the gorge to the east is no less than a hundred feet deep and ends at a mountain facing Machaerus.

^[1]100 cubits = 44 metres (146 ft)

¹⁷¹ Ταύτην τοῦ τόπου κατιδὼν τὴν‎ φύσιν βασιλεὺς ἸουδαίωνJews ἈλέξανδροςAlexander πρῶτος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τειχίζει φρούριον, ὃ μετὰ ταῦτα ΓαβίνιοςGabinius ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous πολεμῶν καθεῖλεν.	¹⁷¹ Alexander [Jannaeus], the king of the Jews, was the first to see the nature of this place and build a fortress on it; it was later demolished by Gabinius when he made war against Aristobulus.
¹⁷¹ Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made war against Aristobulus.	¹⁷¹ Having noted the nature of this place, the Jewish king Alexander was the first to built a citadel here, which was later demolished by Gabinius, in his war with Aristobulus.

¹⁷² ἩρώδῃHerod δὲ βασιλεύοντι παντὸς ἔδοξε μᾶλλον ἐπιμελείας ἄξιον εἶναι καὶ κατασκευῆς ὀχυρωτάτης μάλιστα καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν ἈράβωνArabian γειτνίασιν· κεῖται γὰρ ἐν ἐπικαίρῳ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐκείνων γῆν ἀποβλέπον.	¹⁷² When Herod became king, it seemed to him above all else worthy of care and the strongest fortification, especially because of its proximity to the Arabians; for it is situated in a favorable spot, overlooking their land.
¹⁷² But when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that account, and hath a prospect toward that country;	¹⁷² But when Herod became king, he thought the location should be fortified as solidly as possible, especially as it lay so close to Arabia and conveniently looked out toward that country.

¹⁷³ Μέγαν μὲν οὖν τόπον τείχεσιν καὶ πύργοις περιβαλὼν πόλιν ἐνταῦθα κατῴκισεν, ἐξ ἧς ἄνοδος εἰς αὐτὴν ἔφερε τὴν‎ ἀκρώρειαν.	¹⁷³ Having enclosed a large area with walls and towers, he founded a city there, from which a path led up to the peak itself.
¹⁷³ he therefore surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain;	¹⁷³ So he surrounded a large area with walls and towers and built a city there, from which a path led up to the citadel.

¹⁷⁴ Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ αὐτὴν ἄνω τὴν‎ κορυφὴν τεῖχος ἐδείματο καὶ πύργους ἐπὶ ταῖς γωνίαις ἕκαστον ἑξήκοντα πηχῶν ἀνέστησεν.	¹⁷⁴ Moreover, around the very top of the peak he built a wall, and at the corners, he erected towers sixty cubits^[1] high.
¹⁷⁴ nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high;	¹⁷⁴ Furthermore, he built a wall around the top of the hill with towers at the corners, a hundred and sixty feet high.

^[1]60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft)

¹⁷⁵ Μέσον δὲ τοῦ περιβόλου βασίλειον ᾠκοδομήσατο μεγέθει τε καὶ κάλλει τῶν οἰκήσεων πολυτελές,	¹⁷⁵ In the middle of the enclosure, he built a palace, magnificent in the size and beauty of its rooms.
¹⁷⁵ in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices.	¹⁷⁵ In the middle he built a palace in magnificent style, with large, ornate buildings.

¹⁷⁶ πολλὰς δὲ καὶ δεξαμενὰς εἰς ὕδατος καὶ χορηγίαν ἄφθονον ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τῶν τόπων κατεσκεύασεν, ὥσπερ πρὸς τὴν‎ φύσιν ἁμιλληθείς, ἵν᾽ αὐτὸς τὸ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τοῦ τόπου δυσάλωτον ὑπερβάληται ταῖς χειροποιήτοις ὀχυρώσεσιν·

¹⁷⁶ He also constructed many cisterns for the reception of water and an abundant supply in the most convenient places, as if competing with nature so that he might surpass the natural difficulty of the place with man-made defenses.

¹⁷⁶ He also made a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken) by those fortifications which were made by the hands of men.

¹⁷⁶ In the most suitable places there, he also made many reservoirs for water, to have a plentiful supply for all uses. It was as though he wrestled with the nature of the place and added man-made fortifications to its natural security, by which it was already hard to take.

¹⁷⁷ ἔτι γὰρ καὶ βελῶν πλῆθος καὶ μηχανημάτων ἐγκατέθετο καὶ πᾶν ἐπενόησεν ἑτοιμάσασθαι τὸ παρασχεῖν δυνάμενον τοῖς ἐνοικοῦσιν μηκίστης πολιορκίας καταφρόνησιν.	¹⁷⁷ He further stored a multitude of missiles and engines, and devised every preparation that could provide the inhabitants with contempt for the longest siege.
¹⁷⁷ Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get everything thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants’ security, under the longest siege possible.	¹⁷⁷ There he also stored up many spears and other weapons and anything else to ensure its inhabitants' security, under the longest of sieges.

¹⁷⁸ Ἐπεφύκει δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις πήγανον ἄξιον τοῦ μεγέθους θαυμάσαι· συκῆς γὰρ οὐδεμιᾶς ὕψους καὶ πάχους ἐλείπετο.	¹⁷⁸ In the palace, there grew a rue plant, worthy of wonder for its size; it was inferior to no fig tree in height or thickness.
¹⁷⁸ Now within this place there grew a sort of rue that deserves our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to any fig tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness;	¹⁷⁸ Within this palace grew a plant of admirable size, no smaller than a fig tree in height or width.

¹⁷⁹ Λόγος δὲ ἦν ἀπὸ τῶν ἩρώδουHerod χρόνων αὐτὸ διαρκέσαι, κἂν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἴσως ἔμεινεν, ἐξεκόπη δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν παραλαβόντων τὸν τόπον ἸουδαίωνJews.	¹⁷⁹ The story was that it had lasted since the times of Herod, and would perhaps have remained for a very long time, but it was cut down by the Jews who took the place.
¹⁷⁹ and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterwards.	¹⁷⁹ According to report, it had stood since Herod's time, and would probably have lasted a very long time had it not been cut down by the Jews who later occupied the place.

¹⁸⁰ Τῆς φάραγγος δὲ τῆς κατὰ τὴν‎ ἄρκτονbear, bruin; north περιεχούσης τὴν‎ πόλιν ΒαάραςBaaras ὀνομάζεταί τις τόπος, φύει ῥίζαν ὁμωνύμως λεγομένην αὐτῷ.	¹⁸⁰ In the valley surrounding the city to the north, there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name.
¹⁸⁰ But still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north side there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name with itself;	¹⁸⁰ Also in the gorge surrounding the city on the north side there is a place called Baaras, where there grows a root of the same name.

¹⁸¹ Αὕτη φλογὶ μὲν τὴν‎ χροίαν ἔοικε, περὶ δὲ τὰς ἑσπέρας σέλας ἀπαστράπτουσα τοῖς ἐπιοῦσι καὶ βουλομένοις λαβεῖν αὐτὴν οὐκ ἔστιν εὐχείρωτος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑποφεύγει καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἵσταται, πρὶν ἄν τις οὖρον γυναικὸς ἢ τὸ ἔμμηνον αἷμα χέῃ κατ᾽ αὐτῆς.

¹⁸¹ Its color is like fire, and in the evenings, it flashes out a light for those approaching; it is not easy to take for those who wish to do so, but it shrinks away and does not stand still until one pours a woman’s urine or menstrual blood upon it.

¹⁸¹ its color is like to that of flame, and towards the evenings it sends out a certain ray like lightning. It is not easily taken by such as would do it, but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken quietly, until either the urine of a woman, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon it;

¹⁸¹ It is flame-coloured and toward evening sends out a ray like lightning, and is not easy to pick, as it draws back from the hands of the picker, and cannot be taken with ease until either a woman's urine or her menstrual blood is poured upon it.

¹⁸² Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε τοῖς ἁψαμένοις πρόδηλός ἐστι θάνατος, εἰ μὴ τύχοι τις αὐτὴν ἐκείνην ἐπενεγκάμενος τὴν‎ ῥίζαν ἐκ τῆς χειρὸς ἀπηρτημένην.	¹⁸² Even then, certain death awaits those who touch it, unless one happens to carry the root itself suspended from the hand.
¹⁸² nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless anyone take and hang the root itself down from his hand, and so carry it away.	¹⁸² Even then, it brings certain death to those who touch it, unless the root is taken and hung upside-down from the hand and so carried away.

¹⁸³ Ἁλίσκεται δὲ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕτερον τρόπον ἀκινδύνως, ὅς ἐστι τοιόσδε· κύκλῳ πᾶσαν αὐτὴν περιορύσσουσιν, ὡς εἶναι τὸ κρυπτόμενον τῆς ῥίζης βραχύτατον.	¹⁸³ It is also captured in another way without danger, which is as follows: they dig all around it until only a very small part of the root is hidden.
¹⁸³ It may also be taken another way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small,	¹⁸³ Another way to pick it safely is to dig a trench around it, until only a small part of the root remains buried;

¹⁸⁴ Εἶτ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀποδοῦσι κύνα, κἀκείνου τῷ δήσαντι συναθροισθέντες ἡ μὲν ἀνασπᾶται ῥᾳδίως, θνήσκει δ᾽ εὐθὺς ὁ κύων ὥσπερ ἀντιδοθεὶς τοῦ μέλλοντος τὴν‎ βοτάνην ἀναιρήσεσθαι· φόβος γὰρ οὐδεὶς τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα λαμβάνουσιν.

¹⁸⁴ Then they tie a dog to it; when the dog rushes to follow the one who tied him, the root is easily pulled up, but the dog dies immediately, as if given in exchange for the one who was about to take the plant; for there is no fear for those who take it after this.

¹⁸⁴ they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to follow him that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take the plant away; nor after this need anyone be afraid of taking it into their hands.

¹⁸⁴ then a dog is tied to it and when the animal tries to follow the one who tied it, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog immediately dies, instead of the one who wants to take the plant. After this, one need not fear to take it in one’s hands.

¹⁸⁵ Ἔστι δὲ μετὰ τοσούτων κινδύνων διὰ μίαν ἰσχὺν περισπούδαστος· τὰ γὰρ καλούμενα δαιμόνια, ταῦτα δὲ πονηρῶν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων πνεύματα τοῖς ζῶσιν εἰσδυόμενα καὶ κτείνοντα τοὺς βοηθείας μὴ τυγχάνοντας, αὕτη ταχέως ἐξελαύνει, κἂν προσενεχθῇ μόνον τοῖς νοσοῦσι.

¹⁸⁵ Despite such dangers, it is highly sought after for its one power: for the so-called demons—which are the spirits of wicked men that enter the living and kill those who receive no help—this root quickly drives them out, even if it is only brought near the sick.

¹⁸⁵ Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those called demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them.

¹⁸⁵ This dangerous plant is prized for one single power, for just to bring it to a patient soon drives away so-called demons, which are none other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into living people and kill them, unless they get some help against them.

¹⁸⁶ ῥέουσι δὲ καὶ θερμῶν ὑδάτων πηγαὶ κατὰ τὸν τόπον πολὺ τὴν‎ γεῦσιν ἀλλήλων διαφέρουσαι· πικραὶ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν τινές εἰσιν, αἱ δὲ γλυκύτητος οὐδὲν ἀπολείπουσαι.	¹⁸⁶ In that place, there also flow springs of hot water, differing greatly in taste from one another; for some are bitter, while others lack nothing in sweetness.
¹⁸⁶ Here are also fountains of hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others of them are plainly sweet.	¹⁸⁶ Thermal springs also flow there, which have very different tastes, some of them bitter while others are quite sweet.

¹⁸⁷ Πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ ψυχρῶν ὑδάτων ἀναδόσεις οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ χθαμαλωτέρῳ τὰς πηγὰς παραλλήλους ἔχουσαι,	¹⁸⁷ There are also many outlets of cold water, and their sources are not only side-by-side in the lower ground,
¹⁸⁷ Here are also many eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have their fountains near one another,	¹⁸⁷ There are also many fresh-water springs, not only in the lower-lying places where the springs are near to each other.

¹⁸⁸ ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἂν καὶ μᾶλλόν τις θαυμάσειε, σπήλαιον γάρ τι πλησίον ὁρᾶταιan observer κοιλότητι μὲν οὐ βαθύ, τῇ πέτρᾳ δὲ προυχούσῃ σκεπόμενον·	¹⁸⁸ but what one might wonder at even more: a certain cave is seen nearby, not deep in its hollow, but sheltered by a projecting rock.
¹⁸⁸ but, what is still more wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent;	¹⁸⁸ More remarkably, one can see nearby a shallow cave which is overshadowed by a prominent rock.

¹⁸⁹ ταύτης ἄνωθεν ὡσανεὶ μαστοὶ δύο ἀνέχουσιν ἀλλήλων ὀλίγῳ διεστῶτες, καὶ ψυχροτάτην μὲν ἅτερος πηγήν, ἅτερος δὲ θερμοτάτην ἐκδίδωσιν, αἳ μισγόμεναι ποιοῦσι λουτρὸν παιώνιόν τε νοσημάτων, πολλῷ δὲ μάλιστα νεύρων ἄκεσιν. ἔχει δὲ ὁ τόπος καὶ θείου καὶ στυπτηρίας μέταλλα.

¹⁸⁹ Above this rock, two breast-like shapes rise a little apart from each other, one of which yields a very cold spring and the other a very hot one; these being mixed make a most pleasant bath and a healer of diseases, and especially an aid for the nerves. The place also has mines of sulfur and alum.

¹⁸⁹ above this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that is very hot; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has in it also mines of sulfur and alum.

¹⁸⁹ Above it stand two breast-like hills, a little apart from each other, from one of which flows a very cold spring and from the other one that is very hot, and when mixed together they give a pleasant therapeutic bath, especially for strengthening the nerves. The place also contains mines of sulfur and alum.

¹⁹⁰ δὲ περισκεψάμενος τὸ χωρίον ἔγνω ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ πρόσοδον χωννὺς τὴν‎ Φάραγγα τὴν‎ πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς καὶ τῶν ἔργων εἴχετο, σπουδὴν ποιούμενος ᾗ τάχος ἐξᾶραι τὸ χῶμα καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ῥᾳδίαν ποιῆσαι τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν.

¹⁹⁰ Bassus, having surveyed the region, decided to make his approach by filling up the ravine to the east and set to work, making haste to raise the mound quickly and through it make the siege easy.

¹⁹⁰ Now when Bassus had taken a full view of this place, he resolved to besiege it, by filling up the valley that lay on the east side; so he fell hard to work, and took great pains to raise his banks as soon as possible, and by that means to render the siege easy.

¹⁹⁰ When Bassus had looked around this place, he decided to besiege it by filling up the gorge on the east side, so he got to work and with great effort raised his earthworks as soon as possible, to facilitate the siege.

¹⁹¹ Οἱ δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀπειλημμένοι τῶν αὐτοὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ξένων διακριθέντες ἐκείνους μὲν ἠνάγκασαν, ὄχλον ἄλλως εἶναι νομίζοντες, ἐν τῇ κάτω πόλει παραμένειν καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους προεκδέχεσθαι,

¹⁹¹ The Jews trapped within, having separated themselves from the foreigners, forced the latter (whom they considered a useless crowd) to stay in the lower city and face the first dangers,

¹⁹¹ As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced those strangers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers,

¹⁹¹ The Jews trapped in this place drew back from the foreigners among them, forcing those foreigners, whom they regarded as a mere crowd, to stay in the lower part of the city and face the danger first,

¹⁹² τὸ δ᾽ ἄνω φρούριον αὐτοὶ καταλαβόντες εἶχον καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν τῆς ὀχυρότητος καὶ προνοίᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτῶν· τεύξεσθαι γὰρ ἀφέσεως ὑπελάμβανον, εἰ τὸ χωρίον ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἐγχειρίσειαν.	¹⁹² while they themselves occupied the upper fortress and held it, both because of its strength and out of concern for their own safety; for they supposed they would receive a pardon if they surrendered the place to the Romans.
¹⁹² while they themselves seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and this both on account of its strength, and to provide for their own safety. They also supposed they might obtain their pardon, in case they should [at last] surrender the citadel.	¹⁹² while themselves occupying the upper citadel on account of its strength, with a view to their own safety. They expected to obtain a pardon if the citadel were taken by the Romans,

¹⁹³ Πείρᾳ δὲ πρότερον ἐβούλοντο τὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαφεύξεσθαι τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἐλπίδας ἐλέγξαι. Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ προθύμως ἐποιοῦντο τὰς ἐξόδους ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν, καὶ τοῖς χοῦσι συμπλεκόμενοι πολλοὶ μὲν ἔθνησκον, πολλοὺς δὲ τῶν ἀνῄρουν.

¹⁹³ But first, they wanted to test their hopes of escaping the siege by action. For this reason, they made eager sorties every day, and in the clashes with those building the mounds, many died, and they killed many Romans.

¹⁹³ However, they were willing to make trial, in the first place, whether the hopes they had of avoiding a siege would come to anything; with which intention they made sallies every day, and fought with those that met them; in which conflicts they were many of them slain, as they therein slew many of the Romans.

¹⁹³ but wanted first to see if they could avoid being besieged. With this in mind they made vigorous sorties every day against those who were digging the earthworks and while many of them died doing this, they also killed many of the Romans.

¹⁹⁴ Ἀεὶ δὲ τὸ κρατεῖν ὁ καιρὸς ἐβράβευεν ἑκατέροις τὸ πλέον, τοῖς μὲν ἸουδαίοιςJews, εἰ πρὸς ἀφυλακτοτέρους προσπέσοιεν, τοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν χωμάτων προιδομένοις, εἰ τὴν‎ ἐκδρομὴν αὐτῶν δέχοιντο πεφραγμένως.	¹⁹⁴ Opportunity always awarded victory to either side: to the Jews if they fell upon those who were less on guard, and to the Romans on the mounds if they received the sortie with their shields locked.
¹⁹⁴ But still it was the opportunities that presented themselves which chiefly gained both sides their victories; these were gained by the Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they were off their guard; but by the Romans, when, upon the others’ sallies against their banks, they foresaw their coming, and were upon their guard when they received them.	¹⁹⁴ Victory went to whichever side took best advantage of any opportunity arising, the Jews when they could catch the others off guard, and the latter whenever they were alert and ready for the attack.

¹⁹⁵ Ἀλλ᾽But οὐκ ἐν τούτοις ἔμελλεν γενήσεσθαι τὸ πέρας τῆς πολιορκίας, ἔργον δέ τι πραχθὲν ἐκ συντυχίας παράλογον τῆς παραδόσεως τοῦ φρουρίου τὴν‎ ἀνάγκην ἐπέστησε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews.	¹⁹⁵ But the end of the siege was not to be in this manner; rather, a certain event happened by chance that unexpectedly forced the surrender of the fortress upon the Jews.
¹⁹⁵ But the conclusion of this siege did not depend upon these bickerings; but a certain surprising accident, relating to what was done in this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the citadel.	¹⁹⁵ But the outcome of the siege was not determined by these raids, but by a surprising incident which forced the Jews to surrender the citadel.

¹⁹⁶ Ἦν ἐν τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις νεανίας τολμῆσαί τε θρασὺς καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα δραστήριος, ἘλεάζαροςEleazar ὄνομα·	¹⁹⁶ Among the besieged was a youth bold in daring and active in deed, named Eleazar.
¹⁹⁶ There was a certain young man among the besieged, of great boldness, and very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar;	¹⁹⁶ Among the besieged there was a very daring and energetic young man named Eleazar,

¹⁹⁷ γεγόνει δὲ οὗτος ἐν ταῖς ἐκδρομαῖς ἐπιφανὴς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐξιέναι καὶ κωλύειν τὴν‎ χῶσιν παρακαλῶν καὶ κατὰ τὰς μάχας πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ τοὺς διατιθείς, τοῖς δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ τολμῶσιν ἐπεκτρέχειν ῥᾳδίαν μὲν τὴν‎ προσβολὴν τιθέμενος, ἀκίνδυνον δὲ παρέχων τὴν‎ τῷ τελευταῖος ἀπιέναι.

¹⁹⁷ He had become famous in the sorties, urging many to go out and hinder the mound-building and inflicting many terrible things on the Romans in battle; for those who dared to sortie with him, he made the attack easy and provided a safe retreat by being the last to withdraw.

¹⁹⁷ he greatly signalized himself in those sallies, and encouraged the Jews to go out in great numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mischief when they came to fighting; he so managed matters, that those who sallied out made their attacks easily, and returned back without danger, and this by still bringing up the rear himself.

¹⁹⁷ who distinguished himself in those raids and encouraged many of the Jews to go out, to prevent the raising of the earthworks, and in the fighting he did the Romans a lot of harm. By always bringing up the rear, he directed operations so that those who ventured out with him could make their attacks with ease and get back inside without danger.

¹⁹⁸ Καὶ δή ποτε τῆς μάχης διακριθείσης καὶ γεγονυίας ἀμφοτέρων αὐτὸς ἅτε δὴ περιφρονῶν καὶ νομίζων οὐκ ἂν ἔτι τῶν πολεμίων οὐδένα τότε μάχης ἄρξειν, μείνας τῶν πυλῶν ἔξω τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους διελάλει καὶ πᾶς πρὸς ἐκείνοις τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἦν.

¹⁹⁸ Once, when the battle had broken up and both sides had withdrawn, he—as if in contempt and thinking none of the enemy would start a fight at that moment—remained outside the gates talking to those on the wall, with his whole mind fixed on them.

¹⁹⁸ Now it happened that on a certain time, when the fight was over, and both sides were parted, and retired home, he, in way of contempt of the enemy, and thinking that none of them would begin the fight again at that time, staid without the gates, and talked with those that were upon the wall, and his mind was wholly intent upon what they said.

¹⁹⁸ But once when the fighting was over and both sides had separated and retired, in order to show his scorn for the enemy and thinking that none of them would start to fight again, this man stayed outside the gates, talking to those who were up on the wall, giving his full attention to their conversation.

¹⁹⁹ Ὁρᾷ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ τις στρατοπέδου , γένος , καὶ μηδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος ἐξαίφνης ἐπιδραμὼν σὺν αὐτοῖς ἀράμενος αὐτὸν τοῖς ὅπλοις, ἕως κατεῖχε τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἰδόντας , φθάνει τὸν ἄνδρα μεταθεὶς πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

¹⁹⁹ A certain Rufus from the Roman camp, an Egyptian by birth, saw the opportunity; suddenly running forward, he caught the youth up, armor and all, while those on the walls were frozen in amazement, and succeeded in carrying the man to the Roman camp.

¹⁹⁹ Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor itself; while in the meantime, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp.

¹⁹⁹ Taking his chance, a man named Rufus, an Egyptian by birth, suddenly ran out at him from the Roman ranks and carried him off in his armour, and the onlookers from the wall were so stunned by the speed of it that he brought the man back to the Roman camp.

²⁰⁰ Τοῦ δὲ στρατηγοῦ κελεύσαντος γυμνὸν διαλαβεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ καταστήσαντας εἰς τὸ φανερώτατον τοῖς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀποβλέπουσι μάστιξιν αἰκίζεσθαι, σφόδρα τοὺς τὸ περὶ τὸν νεανίαν πάθος συνέχεεν, ἀθρόα τε ἡ πόλις ἀνῴμωξε, καὶ θρῆνος ἦν μείζων ἢ καθ᾽ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς συμφοράν.

²⁰⁰ The general ordered him to be stripped and set in the most visible place for those in the city to look upon, and to be tortured with whips; this suffering of the youth greatly distressed the Jews, and the whole city wailed together, making a lamentation greater than for the misfortune of one man.

²⁰⁰ So the general of the Romans ordered that he should be taken up naked, set before the city to be seen, and sorely whipped before their eyes. Upon this sad accident that befell the young man, the Jews were terribly confounded, and the city, with one voice, sorely lamented him, and the mourning proved greater than could well be supposed upon the calamity of a single person.

²⁰⁰ The general had him tied up naked and scourged in full view of the city, so that the Jews were terribly downcast at this young man's misfortune and the city grieved for him and mourned to an unusual degree for the fate of one man.

²⁰¹ Τοῦτο συνιδὼν ὁ κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἀρχὴν ἐποιήσατο στρατηγήματος, καὶ βουληθεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπιτεῖναι τὸ περιαλγές, ἵνα βιασθῶσιν ἀντὶ τῆς σωτηρίας τἀνδρὸς ποιήσασθαι τοῦ φρουρίου παράδοσιν, τῆς ἐλπίδος οὐ διήμαρτεν.

²⁰¹ Seeing this, Bassus began a stratagem against the enemy; wishing to increase their grief so that they might be forced to surrender the fortress in exchange for the man’s safety, he did not fail in his hope.

²⁰¹ When Bassus perceived that, he began to think of using a stratagem against the enemy, and was desirous to aggravate their grief, in order to prevail with them to surrender the city for the preservation of that man. Nor did he fail of his hope;

²⁰¹ When Bassus noticed this, he hatched a plan to use against the enemy, to increase their grief and get them to surrender the city in order to save that man, and in this hope he was not mistaken.

²⁰² Ὁ μὲν γὰρ προσέταξε καταπηγνύναι σταυρὸν ὡς αὐτίκα κρεμῶν τὸν , τοῖς δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ φρουρίου τοῦτο θεασαμένοις ὀδύνη τε πλείων προσέπεσε, καὶ διωλύγιον ἀνῴμωζον οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν εἶναι τὸ πάθος βοῶντες.

²⁰² For he ordered a cross to be erected as if he were about to hang Eleazar immediately; when those in the fortress saw this, a greater pain fell upon them, and they wailed loudly, crying out that the suffering was unbearable.

²⁰² for he commanded them to set up a cross, as if he were just going to hang Eleazar upon it immediately; the sight of this occasioned a sore grief among those that were in the citadel, and they groaned vehemently, and cried out that they could not bear to see him thus destroyed.

²⁰² He ordered a cross to be set up, as if intending to crucify Eleazar without delay, which caused such grief among those in the citadel who saw it that they groaned and shouted aloud that this tragedy was unbearable.

²⁰³ Ἐνταῦθα δὴ τοίνυν ἱκέτευεν αὐτοὺς μήτε αὐτὸν περιιδεῖν θανάτων τὸν οἴκτιστον καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν παρασχεῖν τῇ εἴξαντας ἰσχύι καὶ τύχῃ μετὰ πάντας ἤδη κεχειρωμένους.

²⁰³ Thereupon Eleazar begged them not to let him suffer the most piteous of deaths, but to provide safety for themselves by yielding to the power and fortune of the Romans, since everyone else had already been subdued.

²⁰³ Whereupon Eleazar besought them not to disregard him, now he was going to suffer a most miserable death, and exhorted them to save themselves, by yielding to the Roman power and good fortune, since all other people were now conquered by them.

²⁰³ Eleazar implored them not to let him suffer so terrible a death, and to save themselves by yielding to the power and fortune of the Romans, along with so many who were conquered already.

²⁰⁴ Οἱ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκείνου λόγους κατακλώμενοι καὶ πολλῶν ἔνδον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ δεομένων, ἦν γὰρ ἐκ μεγάλης καὶ σφόδρα πολυανθρώπου συγγενείας, παρὰ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν φύσιν εἰς οἶκτον ἐνέδωκαν·	²⁰⁴ They, being broken by his words and because many within were pleading for him (for he was from a great and very populous family), gave in to pity against their own nature.
²⁰⁴ These men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family;	²⁰⁴ They were much moved by his words, and there were many inside the city also praying on his behalf, for he came from an eminent and numerous family, so that, contrary to their nature, they yielded to pity,

²⁰⁵ καί τινας ἐξαποστείλαντες κατὰ τάχος διελέγοντο ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ παράδοσιν τοῦ φρουρίου ἀξιοῦντες, ἵν᾽ ἀδεεῖςwithout fear ἀπαλλάττωνταιto set free κομισάμενοι τὸν ἘλεάζαρονEleazar.	²⁰⁵ They sent some men out quickly and negotiated to surrender the fortress, on the condition that they might depart safely and recover Eleazar.
²⁰⁵ so they now yielded to their passion of commiseration, contrary to their usual custom. Accordingly, they sent out immediately certain messengers, and treated with the Romans, in order to a surrender of the citadel to them, and desired that they might be permitted to go away, and take Eleazar along with them.	²⁰⁵ and sent some people out to parley with the Romans about surrendering the citadel, asking to be allowed to leave and take Eleazar along with them.

²⁰⁶ Δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ταῦτα, τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν τῇ κάτω πόλει τὴν‎ γεγενημένην ἰδίᾳ τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews πυθόμενοιto ask, inquire σύμβασιν αὐτοὶ κατὰ νύκτα λαθόντες ἔγνωσαν ἀποδρᾶναι.	²⁰⁶ The Romans and the general having accepted these terms, the multitude in the lower city, hearing of the private agreement made by the Jews, decided to escape secretly during the night.
²⁰⁶ Then did the Romans and their general accept of these terms; while the multitude of strangers that were in the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement that was made by the Jews for themselves alone, were resolved to fly away privately in the night time;	²⁰⁶ When the Romans and their general agreed to this, the foreigners in the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement made by the Jews for themselves alone, resolved to escape secretly in the night,

²⁰⁷ Τὰς πύλας δὲ αὐτῶν ἀνοιξάντων παρὰ τῶν τὴν‎ ὁμολογίαν πεποιημένων πρὸς τὸν ἧκεν μήνυσις, εἴτ᾽ οὖν τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς φθονησάντων εἴτε [καὶ ] διὰ δέος, μὴ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν αὐτοὶ λάβωσι τῆς ἐκείνων ἀποδράσεως.

²⁰⁷ But when they opened the gates, information was sent to Bassus by those who had made the treaty—either because they envied the others' safety or because they feared they would be blamed for the escape.

²⁰⁷ but as soon as they had opened their gates, those that had come to terms with Bassus told him of it; whether it were that they envied the others’ deliverance, or whether it were done out of fear, lest an occasion should be taken against them upon their escape, is uncertain.

²⁰⁷ but as soon as they had opened the gates, those who had come to terms with Bassus told him of it, either out of envy that the others might escape free, or out of fear that they would be blamed for the men's escape.

²⁰⁸ Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀνδρειότατοι τῶν ἐξιόντων ἔφθασαν διεκπαίσασθαι καὶ διαφυγεῖν, τῶν δ᾽ ἔνδον καταλειφθέντων ἄνδρες μὲν ἀνῃρέθησαν ἐπὶ τοῖς χιλίοις ἑπτακόσιοι, γύναια δὲ καὶ παῖδες ἠνδραποδίσθησαν.	²⁰⁸ The bravest of those going out managed to break through and escape; of those left inside, one thousand seven hundred men were killed, and the women and children were enslaved.
²⁰⁸ The most courageous, therefore, of those men that went out prevented the enemy, and got away, and fled for it; but for those men that were caught within, they were slain, to the number of one thousand seven hundred, as were the women and the children made slaves;	²⁰⁸ The bravest of those who got out were too quick for the enemy and fled away but those who were caught were killed, as many as a thousand seven hundred of them, and their women and children were taken into slavery.

²⁰⁹ Τὰς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς παραδόντας τὸ φρούριον ὁμολογίας οἰόμενος δεῖν ὁ ΒάσσοςBassus διαφυλάττειν αὐτούς τε ἀφίησιν καὶ τὸν ἘλεάζαρονEleazar ἀπέδωκε.	²⁰⁹ Bassus, thinking he ought to keep the treaty with those who surrendered the fortress, let them go and gave Eleazar back to them.
²⁰⁹ but as Bassus thought he must perform the covenant, he had made with those that had surrendered the citadel, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to them.	²⁰⁹ As Bassus felt bound to keep his agreement with those who surrendered the citadel, he let them leave and gave Eleazar back to them.

²¹⁰ Ταῦτα δὲ διοικησάμενος ἠπείγετο τὴν‎ στρατιὰν ἄγων ἐπὶ τὸν προσαγορευόμενον Ἰάρδην δρυμόν· πολλοὶ γὰρ εἰς αὐτὸν ἠγγέλθησαν ἠθροῖσθαι τῶν κατὰ τὰς πολιορκίας πρότερον ἔκ τε καὶ ἀποδράντων.

²¹⁰ Having settled these matters, he hastened with the army toward the forest called Jardes; for news had reached him that many who had escaped during the earlier sieges of Jerusalem and Machaerus had gathered there.

²¹⁰ When Bassus had settled these affairs, he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden, as it is called; for he had heard that a great many of those that had fled from Jerusalem and Macherus formerly were there gotten together.

²¹⁰ Having settled these matters, he led his forces on to what is called the forest of Jarden, having heard that many of those who had earlier fled from Jerusalem and Machaerus had assembled there.

²¹¹ ἐλθὼν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον καὶ γνοὺς τὴν‎ ἀγγελίαν οὐκ ἐψευσμένην πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν ἅπαν κυκλοῦται τὸ χωρίον, ὅπως τοῖς διεκπαίεσθαι τολμῶσιν τῶν ἄπορος ἡ φυγὴ γίνηται διὰ τοὺς ἱππέας· τοὺς δὲ πεζοὺς ἐκέλευσεν δενδροτομεῖν τὴν‎ ὕλην, εἰς ἣν καταπεφεύγεσαν.

²¹¹ Coming to the place and finding the report was true, he first surrounded the whole area with cavalry, so that the Jews’ flight might be blocked by the horsemen if they dared to break through; he then ordered the infantry to cut down the woods in which they had taken refuge.

²¹¹ When he was therefore come to the place, and understood that the former news was no mistake, he, in the first place, surrounded the whole place with his horsemen, that such of the Jews as had boldness enough to try to break through might have no way possible for escaping, by reason of the situation of these horsemen; and for the footmen, he ordered them to cut down the trees that were in the wood whither they were fled.

²¹¹ When he reached it and found the report correct, he first surrounded the whole place with his cavalry, so that any Jews brave enough to try to break through would find their way blocked by the horses, and got his infantry to cut down the trees in the wood where they had fled.

²¹² Καθίστανται δὲ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς ἀνάγκην οἱ ἸουδαῖοιJews τοῦ δρᾶν τι γενναῖον ὡς ἐκ παραβόλου ἀγωνίσασθαι τάχα ἂν καὶ διαφυγόντες, ἀθρόοι δὲ καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ᾄξαντες ἐνέπιπτον τοῖς κεκυκλωμένοις.	²¹² The Jews were thus forced of necessity to do something brave, hoping that by fighting desperately they might perhaps escape; rushing out together with a shout, they fell upon the surrounding troops.
²¹² So the Jews were under a necessity of performing some glorious exploit, and of greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since they might perhaps thereby escape. So they made a general attack, and with a great shout fell upon those that surrounded them,	²¹² To have any hope of escape, the Jews had to attempt some noble and desperate battle, so with a loud shout they attacked those who surrounded them.

²¹³ Οἱ δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐδέχοντο καρτερῶς, καὶ πολλῇ τῶν μὲν ἀπονοίᾳ τῶν δὲ φιλονεικίᾳ χρωμένων χρόνος μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγος διὰ τοῦτο τῇ μάχῃ προύβη, τέλος δ᾽ αὐτῆς οὐχ ὅμοιον ἀπέβη τοῖς ἀγωνισαμένοις.	²¹³ The Romans received them firmly, and as both sides fought with great desperation and rivalry, the battle continued for a considerable time; however, its end turned out differently for the contestants.
²¹³ who received them with great courage; and so while the one side fought desperately, and the others would not yield, the fight was prolonged on that account. But the event of the battle did not answer the expectation of the assailants;	²¹³ These resisted stubbornly, and the fight was long, with one side fighting in desperation and the other unwilling to yield. But the battle ended differently for the two sets of combatants,

²¹⁴ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin μὲν γὰρ δώδεκα τοὺς πάντας συνέβη πεσεῖν ὀλίγους τε τρωθῆναι, ἸουδαίωνJews δὲ ἐκ τῆς μάχης ταύτης οὐδεὶς διέφυγεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὄντες οὐκ ἐλάττους τρισχιλίων πάντες ἀπέθανον,	²¹⁴ For of the Romans, only twelve in all fell and a few were wounded; but of the Jews, not one escaped that battle, but all—being no fewer than three thousand—died.
²¹⁴ for so it happened, that no more than twelve fell on the Roman side, with a few that were wounded; but not one of the Jews escaped out of this battle, but they were all killed, being in the whole not fewer in number than three thousand,	²¹⁴ for no more than twelve died on the Roman side, plus a few who were wounded, but none of the Jews escaped, for all of them, no less than three thousand, were killed.

²¹⁵ καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτῶν ἸούδαςJudas ὁ τοῦ ἈρεῖAreus παῖς, περὶ οὗ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν ὅτι τάξεως ἡγούμενός τινος ἐν τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem κατά τινας διαδὺς τῶν ὑπονόμων ἔλαθεν ἀποδράς.	²¹⁵ Among them was their general Judas, the son of Ari, of whom we said before that he had been a commander of a certain division in the siege of Jerusalem and had escaped by slipping through one of the underground tunnels.
²¹⁵ together with Judas, the son of Jairus, their general: concerning whom we have before spoken, that he had been a captain of a certain band at the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down into a certain vault underground, had privately made his escape.	²¹⁵ Their general, Judas, son of Jairus was among them, of whom we have already said that he had been the officer of a company at the siege of Jerusalem and had secretly escaped through an underground tunnel.

²¹⁶ περὶ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἐπέστειλε ΚαῖσαρCaesar ΒάσσῳBassus καὶ ΛαβερίῳLiberius ΜαξίμῳMaximus, οὗτος δὲ ἦν ἐπίτροπος, κελεύων πᾶσαν γῆν ἀποδόσθαι τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews.	²¹⁶ At about the same time, Caesar [Vespasian] sent word to Bassus and Laberius Maximus (who was a procurator), commanding them to sell all the land of the Jews.
²¹⁶ About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale;	²¹⁶ About the same time Caesar sent orders to Bassus and the procurator, Liberius Maximus, that all the land of Judea should be offered for sale;

²¹⁷ Οὐ γὰρ κατῴκισεν ἐκεῖ πόλιν ἰδίαν αὑτῷ τὴν‎ χώραν φυλάττων, ὀκτακοσίοις δὲ μόνοις ἀπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς διαφειμένοις χωρίον ἔδωκεν εἰς κατοίκησιν, ὃ καλεῖται μὲν , ἀπέχει δὲ τῶν σταδίους τριάκοντα.

²¹⁷ For he did not found a city there, keeping the country as his own property; however, to only eight hundred veterans discharged from the army he gave a place for habitation called Emmaus, thirty stadia^[1] from Jerusalem.

²¹⁷ for he did not found any city there, but reserved the country for himself. However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for their habitation; it is called Emmaus, and is distant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs.

²¹⁷ for he founded no city there but kept the country for himself; and for eight hundred men discharged from his army he assigned a place to live in, called Emmaus, thirty furlongs from Jerusalem.

^[1]30 stadia = 5.5 km (3.4 miles)

²¹⁸ φόρον δὲ τοῖς ὁπουδηποτοῦν οὖσιν ἐπέβαλεν δύο δραχμὰς ἕκαστον κελεύσας ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος εἰς τὸ φέρειν, ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰς τὸν ἐν νεὼν συνετέλουν. Καὶ τὰ μὲν τότε τοιαύτην εἶχε κατάστασιν.

²¹⁸ He also imposed a tribute upon the Jews wherever they might be, ordering each to pay two drachmae every year to the Capitol [the Temple of Jupiter in Rome], just as they had formerly contributed to the Temple in Jerusalem. Such was the state of Jewish affairs at that time.

²¹⁸ He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.

²¹⁸ He also imposed a tax upon the Jews wherever they lived, obliging each of them to send two drachmae to the Capitol every year, just as they used to pay to the temple in Jerusalem. Such was the state of Jewish affairs at the time.

Chapter 7
Ruin of Commagene king.
Alans ravage the Medes and Armenians

☜ ☞

²¹⁹ Ἤδη δὲ ἔτος τέταρτον ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus διέποντος τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν συνέβη τὸν βασιλέα τῆς ΚομμαγηνῆςCommagene ἈντίοχονAntiochus μεγάλαις συμφοραῖς πανοικεσίᾳ περιπεσεῖν ἀπὸ τοιαύτης αἰτίας·	²¹⁹ Now while Vespasian was in the fourth year of his reign,^[1] it happened that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, fell into great misfortunes with his whole family, from the following cause:
²¹⁹ And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this:	²¹⁹ In the fourth year of Vespasian's reign, king Antiochus of Commagene and all his family suffered a great misfortune, as follows.

^[1]72/73 AD. This marks the formal annexation of Commagene into the Roman province of Syria.

²²⁰ Καισέννιος ΠαῖτοςPetus, ὁ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἡγεμὼν τότε καθεστηκώς, εἴτ᾽ οὖν ἀληθεύων εἴτε καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἈντίοχονAntiochus ἔχθραν, οὐ σφόδρα γὰρ τὸ σαφὲς ἠλέγχθη,	²²⁰ Caesennius Paetus,^[1] who was then the governor of Syria—whether speaking the truth or out of enmity toward Antiochus (for the certainty of the matter was not fully established)—
²²⁰ Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus (for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Caesar,z	²²⁰ The governor of Syria, Cesennius Petus, either for the love of truth or out of hatred to Antiochus, for his reason was never fully disclosed,

^[1]Caesennius Paetus, the governor of Syria, is the same Paetus who suffered a humiliating defeat against the Parthians a decade earlier (62 AD). His aggressive move against Antiochus IV of Commagene may have been an attempt to rehabilitate his military reputation.

²²¹ γράμματα πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar διεπέμψατο, λέγων τὸν ἈντίοχονAntiochus μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς ἘπιφανοῦςEpiphanes διεγνωκέναι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀφίστασθαι συνθήκας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians πεποιημένον·	²²¹ sent letters to Caesar, claiming that Antiochus, together with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to revolt from the Romans and had made a treaty with the king of the Parthians.
²²¹ and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose;	²²¹ sent a letter to Caesar, stating that Antiochus and his son Epiphanes planned to rebel against the Romans and had made a treaty with the king of Parthia to that effect.

²²² δεῖν οὖν προκαταλαβεῖν αὐτούς, μὴ φθάσαντες τῶν πραγμάτων [ ἄρξασθαι ] πᾶσαν τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀρχὴν πολέμῳ συνταράξωσιν.	²²² He urged that they must be intercepted lest, by starting trouble first, they throw the whole Roman Empire into the turmoil of war.
²²² that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire.	²²² Something clearly must be done before they begin a war that could shake the Roman empire.

²²³ Ἔμελλε ΚαῖσαρCaesar τοιούτου μηνύματος αὐτῷ προσπεσόντος μὴ περιορᾶν· καὶ γὰρ ἡ γειτνίασις τῶν βασιλέων ἐποίει τὸ πρᾶγμα μείζονος ἄξιον προνοίας·	²²³ When such a report reached him, Caesar could not ignore it, for the proximity of the two kings made the matter worthy of greater precaution.
²²³ Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard;	²²³ When the matter was brought to Caesar's attention he took it seriously, since the proximity of those kings made it worthy of special attention.

²²⁴ τὰ γὰρ ΣαμόσαταSamosata τῆς ΚομμαγηνῆςCommagene μεγίστη πόλις κεῖται παρὰ τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates, ὥστ᾽ εἶναι τοῖς ΠάρθοιςParthians, εἴ τι τοιοῦτον διενενόηντο, ῥᾴστην μὲν τὴν‎ διάβασιν βεβαίαν δὲ τὴν‎ ὑποδοχήν.	²²⁴ For Samosata,^[1] the largest city of Commagene, lies on the Euphrates, so that the Parthians—if they intended such a thing—would find the crossing very easy and their reception secure.
²²⁴ for Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception.	²²⁴ Samosata, the capital of Commagene, lies on the Euphrates and in any such campaign could allow the Parthians an easy crossing and a secure base.

²²⁵ Πιστευθεὶς οὖν καὶ λαβὼν ἐξουσίαν πράττειν ἃ δοκεῖ συμφέρειν οὐκ ἐμέλλησεν, ἐξαίφνης δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐδὲν προσδοκώντων εἰς τὴν‎ Κομμαγηνὴν ἐνέβαλεν, τῶν μὲν ταγμάτων ἄγων τὸ ἕκτον καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ λόχους καί τινας ἴλας ἱππέων·

²²⁵ Paetus, having been believed and given the authority to act as he saw fit, did not delay; suddenly, while Antiochus and his people expected nothing, he invaded Commagene, leading the Sixth Legion along with some cohorts and several troops of cavalry.

²²⁵ Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen.

²²⁵ Petus was believed and given authority to do what he thought best in the situation, so he set about it without delay and attacked Commagene with the tenth legion, and some cohorts and troops of cavalry, before Antiochus and his people expected it.

²²⁶ συνεμάχουν δὲ καὶ βασιλεῖς αὐτῷ τῆς μὲν Χαλκιδικῆς λεγομένης ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus, τῆς Ἐμέσης δὲ καλουμένης ΣόαιμοςSohemus.	²²⁶ He was also supported by allied kings: Aristobulus of the region called Chalcidice, and Soaemus of Emesa.
²²⁶ These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa.	²²⁶ His allies were king Aristobulus, of the region called Chalcidike, and Sohemus, king of the region called Emesa.

²²⁷ Ἦν δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ εἰσβολὴν ἀνανταγώνιστα· τῶν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν οὐδεὶς ἤθελε χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν.	²²⁷ Their invasion met no resistance, for no one in the country wished to raise a hand against them.
²²⁷ Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them.	²²⁷ His forces met no opposition when they entered the kingdom, for no one in the land was ready to raise a hand against them.

²²⁸ δὲ τῆς ἀδοκήτως προσπεσούσης πολέμου μὲν οὐδὲ ἐπίνοιαν πρὸς ἔσπασεν, ἔγνω δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὡς εἶχεν ἐπὶ καταλιπὼν μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων ὑπεξελθεῖν, οὕτως ἂν οἰόμενος καθαρὸν αὑτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι τῆς ἐπενηνεγμένης αἰτίας.

²²⁸ When the news unexpectedly reached Antiochus, he did not even entertain a thought of war against the Romans, but decided to leave his kingdom as it was and flee with his wife and children, thinking he could thus prove to the Romans his innocence of the charge brought against him.

²²⁸ When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him.

²²⁸ When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could no longer think of making war on the Romans, but decided to leave his whole kingdom as it was and to retire secretly, with his wife and children, thinking that this would prove to the Romans that he was innocent of the accusation against him.

²²⁹ Καὶ προελθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ἑκατὸν σταδίους πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν εἰς τὸ πεδίον ἐν αὐτῷ καταυλίζεται.	²²⁹ Moving a hundred and twenty stadia^[1] from the city into the plain, he encamped there.
²²⁹ So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents.	²²⁹ So he left the city and camped in a plain a hundred and twenty furlongs away.

^[1]120 stadia = 22 km (14 miles)

²³⁰ ΠαῖτοςPetus δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ ΣαμόσαταSamosata τοὺς καταληψομένους ἀποστέλλει καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνων εἶχε τὴν‎ πόλιν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἄλλης δυνάμεως ἐπ᾽ ἈντίοχονAntiochus ἐποιεῖτο τὴν‎ ὁρμήν.	²³⁰ Paetus sent men to occupy Samosata, and through them held the city, while he himself with the rest of his force made an assault upon Antiochus.
²³⁰ Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosata, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army.	²³⁰ Petus sent some men to capture Samosata and through them occupied the city, while he himself attacked Antiochus with the rest of his forces.

²³¹ Οὐ μὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης προήχθη πρᾶξαίto do, accomplish τι πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans πολεμικόν, ἀλλὰ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ τύχην ὀδυρόμενος ὅ τι δέοι παθεῖν ὑπέμενε·	²³¹ But the king, even under such necessity, could not be induced to take any warlike action against the Romans, but lamented his fate and prepared to endure whatever might happen.
²³¹ However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do anything in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent.	²³¹ In his plight the king was unwilling to attempt any battle with the Romans, but simply cursed his hard fate and bore with patience what he could not prevent.

²³² νέοις δὲ καὶ πολέμων ἐμπείροις καὶ ῬώμῃRome σωμάτων διαφέρουσιν οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἦν τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ συμφορὰν ἀμαχεὶ καρτερεῖν· τρέπονται οὖν πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἘπιφανήςEpiphanes τε καὶ ΚαλλίνικοςCallinicus.	²³² However, his sons—who were young, experienced in war, and possessed great physical strength—could not easily endure this calamity without a fight; thus Epiphanes and Callinicus turned to their own defense.
²³² But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force;	²³² But his sons, who were young and untried in war, though strong in body, could not be persuaded to accept this disaster without a fight. So Epiphanes and Callinicus took to arms,

²³³ Σφοδρᾶς δὲ τῆς μάχης καὶ παρ᾽ ὅλην τὴν‎ ἡμέραν γενομένης αὐτοὶ τὴν‎ ἀνδρείαν διαπρεπῆ παρέσχον καὶ μηδὲν ἐλαττωθείσῃ τῇ σφετέρᾳ δυνάμει [ ἑσπέρᾳ ] διελύθησαν.	²³³ A fierce battle took place that lasted the entire day; they displayed remarkable bravery, and when the forces drew apart at evening, their own power was undiminished.
²³³ and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces;	²³³ and the battle was hard fought all day, and due to their bravery only the approach of night put an end to it, without either force yielding.

²³⁴ δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇ μάχῃ τοῦτον κεχωρηκυίᾳ τὸν τρόπον μένειν ἀνεκτὸν ἐδόκει, λαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας μετ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐποιεῖτο τὴν‎ φυγὴν εἰς , καὶ τοῦτο πράξας τὰ φρονήματα τῶν οἰκείων στρατιωτῶν κατέκλασεν·

²³⁴ Yet Antiochus, even though the battle had ended this way, did not think it tolerable to stay; taking his wife and daughters, he fled to Cilicia. By doing this, he broke the spirit of his own soldiers.

²³⁴ yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers.

²³⁴ At the end of the battle, however, Antiochus would not remain there but fled with his wife and daughters to Cilicia, which totally demoralized his own soldiers.

²³⁵ ὡς γὰρ κατεγνωσμένης ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς βασιλείας ἀπέστησανto mislead, rebel καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans μετεβάλοντο, καὶ πάντων πρόδηλος ἦν ἀπόγνωσις.	²³⁵ For, as if he himself had given up on his kingdom, they revolted and went over to the Romans; a sense of despair was evident among them all.
²³⁵ Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate.	²³⁵ They rebelled and went over to the Romans, not believing that he could retain the kingdom, as all regarded his situation as hopeless.

²³⁶ Πρὶν οὖν τελέως ἐρημωθῆναι τῶν συμμάχων τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἘπιφανῆEpiphanes σώζειν αὑτοὺς ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων ἦν ἀναγκαῖον, καὶ γίνονται δέκα σύμπαντες ἱππεῖς οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates διαβαλόντες,	²³⁶ Before they were entirely abandoned by their allies, Epiphanes and his companions had to save themselves from the enemy; ten horsemen in all were those who crossed the Euphrates with them.
²³⁶ It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates,	²³⁶ Epiphanes and his soldiers therefore had to escape from the enemy before they lost all their allies, and he had only ten cavalry with him when he crossed the Euphrates.

²³⁷ ἔνθεν ἤδη μετ᾽ ἀδείας πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians Βολογέσην κομισθέντες οὐχ ὡς φυγάδες ὑπερηφανήθησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔτι τὴν‎ παλαιὰν ἔχοντες εὐδαιμονίαν πάσης τιμῆς ἠξιώθησαν.	²³⁷ From there, having safely reached Vologeses, the king of the Parthians, they were not treated with contempt as fugitives, but were shown every honor as if they still possessed their ancient prosperity.
²³⁷ whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity.	²³⁷ From there they easily reached Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not despised as fugitives, but respected as if they had retained their former success.

²³⁸ ἈντιόχῳAntiochus δ᾽ εἰς ΤαρσὸνTarsus ἀφιγμένῳ τῆς ΚιλικίαςCilicia ἑκατοντάρχην ΠαῖτοςPetus ἐπιπέμψας δεδεμένον αὐτὸν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἀπέστειλεν.	²³⁸ When Antiochus arrived at Tarsus in Cilicia, Paetus sent a centurion to seize him and sent him in chains to Rome.
²³⁸ Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome.	²³⁸ When Antiochus reached Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him and send him in chains to Rome.

²³⁹ ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian δ᾽ οὕτως οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀναχθῆναι τὸν βασιλέα, τῆς παλαιᾶς ἀξιῶν φιλίας μᾶλλον αἰδῶ λαβεῖν ἢ διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ πολέμου πρόφασιν ἀπαραίτητον ὀργὴν διαφυλάττειν.	²³⁹ Vespasian, however, would not permit the king to be brought to him in this state, judging it better to show respect for their old friendship than to maintain unyielding anger on account of the pretext of war.
²³⁹ However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war.	²³⁹ But Vespasian could not bear to have a king brought to him in that manner, preferring to recall their former friendship than show implacable anger on account of the war.

²⁴⁰ κελεύει δὴ καθ᾽ ὁδὸν ὄντος αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν δεσμῶν ἀφαιρεθῆναι καὶ παρέντα τὴν‎ εἰς τὴν‎ ἄφιξιν τὸ νῦν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι διάγειν, δίδωσί τε μεγάλας αὐτῷ προσόδους χρημάτων, ὅπως μὴ μόνον ἄφθονον ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλικὴν ἔχοι τὴν‎ δίαιταν.

²⁴⁰ While Antiochus was still on the road, the Emperor ordered his chains to be removed and commanded him to postpone his arrival in Rome and live for the present in Lacedaemon [Sparta]; he also gave him large revenues of money so that he might live not only in plenty but in a royal manner.

²⁴⁰ Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also.

²⁴⁰ He ordered his chains removed while he was still on the way and not to have him brought to Rome, but now sent him to live in Sparta, allotting him a large enough income to be able to live not only richly, but also royally.

²⁴¹ Ταῦτα τοῖς περὶ τὸν ἘπιφανῆEpiphanes πυθομένοις, πρότερον σφόδρα περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς δεδιόσιν ἀνείθησαν αἱ ψυχαὶ μεγάλης καὶ δυσδιαθέτου φροντίδος.	²⁴¹ When Epiphanes and his companions heard this, having previously been in great fear for their father, their souls were relieved of a great and heavy anxiety.
²⁴¹ When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under.	²⁴¹ Hearing this, Epiphanes and his party, who up to then were fearful about the father's fate, were relieved of their anxious concern,

²⁴² Ἐλπὶς δὲ καὶ αὐτοῖς τῶν παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar διαλλαγῶν ἐγένετο Βολογέσου περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπιστείλαντος· οὐδὲ γὰρ εὐδαιμονοῦντες ὑπέμενον ἔξω τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ζῆν ἡγεμονίας.	²⁴² They also had hope of reconciliation with Caesar, as Vologeses had written to him on their behalf; for even in prosperity, they could not endure to live outside the Roman Empire.
²⁴² He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire.	²⁴² and they too began to hope for reconciliation with Caesar, at the intercession of Vologeses, for although wealthy enough, they could not bear living outside the Roman empire.

²⁴³ Δόντος δὲ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἡμέρως αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ χρόνου εἰς ῬώμηνRome παρεγένοντο, τοῦ τε πατρὸς ὡς αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος εὐθὺς ἐλθόντος πάσης ἀξιούμενοι τιμῆς κατέμενον ἐνταῦθα.	²⁴³ When Caesar mercifully granted them security, they went to Rome; their father also joined them immediately from Lacedaemon, and they remained there, held in the highest honor.
²⁴³ So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained.	²⁴³ When Caesar amiably gave permission, they came to Rome, and their father soon arrived there from Sparta, so that, welcomed with all respect, they remained there.

²⁴⁴ Τὸ δὲ τῶν Ἀλανῶν ἔθνος ὅτι μέν εἰσι ΣκύθαιScythians περὶ τὸν Τάναιν καὶ τὴν‎ Μαιῶτιν λίμνην κατοικοῦντες, πρότερόν που δεδηλώκαμεν,	²⁴⁴ That the nation of the Alans are Scythians dwelling near the Tanais [Don River] and the Maeotic Lake [Sea of Azov], we have mentioned somewhere before.
²⁴⁴ Now there was a nation of the Alans, which we have formerly mentioned somewhere as being Scythians and inhabiting at the lake Meotis.	²⁴⁴ The Alans, as already said, were a nation of the Scythians and lived around lake Maeotis.

²⁴⁵ κατὰ τούτους δὲ τοὺς χρόνους διανοηθέντες εἰς τὴν‎ καὶ προσωτέρω ταύτης ἔτι καθ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν ἐμβαλεῖν τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Ὑρκανῶν διαλέγονται· τῆς παρόδου γὰρ οὗτος δεσπότης ἐστίν, ἣν ὁ βασιλεὺς πύλαις σιδηραῖς κλειστὴν ἐποίησε.

²⁴⁵ At this time, they planned to invade Media and beyond for plunder, and they negotiated with the king of the Hyrcanians; for he was the master of the pass which King Alexander [the Great] had closed with iron gates.

²⁴⁵ This nation about this time laid a design of falling upon Media, and the parts beyond it, in order to plunder them; with which intention they treated with the king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that passage which king Alexander [the Great] shut up with iron gates.

²⁴⁵ About this time this nation planned to attack and plunder Media and parts beyond, and so parleyed with the king of the Hyrcanians, who controlled the pass which king Alexander had shut up with iron gates.

²⁴⁶ Κἀκείνου τὴν‎ εἴσοδον αὐτοῖς παρασχόντος ἀθρόοι καὶ μηδὲν προυποπτεύσασι τοῖς Μήδοις ἐπιπεσόντες χώραν πολυάνθρωπον καὶ παντοίων ἀνάμεστον βοσκημάτων διήρπαζον μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς τολμῶντος ἀνθίστασθαι.	²⁴⁶ When he granted them entrance, they fell in great numbers upon the Medes, who suspected nothing, and plundered a populous country full of all kinds of livestock, as no one dared to resist them.
²⁴⁶ This king gave them leave to come through them; so they came in great multitudes, and fell upon the Medes unexpectedly, and plundered their country, which they found full of people, and replenished with abundance of cattle, while nobody durst make any resistance against them;	²⁴⁶ This king let them pass through them, so they came in large numbers and took the Medes by surprise and looted their country, which they found very populous and abundant in livestock; and no one dared to stand against them.

²⁴⁷ Καὶ γὰρ ὁ βασιλεύων τῆς χώρας ὑπὸ δέους εἰς τὰς δυσχωρίας ἀναφεύγων τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἁπάντων παρακεχωρήκει, μόλις δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐρρύσατο τήν τε γυναῖκα καὶ τὰς παλλακὰς αἰχμαλώτους γενομένας ἑκατὸν δοὺς τάλαντα.

²⁴⁷ Pacorus, the king of that country, fled in fear to difficult terrain and abandoned everything else; he barely redeemed his wife and concubines from captivity by paying a hundred talents.

²⁴⁷ for Pacorus, the king of the country, had fled away for fear into places where they could not easily come at him, and had yielded up everything he had to them, and had only saved his wife and his concubines from them, and that with difficulty also, after they had been made captives, by giving them a hundred talents for their ransom.

²⁴⁷ Even Pacorus, the king of the country, had fled in fear to a remote place, surrendering to them all that he owned and only with difficulty managing to save his wife and concubines, who had been captured, by paying a ransom of a hundred talents.

²⁴⁸ μετὰ πολλῆς οὖν ῥᾳστώνης ἀμαχεὶ ποιούμενοι τὰς ἁρπαγὰς μέχρι τῆς ἈρμενίαςArmenia προῆλθον πάντα λεηλατοῦντες.	²⁴⁸ Therefore, carrying out their plunder with great ease and without a fight, they advanced as far as Armenia, laying everything waste.
²⁴⁸ These Alans therefore plundered the country without opposition, and with great ease, and proceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste before them.	²⁴⁸ So with no opposition they easily looted his country and went as far as Armenia, destroying everything before them.

²⁴⁹ Τιριδάτης δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐβασίλευεν, ὃς ὑπαντιάσας αὐτοῖς καὶ ποιησάμενος μάχην παρὰ μικρὸν ἦλθεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ζωὸς ἁλῶναι τῆς παρατάξεως·	²⁴⁹ Tiridates was the king there, and meeting them in battle, he came very close to being taken alive during the engagement.
²⁴⁹ Now Tiridates was king of that country, who met them, and fought them, but had like to have been taken alive in the battle;	²⁴⁹ Tiridates the king of that country met and fought them, but was nearly captured alive in the battle,

²⁵⁰ βρόχον γὰρ αὐτῷ περιβαλών τις ἔμελλεν ἐπισπάσειν, εἰ μὴ τῷ ξίφει θᾶττον ἐκεῖνος τὸν τόνον κόψας ἔφθη διαφυγεῖν.	²⁵⁰ For someone threw a noose around him and was about to pull him in, had he not quickly cut the cord with his sword and succeeded in escaping.
²⁵⁰ for a certain man threw a net over him from a great distance, and had soon drawn him to him, unless he had immediately cut the cord with his sword, and ran away, and prevented it.	²⁵⁰ because a man threw a net over him from a great distance and would have dragged him in if he had not immediately cut the cord with his sword and escaped.

²⁵¹ Οἱ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ μάχην ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀγριωθέντες τὴν‎ μὲν χώραν ἐλυμήναντοto cleanse, πολὺ δὲ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ΛείαςLeah ἄγοντες ἐξ ἀμφοῖν τῶν βασιλειῶν πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἀνεκομίσθησαν.	²⁵¹ The Alans, made even more savage by the battle, devastated the land and, carrying off a great multitude of people and much other booty from both kingdoms, returned to their own home.
²⁵¹ So the Alans, being still more provoked by this sight, laid waste the country, and drove a great multitude of the men, and a great quantity of the other prey they had gotten out of both kingdoms, along with them, and then retreated back to their own country.	²⁵¹ Frustrated by this, the Alans ransacked the country and took away with them a large crowd of people and much of what they had looted from both kingdoms, and then returned to their own country.

Chapter 8
Masada besieged by Silva.
Eleazar's speeches to the besieged

☜ ☞

²⁵² Ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς τελευτήσαντος διαδέχεται τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν, καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν ἄλλην ὁρῶν ἅπασαν τῷ πολέμῳ κεχειρωμένην, ἓν δὲ μόνον ἔτι φρούριον ἀφεστηκός, ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τοῦτο πᾶσαν τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς τόποις δύναμιν συναγαγών· καλεῖται δὲ τὸ φρούριον .

²⁵² When Bassus died in Judea, Flavius Silva succeeded to the governorship. Seeing that all the rest of the country had been subdued by the war and that only one fortress remained in revolt, he marched against it, having gathered all the forces in those regions; the fortress is called Masada.^[1]

²⁵² When Bassus was dead in Judea, Flavius Silva succeeded him as procurator there; who, when he saw that all the rest of the country was subdued in this war, and that there was but one only stronghold that was still in rebellion, he got all his army together that lay in different places, and made an expedition against it. This fortress was called Masada.

²⁵² After Bassus died, Flavius Silva succeeded him as procurator in Judea, and seeing the rest of the country subdued in this war and that there was only one stronghold still in rebel hands, he gathered his whole army from its different bases and attacked it.

^[1]The siege of Masada date the fall to April 73 or 74 AD

²⁵³ Προειστήκει δὲ τῶν κατειληφότων αὐτὸ σικαρίων δυνατὸς ἀνὴρ , ἀπόγονος τοῦ πείσαντος οὐκ ὀλίγους, ὡς πρότερον δεδηλώκαμεν, μὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὰς ἀπογραφάς, ὅτε τιμητὴς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπέμφθη.

²⁵³ The leader of the Sicarii who had occupied it was a powerful man named Eleazar, a descendant of that Judas who, as we have previously shown, persuaded many Jews not to submit to the taxation when Quirinius was sent as censor to Judea.

²⁵³ It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one;

²⁵³ This stronghold was called Masada and it had been taken by Eleazar, a powerful man and commander of the Sicarii. He was descended from the Judas who, as we have already reported, persuaded many of the Jews not to submit to taxation when Quirinius was sent to collect it in Judea.

²⁵⁴ Τότε γὰρ οἱ σικάριοι συνέστησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπακούειν θέλοντας καὶ πάντα τρόπον ὡς πολεμίοις προσεφέροντο, τὰς μὲν κτήσεις ἁρπάζοντες καὶ περιελαύνοντες, ταῖς δ᾽ οἰκήκεσιν αὐτῶν πῦρ ἐνιέντες·

²⁵⁴ For at that time, the Sicarii banded together against those willing to obey the Romans and treated them in every way as enemies, plundering their possessions, driving off their cattle, and setting fire to their dwellings.

²⁵⁴ for then it was that the Sicarii got together against those that were willing to submit to the Romans, and treated them in all respects as if they had been their enemies, both by plundering them of what they had, by driving away their cattle, and by setting fire to their houses;

²⁵⁴ It was then that the Sicarii attacked those who wanted to submit to the Romans treating them in every way like enemies, looting them of what they had, driving away their livestock and setting fire to their houses.

²⁵⁵ οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀλλοφύλων αὐτοὺς ἔφασκονto say, affirm διαφέρειν οὕτως ἀγεννῶς τὴν‎ περιμάχητον ἸουδαίοιςJews ἐλευθερίαν προεμένους καὶ δουλείαν αἱρεῖσθαι τὴν‎ ὑπὸ ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἀνωμολογηκότας.	²⁵⁵ For they claimed that such people were no different from foreigners, having so basely thrown away the liberty so hard-won by the Jews and having chosen the slavery acknowledged under the Romans.
²⁵⁵ for they said that they differed not at all from foreigners, by betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that freedom which Jews thought worthy to be contended for to the utmost, and by owning that they preferred slavery under the Romans before such a contention.	²⁵⁵ They considered them no different from foreigners, for meekly betraying the freedom which true Jews should defend to the end, and by openly preferring slavery under the Romans rather than this struggle.

²⁵⁶ Ἦν δ᾽ ἄρα τοῦτο πρόφασις εἰς παρακάλυμμα τῆς ὠμότητος καὶ τῆς πλεονεξίας ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν λεγόμενον· σαφὲς δὲ διὰ τῶν ἔργων ἐποίησαν.	²⁵⁶ But this was, after all, merely a pretext used as a cloak for their cruelty and greed, which they made clear through their actions.
²⁵⁶ Now this was in reality no better than a pretense and a cloak for the barbarity which was made use of by them, and to color over their own avarice, which they afterwards made evident by their own actions;	²⁵⁶ In fact this was no more than a pretext and cover for their savagery and to conceal their avarice, which later became clear from their actions.

²⁵⁷ Οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀποστάσεωςa revolt ἐκοινώνησαν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans συνήραντο πολέμου Καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων δὲ τολμήματα χείρω πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐγένετο,	²⁵⁷ For those who had shared in their revolt and joined the war against Rome suffered even worse outrages from them.
²⁵⁷ for those that were partners with them in their rebellion joined also with them in the war against the Romans, and went further lengths with them in their impudent undertakings against them;	²⁵⁷ Those who joined in their rebellion also took part in the war against the Romans and went even further in their rash attacks on them.

²⁵⁸ κἀπὶ τῷ ψεύδεσθαι πάλιν τὴν‎ πρόφασιν ἐξελεγχόμενοι μᾶλλον ἐκάκουν τοὺς τὴν‎ πονηρίαν αὐτῶν διὰ τῆς δικαιολογίας ὀνειδίζοντας.	²⁵⁸ And when they were exposed again for the falsehood of their pretext, they treated even more harshly those who reproached them for their wickedness under the guise of justice.
²⁵⁸ and when they were again convicted of dissembling in such their pretenses, they still more abused those that justly reproached them for their wickedness.	²⁵⁸ When their claims turned out to be spurious they heaped still more abuse on those who had justly reproached them for their wickedness.

²⁵⁹ ἐγένετο γάρ πως ὁ χρόνος ἐκεῖνος παντοδαπῆς ἐν τοῖς πονηρίας πολύφορος, ὡς μηδὲν κακίας ἔργον ἄπρακτον καταλιπεῖν, μηδ᾽ εἴ τι ἐπίνοια διαπλάττειν ἐθελήσειεν, ἔχειν ἄν τι καινότερον ἐξευρεῖν.

²⁵⁹ For somehow that time became so productive of every kind of wickedness among the Jews that no deed of evil was left undone; nor, if one’s mind wished to fashion something new, could it find anything more novel to invent.

²⁵⁹ And indeed that was a time most fertile in all manner of wicked practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds were then left undone; nor could anyone so much as devise any bad thing that was new,

²⁵⁹ It was a most fertile time for all sorts of evil practices, when no kind of crime was left undone and it was impossible to devise any new form of vice,

²⁶⁰ Οὕτως ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ κοινῇ πάντες ἐνόσησαν, καὶ προσυπερβάλλειν ἀλλήλους ἔν τε ταῖς πρὸς θεὸν ἀσεβείαις καὶ ταῖς εἰς τοὺς πλησίον ἀδικίαις ἐφιλονείκησαν, οἱ μὲν δυνατοὶ τὰ πλήθη κακοῦντες, οἱ πολλοὶ δὲ τοὺς δυνατοὺς ἀπολλύναι σπεύδοντες·

²⁶⁰ Thus, both privately and publicly, all were diseased, and they vied to surpass one another in impieties toward God and injustices toward their neighbors—the powerful crushing the masses, and the masses striving to destroy the powerful.

²⁶⁰ so deeply were they all infected, and strove with one another in their single capacity, and in their communities, who should run the greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and in unjust actions towards their neighbors; the men of power oppressing the multitude, and the multitude earnestly laboring to destroy the men of power.

²⁶⁰ so deeply were they all infected and rivalling each other, individually and in groups, as to who would be most impious toward God and unjust toward their neighbours, with the powerful oppressing the people and the people strenuously seeking to destroy the powerful.

²⁶¹ ἦν γὰρ ἐκείνοις μὲν ἐπιθυμία τοῦ τυραννεῖν, τοῖς δὲ τοῦ βιάζεσθαι καὶ τὰ τῶν εὐπόρων διαρπάζειν.	²⁶¹ For the former had a desire to play the tyrant, while the latter had a desire to use violence and plunder the wealth of the rich.
²⁶¹ The one part were desirous of tyrannizing over others, and the rest of offering violence to others, and of plundering such as were richer than themselves.	²⁶¹ Each man wished to tyrannize over others and everyone was ready for violence and for looting those richer than himself.

²⁶² Πρῶτον οὖν οἱ σικάριοι τῆς παρανομίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἤρξαντο ὠμότητος, μήτε λόγον ἄρρητον εἰς ὕβριν μήτ᾽ ἔργον ἀπείρατον εἰς ὄλεθρον τῶν ἐπιβουλευθέντων παραλιπόντες.	²⁶² First, then, the Sicarii began this lawlessness and cruelty toward their kinsmen, leaving no word unspoken to insult or deed untried to destroy those they plotted against.
²⁶² They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected.	²⁶² It was the Sicarii who began these crimes and began showing savagery toward those allied to them and left no insults unsaid and no dreadful acts untried, to do away with those whom they targeted.

²⁶³ Ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους ἀπέδειξεν αὐτοῦ‎ μετριωτέρους· οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἀνῄρει πάντας ὅσοι τὰ δίκαια καὶ συμφέροντα συνεβούλευον, καθάπερ ἐχθίστοις μάλιστα δὴ τῶν πολιτῶν τοῖς τοιούτοις προσφερόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ κοινῇ τὴν‎ πατρίδα μυρίων ἐνέπλησε κακῶν, οἷα πράξειν ἔμελλεν ἄνθρωπος ἤδη καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἀσεβεῖν τετολμηκώς·

²⁶³ Yet John [of Gischala] showed even these to be more moderate than himself; for he not only killed all who advised what was just and useful, treating such citizens as his bitterest enemies, but he also filled the fatherland with a myriad of evils, such as a man would do who had already dared to be impious toward God.

²⁶³ Yet did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens; nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God would naturally do;

²⁶³ But by his actions John showed that even these Sicarii were more moderate than he, for not only did he destroy all who advised him to do the right thing, but also treated them worst of all, as his most bitter enemies among all the citizens. He filled the whole country with thousands of evils, suited to a character already well hardened in impiety toward God.

²⁶⁴ τράπεζάν τε γὰρ ἄθεσμον παρετίθετο καὶ τὴν‎ νενομισμένην καὶ πάτριον ἐξεδιῄτησεν ἁγνείαν, ἵν᾽ ᾖ μηκέτι θαυμαστόν, εἰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἡμερότητα καὶ κοινωνίαν οὐκ ἐτήρησεν ὁ τῆς πρὸς θεὸν εὐσεβείας οὕτω καταμανείς.

²⁶⁴ For he set an unlawful table and abandoned the customary and ancestral purifications, so that it is no longer a wonder if he, who was so maddened in his impiety toward God, failed to maintain gentleness and fellowship toward men.

²⁶⁴ for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards men.

²⁶⁴ The food set upon his table was unlawful and he rejected the purifications ordained by the law of his country, so it was no wonder that, mad in his impiety toward God, he did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection toward men.

²⁶⁵ Πάλιν τοίνυν ὁ ΓιώραGioras ΣίμωνSimon τί κακὸν οὐκ ἔδρασεν; ἢ ποίας ὕβρεως ἐλευθέρων ἀπέσχοντοto keep off, keep away, abstain σωμάτων οἳ τοῦτον ἀνέδειξαν τύραννος;	²⁶⁵ Again, what evil did Simon son of Gioras not commit? Or what outrage against the bodies of free men was avoided by those who proclaimed him tyrant?
²⁶⁵ Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant?	²⁶⁵ Again, what wrongdoing did Simon, son of Gioras, not try? What kind of abuses did he not heap on the same free people who had helped him become a tyrant?

²⁶⁶ Ποία δὲ αὐτοὺς φιλία, ποία δὲ συγγένεια πρὸς τοὺς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας φόνους οὐχὶ θρασυτέρους ἐποίησε; τὸ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους κακῶς ποιεῖν ἀγεννοῦς ἔργον πονηρίας [εἶναι ] ὑπελάμβανον, λαμπρὰν δὲ φέρειν ἐπίδειξιν ἡγοῦντο τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις ὠμότητα.

²⁶⁶ What friendship, what kinship did not make them more daring in their daily slaughters? For they considered it the work of a base villainy to do evil to strangers, but thought it a brilliant display to show cruelty toward their own relatives.

²⁶⁶ What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious demonstration thereof.

²⁶⁶ What friendship or ties of family restrained him from his daily murders? They regarded only the harming of strangers as a trifle and saw savagery toward their nearest relatives as an achievement.

²⁶⁷ Παρημιλλήσατο δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ τούτων ἀπόνοιαν ἡ τῶν μανία· ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ οἱ μιαρώτατοι τοὺς ἀρχιερέας κατασφάξαντες, ὅπως μηδὲ μέρος τι τῆς πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείας διαφυλάττηται, πᾶν ὅσον ἦν λείψανον ἔτι πολιτικοῦ ἐξέκοψαν,

²⁶⁷ The madness of the Idumeans also rivaled the desperation of these men; for those most abominable wretches, having slaughtered the high priests so that no part of piety toward God might be preserved, cut away every remaining vestige of political order.

²⁶⁷ The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government,

²⁶⁷ The Idumaeans even competed with them for first prize in madness, for the villains cut the throats of the high priests, so that no vestige of religious regard to God was preserved. Then they proceeded to wipe out the last remains of political government

²⁶⁸ καὶ τὴν‎ τελεωτάτην εἰσήγαγον διὰ πάντων ἀνομίαν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ τῶν ζηλωτῶν κληθέντων γένος ἤκμασεν, οἳ τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπηλήθευσαν·	²⁶⁸ And they introduced the most complete lawlessness through all things, in which the sect called the Zealots flourished—men who justified their name by their deeds.
²⁶⁸ and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name;	²⁶⁸ and introduced the fullest possible scenario of wrong-doing. This was where the so-called Zealots flourished and true to their name they were zealous for evil.

²⁶⁹ πᾶν γὰρ κακίας ἔργον ἐξεμιμήσαντο, μηδ᾽ εἴ τι πρότερον προυπάρχον ἡ μνήμη παραδέδωκεν αὐτοὶ παραλιπόντες ἀζήλωτον.	²⁶⁹ For they imitated every evil deed, nor did they leave unimitated any crime previously recorded in memory.
²⁶⁹ for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same;	²⁶⁹ If memory recalled any evil done in the past, they zealously put it in practice,

²⁷⁰ Καίτοι τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν αὑτοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ ζηλουμένων ἐπέθεσαν, ἢ κατειρωνευόμενοι τῶν ἀδικουμένων διὰ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν θηριώδη φύσιν ἢ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν κακῶν ἀγαθὰ νομίζοντες.	²⁷⁰ And yet they took their name from those who are “zealous” for what is good, either mocking their victims because of their own brutal nature or considering the greatest of evils to be good.
²⁷⁰ and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good.	²⁷⁰ and though named after zeal for what was good, it suited them only by way of irony, to mock those they had wronged in their wild and brutishness, or because the saw the greatest harms as the greatest good.

²⁷¹ Τοιγαροῦν προσῆκον ἕκαστοι τὸ τέλος εὕροντο τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν αὐτοῖς τιμωρίαν βραβεύσαντος·	²⁷¹ Consequently, each found a fitting end, God awarding the deserved punishment to all of them.
²⁷¹ Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought upon them in way of punishment;	²⁷¹ They all met with fitting ends from God who punishes justly,

²⁷² ὅσαςall who, as much γὰρ ἀνθρώπου δύναται φύσις κολάσεις ὑπομεῖναι, πᾶσαι κατέσκηψαν εἰς αὐτοὺς μέχρι καὶ τῆς ἐσχάτης τοῦ βίου τελευτῆς, ἣν ὑπέμειναν ἐν πολυτρόποις αἰκίαις ἀποθανόντες.	²⁷² For all the torments that human nature can endure fell upon them, right up to the final end of their lives, which they met dying amidst various forms of torture.
²⁷² for all such miseries have been sent upon them as man’s nature is capable of undergoing, till the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them in various ways of torment;	²⁷² for everything that human nature can undergo, up to the last moments of life and death itself, came upon them in various kinds of torment.

²⁷³ Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ φαίη τις ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐλάττω παθεῖν ὧν ἔδρασαν· τὸ γὰρ δικαίως ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐ προσῆν.	²⁷³ And yet, one might say they suffered less than they did; for no punishment could have matched their crimes.
²⁷³ yet might one say justly that they suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they could be punished according to their deserving.	²⁷³ Even then one might say that they endured less than they inflicted, and it was hard to punish them as they deserved.

²⁷⁴ Τοὺς δὲ ταῖς ἐκείνων ὠμότησι περιπεσόντας οὐ τοῦ παρόντος ἂν εἴη καιροῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀξίαν ὀδύρεσθαι· πάλιν οὖν ἐπάνειμι πρὸς τὸ καταλειπόμενον μέρος τῆς διηγήσεως.	²⁷⁴ But for those who fell victim to their cruelties, it would not be the right time now to lament them according to their merit; I will therefore return to the remaining part of the narrative.
²⁷⁴ But to make a lamentation according to the deserts of those who fell under these men’s barbarity, this is not a proper place for it;—I therefore now return again to the remaining part of the present narration.	²⁷⁴ But here is the place to deplore all that people endured from their men's savagery, so I return to the remaining part of the narrative.

²⁷⁵ Ἐπὶ γὰρ τὸν καὶ τοὺς κατέχοντας σὺν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ σικαρίους ὁ τῶν στρατηγὸς ἧκε τὰς δυνάμεις ἄγων, καὶ τῆς μὲν χώρας ἁπάσης εὐθὺς ἐκράτει φρουρὰς ἐν τοῖς ἐπικαιροτάτοις αὐτῆς μέρεσιν ἐγκαταστήσας,

²⁷⁵ Against Eleazar and the Sicarii holding Masada with him came the Roman general [Silva] leading his forces. He immediately became master of the whole surrounding country by establishing garrisons in the most strategic parts.

²⁷⁵ For now it was that the Roman general came, and led his army against Eleazar and those Sicarii who held the fortress Masada together with him; and for the whole country adjoining, he presently gained it, and put garrisons into the most proper places of it;

²⁷⁵ The Roman general, meanwhile, led his army against Eleazar and the Sicarii who with him held the Masada fortress and soon captured all the adjoining countryside. After putting garrisons in appropriate places

²⁷⁶ τεῖχος δὲ περιέβαλε κύκλῳ περὶ πᾶν τὸ φρούριον, ὅπως μηδενὶ τῶν πολιορκουμένων ᾖ ῥᾴδιον διαφυγεῖν, καὶ διανέμει τοὺς φυλάξοντας.	²⁷⁶ He built a wall all around the fortress so that it would not be easy for any of the besieged to escape, and he stationed guards.
²⁷⁶ he also built a wall quite round the entire fortress, that none of the besieged might easily escape; he also set his men to guard the several parts of it;	²⁷⁶ he built a wall around the entire fortress, setting his men to guard its various parts so that none of the besieged could easily escape.

²⁷⁷ αὐτὸς δὲ καταστρατοπεδεύει τόπον ὡς μὲν πρὸς τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἐπιτηδειότατον ἐκλαβών, καθ᾽ ὃν αἱ τοῦ φρουρίου πέτραι τῷ πλησίον ὄρει συνήγγιζον, ἄλλως δὲ πρὸς τῶν δύσκολον·

²⁷⁷ He himself encamped, selecting a spot that was most suitable for the siege, where the rocks of the fortress were closest to the neighboring mountain, though otherwise it was a difficult place for an abundance of supplies.

²⁷⁷ he also pitched his camp in such an agreeable place as he had chosen for the siege, and at which place the rock belonging to the fortress did make the nearest approach to the neighboring mountain, which yet was a place of difficulty for getting plenty of provisions;

²⁷⁷ He encamped in a suitable place, chosen for the siege, where the citadel within the fortress was nearest to the neighbouring mountain. It was a difficult place for provisions,

²⁷⁸ οὐ γὰρ ἡ τροφὴ μόνον πόρρωθεν ἐκομίζετο καὶ σὺν μεγάλῃ ταλαιπωρίᾳ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τεταγμένων ἸουδαίωνJews, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ποτὸν ἦν ἀγώγιμον [εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ] τοῦ τόπου μηδεμίαν ἐγγὺς πηγὴν ἀναδιδόντος.	²⁷⁸ For not only was food brought from afar with great hardship for the Jews assigned to this task, but even water had to be carried to the camp, as the site yielded no spring nearby.
²⁷⁸ for it was not only food that was to be brought from a great distance [to the army], and this with a great deal of pain to those Jews who were appointed for that purpose, but water was also to be brought to the camp, because the place afforded no fountain that was near it.	²⁷⁸ for not only had food to be brought from a great distance, at the cost of much labour to the Jews assigned to it, but also water had to be brought to the camp, because the place had no springs near it.

²⁷⁹ Ταῦτ᾽ οὖν προοικονομησάμενος ὁ ΣίλβαςSilva ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἐτράπετοto turn toward πολλῆς ἐπιτεχνήσεως καὶ ταλαιπωρίας δεομένην διὰ τὴν‎ ὀχυρότητα τοῦ φρουρίου τοιοῦδε τὴν‎ φύσιν ὑπάρχοντος·	²⁷⁹ Having pre-arranged these matters, Silva turned to the siege, which required great engineering and hardship because of the strength of the fortress, the nature of which is as follows:
²⁷⁹ When therefore Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he fell to besieging the place; which siege was likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill and pains, by reason of the strength of the fortress, the nature of which I will now describe.	²⁷⁹ After Silva had organized these matters, he set to besieging the place, a siege that was likely to need much skill and effort because of the strength of the fortress, whose quality I will now describe.

²⁸⁰ οὐκ ὀλίγην τῇ περιόδῳ καὶ μῆκος ὑψηλὴν πανταχόθεν περιερρώγασι βαθεῖαι φάραγγες κάτωθεν ἐξ ἀοράτου τέρματος κρημνώδεις καὶ πάσῃ‎ βάσει ζῴων ἀπρόσιτοι, πλὴν ὅσον κατὰ δύο τόπους τῆς πέτρας εἰς ἄνοδον οὐκ εὐμαρῆ παρεικούσης.

²⁸⁰ A rock of considerable circumference and high throughout its length is broken off on all sides by deep ravines, reaching down to an invisible bottom; they are precipitous and inaccessible to the tread of any animal, except where the rock allows an ascent that is not easy at two places.

²⁸⁰ There was a rock, not small in circumference, and very high. It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that the eye could not reach their bottoms; they were abrupt, and such as no animal could walk upon, excepting at two places of the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford a passage for ascent, though not without difficulty.

²⁸⁰ There was a rock, large in circumference and very high, surrounded with ravines so deep that their bases were invisible and so steep that no living thing could approach it except at two places where the rock allows for ascent, though with difficulty.

²⁸¹ Ἔστι δὲ τῶν ὁδῶν ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσφαλτίτιδος λίμνης πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα, καὶ πάλιν ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως ᾗ ῥᾷον πορευθῆναι.	²⁸¹ Of these paths, one leads from the Asphaltite Lake [the Dead Sea] toward the rising sun, and the other from the west, by which it is easier to travel.
²⁸¹ Now, of the ways that lead to it, one is that from the lake Asphaltitis, towards the sunrising, and another on the west, where the ascent is easier:	²⁸¹ Of the paths leading to it, one is that from lake Asphaltitis, on the east side, and the other is from the west, where the ascent is easier.

²⁸² Καλοῦσι δὲ τὴν‎ ἑτέραν ὄφιν, τῇ στενότητι προσεικάσαντες καὶ τοῖς συνεχέσιν ἑλιγμοῖς· κλᾶται γὰρ περὶ τὰς τῶν κρημνῶν ἐξοχὰς καὶ πολλάκις εἰς αὑτὴν ἀνατρέχουσα καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν αὖθις ἐκμηκυνομένη μόλις ψαύει τοῦ πρόσω.

²⁸² They call the former “the Snake,” likening it to that creature for its narrowness and continuous windings; for it is broken around the projections of the cliffs and often turns back on itself, and then lengthening out again little by little, it hardly touches the way forward.^[1]

²⁸² the one of these ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in its narrowness and its perpetual windings; for it is broken off at the prominent precipices of the rock, and returns frequently into itself, and lengthening again by little and little, hath much ado to proceed forward;

²⁸² They call the other track The Snake, for it resembles that creature in its narrowness and perpetual windings. Its line is broken by prominent outcrops and it often turns back on itself and with difficulty goes forward by gradual lengths.

^[1]This path still exists today and is the primary hiking route for tourists. Its narrow, winding nature was a nightmare for any traditional military assault.

²⁸³ Δεῖ δὲ παραλλὰξ τὸν δι᾽ αὐτῆς βαδίζοντα τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ποδῶν ἐρείδεσθαι. ἔστι δὲ πρόδηλος ὄλεθρος· ἑκατέρωθεν γὰρ βάθος κρημνῶν ὑποκέχηνε τῇ φοβερότητι πᾶσαν εὐτολμίαν ἐκπλῆξαι δυνάμενον.	²⁸³ The person walking through it must fix one foot firmly before the other. Destruction is evident; for on either side, the depth of the precipices gapes with a terror capable of dismaying even the boldest.
²⁸³ and he that would walk along it must first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also nothing but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage of everybody by the terror it infuses into the mind.	²⁸³ Whoever walks along it must alternately shift his weight from one leg to the other, and destruction awaits if your feet should slip, for the chasms on either side are deep enough to daunt the bravest.

²⁸⁴ Διὰ τοιαύτης οὖν ἐλθόντι σταδίους τριάκοντα κορυφὴ τὸ λοιπόν ἐστιν οὐκ εἰς ὀξὺ τέρμα συνηγμένη, ἀλλ᾽ ὥστ᾽ εἶναι κατ᾽ ἄκρας ἐπίπεδον.	²⁸⁴ When one has traveled thirty stadia^[1] through such a path, the summit is reached, which does not end in a sharp point but is a flat plain at the top.
²⁸⁴ When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the rest is the top of the hill—not ending at a small point, but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain.	²⁸⁴ After going thirty furlongs along this path, one reaches the summit, which is not a tapering peak but a plateau.

^[1]30 stadia = 5.5 km (3.4 miles)

²⁸⁵ Ἐπὶ ταύτῃ πρῶτον μὲν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ᾠκοδομήσατο φρούριον ἸωνάθηςJonathan καὶ προσηγόρευσεto call, name ΜασάδανMasada, ὕστερον δ᾽ ἩρώδῃHerod τῷ βασιλεῖ διὰ πολλῆς ἐγένετο σπουδῆς ἡ τοῦ χωρίου κατασκευή.	²⁸⁵ On this summit, Jonathan the High Priest^[1] first built a fortress and called it Masada; later, King Herod took great pains in the construction of the place.
²⁸⁵ Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree;	²⁸⁵ Here Jonathan the high priest first built a fortress and called it Masada, and later king Herod devoted attention to refurbishing the place.

^[1]There is debate whether this refers to Jonathan the Hasmonean (c. 160-143 BC) or Alexander Jannaeus (whose Hebrew name was Jonathan). Archeology confirms Hasmonean activity at the site.

²⁸⁶ τεῖχός τε γὰρ ἤγειρε περὶ πάντα τὸν κύκλον τῆς κορυφῆς ἑπτὰ σταδίων ὄντα λευκοῦ μὲν λίθου πεποιημένον, ὕψος δὲ δώδεκα καὶ πλάτος ὀκτὼ πήχεις ἔχονto have, hold,	²⁸⁶ For he raised a wall around the entire circuit of the summit, seven stadia in length, made of white stone, twelve cubits high and eight cubits wide.^[1]
²⁸⁶ he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits;	²⁸⁶ He built a wall around the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs in length and made from white stone, twelve feet high and eight feet thick.

^[1]7 stadia x 12 cubits x 8 cubits = 1.3 km x 5.3 m x 3.6 m (1416 yards 6 yards x 4 yards)

²⁸⁷ τριάκοντα δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἑπτὰ πύργοι πεντηκονταπήχεις ἀνειστήκεσαν, ἐξ ὧν ἦν εἰς οἰκήματα διελθεῖν περὶ πᾶν τὸ τεῖχος ἔνδον ᾠκοδομημένα.	²⁸⁷ Upon it stood thirty-seven towers, fifty cubits^[1] high, from which one could pass into dwellings built all along the inside of the wall.
²⁸⁷ there were also erected upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall;	²⁸⁷ Built into that wall were thirty-seven towers, each of fifty feet high, which gave access to the buildings that were all enclosed by the wall.

^[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft)

²⁸⁸ τὴν‎ γὰρ κορυφὴν πίονα καὶ πεδίου παντὸς οὖσαν μαλακωτέραν ἀνῆκεν εἰς γεωργίαν ὁ βασιλεύς, ἵν᾽ εἴ ποτε τῆς ἔξωθεν τροφῆς ἀπορία γένοιτο, μηδὲ ταύτῃ κάμοιεν οἱ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν σωτηρίαν τῷ φρουρίῳ πεπιστευκότες.

²⁸⁸ The King left the summit, which was fertile and softer than any plain, for cultivation, so that if there should ever be a lack of food from outside, those who had entrusted their safety to the fortress might not suffer.

²⁸⁸ for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad.

²⁸⁸ The king reserved the topmost area, with its rich soil, softer for agriculture than any valley, so that any who fled to this fortress to save their lives might not be lacking in food, even if none could be gotten in from outside.

²⁸⁹ Καὶ βασίλειον δὲ κατεσκεύασεν ἐν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἀνάβασιν, ὑποκάτω μὲν τῶν τῆς ἄκρας τειχῶν, πρὸς δὲ τὴν‎ ἐκκλίνον. Τοῦ δὲ βασιλείου τὸ τεῖχος ἦν ὕψει μέγα καὶ καρτερόν, πύργους ἑξηκονταπήχεις ἐγγωνίους τέτταρας.

²⁸⁹ He also built a palace within it at the western ascent, beneath the walls of the citadel and inclining toward the north. The wall of this palace was great in height and strong, having four towers sixty cubits^[1] high at the corners.

²⁸⁹ Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers sixty cubits high.

²⁸⁹ He built a palace there on its slope beneath the ramparts of the citadel, facing north, surrounded by a very high, strong wall, with towers sixty feet high at its four corners.

^[1]60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft)

²⁹⁰ Ἥ τε τῶν οἰκημάτων ἔνδον καὶ στοῶν καὶ βαλανείων κατασκευὴ παντοία καὶ ἦν, κιόνων μὲν ἁπανταχοῦ μονολίθων ὑφεστηκότων, τοίχων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς οἰκήμασιν ἐδάφων λίθου στρώσει πεποικιλμένων.

²⁹⁰ The internal arrangement of the rooms, porticoes, and baths was varied and luxurious, with monolithic columns standing everywhere, and the walls and floors of the rooms decorated with patterned stone paving.

²⁹⁰ The furniture also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single stones on every side; the walls and also the floors of the edifices were paved with stones of several colors. He also had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks,

²⁹⁰ The buildings, porticoes and baths were furnished in a most elaborate and costly style, and were supported on every side by monolith columns. The ramparts and even the floors of the buildings were paved with stones of various colours.

²⁹¹ Πρὸς ἕκαστον δὲ τῶν οἰκουμένων τόπων ἄνω τε καὶ περὶ τὸ βασίλειον καὶ πρὸ τοῦ τείχους πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους ἐτετμήκει λάκκους ἐν ταῖς πέτραις φυλακτῆρας ὑδάτων, μηχανώμενος εἶναι χορηγίαν ὅση τῷ ἐκ πηγῶν ἐστι χρωμένοις.

²⁹¹ At each of the inhabited places, on the heights and around the palace and in front of the wall, he had cut many large cisterns in the rocks as reservoirs for water, engineering them to provide a supply as great as if they were using springs.

²⁹¹ at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there.

²⁹¹ He also had cut from the rock at each dwelling-place on the plateau, around the palace and beside the wall, many great cisterns as reservoirs, and by this means provided a supply of water as if there were wells there.

²⁹² Ὀρυκτὴ δ᾽ ὁδὸς ἐκ τοῦ βασιλείου πρὸς ἄκραν τὴν‎ κορυφὴν ἀνέφερε τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἀφανής. Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ταῖς φανεραῖς ὁδοῖς ἦν οἷόν τε χρήσασθαι ῥᾳδίως πολεμίους·	²⁹² A hidden path cut through the rock led up from the palace to the very summit, invisible to those outside. Nor was it easy for enemies to use even the visible paths.
²⁹² Here was also a road digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads;	²⁹² There was also a road dug from the palace and leading to the very top of the mountain, which could not be seen by those who were outside; nor indeed could enemies easily use the open approaches,

²⁹³ ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἑῴα διὰ τὴν‎ φύσιν, ὡς προείπαμεν, ἐστὶν ἄβατος, τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας μεγάλῳ κατὰ τὸ στενότατον πύργῳ διετείχισεν ἀπέχοντι τῆς ἄκρας πήχεων οὐκ διάστημα χιλίων, ὃν οὔτε παρελθεῖν δυνατὸν ἦν οὔτε ῥᾴδιον ἑλεῖν· δυσέξοδος δὲ καὶ τοῖς μετὰ ἀδείας βαδίζουσιν ἐπεποίητο.

²⁹³ The eastern path is, by its nature, as we said, impassable; and the western one he blocked at its narrowest point with a large tower, no less than a thousand cubits^[1] from the summit, which it was neither possible to pass nor easy to capture; indeed, even for those walking without fear, the exit had been made difficult.

²⁹³ for the road on the east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could those that walked along it without any fear (such was its contrivance) easily get to the end of it;

²⁹³ for the road on the east side, as we have noted, was unviable by its nature, and he built a large tower at the narrowest point on the western path, no less than a thousand feet from the top of the hill. This tower could not be passed and was not easy to capture; and even if one were daring enough to reach it, to escape from it would be hard.

^[1]1000 cubits = 444 metres (486 yards)

²⁹⁴ Οὕτως μὲν οὖν πρὸς τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ἐφόδους φύσει τε καὶ χειροποιήτως τὸ φρούριον ὠχύρωτο.	²⁹⁴ Thus, by nature and by the hand of man, the fortress was fortified against the attacks of enemies.
²⁹⁴ and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.	²⁹⁴ This was how the citadel was fortified, both by nature and by human hands, to frustrate the attacks of enemies.

²⁹⁵ Τῶν δ᾽ ἔνδον ἀποκειμένων παρασκευῶν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἄν τις ἐθαύμασε τὴν‎ λαμπρότητα καὶ τὴν‎ διαμονήν·	²⁹⁵ One would have admired even more the splendor and the preservation of the supplies stored within.
²⁹⁵ As for the furniture that was within this fortress, it was still more wonderful on account of its splendor and long continuance;	²⁹⁵ The materials stored in this fortress were still more amazing, in quality and durability.

²⁹⁶ σῖτός τε γὰρ ἀπέκειτο πολὺς καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀρκεῖν ἱκανώτατος οἶνός τε πολὺς ἦν καὶ ἔλαιον, ἔτι δὲ παντοῖος ὀσπρίων καρπὸς καὶ φοίνικες ἐσεσώρευντο.	²⁹⁶ For a vast amount of corn had been stored, more than enough to last for a long time, and there was much wine and oil; there was also every kind of pulse (legumes) and heaps of dates.
²⁹⁶ for here was laid up corn in large quantities, and such as would subsist men for a long time; here was also wine and oil in abundance, with all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up together;	²⁹⁶ Large supplies of corn were stored there, enough to last for a long time, along with abundant wine and oil, with all sorts of pulse and heaps of dates.

²⁹⁷ Πάντα δὲ εὗρεν ὁ τοῦ φρουρίου μετὰ τῶν σικαρίων ἐγκρατὴς δόλῳ γενόμενος ἀκμαῖα καὶ μηδὲν τῶν νεωστὶ κειμένων ἀποδέοντα· καίτοι σχεδὸν ἀπὸ τῆς παρασκευῆς εἰς τὴν‎ ὑπὸ ἅλωσιν ἑκατὸν ἦν χρόνος ἐτῶν· ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς περιλειφθέντας τῶν καρπῶν εὗρον ἀδιαφθόρους.

²⁹⁷ Eleazar, having gained control of the fortress with his Sicarii through deceit, found all these things in peak condition and in no way inferior to things recently stored; and yet, from the time of the original preparation until the capture by the Romans, nearly a hundred years had passed; but even the Romans found the remaining fruits to be unspoiled.

²⁹⁷ all which Eleazar found there, when he and his Sicarii got possession of the fortress by treachery. These fruits were also fresh and full ripe, and no way inferior to such fruits newly laid in, although they were little short of a hundred years from the laying in these provisions [by Herod], till the place was taken by the Romans; nay, indeed, when the Romans got possession of those fruits that were left, they found them not corrupted all that while;

²⁹⁷ Then by a ruse he and his Sicarii took the fortress, Eleazar found all this, still in good condition and not inferior to fruits newly brought in, although almost a hundred years had passed from when they were put there until the place was taken by the Romans, who had found what remained of the fruits unspoiled.

²⁹⁸ Αἴτιον δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι τις ὑπολαμβάνων εἶναι τὸν ἀέρα τῆς διαμονῆς ὕψει τῷ περὶ τὴν‎ ἄκραν πάσης ὄντα γεώδους καὶ θολερᾶς ἀμιγῆ κράσεως.	²⁹⁸ One would not be wrong in assuming the cause of this preservation to be the air, which, because of the altitude of the summit, is free from any earthy and murky mixture.
²⁹⁸ nor should we be mistaken, if we supposed that the air was here the cause of their enduring so long; this fortress being so high, and so free from the mixture of all terrene and muddy particles of matter.	²⁹⁸ It would not be wrong to attribute their durability to the atmosphere of the place, with the fortress being so high and untainted by admixture of dust or other particles.

²⁹⁹ Εὑρέθη δὲ καὶ παντοίων πλῆθος ὅπλων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποτεθησαυρισμένων, ὡς ἀνδράσιν ἀρκεῖν μυρίοις, ἀργός τε σίδηρος καὶ χαλκὸς ἔτι δὲ καὶ μόλιβος, ἅτε δὴ τῆς παρασκευῆς ἐπὶ μεγάλαις αἰτίαις γενομένης·

²⁹⁹ There was also found a multitude of all kinds of weapons, stored up by the king to suffice for ten thousand men, as well as unwrought iron, bronze, and lead; for these preparations had been made for great reasons.

²⁹⁹ There was also found here a large quantity of all sorts of weapons of war, which had been treasured up by that king, and were sufficient for ten thousand men; there was cast iron, and brass, and tin, which show that he had taken much pains to have all things here ready for the greatest occasions;

²⁹⁹ Also found here was a heap of all sorts of weapons that had been stored there by the king, enough for thousands of men, along with cast iron and brass and tin, clearly prepared for some emergency.

³⁰⁰ λέγεται γὰρ αὑτῷ τὸν τοῦτο τὸ φρούριον εἰς ὑποφυγὴν ἑτοιμάζειν διπλοῦν ὑφορώμενον κίνδυνον, τὸν μὲν παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν , μὴ καταλύσαντες ἐκεῖνον τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλέας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν καταγάγωσι, τὸν μείζω δὲ καὶ χαλεπώτερον ἐκ τῆς βασιλευούσης .

³⁰⁰ For it is said that Herod prepared this fortress for himself as a refuge, fearing a double danger: one from the Jewish people, lest they should depose him and restore the former kings to power, and the second, greater and more dangerous, from Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt.

³⁰⁰ for the report goes how Herod thus prepared this fortress on his own account, as a refuge against two kinds of danger; the one for fear of the multitude of the Jews, lest they should depose him, and restore their former kings to the government; the other danger was greater and more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra queen of Egypt,

³⁰⁰ They say that Herod prepared this fortress as a refuge for himself, against danger of two kinds: first, for fear that the Jewish populace might depose him and restore their former royal house; and second, the greater and more serious danger, from Cleopatra queen of Egypt,

³⁰¹ Αὕτη γὰρ τὴν‎ αὑτῆς γνώμην οὐκ ἐπεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἈντωνίῳAnthony λόγους προσέφερε τὸν μὲν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀνελεῖν ἀξιοῦσαto think worthy, χαρίσασθαι δ᾽ αὐτῇ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews δεομένη.	³⁰¹ For she did not conceal her intentions, but frequently appealed to Antony, urging him to kill Herod and begging him to grant the kingdom of the Jews to her.
³⁰¹ who did not conceal her intentions, but spoke often to Antony, and desired him to cut off Herod, and entreated him to bestow the kingdom of Judea upon her.	³⁰¹ who did not conceal her intentions, but was constantly asking and imploring Antony to depose Herod to grant her the kingdom of Judea.

³⁰² Καὶ μᾶλλον ἄν τις ἐθαύμασεν, ὅτι μηδέπω τοῖς προστάγμασιν ἈντώνιοςAntony ὑπακηκόει κακῶς ὑπὸ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρωτος δεδουλωμένος, οὐχ ὅτι περὶ τοῦ μὴ χαρίσασθαι προσεδόκησεν.	³⁰² And one might wonder even more that Antony had not yet obeyed her commands, being miserably enslaved by his love for her, rather than expecting that he simply decided not to grant it.
³⁰² And certainly it is a great wonder that Antony did never comply with her commands in this point, as he was so miserably enslaved to his passion for her; nor should anyone have been surprised if she had been gratified in such her request.	³⁰² The surprising thing is that, miserably enslaved though he was by his passion for her, Antony never did give in to her demands on this point.

³⁰³ Διὰ τοιούτους μὲν φόβους ἩρώδηςHerod ΜασάδανMasada κατεσκευασμένος ἔμελλεν ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἀπολείψειν ἔργον τοῦ πρὸς ἸουδαίουςJews πολέμου τελευταῖον.	³⁰³ Because of such fears, Herod had constructed Masada, which was destined to be the final task for the Romans in their war against the Jews.
³⁰³ So the fear of these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada, and thereby leave it for the finishing stroke of the Romans in this Jewish war.	³⁰³ On account of such fears, Herod rebuilt Masada and so left it as the final challenge for the Romans in the war with the Jews.

³⁰⁴ Ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἔξωθεν ἤδη περιτετειχίκει πάντα τὸν τόπον ὁ τῶν , ὡς προείπαμεν, ἡγεμών, καὶ τοῦ μή τινα ἀποδρᾶναι πρόνοιαν ἐπεποίητο τὴν‎ ἀκριβεστάτην, τῇ πολιορκίᾳ μόνον εὑρὼν ἕνα τόπον ἐπιβολὴν χωμάτων δέξασθαι δυνάμενον.

³⁰⁴ For when the Roman commander, as we said before, had already surrounded the entire place from the outside with a wall, and had taken the most careful precautions that no one might escape, he set about the siege, having found only one spot capable of supporting the construction of earthworks (ramps).

³⁰⁴ Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said already, and had thereby made a most accurate provision to prevent anyone of the besieged running away, he undertook the siege itself, though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks he was to raise;

³⁰⁴ When the Roman commander Silva had built an enclosing wall around this whole place, as already said, and thereby had taken care to prevent any of the besieged from escaping, he took the siege in hand, though he found only one place that would allow for earthworks to be raised.

³⁰⁵ μετὰ γὰρ τὸν διατειχίζοντα πύργον τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τῆς δύσεως ὁδὸν ἄγουσαν εἴς τε τὸ βασίλειον καὶ τὴν‎ ἀκρώρειαν ἦν τις ἐξοχὴ πέτρας εὐμεγέθης τῷ πλάτει καὶ πολὺ προκύπτουσα, τοῦ δὲ ὕψους τῆς τριακοσίους πήχεις ὑποκάτω· Λευκὴν δ᾽ αὐτὴν ὠνόμαζον.

³⁰⁵ For beyond the tower that blocked the path leading from the west toward the palace and the summit, there was a certain rocky projection, very large in width and protruding far, but three hundred cubits^[1] below the height of Masada; they called it “Leuke” (the White Cliff).

³⁰⁵ for behind that tower which secured the road that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west; there was a certain eminency of the rock, very broad and very prominent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of Masada; it was called the White Promontory.

³⁰⁵ Behind the tower that barred the path from the west to the palace and to the top of the hill was a large outcrop called the White Rock, broad and very prominent, but three hundred feet beneath the top of Masada.

^[1]300 cubits = 133 metres (146 yards)

³⁰⁶ Ἐπὶ ταύτην οὖν ἀναβὰς καὶ κατασχὼν αὐτὴν ὁ ΣίλβαςSilva ἐκέλευε τὸν στρατὸν χοῦν ἐπιφέρειν. Τῶν δὲ προθύμως καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς χειρὸς ἐργαζομένων στερεὸν εἰς διακοσίους πήχεις ὑψώθη τὸ χῶμα.	³⁰⁶ Silva,^[1] having ascended and taken possession of this, ordered the army to bring earth. As they worked eagerly and with many hands, a solid ramp was raised to the height of two hundred cubits.^[2]
³⁰⁶ Accordingly, he got upon that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth; and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred cubits in height.	³⁰⁶ Getting up and seizing it he ordered the army to put up earthworks, and when they willingly set to that work with many hands, a solid earthwork was raised, two hundred feet high.

^[1]Lucius Flavius Silva arived with the Tenth Legion (Legio X Fretensis) in 72 AD.
^[2]200 cubits = 89 metres (97 yards)

³⁰⁷ Οὐ μὴν οὔτε βέβαιον οὔτε αὔταρκες ἐδόκει τοῦτο τὸ μέτρον εἶναι τοῖς μηχανήμασιν εἰς ἐπιβάθραν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βῆμα λίθων μεγάλων συνηρμοσμένων ἐποιήθη πεντήκοντα πήχεων εὖρός τε καὶ ὕψος.	³⁰⁷ However, this height did not seem stable or sufficient enough to serve as a platform for the siege engines, so on top of it was built a platform of large, fitted stones, fifty cubits^[1] in both width and height.
³⁰⁷ Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high for the use of the engines that were to be set upon it; but still another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised upon that bank; this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height.	³⁰⁷ Even this bank was not thought stable or large enough for the machines that were to be set upon it, so on top of it was set a platform of large stones closely fitted together, fifty feet wide and the same high.

^[1]50 cubits = 22 metres (73 ft)

³⁰⁸ Ἦν δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τε μηχανημάτων ἡ κατασκευὴ παραπλησία τοῖς ὑπὸ μὲν ΟὐεσπασιανοῦVespasianus πρότερον, μετὰ ταῦτα δ᾽ ὑπὸ ΤίτουTitus πρὸς τὰς πολιορκίας ἐπινοηθεῖσι,	³⁰⁸ The construction of the other engines was similar to those devised first by Vespasian and later by Titus for their sieges.
³⁰⁸ The other machines that were now got ready were like to those that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterward by Titus, for sieges.	³⁰⁸ The war-machines that were now got ready were like those used in sieges first by Vespasian and then by Titus.

³⁰⁹ καὶ πύργος ἑξηκοντάπηχυς συνετελέσθη σιδήρῳ καταπεφραγμένος ἅπας, ἐξ οὗ πολλοῖς ὀξυβελέσι καὶ πετροβόλοις βάλλοντες οἱ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους μαχομένους ταχέως ἀνέστειλαν καὶ προκύπτειν ἐκώλυσαν.

³⁰⁹ And a tower sixty cubits^[1] high was completed, entirely encased in iron, from which the Romans, by firing many projectiles and stones, quickly drove back those fighting from the wall and prevented them from looking out.

³⁰⁹ There was also a tower made of the height of sixty cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans threw darts and stones from the engines, and soon made those that fought from the walls of the place to retire, and would not let them lift up their heads above the works.

³⁰⁹ A tower sixty feet high was made and plated all over with iron, from which the Romans rapidly launched spears and stones at the fighters on the ramparts and prevented them from showing themselves.

^[1]60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft)

³¹⁰ Ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ καὶ κριὸν ὁ ΣίλβαςSilva μέγαν κατασκευασάμενος, συνεχεῖς κελεύσας ποιεῖσθαι τῷ τείχει τὰς ἐμβολὰςembarkation μόλις μὲν ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἀναρρήξας τι μέρος κατήρειψε.	³¹⁰ At the same time, Silva, having constructed a great ram, ordered continuous blows to be made against the wall, and with difficulty, he finally broke through and brought down a part of it.^[1]
³¹⁰ At the same time Silva ordered that great battering-ram which he had made to be brought thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent batteries against it, which with some difficulty broke down a part of the wall, and quite overthrew it.	³¹⁰ At the same time Silva ordered the great battering ram he had prepared to be brought to bear constantly against the wall and with some difficulty broke down and destroyed a part of it.

^[1]April 15/16, 73 AD.

³¹¹ Φθάνουσι δ᾽ οἱ σικάριοι ταχέως ἔνδοθεν οἰκοδομησάμενοι τεῖχος ἕτερον, ὃ μηδὲ ὑπὸ τῶν μηχανημάτων ἔμελλεν τι πείσεσθαι· μαλακὸν γὰρ αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν‎ σφοδρότητα τῆς ἐμβολῆς ὑπεκλύειν δυνάμενον τοιῷδε τρόπῳ κατεσκεύασαν.

³¹¹ But the Sicarii quickly built another wall on the inside, which was not likely to suffer the same fate from the engines; for they made it soft and capable of absorbing the violence of the impact in the following manner.

³¹¹ However, the Sicarii made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which should not be liable to the same misfortune from the machines with the other; it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows that affected the other. It was framed after the following manner:

³¹¹ But the Sicarii hurried to build another wall inside, which should not be as vulnerable to the rams as the other, making it soft and yielding and capable of absorbing the terrible blows that shook the other. This was how they made it.

³¹² Δοκοὺς μεγάλας ἐπὶ μῆκος προσεχεῖς ἀλλήλαις κατὰ τὴν‎ τομὴν συνέθεσαν. Δύο δὲ ἦσαν τούτων στίχοι παράλληλοι τοσοῦτον διεστῶτες ὅσον εἶναι πλάτος τείχους, καὶ μέσον ἀμφοῖν τὸν χοῦν ἐνεφόρουν.	³¹² They laid long beams close to one another at their ends. There were two parallel rows of these, separated by the width of a wall, and in the middle, they filled it with earth.
³¹² They laid together great beams of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space between those rows.	³¹² They laid great beams of wood lengthways, close together and joined at the ends, in two parallel rows a wall's width apart and filled the space between those rows with earth.

³¹³ Ὅπως δὲ μηδὲ ὑψουμένου τοῦ χώματος ἡ γῆ διαχέοιτο, πάλιν ἑτέραις δοκοῖς ἐπικαρσίαις τὰς κατὰ μῆκος κειμένας διέδεον.	³¹³ To prevent the earth from scattering as the mound grew higher, they tied the longitudinal beams together with cross-beams.
³¹³ Now, that the earth might not fall away upon the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they further laid other beams over across them, and thereby bound those beams together that lay lengthways.	³¹³ That the earth might not fall away when this bank was raised higher, they further laid other beams across to bind together diagonally the beams that lay lengthways.

³¹⁴ Ἦν οὖν ἐκείνοις μὲν οἰκοδομίᾳ τὸ ἔργον παραπλήσιον, τῶν μηχανημάτων δ᾽ αἱ πληγαὶ φερόμεναι πρὸς εἶκον ἐξελύοντο καὶ τῷ σάλῳ συνιζάνον ἐποίουν αὐτὸ στεριφώτερον.	³¹⁴ Thus the work was similar to a building, but the blows of the engines, falling upon a yielding surface, were weakened, and the vibration made the structure even more solid by settling the earth.
³¹⁴ This work of theirs was like a real edifice; and when the machines were applied, the blows were weakened by its yielding; and as the materials by such concussion were shaken closer together, the pile by that means became firmer than before.	³¹⁴ This work looked like a real structure, and when the rams were applied, the blows were absorbed by its yielding, and as the materials were shaken closer together by this pounding, it became firmer than before.

³¹⁵ Τοῦτο συνιδὼν ὁ ΣίλβαςSilva πυρὶ μᾶλλον αἱρήσειν ἐνόμιζεν τὸ τεῖχος, καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις προσέταττε λαμπάδας αἰθομένας ἀθρόους ἐσακοντίζειν.	³¹⁵ Observing this, Silva decided he would capture the wall more easily with fire and ordered his soldiers to throw many burning torches at it.
³¹⁵ When Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavor the taking of this wall by setting fire to it; so he gave order that the soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it:	³¹⁵ When Silva saw this, he thought it easier to take this wall by burning it, so he commanded the soldiers to shower blazing torches upon it.

³¹⁶ Τὸ δὲ οἷα δὴ ξύλων τὸ πλέον πεποιημένον ταχὺ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀντελάβετο καὶ τῇ χαυνότητι πυρωθὲν διὰ βάθους φλόγα πολλὴν ἐξεπύρσευσεν.	³¹⁶ Since it was made mostly of wood, it quickly caught fire and, being hollow, the flames spread through its depth with great intensity.
³¹⁶ accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood, it soon took fire; and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread to a mighty flame.	³¹⁶ As it was mainly made of wood, it soon caught fire, and when once it was ablaze, its hollowness made that fire grow to a mighty flame.

³¹⁷ μὲν οὖν ἔτι τοῦ πυρὸς βορρᾶς ἐμπνέων τοῖς φοβερὸς ἦν· ἄνωθεν γὰρ ἀποστρέφων ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνους ἤλαυνε τὴν‎ φλόγα, καὶ σχεδὸν ἤδη τῶν μηχανημάτων ὡς συμφλεγησομένων ἀπέγνωσαν·

³¹⁷ At the beginning of the fire, a north wind blowing toward the Romans was terrifying; for it drove the flames back from above against them, and they almost despaired, thinking their engines would be consumed.

³¹⁷ Now, at the very beginning of this fire, a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans; for by bringing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they were almost in despair of success, as fearing their machines would be burnt:

³¹⁷ At the start of this fire, a wind from the north proved dire to the Romans, for it blew the flame downward upon them until they almost despaired, fearing their machines would be burned.

³¹⁸ ἔπειτα δ᾽ αἰφνίδιον νότος μεταβαλὼν καθάπερ ἐκ δαιμονίου προνοίας καὶ πολὺς ἐναντίον πνεύσας τῷ τείχει φέρων αὐτὴν προσέβαλε, καὶ πᾶν ἤδη διὰ βάθους ἐφλέγετο.	³¹⁸ Then suddenly the wind changed to the south, as if by divine providence, and blowing strongly in the opposite direction against the wall, it drove the flames right into it, and now the whole thing was burning through its depth.
³¹⁸ but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness.	³¹⁸ But then the wind suddenly changed to the south, as if by divine Providence, and blew strongly in the opposite direction, carrying the flame hard against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness.

³¹⁹ μὲν οὖν τῇ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίᾳ κεχρημένοι χαίροντες εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀπηλλάττοντο μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν τοῖς πολεμίοις διεγνωκότες καὶ τὰς φυλακὰς νύκτωρ ἐπιμελεστέρας ἐποιήσαντο, μή τινες αὐτῶν λάθωσιν ἀποδράντες.

³¹⁹ The Romans, therefore, having received assistance from God, returned to their camp rejoicing, having decided to attack the enemy the next day, and they kept more careful watch that night so that none of them might escape secretly.

³¹⁹ So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being discovered.

³¹⁹ So with this divine help the Romans returned happily to their camp, intending to attack the enemy the following day, and kept watch more vigilantly that night, to prevent any of the Jews escaping them unseen.

³²⁰ Οὐ μὴν οὔτε αὐτὸς ἘλεάζαροςEleazar ἐν νῷ δρασμὸν ἔλαβεν οὔτε ἄλλῳ τινὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἔμελλεν ἐπιτρέψειν.	³²⁰ However, neither Eleazar himself had any thought of flight, nor did he intend to permit anyone else to do so.
³²⁰ However, neither did Eleazar once think of flying away, nor would he permit anyone else to do so;	³²⁰ But Eleazar had not thought of escaping nor would he allow anyone else to do so.

³²¹ Ὁρῶν δὲ τὸ μὲν τεῖχος ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναλούμενον, ἄλλον δὲ οὐδένα σωτηρίας τρόπον οὐδ᾽ ἀλκῆς ἐπινοῶν, ἃ δὲ ἔμελλον δράσειν αὐτοὺς καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας [αὐτῶν ] , εἰ κρατήσειαν, ὑπ᾽ ὀφθαλμοὺς αὑτῷ τιθέμενος, θάνατον κατὰ πάντων ἐβουλεύσατο.

³²¹ Seeing the wall consumed by fire, and thinking of no other way of safety or defense, and placing before his eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives if they prevailed, he decided on death for all.

³²¹ but when he saw their wall burned down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping, or room for their further courage, and setting before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them all slain.

³²¹ When he saw their wall consumed by the fire and could see no way out and no room for further bravery, he described what the Romans would do to them, their children and their wives, if they got their hands on them, and considered having them all killed.

³²² Καὶ τοῦτο κρίνας ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἄριστον, τοὺς ἀνδρωδεστάτους τῶν ἑταίρων συναγαγὼν τοιούτοις ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν λόγοις παρεκάλει·	³²² Having judged this to be the best course in the present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous of his companions and encouraged them to the deed with such words:
³²² Now, as he judged this to be the best thing they could do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous of his companions together, and encouraged them to take that course by a speech which he made to them in the manner following:	³²² Judging this to be the best they could do in the circumstances, he assembled the bravest of his companions and encouraged them to take that course by the following speech:

³²³ " πάλαι διεγνωκότας ἡμᾶς, ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί, μήτε μήτ᾽ ἄλλῳ τινὶ δουλεύειν ἢ θεῷ, μόνος γὰρ οὗτος ἀληθής ἐστι καὶ δίκαιος ἀνθρώπων δεσπότης, ἥκει νῦν καιρὸς ἐπαληθεῦσαι κελεύων τὸ φρόνημα τοῖς ἔργοις.

³²³ “Brave men, we long ago resolved to serve neither the Romans nor anyone else but God, for He alone is the true and just master of men; now the time has come to prove that resolve by our actions.

³²³ “Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice.

³²³ "My generous friends, since long ago we resolved never to be slaves to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time has now come for us to carry out that resolve.

³²⁴ Πρὸς ὃν αὑτοὺς μὴ καταισχύνωμεν πρότερον μηδὲ δουλείαν ἀκίνδυνον ὑπομείναντες, νῦν δὲ μετὰ δουλείας ἑλόμενοι τιμωρίας , εἰ ζῶντες ὑπὸ ἐσόμεθα· πρῶτοί τε γὰρ πάντων ἀπέστημεν καὶ πολεμοῦμεν αὐτοῖς τελευταῖοι.

³²⁴ Let us not disgrace ourselves now; we who did not submit to slavery when it was without danger, let us not choose now slavery along with unbearable punishments if we fall into Roman hands alive; for we were the first of all to revolt and the last to fight against them.

³²⁴ And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them;

³²⁴ Let us not now shame ourselves, for formerly we would not accept even safe slavery, but now, along with slavery, we face intolerable tortures, I mean, if the Romans capture us alive. We were the very first to revolt from them and we are the last to still resist them,

³²⁵ Νομίζω δὲ καὶ παρὰ θεοῦ ταύτην δεδόσθαι χάριν τοῦ δύνασθαι καλῶς καὶ ἐλευθέρως ἀποθανεῖν, ὅπερ ἄλλοις οὐκ ἐγένετο παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα κρατηθεῖσιν.	³²⁵ I believe that this grace has been given to us by God: that we are able to die nobly and as free men, which was not granted to others who were unexpectedly defeated.
³²⁵ and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly.	³²⁵ so I really see it as a grace from God that we still have the power to die bravely and in a state of freedom, which was not the case for others, who were unexpectedly defeated.

³²⁶ Ἡμῖν δὲ πρόδηλος μέν ἐστιν ἡ γενησομένη μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἅλωσις, ἐλευθέρα δὲ ἡ τοῦ γενναίου θανάτου μετὰ τῶν φιλτάτων αἵρεσις. Οὔτε γὰρ τοῦτ᾽ ἀποκωλύειν οἱ πολέμιοι δύνανται πάντως εὐχόμενοι ζῶντας ἡμᾶς παραλαβεῖν, οὔθ᾽ ἡμεῖς ἐκείνους ἔτι νικᾶν μαχόμενοι.

³²⁶ For us, our capture tomorrow is certain, but the choice of a noble death with our loved ones is free. Neither can the enemy prevent this, though they desire above all to take us alive, nor can we any longer defeat them in battle.

³²⁶ It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day’s time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them.

³²⁶ Clearly we shall be taken within the next day, but we may still choose an honourable death, along with our dearest friends. This our enemies cannot prevent, dearly though they want to take us alive, any more than we can hope to defeat them.

³²⁷ Ἔδει μὲν γὰρ εὐθὺς ἴσως ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅτε τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἡμῖν ἀντιποιεῖσθαι θελήσασι πάντα καὶ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀπέβαινε χαλεπὰ καὶ παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων χείρω, τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμης στοχάζεσθαι καὶ γινώσκειν, ὅτι τὸ πάλαι φίλον αὐτῷ φῦλον κατέγνωστο·

³²⁷ Perhaps we should have seen the will of God from the very beginning, when we desired to claim our liberty and everything turned out hard for us from one another and worse from our enemies, and we should have known that the Jewish race, once beloved by Him, had been condemned.

³²⁷ It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction;

³²⁷ We should have given thought from the start, to God's purpose, when we were so eager to defend our liberty and when we treated each other so harshly and got even worse from our enemies.

³²⁸ μένων γὰρ εὐμενὴς ἢ μετρίως γοῦν ἀπηχθημένος, οὐκ ἂν τοσούτων μὲν ἀνθρώπων περιεῖδεν ὄλεθρον, προήκατο δὲ τὴν‎ ἱερωτάτην αὐτοῦ‎ πόλιν πυρὶ καὶ κατασκαφαῖς πολεμίων.	³²⁸ For if He had remained favorable, or at least only moderately angry, He would not have overlooked the destruction of so many men, nor would He have abandoned His holiest city to fire and the demolitions of enemies.
³²⁸ for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies.	³²⁸ We should have known that our Jewish nation once favoured by God is now doomed to destruction. If his favour had continued or had he been less angry with us, he would not have ignored the death of so many, or handed over his most holy city to be burned and demolished by our enemies.

³²⁹ Ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ μόνοι τοῦ παντὸς γένους ἠλπίσαμεν περιέσεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν φυλάξαντες, ὥσπερ ἀναμάρτητοι πρὸς τὸν θεὸν γενόμενοι καὶ μηδεμιᾶς μετασχόντες, Οἳ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδιδάξαμεν;

³²⁹ Did we alone of the entire Jewish race hope to preserve our liberty, as if we were sinless before God and had no part in the crimes, we who even taught others?

³²⁹ To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty.

³²⁹ Did we hope we alone could guard our freedom, as if we had not sinned against God, or had no part in crime, while we taught it to others?

³³⁰ Τοιγαροῦν ὁρᾶτε, πῶς ἡμᾶς ἐλέγχει μάταια προσδοκήσαντας κρείττονα τῶν ἐλπίδων τὴν‎ ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς ἀνάγκην ἐπαγαγών·	³³⁰ See then how He proves our expectations vain, bringing upon us a necessity in these terrors that is greater than our hopes.
³³⁰ Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations;	³³⁰ See how God has shown how vain were our hopes, by bringing such dire distress upon us now, worse than anything we feared,

³³¹ οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡ τοῦ φρουρίου φύσις ἀνάλωτος οὖσα πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὠφέληκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τροφῆς καὶ πλῆθος ὅπλων καὶ τὴν‎ ἄλλην ἔχοντες παρασκευὴν περιττεύουσαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ περιφανῶς τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἀφῃρήμεθα.

³³¹ For even the nature of the fortress, though impregnable, has not helped for our safety; but although we have an abundance of food, a multitude of weapons, and every other supply in excess, we have been clearly deprived of the hope of safety by God Himself.

³³¹ for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance;

³³¹ for the invincible nature of this fortress has not proved able to save us, and even though we still have lots of food and more weapons and other essentials than we need, God has clearly removed all hope of our being saved.

³³² Τὸ γὰρ πῦρ εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους φερόμενον οὐκ αὐτομάτως ἐπὶ τὸ κατασκευασθὲν τεῖχος ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀνέστρεψεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι ταῦτα χόλος πολλῶν ἀδικημάτων, ἃ μανέντες εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ἐτολμήσαμεν.	³³² For the fire that was being carried toward the enemy did not turn back against the wall we built of its own accord, but these things are the wrath for the many injustices which we in our madness dared to commit against our own countrymen.
³³² for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God’s anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen;	³³² It was not of its own accord that the fire we poured upon our enemies turned back upon the wall that we built. No, it shows wrath against us for the many mad wrongs we inflicted on our countrymen.

³³³ Ὑπὲρ ὧν μὴ τοῖς ἐχθίστοις ῬωμαίοιςRomans δίκας ἀλλὰ τῷ θεῷ δι᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ὑπόσχωμεν· αὗται δέ εἰσιν ἐκείνων μετριώτεραι·	³³³ For these crimes, let us not pay the penalty to our bitterest enemies, the Romans, but to God through ourselves; for this is more moderate than the other.
³³³ the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other.	³³³ Let us accept the punishment for these not from the Romans, but from God himself, dying by our own hands, a milder penalty.

³³⁴ θνησκέτωσαν γὰρ γυναῖκες ἀνύβριστοι καὶ παῖδες δουλείας ἀπείρατοι, μετὰ δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἡμεῖς εὐγενῆ χάριν ἀλλήλοις παράσχωμεν καλὸν ἐντάφιον τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν φυλάξαντες.	³³⁴ Let our wives die before they are violated, and our children before they experience slavery; and after them, let us grant one another a noble favor, preserving our freedom as a beautiful funeral winding-sheet.
³³⁴ Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us.	³³⁴ Let our wives die before they are dishonoured and our children before they have tasted slavery, and having killed them, let us mutually give each other that noble gift, keeping liberty as our winding-sheet.

³³⁵ Πρότερον δὲ καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὸ φρούριον πυρὶ διαφθείρωμεν· λυπηθήσονται γὰρ ῬωμαῖοιRomans, σαφῶς οἶδα, μήτε τῶν ἡμετέρων σωμάτων κρατήσαντες καὶ τοῦ κέρδους ἁμαρτόντες.	³³⁵ But first, let us destroy our possessions and the fortress by fire; for the Romans will be grieved, I know for certain, when they fail to capture our bodies and lose the profit.
³³⁵ But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also;	³³⁵ But first let us burn our money and the fortress itself, for I am quite sure that this will greatly annoy the Romans, not only to be unable to take us alive but also to miss out on our wealth.

³³⁶ Τὰς τροφὰς μόνας ἐάσωμεν· αὗται γὰρ ἡμῖν τεθνηκόσι μαρτυρήσουσιν ὅτι μὴ κατ᾽ ἔνδειαν ἐκρατήθημεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διέγνωμεν, θάνατον ἑλόμενοι πρὸ δουλείας."	³³⁶ Let us leave only the food; for it will bear witness to us after we are dead that we were not overcome by want, but that, as we resolved from the beginning, we chose death over slavery.”
³³⁶ and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.”	³³⁶ Let us leave nothing behind but our provisions, to witness when we are dead that we were not subdued for lack of essentials, but that we kept to our original resolve and preferred death to slavery."

³³⁷ Ταῦτα ἘλεάζαροςEleazar ἔλεγεν. Οὐ μὴν κατ᾽ αὐτὸ ταῖς γνώμαις προσέπιπτε τῶν παρόντων, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ μὲν ἔσπευδον ὑπακούειν καὶ μόνον οὐχ ἡδονῆς ἐνεπίμπλαντο καλὸν εἶναι τὸν θάνατον νομίζοντες,	³³⁷ Thus Eleazar spoke. However, his words did not meet with the same reaction from all those present; while some were eager to obey and were almost filled with a kind of pleasure, thinking such a death to be noble,
³³⁷ This was Eleazar’s speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing,	³³⁷ That was Eleazar's speech to them, but not all the hearers agreed to it. Some of them wanted to put his advice in practice and were somehow pleased at it and regarded death as a blessing,

³³⁸ τοὺς δ᾽ αὐτῶν μαλακωτέρους γυναικῶν καὶ γενεᾶς οἶκτος εἰσῄει, πάντως δὲ καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν προδήλου τελευτῆς εἰς ἀλλήλους ἀποβλέποντες τοῖς δακρύοις τὸ μὴ βουλόμενον τῆς γνώμης ἐσήμαινον.	³³⁸ others—the softer among them—were filled with pity for their wives and families. Gazing at one another with tears, they signaled their inward reluctance at the prospect of their certain end.
³³⁸ yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion.	³³⁸ but the gentler sort felt pity for their wives and families, and being deeply moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at each other and through the tears in their eyes declared their dissent from his view.

³³⁹ Τούτους ἰδὼν ἀποδειλιῶντας καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ βουλεύματος τὰς ψυχὰς ὑποκλωμένους ἔδεισε, μή ποτε καὶ τοὺς ἐρρωμένως τῶν λόγων ἀκούσαντας αὐτοὶ συνεκθηλύνωσι ποτνιώμενοι καὶ δακρύοντες.

³³⁹ Seeing them grow cowardly and their spirits break at the magnitude of the plan, Eleazar feared that they might unman even those who had listened firmly to his words by their lamenting and weeping.

³³⁹ When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously;

³³⁹ Seeing them so fearful and in such low spirits at his drastic proposal, Eleazar was afraid that these gentler folk, by their sighs and tears, might enfeeble those who had heard his words with courage, so he went on urging them.

³⁴⁰ Οὔκουν ἀνῆκε τὴν‎ παρακέλευσιν, ἀλλ᾽ αὑτὸν ἐπεγείρας καὶ πολλοῦ λήματος πλήρης γενόμενος λαμπροτέροις ἐνεχείρειto take in hand, attempt λόγοις περὶ ψυχῆς ἀθανασίας,	³⁴⁰ He did not give up his exhortation; instead, rousing himself and filled with great spirit, he attempted a more sublime discourse concerning the immortality of the soul.
³⁴⁰ so he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul.	³⁴⁰ Stirring himself to find suitable arguments to raise their spirits, he spoke more forcefully and fully to them about the immortality of the soul.

³⁴¹ μέγα τε σχετλιάσας καὶ τοῖς δακρύουσιν ἀτενὲςstretched ἐμβλέψας " ἦ πλεῖστον, εἶπεν, ἐψεύσθην νομίζων ἀνδράσιν ἀγαθοῖς τῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀγώνων συναρεῖσθαι, ζῆν καλῶς ἢ τεθνάναι διεγνωκόσιν.	³⁴¹ With a great cry of indignation and looking fixedly at those who were weeping, he said: “Truly, I was greatly deceived when I thought I was aiding brave men in their struggle for liberty—men determined to live nobly or die!
³⁴¹ So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus:—“Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die;	³⁴¹ Fixing his eyes intently on those who wept, with a deep groan he said, "How mistaken I was in thinking I was helping brave men struggling hard for their liberty and people who were resolved either to live with honour, or to die.

³⁴² Ὑμεῖς δὲ ἦτε τῶν τυχόντων οὐδὲν εἰς ἀρετὴν οὐδ᾽ εὐτολμίαν διαφέροντες, οἵ γε καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ μεγίστων ἀπαλλαγῇ κακῶν φοβεῖσθε θάνατον δέον ὑπὲρ τούτου μήτε μελλῆσαι μήτε σύμβουλον ἀναμεῖναι.	³⁴² But you are no different from ordinary men in virtue or daring, you who fear that death which delivers us from the greatest evils, when you ought neither to hesitate nor wait for an advisor regarding such a thing.
³⁴² but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await anyone to give you good advice;	³⁴² Now I find you no better or braver than others, afraid of death, even though it will free you from such great sorrows. But you should not hesitate in this matter, nor need advice from anyone.

³⁴³ Πάλαι γὰρ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης αἰσθήσεως παιδεύοντες ἡμᾶς οἱ πάτριοι καὶ θεῖοι λόγοι διετέλουν ἔργοις τε καὶ φρονήμασι τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων αὐτοὺς βεβαιούντων, ὅτι συμφορὰ τὸ ζῆν ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις, οὐχὶ θάνατος.

³⁴³ For from our first awakening to consciousness, our ancestral and divine teachings have continually instructed us—confirmed by the deeds and spirit of our forefathers—that life, not death, is the calamity for mankind.

³⁴³ for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death;

³⁴³ As soon as we had the use of reason, the ancient laws of our country and our God have taught us, and our ancestors have shown by their actions and bravery of mind, that it is life that is burdensome to humans, not death.

³⁴⁴ Οὗτος μὲν γὰρ ἐλευθερίαν διδοὺς ψυχαῖς εἰς τὸν οἰκεῖον καὶ καθαρὸν ἀφίησι τόπον ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι πάσης συμφορᾶς ἀπαθεῖς ἐσομένας, ἕως δέ εἰσιν ἐν σώματι θνητῷ δεδεμέναι καὶ τῶν τούτου κακῶν συναναπίμπλανται, τἀληθέστατον εἰπεῖν, τεθνήκασι·

³⁴⁴ For it is death that grants liberty to the soul and allows it to depart into its own pure and proper place, where it will be free from every misfortune. While it is bound in a mortal body and shares in its evils, to speak the truth, it is dead.

³⁴⁴ for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable.

³⁴⁴ By contrast, death gives our souls their freedom and sends them off to their own place of purity, where they will not feel misery of any kind. For while souls are tied to a mortal body, they share in its burdens, and are, so to speak, dead, in the troublesome union of the divine and mortal elements.

³⁴⁵ κοινωνία γὰρ θείῳ πρὸς θνητὸν ἀπρεπής ἐστι. Μέγα μὲν οὖν δύναται ψυχὴ καὶ σώματι συνδεδεμένη· ποιεῖ γὰρ αὐτῆς ὄργανον αἰσθανόμενον ἀοράτως αὐτὸ κινοῦσα καὶ θνητῆς φύσεως περαιτέρω προάγουσα ταῖς πράξεσιν·

³⁴⁵ For the union of the divine with the mortal is unseemly. Indeed, the soul has great power even when bound to a body; for it makes the body its instrument of perception, moving it invisibly and leading it in actions beyond its mortal nature.

³⁴⁵ It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do.

³⁴⁵ The power of the soul is indeed great, even when imprisoned in a mortal body, for by invisibly moving it it makes the body a conscious instrument and enables it to act in ways beyond the power of mortal nature.

³⁴⁶ οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὰν ἀπολυθεῖσα τοῦ καθέλκοντος αὐτὴν βάρους ἐπὶ γῆν καὶ προσκρεμαμένου χῶρον ἀπολάβῃ τὸν οἰκεῖον, τότε δὴ μακαρίας ἰσχύος καὶ πανταχόθεν ἀκωλύτου μετέχει δυνάμεως, ἀόρατος μένουσα τοῖς ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ὁ θεός·

³⁴⁶ But when it is released from the weight that drags it down to earth and hangs upon it, and recovers its own proper place, then indeed it partakes of a blessed strength and a power unhindered from every side, remaining invisible to human eyes, just as God Himself is.

³⁴⁶ However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself;

³⁴⁶ Once freed from that cloying weight that binds it to the earth, it reaches its proper place and then shares in that blessed power and those abilities, which cannot in any way be hindered in their operations.

³⁴⁷ οὐδὲ γὰρ ἕως ἐστὶν ἐν σώματι θεωρεῖται· πρόσεισι γὰρ ἀφανῶς καὶ μὴ βλεπομένη πάλιν ἀπαλλάττεται, μίαν μὲν αὐτὴ φύσιν ἔχουσα τὴν‎ ἄφθαρτον, αἰτία δὲ σώματι γινομένη μεταβολῆς.	³⁴⁷ For even while it is in the body, it is not seen; it enters unobserved and departs unseen, having but one nature, which is incorruptible, though it is the cause of change in the body.
³⁴⁷ for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body;	³⁴⁷ It stays invisible to human eyes, like God himself, for being there invisibly it is not seen while in the body, and when freed from it, it remains unseen. This soul has one incorruptible nature, but yet it is the cause of changes observed in the body.

³⁴⁸ ὅτου γὰρ ἂν ψυχὴ προσψαύσῃ, τοῦτο ζῇ καὶ τέθηλεν, ὅτου δ᾽ ἂν ἀπαλλαγῇ, μαρανθὲν ἀποθνήσκει· τοσοῦτον αὐτῇ περίεστιν ἀθανασίας.	³⁴⁸ For whatever the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; but from whatever it departs, that withers and dies—so great is the immortality within it.
³⁴⁸ for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality.	³⁴⁸ Whatever the soul touches, lives and flourishes, and any body from which it is removed, withers away and dies; such is its immortal nature.

³⁴⁹ ὕπνος δὲ τεκμήριον ὑμῖν ἔστω τῶν λόγων ἐναργέστατον, ἐν ᾧ ψυχαὶ τοῦ σώματος αὐτὰς μὴ περισπῶντος ἡδίστην μὲν ἔχουσιν ἀνάπαυσιν ἐφ᾽ αὑτῶν γενόμεναι, θεῷ δ᾽ ὁμιλοῦσαι κατὰ συγγένειαν πάντη μὲν ἐπιφοιτῶσι, πολλὰ δὲ τῶν προθεσπίζουσι.

³⁴⁹ Let sleep be the clearest proof to you of my words; in sleep, when the soul is not distracted by the body, it enjoys the sweetest rest in its own company, and communing with God by reason of its kinship, it wanders everywhere and foretells many things that are to come.

³⁴⁹ Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand.

³⁴⁹ The state of sleep as a clear proof of what I say. Undistracted by the body, souls have in sleep the sweetest state and converse with God, in alliance to him and there they travel elsewhere and foretell many future events.

³⁵⁰ Τί δὴ δεῖ δεδιέναι θάνατον τὴν‎ ἐν ὕπνῳ γινομένην ἀνάπαυσιν ἀγαπῶντας; πῶς δ᾽ οὐκ ἀνόητόν ἐστιν τὴν‎ ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἐλευθερίαν διώκοντας τῆς ἀιδίου φθονεῖν αὑτοῖς;	³⁵⁰ Why then should we fear death, when we love the rest that comes in sleep? And is it not foolish to pursue freedom in life while begrudging ourselves eternal freedom?
³⁵⁰ And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal!	³⁵⁰ Why then do we fear death, if the repose we have in sleep is so pleasant? And how absurd to seek liberty while we are alive but deny it to ourselves where it will be eternal!

³⁵¹ Ἔδει μὲν οὖν ἡμᾶς οἴκοθεν πεπαιδευμένους ἄλλοις εἶναι παράδειγμα τῆς πρὸς θάνατον ἑτοιμότητος· οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν ἀλλοφύλων δεόμεθα πίστεως, βλέψωμεν εἰς Ἰνδοὺς τοὺς σοφίαν ἀσκεῖν .

³⁵¹ We, who have been instructed at home, ought to be an example to others of readiness for death. But if we need the testimony of foreigners, let us look to the Indians^[1] who profess to practice wisdom.

³⁵¹ We, therefore, who have been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an example to others of our readiness to die; yet if we dostand in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard those Indians who profess the exercise of philosophy;

³⁵¹ We who are reared in our special discipline should be an example to others by our readiness to die. But if we need the support of foreigners in this matter, consider those Indians who profess to practise philosophy.

^[1]Eleazar refers to the Gymnosophists or Brahmins of India. This reflects the Hellenistic fascination with Eastern asceticism. Alexander the Great had encountered them in 326 BC, and their practice of ritual self-immolation (like that of Calanus) became a trope in Greco-Roman literature for ultimate courage and the soul’s superiority over the body.

³⁵² ἐκεῖνοί τε γὰρ ὄντες ἄνδρες ἀγαθοὶ τὸν μὲν τοῦ ζῆν χρόνον ὥσπερ ἀναγκαίαν τινὰ τῇ φύσει λειτουργίαν ἀκουσίως ὑπομένουσι,	³⁵² Those brave men endure the time of life as a kind of necessary service to nature, though unwillingly,
³⁵² for these good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look upon it as a necessary servitude,	³⁵² These good folk endure the time of life unwillingly and regard it as a necessary servitude.

³⁵³ σπεύδουσι δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀπολῦσαι τῶν σωμάτων, καὶ μηδενὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπείγοντος κακοῦ μηδ᾽ ἐξελαύνοντος πόθῳ τῆς ἀθανάτου διαίτης προλέγουσι μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅτι μέλλουσιν ἀπιέναι, καὶ ἔστιν ὁ κωλύσων οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ πάντες αὐτοὺς εὐδαιμονίζοντες πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους ἕκαστοι διδόασιν ἐπιστολάς·

³⁵³ and they hasten to release their souls from their bodies. Even when no evil presses upon them or drives them out, through a longing for the immortal life, they announce to others that they are about to depart. No one hinders them; instead, everyone considers them happy and gives them letters to carry to their own deceased kin.

³⁵³ and make haste to let their souls loose from their bodies; nay, when no misfortune presses them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand that they are about to depart; and nobody hinders them, but everyone thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried to their familiar friends [that are dead];

³⁵³ They look forward to releasing their souls from their bodies even when no misfortune presses or drives them to it. They so desire the immortal life that they tell others in advance of their intention to depart, and no one hinders them. Rather, all think them happy and give them letters to bring to their friends,

³⁵⁴ οὕτως βεβαίαν καὶ ἀληθεστάτην ταῖς ψυχαῖς τὴν‎ μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων εἶναι δίαιταν πεπιστεύκασιν.	³⁵⁴ So firm and true is their belief in the communion that souls have with one another.
³⁵⁴ so firmly and certainly do they believe that souls converse with one another [in the other world].	³⁵⁴ so firmly do they believe that souls converse with each other.

³⁵⁵ Οἱ δ᾽ ἐπειδὰν ἐπακούσωσι τῶν ἐντεταλμένων αὐτοῖς, πυρὶ τὸ σῶμα παραδόντες, ὅπως δὴ καὶ καθαρωτάτην ἀποκρίνωσι τοῦ σώματος τὴν‎ ψυχήν, ὑμνούμενοι τελευτῶσιν·	³⁵⁵ And when they have heard the instructions given to them, they commit their bodies to the fire so that the soul may be separated from the body in the purest way, and they die amid hymns of praise.
³⁵⁵ So when these men have heard all such commands that were to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire; and, in order to their getting their soul a separation from the body in the greatest purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendations made to them;	³⁵⁵ When these have heard all such orders to be delivered, they consign their body to the fire, and, to ensure a most pure separation of the soul from the body, they die amidst hymns of gladness.

³⁵⁶ ῥᾷον γὰρ ἐκείνους εἰς τὸν θάνατον οἱ φίλτατοι προπέμπουσιν ἢ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων ἕκαστοι τοὺς πολίτας εἰς μηκίστην ἀποδημίαν, καὶ σφᾶς μὲν αὐτοὺς δακρύουσιν, ἐκείνους δὲ μακαρίζουσιν ἤδη τὴν‎ ἀθάνατον τάξιν ἀπολαμβάνοντας.

³⁵⁶ For their dearest friends escort them to death more easily than other men escort their fellow citizens on a long journey; they weep for themselves, but they call those others blessed as they now receive their immortal rank.

³⁵⁶ for their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do any of the rest of mankind conduct their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey, who at the same time weep on their own account, but look upon the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of the immortal order of beings.

³⁵⁶ Indeed their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do the rest of mankind bid farewell to their companions before going a very long journey, at the same time weeping for themselves but regarding the others as happy, soon to share in the order of immortal beings.

³⁵⁷ ἆρ᾽then, so then οὖν οὐκ αἰδούμεθα χεῖρον Ἰνδῶν φρονοῦντες καὶ διὰ τῆς αὑτῶν ἀτολμίας τοὺς πατρίους νόμους, οἳ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις εἰς ζῆλον ἥκουσιν, αἰσχρῶς ὑβρίζοντες;	³⁵⁷ Are we not ashamed, then, to have a spirit lower than the Indians, and by our own cowardice to shamefully insult the laws of our fathers, which are envied by all mankind?
³⁵⁷ Are not we, therefore, ashamed to have lower notions than the Indians? and by our own cowardice to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are so much desired and imitated by all mankind?	³⁵⁷ Are we not ashamed to have lower ideas than the Indians? By our cowardice will we besmirch the laws of our country, so much asked about and imitated by all mankind?

³⁵⁸ εἴ γε καὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐξ ἀρχῆς λόγους ἐπαιδεύθημεν, ὡς ἄρα μέγιστον ἀγαθὸν ἀνθρώποις ἐστὶ τὸ ζῆν συμφορὰ δ᾽ ὁ θάνατος, ὁ γοῦν καιρὸς ἡμᾶς παρακαλεῖ φέρειν εὐκαρδίως αὐτὸν θεοῦ γνώμῃ καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκας τελευτήσαντας·

³⁵⁸ Even if we had been taught from the beginning the opposite view—that life is the greatest good and death a calamity—the present crisis calls us to bear it with a brave heart, since it is by God’s will and by necessity that we die.

³⁵⁸ But put the case that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that death is a calamity; however, the circumstances we are now in ought to be an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously, since it is by the will of God, and by necessity, that we are to die;

³⁵⁸ Even if we had been reared in another doctrine and were taught that life is the greatest good of humans and that death is a disaster—even then, the present moment should lead us to bear it bravely, since it is inevitable and by God's will that we are to die.

³⁵⁹ πάλαι γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, κατὰ τοῦ κοινοῦ παντὸς ἸουδαίωνJews γένους ταύτην ἔθετο τὴν‎ ψῆφον ὁ θεός, ὥσθ᾽ ἡμᾶς τοῦ ζῆν ἀπηλλάχθαι μὴ μέλλοντας αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι κατὰ τρόπον.	³⁵⁹ For long ago, it seems, God passed this decree against the whole Jewish race in common: that we should be deprived of life because we did not use it as we ought.
³⁵⁹ for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life which [he knew] we would not make a due use of.	³⁵⁹ For it now appears that God has decreed that the whole Jewish nation is to be deprived of this life which we would not use properly.

³⁶⁰ Μὴ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὑμῖν ἀνάπτετε τὰς αἰτίας μηδὲ χαρίζεσθε τοῖς , ὅτι πάντας ἡμᾶς ὁ πρὸς αὐτοὺς πόλεμος διέφθειρεν· οὐ γὰρ ἐκείνων ἰσχύι ταῦτα συμβέβηκεν, ἀλλὰ κρείττων αἰτία γενομένη τὸ δοκεῖν ἐκείνοις νικᾶν παρέσχηκε.

³⁶⁰ Do not credit yourselves with the cause, nor flatter the Romans that the war against them has destroyed us; for these things have not happened through their strength, but a mightier cause has intervened to give them the appearance of victory.

³⁶⁰ For do not you ascribe the occasion of our present condition to yourselves, nor think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing to be conquerors over us.

³⁶⁰ For do not blame yourselves for our present condition, nor think the Romans are truly the reason that our war with them has become so destructive to us all. It was not by their power that these things happened, but a more powerful cause intervened, making us give them the chance of seeming to triumph over us.

³⁶¹ Ποίοις γὰρ ὅπλοις ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τεθνήκασιν οἱ ΚαισάρειανCaesarea ἸουδαῖοιJews κατοικοῦντες;	³⁶¹ By what Roman weapons did the Jews dwelling in Caesarea die?
³⁶¹ What Roman weapons, I pray you, were those by which the Jews at Caesarea were slain?	³⁶¹ Tell me, was it by Roman weapons that the Jews in Caesarea were killed?

³⁶² οὐδὲ μελλήσαντας αὐτοὺς ἐκείνων ἀφίστασθαι, μεταξὺ δὲ τὴν‎ ἑβδόμην ἑορτάζοντας τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐπιδραμὸν μηδὲ χεῖρας ἀνταίροντας ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ τέκνοις κατέσφαξαν, οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐντραπέντες, οἳ μόνους ἡμᾶς ἡγοῦντο πολεμίους τοὺς ἀφεστηκότας.

³⁶² Even when they had no intention of revolting from them, but were keeping the Sabbath, the multitude of Caesareans rushed upon them and slaughtered them with their wives and children, though they did not even lift a hand in defense—and they did this without any regard for the Romans themselves, who regarded only us as enemies who had revolted.

³⁶² On the contrary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Caesarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of their wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we revolted from them.

³⁶² No, but while they were in no way rebellious, but were keeping their sabbath festival and never lifted their hands against the Caesareans, still those citizens crowded over them and cut their throats, with their wives and children. This had nothing to do with the Romans, who never saw us as enemies until we rebelled from them.

³⁶³ Ἀλλὰ φήσει τις, ὅτι Καισαρεῦσιν ἦν ἀεὶ διαφορὰ πρὸς τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοῦ καιροῦ λαβόμενοι τὸ παλαιὸν μῖσος ἀπεπλήρωσαν.	³⁶³ But someone will say that the Caesareans were always at odds with the Jews there, and they took the opportunity to satisfy their ancient hatred.
³⁶³ But some may be ready to say, that truly the people of Caesarea had always a quarrel against those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancor they had against them.	³⁶³ Some may say that the people of Caesarea always had a quarrel with those living among them and that when opportunity offered, they only satisfied their old grudge against them.

³⁶⁴ Τί οὖν τοὺς ἐν ΣκυθοπόλειScythopolis φῶμεν; ἡμῖν γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι διὰ τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks πολεμεῖν ἐτόλμησαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν ἡμῶν ῬωμαίουςRomans ἀμύνεσθαι.	³⁶⁴ What then shall we say of those in Scythopolis? For they dared to wage war against us on behalf of the Greeks, rather than joining their own kin to repel the Romans.
³⁶⁴ What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen.	³⁶⁴ What then shall we say about those of Scythopolis, who went to war with us due to the Greeks?

³⁶⁵ Πολὺ τοίνυν ὤνησεν αὐτοὺς ἡ πρὸς ἐκείνους εὔνοια καὶ πίστις· ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν μέντοι πανοικεσίᾳ πικρῶς κατεφονεύθησαν ταύτην τῆς συμμαχίας ἀπολαβόντες ἀμοιβήν·	³⁶⁵ Much good did their goodwill and loyalty toward the Greeks do them! They were cruelly slaughtered with their entire families by them, receiving this as the reward for their alliance.
³⁶⁵ Wherefore you see how little our goodwill and fidelity to them profited us, while they were slain, they and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they had afforded the others;	³⁶⁵ It was not an act of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen. See how little our goodwill and fidelity to them profited us, when our families were brutally killed, which was the thanks we got for helping the others.

³⁶⁶ ἃ γὰρ ἐκείνους ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκώλυσαν ταῦθ᾽ ὑπέμειναν ὡς αὐτοὶ δρᾶσαι θελήσαντες. Μακρὸν ἂν εἴη νῦν ἰδίᾳ περὶ ἑκάστων λέγειν·	³⁶⁶ What they prevented those Greeks from suffering at our hands, they themselves endured as if they had intended to do it themselves. It would be a long story to speak now of each case individually.
³⁶⁶ for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others did they suffer themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time of every destruction brought upon us;	³⁶⁶ We suffered the very fate we had saved them from, just as if we had been ready to act against them.

³⁶⁷ ἴστε γὰρ ὅτι τῶν ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria πόλεων οὐκ ἔστιν ἥτις τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτῇ κατοικοῦντας ἸουδαίουςJews οὐκ ἀνῄρηκεν, ἡμῖν πλέον ἢ ῬωμαίοιςRomans ὄντας πολεμίους·	³⁶⁷ For you know that there is not a city in Syria that has not destroyed the Jews living within it, being more our enemies than even the Romans were.
³⁶⁷ for you cannot but know that there was not anyone Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves;	³⁶⁷ It would take too long for me now to describe every evil brought upon us, for you must know how there was no Syrian city which did not kill their Jewish inhabitants hating us more than even the Romans do.

³⁶⁸ ὅπου γε ΔαμασκηνοὶDamascus (people) μηδὲ πρόφασιν εὔλογον πλάσαι δυνηθέντες φόνου μιαρωτάτου τὴν‎ αὐτῶν πόλιν ἐνέπλησαν ὀκτακισχιλίους πρὸς τοῖς μυρίοις ἸουδαίουςJews ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ γενεαῖς ἀποσφάξαντες.	³⁶⁸ Even the Damascenes, though unable to devise even a plausible pretext, filled their city with the most foul murder, slaughtering eighteen thousand Jews together with their wives and families.
³⁶⁸ nay, even those of Damascus, when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children.	³⁶⁸ Even the people of Damascus, though unable to allege any plausible charge, filled their city with the murder of our people and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children.

³⁶⁹ Τὸ δ᾽ ἐν πλῆθος τῶν μετ᾽ αἰκίας ἀνῃρημένων ἕξ που μυριάδας ὑπερβάλλειν ἐπυνθανόμεθα. Κἀκεῖνοι μὲν ἴσως ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας γῆς οὐδὲν ἀντίπαλον εὑράμενοι τοῖς πολεμίοις οὕτως ἀπέθανον, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκείας τὸν πρὸς πόλεμον ἀραμένοις ἅπασι τε τῶν ἐλπίδα νίκης ἐχυρᾶς παρασχεῖν δυναμένων οὐχ ὑπῆρξε;

³⁶⁹ As for the multitude of those killed in Egypt with torture, we heard that they exceeded sixty thousand. Those people, perhaps because they were in a foreign land and found no way to oppose their enemies, died in that manner; but what of those who, in their own land, took up the war against the Romans—did they not have everything that could provide a firm hope of victory?

³⁶⁹ And as to the multitude of those that were slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand; those, indeed, being in a foreign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory?

³⁶⁹ We have been told that over sixty thousand were killed and tortured in Egypt, even though as exiles in a foreign country they had no means of defence against their enemies. But when we fought the Romans in our own country, did we not have reason to have good hopes of victory?

³⁷⁰ Καὶ γὰρ ὅπλα καὶ τείχη καὶ φρουρίων δυσάλωτοι κατασκευαὶ καὶ φρόνημα πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας κινδύνους ἄτρεπτον πάντας πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀπόστασινa revolt ἐπέρρωσεν.	³⁷⁰ For weapons and walls and the construction of fortresses difficult to capture, and a spirit undaunted toward the dangers for liberty, encouraged everyone to the revolt.
³⁷⁰ For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared as not to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from the Romans.	³⁷⁰ We had arms and walls and fortresses not easy to take, and courage unmoved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which prompted all of us to revolt from the Romans.

³⁷¹ Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πρὸς βραχὺν χρόνον ἀρκέσαντα καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἡμᾶς ἐπάραντα μειζόνων ἀρχὴ κακῶν · πάντα γὰρ ἥλω, καὶ πάντα τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑπέπεσεν, ὥσπερ εἰς τὴν‎ ἐκείνων εὐκλεεστέραν νίκην, οὐκ εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν παρασκευασαμένων σωτηρίαν εὐτρεπισθέντα.

³⁷¹ But these things lasted for only a short time and, after raising our hopes, proved to be the beginning of greater evils. For everything has been captured, and everything has fallen to the enemy, as if prepared for their more glorious victory rather than for the safety of those who provided them.

³⁷¹ But then these advantages sufficed us but for a short time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to be the origin of our miseries; for all we had hath been taken from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these preparations were made.

³⁷¹ But these advantages kept us going for too short a time and only raised our hopes, while they now seem the cause of our woes, for all we had was taken from us and has fallen to our enemies, as though our advantages served only to render their victory more glorious and not for the safety of those who provided them.

³⁷² Καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἀποθνήσκοντας εὐδαιμονίζειν προσῆκον· ἀμυνόμενοι γὰρ καὶ τὴν‎ ἐλευθερίαν οὐ προέμενοι τεθνήκασι· τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν ὑπὸ γενομένων τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐλεήσειε; τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐπειχθείη πρὸ τοῦ ταὐτὰ παθεῖν ἐκείνοις ἀποθανεῖν;

³⁷² It is proper to consider those who died in battle happy; for they died defending themselves and not surrendering their liberty. But who would not pity the multitude of those who have fallen under the Romans? Who would not hasten to die before suffering the same fate as they?

³⁷² And as for those that are already dead in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty; but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Romans, who would not pity their condition? and who would not make haste to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them?

³⁷² As for those who have died already in the war, it is right for us to reckon them blessed, for they died defending their freedom, and not betraying it. As to those who are now under the Romans, who would not pity their condition? Who would not rather die than suffer the same woes as they?

³⁷³ ὧν οἱ μὲν στρεβλούμενοι καὶ πυρὶ καὶ μάστιξιν αἰκιζόμενοι τεθνήκασιν, οἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ θηρίων ἡμίβρωτοι πρὸς δευτέραν αὐτοῖς τροφὴν ζῶντες ἐφυλάχθησαν, γέλωτα καὶ παίγνιον τοῖς πολεμίοις παρασχόντες.	³⁷³ Of those, some have died being tortured and tormented by fire and scourges, while others, half-eaten by wild beasts, have been kept alive to be a second meal for them, providing laughter and sport for their enemies.
³⁷³ Some of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and whippings, and so died. Some have been halfdevoured by wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second time, in order to afford laughter and sport to our enemies;	³⁷³ Some of them were racked and tortured with fire and whips and so died. Some have been half devoured by wild beasts and yet kept alive to be devoured by them a second time, to afford laughter and sport to our enemies.

³⁷⁴ Ἐκείνων μὲν οὖν ἀθλιωτάτους ὑποληπτέον τοὺς ἔτι ζῶντας, οἳ πολλάκις εὐχόμενοι τὸν θάνατον λαβεῖν οὐκ ἔχουσιν.	³⁷⁴ And those still living are to be considered the most wretched of all, who often pray for death but cannot find it.
³⁷⁴ and such of those as are alive still are to be looked on as the most miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at it.	³⁷⁴ The survivors are to be pitied most of all who, longing for death, could not reach it.

³⁷⁵ Ποῦ δ᾽ ἡ μεγάλη πόλις, ἡ τοῦ παντὸς γένους μητρόπολις, ἡ τοσούτοις μὲν ἐρυμνὴ τειχῶν περιβόλοις, τοσαῦτα δ᾽ αὑτῆς φρούρια καὶ μεγέθη πύργων προβεβλημένη, μόλις δὲ χωροῦσα τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευάς, τοσαύτας δὲ μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν ἔχουσα τῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς μαχομένων;

³⁷⁵ Where is that great city, the mother-city of the whole Jewish race, fortified by so many circles of walls, protected by so many fortresses and massive towers, which could scarcely contain the preparations for war, and had so many tens of thousands of men fighting for her?

³⁷⁵ And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it?

³⁷⁵ Where is now that great city, the heart of the Jewish nation, fortified by so many walls, defended by so many fortresses and towers, which could hardly contain the weapons of war and which had so many thousands of men to fight for it?

³⁷⁶ Ποῦ γέγονεν ἡμῖν ἡ τὸν θεὸν ἔχειν οἰκιστὴν πεπιστευμένη; πρόρριζος ἐκ βάθρων ἀνήρπασται, καὶ μόνον αὐτῆς μνημεῖον ἀπολείπεται τὸ τῶν ἀνῃρημένων ἔτι τοῖς λειψάνοις ἐποικοῦν.	³⁷⁶ Where has it gone—the city we believed had God for its founder? It has been torn up by the roots from its foundations, and the only monument of it left is the camp of those who destroyed it, still dwelling among its ruins.
³⁷⁶ Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein? It is now demolished to the very foundations, and hath nothing but that monument of it preserved, I mean the camp of those that hath destroyed it, which still dwells upon its ruins;	³⁷⁶ Where is the city that was believed to have God himself dwelling there? It is now demolished to the very foundations, with nothing but its monument preserved, I mean the camp of those who destroyed it, which still stands upon its ruins.

³⁷⁷ Πρεσβῦται δὲ δύστηνοι τῇ σποδῷ τοῦ τεμένους παρακάθηνται καὶ γυναῖκες ὀλίγαι πρὸς ὕβριν αἰσχίστην ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων τετηρημέναι.	³⁷⁷ Miserable old men sit by the ashes of the Temple, and a few women are kept by the enemy for the foulest insult.
³⁷⁷ some unfortunate old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women are there preserved alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and reproach.	³⁷⁷ Some unfortunate old men also lie within the ashes of the temple and a few women are there kept alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and reproach.

³⁷⁸ Ταῦτα τίς ἐν νῷ βαλλόμενος ἡμῶν καρτερήσει τὸν ἥλιον ὁρᾶν, κἂν δύνηται ζῆν ἀκινδύνως; τίς οὕτω τῆς πατρίδος ἐχθρός, ἢ τίς οὕτως ἄνανδρος καὶ φιλόψυχος, ὡς μὴ καὶ περὶ τοῦ μέχρι νῦν ζῆσαι μετανοεῖν;	³⁷⁸ Who of us, considering these things, can bear to see the sun, even if he could live without danger? Who is such an enemy to his country, or who is so unmanly and fond of life, as not to regret that he has lived until now?
³⁷⁸ Now, who is there that revolves these things in his mind, and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might live out of danger? Who is there so much his country’s enemy, or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that he is still alive?	³⁷⁸ Who can toss these things in his mind and yet bear the sight of the sun, though he could live safe from danger? Who is there so much his country's enemy, so unmanly and so fond of life, as not to regret that he is still alive?

³⁷⁹ Ἀλλ᾽But εἴθε πάντες ἐτεθνήκειμεν πρὶν τὴν‎ ἱερὰν ἐκείνην πόλιν χερσὶν ἰδεῖν κατασκαπτομένην πολεμίων, πρὶν τὸν ναὸν τὸν ἅγιον οὕτως ἀνοσίως ἐξορωρυγμένον.	³⁷⁹ Would that we had all died before seeing that holy city razed by the hands of enemies, before seeing the Holy Temple so profanely dug up!
³⁷⁹ And I cannot but wish that we had all died before we had seen that holy city demolished by the hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so profane a manner.	³⁷⁹ I really wish that we had all died before seeing that holy city demolished by the hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple so profanely dug up.

³⁸⁰ Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡμᾶς οὐκ ἀγεννὴς ἐλπὶς ἐβουκόλησεν, ὡς τάχα που δυνήσεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἀμύνασθαι, φρούδη δὲ γέγονε νῦν καὶ μόνους ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνάγκης καταλέλοιπεν, σπεύσωμεν καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν, ἐλεήσωμεν ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας, ἕως ἡμῖν ἔξεστιν παρ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν λαβεῖν τὸν ἔλεον.

³⁸⁰ Since a not ignoble hope deceived us—that we might perhaps be able to avenge her against the enemy—but now that hope has vanished and left us alone in our necessity, let us hasten to die nobly. Let us have pity on ourselves, our children, and our wives, while it is still possible for us to receive pity from ourselves.

³⁸⁰ But since we had a generous hope that deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives while it is in our own power to show pity to them;

³⁸⁰ But since our noble hope deceived us, and the thought of avenging ourselves on our enemies has now become empty and leaves us alone in this calamity, let us die quickly and bravely.

³⁸¹ Ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ θάνατον ἐγεννήθημεν καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὑτῶν ἐγεννήσαμεν, καὶ τοῦτον οὐδὲ τοῖς εὐδαιμονοῦσιν ἔστι διαφυγεῖν·	³⁸¹ For we were born for death, and we begat our children for death, and this not even the fortunate can escape.
³⁸¹ for we were born to die, as well as those were whom we have begotten; nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid it.	³⁸¹ Let us show pity on ourselves, our children and our wives while it is in our power to pity them, for we were born to die, as well as those were whom we have begotten, and even the most fortunate of our race cannot avoid it.

³⁸² ὕβρις δὲ καὶ δουλεία καὶ τὸ βλέπειν γυναῖκας εἰς αἰσχύνην ἀγομένας μετὰ τέκνων οὐκ ἔστιν ἀνθρώποις κακὸν ἐκ φύσεως ἀναγκαῖον, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα διὰ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν δειλίαν ὑπομένουσιν οἱ παρὸν πρὸ αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν μὴ θελήσαντες.

³⁸² But insult and slavery and seeing our wives led away to shame with their children are not evils naturally necessary to man; these things are endured because of their own cowardice by those who were not willing to die when they had the chance.

³⁸² But for abuses, and slavery, and the sight of our wives led away after an ignominious manner, with their children, these are not such evils as are natural and necessary among men; although such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is in their power so to do, must undergo even them, on account of their own cowardice.

³⁸² But savagery and slavery and the sight of our wives ignobly led away, with their children, such evils are not natural or necessary among men. They must only be borne by those who, in their cowardice, do not prefer death to such woes, when it is in their power to do so.

³⁸³ Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ μέγα φρονοῦντες ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀπέστημεν καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα νῦν ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ προκαλουμένων ἡμᾶς οὐχ ὑπηκούσαμεν.	³⁸³ We, however, priding ourselves on our courage, revolted from the Romans, and even at the last, when they offered us safety, we did not obey.
³⁸³ We revolted from the Romans with great pretensions to courage; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve ourselves, we would not comply with them.	³⁸³ With a high spirit of courage we rebelled from the Romans and when, at the very last, they invited us to save ourselves, we would not accept it.

³⁸⁴ τίνι τοίνυν οὐκ ἔστιν ὁ θυμὸς αὐτῶν πρόδηλος, εἰ ζώντων ἡμῶν κρατήσουσιν; ἄθλιοι μὲν οἱ νέοι τῆς τῶν σωμάτων εἰς πολλὰς αἰκίας ἀρκέσοντες, ἄθλιοι δὲ οἱ παρηβηκότες φέρειν τῆς ἡλικίας τὰς συμφορὰς οὐ δυναμένης.

³⁸⁴ Who, then, cannot see what their rage will be if they capture us alive? Wretched will be the young men whose physical strength will endure many tortures, and wretched will be the elderly whose age cannot bear such calamities.

³⁸⁴ Who will not, therefore, believe that they will certainly be in a rage at us, in case they can take us alive? Miserable will then be the young men who will be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments! miserable also will be those of elder years, who will not be able to bear those calamities which young men might sustain.

³⁸⁴ Is it not clear that they will vent their rage on us, if they can take us alive? Then woe betide the young men whose bodies are strong enough to sustain many tortures! Woe to those of elder years, unable to bear the pains which young men might sustain!

³⁸⁵ ὄψεταί τις γυναῖκα πρὸς βίαν ἀγομένην, φωνῆς ἐπακούσεται τέκνου πατέρα βοῶντος χεῖρας δεδεμένος.	³⁸⁵ One will see his wife led away by force, another will hear the voice of his child crying ‘Father!’ while his own hands are bound.
³⁸⁵ One man will be obliged to hear the voice of his son implore help of his father, when his hands are bound.	³⁸⁵ A man must see his wife led off to be raped, or hear the voice of his son imploring his father's help, when his hands are bound.

³⁸⁶ Ἀλλ᾽But ἕως εἰσὶν ἐλεύθεραι καὶ ξίφος ἔχουσιν, καλὴν ὑπουργίαν ὑπουργησάτωσαν· ἀδούλωτοι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἀποθάνωμεν, ἐλεύθεροι δὲ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν τοῦ ζῆν συνεξέλθωμεν.	³⁸⁶ But while our hands are free and hold the sword, let them perform a noble service! Let us die unslaved by the enemy; as free men, with our wives and children, let us depart from life together.
³⁸⁶ But certainly our hands are still at liberty, and have a sword in them; let them then be subservient to us in our glorious design; let us die before we become slaves under our enemies, and let us go out of the world, together with our children and our wives, in a state of freedom.	³⁸⁶ But our hands are still free and hold a sword. Let them serve us in our noble plan! Let us die rather than become slaves to our enemies and let us, our children and our wives, leave this world while we are still free. This

³⁸⁷ Ταῦθ᾽ ἡμᾶς οἱ νόμοι κελεύουσι, ταῦθ᾽ ἡμᾶς γυναῖκες καὶ παῖδες ἱκετεύουσι· τούτων τὴν‎ ἀνάγκην θεὸς ἀπέσταλκε, τούτων ῬωμαῖοιRomans τἀναντία θέλουσι, καὶ μή τις ἡμῶν πρὸ τῆς ἁλώσεως ἀποθάνῃ δεδοίκασι.	³⁸⁷ These things our laws command, these things our wives and children implore of us; God has sent the necessity for this, while the Romans desire the opposite, fearing lest any of us die before the capture.
³⁸⁷ This it is that our laws command us to do; this it is that our wives and children crave at our hands; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity upon us; while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid lest any of us should die before we are taken.	³⁸⁷ it is that our laws demand and it is that our wives and children crave at our hands. It is God himself who makes this necessary, while the Romans desire the contrary and want none of us to die before we are taken.

³⁸⁸ σπεύσωμεν οὖν ἀντὶ τῆς ἐλπιζομένηςto have assurance αὐτοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀπολαύσεως ἔκπληξιν τοῦ θανάτου καὶ θαῦμα τῆς τόλμης καταλιπεῖν."	³⁸⁸ Let us hasten, then, to leave them, instead of the enjoyment they expect to have over us, the shock of our death and the wonder of our daring.”
³⁸⁸ Let us therefore make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure, as they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein.”	³⁸⁸ So we must hurry and, instead of giving them the pleasure they hope for in capturing us, leave them shocked by our death and amazed at our bravery."

Chapter 9
The people in Masada, persuaded by Eleazar,
agree to kill each other

☜ ☞

³⁸⁹ Ἔτι βουλόμενον αὐτὸν παρακαλεῖν πάντες ὑπετέμνοντο καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν ἠπείγοντο ἀνεπισχέτου τινὸς ὁρμῆς πεπληρωμένοι, καὶ δαιμονῶντες ἀπῄεσαν ἄλλος πρὸ ἄλλου φθάσαι γλιχόμενος καὶ ταύτην ἐπίδειξιν εἶναι τῆς ἀνδρείας καὶ τῆς εὐβουλίας νομίζοντες, τὸ μή τις ἐν ὑστάτοις γενόμενος ὀφθῆναι· τοσοῦτος αὐτοῖς γυναικῶν καὶ παιδίων καὶ τῆς αὑτῶν σφαγῆς ἔρως ἐνέπεσεν.

³⁸⁹ Even as Eleazar wished to continue exhorting them, they all cut him short and hastened to the deed, filled with an uncontrollable impulse; and as if possessed, they departed, each striving to outdo the other, thinking that it would be a demonstration of their courage and good judgment not to be seen among the last; so great a desire had fallen upon them to slaughter their wives, their children, and themselves.

³⁸⁹ Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in this exhortation, they all cut him off short, and made haste to do the work, as full of an unconquerable ardor of mind, and moved with a demoniacal fury. So they went their ways, as one still endeavoring to be before another, and as thinking that this eagerness would be a demonstration of their courage and good conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the last class; so great was the zeal they were in to slay their wives and children, and themselves also!

³⁸⁹ Eleazar wanted to continue his exhortation but they all cut him short and hurried to do the deed, full of invincible ardour. Like people possessed, they went off intending to outdo each other and thinking to prove their courage and goodwill by avoiding being seen among the last, such was their passion to kill their wives and children and themselves.

³⁹⁰ Καὶ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ὅπερ ἄν τις ᾠήθη τῇ πράξει προσιόντες ἠμβλύνθησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀτενῆ τὴν‎ γνώμην διεφύλαξαν οἵαν ἔσχον τῶν λόγων ἀκροώμενοι, τοῦ μὲν οἰκείου καὶ φιλοστόργου πάθους ἅπασι παραμένοντος, τοῦ λογισμοῦ δὲ ὡς τὰ κράτιστα βεβουλευκότος τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἐπικρατοῦντος.

³⁹⁰ And indeed, they were not blunted in their purpose as they approached the deed, as one might have expected, but they maintained the fixed resolve they had formed while listening to the words—though natural and tender affection remained in them all, their reason, having decided that this was the best course for those dearest to them, prevailed.

³⁹⁰ Nor, indeed, when they came to the work itself, did their courage fail them, as one might imagine it would have done, but they then held fast the same resolution, without wavering, which they had upon the hearing of Eleazar’s speech, while yet every one of them still retained the natural passion of love to themselves and their families, because the reasoning they went upon appeared to them to be very just, even with regard to those that were dearest to them;

³⁹⁰ Nor did their courage fail, as one would expect, when it came to the act, but unwaveringly they held to the resolve they had felt at hearing the speech, for while each felt the natural passion of love for themselves and their families, the reasoning convinced them as just, even for those dearest to them.

³⁹¹ Ὁμοῦ γὰρ ἠσπάζοντο γυναῖκας περιπτυσσόμενοι καὶ τέκνα προσηγκαλίζοντο τοῖς ὑστάτοις φιλήμασιν ἐμφυόμενοι καὶ δακρύοντες,	³⁹¹ For at the same moment they embraced their wives, folding them in their arms, and took up their children, clinging to them with final kisses while weeping;
³⁹¹ for the husbands tenderly embraced their wives, and took their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with tears in their eyes.	³⁹¹ So while husbands tenderly embraced their wives and took their children into their arms and with tears in their eyes gave them lengthy final kisses,

³⁹² Ὁμοῦ δὲ καθάπερ ἀλλοτρίαις χερσὶν ὑπουργούμενοι συνετέλουν τὸ βούλευμα, τὴν‎ ἐπίνοιαν ὧν πείσονται κακῶν ὑπὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις γενόμενοι παραμύθιον τῆς ἐν τῷ κτείνειν ἀνάγκης ἔχοντες.	³⁹² at the same time, as if serving with the hands of strangers, they carried out their resolve, having the thought of the evils they would suffer if they fell into the hands of the enemy as a consolation for the necessity of the killing.
³⁹² Yet at the same time did they complete what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed by the hands of strangers; and they had nothing else for their comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this execution, to avoid that prospect they had of the miseries they were to suffer from their enemies.	³⁹² they still carried out their resolve, as though executing them by the hands of others, with no solace but the need to kill them, to avoid the woes they would suffer from the enemy.

³⁹³ Καὶ πέρας οὐδεὶς τηλικούτου τολμήματος ἥττων εὑρέθη, πάντες δὲ διὰ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων διεξῆλθον, ἄθλιοι τῆς ἀνάγκης, οἷς αὐτοχειρὶ γυναῖκας τὰς αὑτῶν καὶ τέκνα κτεῖναι κακῶν ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὸ κουφότατον.	³⁹³ And in the end, no one was found to be weaker than such a daring deed; all went through with it even to their closest kin—wretched in their necessity, to whom it seemed the lightest of evils to kill their own wives and children with their own hands.
³⁹³ Nor was there at length anyone of these men found that scrupled to act their part in this terrible execution, but every one of them dispatched his dearest relations. Miserable men indeed were they! whose distress forced them to slay their own wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them.	³⁹³ None of them evaded acting his part in this terrible deed, but each dispatched his closest family, forced by necessity to kill their own wives and children with their own hands, as the lesser of the evils facing them.

³⁹⁴ Οὔτε δὴ τοίνυν τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ὀδύνην ἔτι φέροντες καὶ τοὺς ἀνῃρημένους νομίζοντες ἀδικεῖν εἰ καὶ βραχὺν αὐτοῖς ἔτι χρόνον ἐπιζήσουσι, ταχὺ μὲν τὴν‎ κτῆσιν ἅπασαν εἰς ταὐτὸ σωρεύσαντες πῦρ εἰς αὐτὴν ἐνέβαλον,

³⁹⁴ Therefore, unable to endure the pain of what they had done, and thinking they would wrong the slain if they survived them for even a short time, they quickly heaped all their possessions together and set them on fire.

³⁹⁴ So they being not able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done any longer, and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, to live even the shortest space of time after them,—they presently laid all they had upon a heap, and set fire to it.

³⁹⁴ Unable to bear any longer their grief at what they had done and thinking it wronged the slain to live even a short while after them, they soon piled all their property in a heap and set fire to it.

³⁹⁵ κλήρῳ δ᾽ ἐξ αὑτῶν ἑλόμενοι δέκα τοὺς ἁπάντων σφαγεῖς , καὶ γυναικί τις αὑτὸν καὶ παισὶ κειμένοις παραστρώσας καὶ τὰς χεῖρας περιβαλών, παρεῖχον ἑτοίμους τὰς σφαγὰς τοῖς τὴν‎ δύστηνον ὑπουργίαν ἐκτελοῦσιν.

³⁹⁵ Then, choosing ten from among themselves by lot to be the executioners of all, and each man having laid himself down beside his fallen wife and children and wrapped his arms around them, they offered their throats ready to those performing that wretched service.

³⁹⁵ They then chose ten men by lot out of them to slay all the rest; every one of whom laid himself down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of those who by lot executed that melancholy office;

³⁹⁵ Then they chose by lot ten of their number to kill all the rest. Each man lay down alongside his wife and children and throwing his arms about them offered his neck to the stroke of whoever by lot fulfilled that sad duty.

³⁹⁶ Οἱ δ᾽ ἀτρέπτως πάντας φονεύσαντες τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις τοῦ κλήρου νόμον ὥρισαν, ἵν᾽ ὁ λαχὼν τοὺς ἐννέα κτείνας ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀνέλῃ· πάντες οὕτως αὑτοῖς ἐθάρρουν μήτ᾽ εἰς τὸ δρᾶν μήτ᾽ εἰς τὸ παθεῖν ἄλλος ἄλλου διαφέρειν.

³⁹⁶ And when these [the ten] had unswervingly slaughtered them all, they established the same law of the lot for one another, so that the one who was chosen would kill the other nine and then kill himself last of all; so did they all trust one another equally, both in doing and in suffering the deed.

³⁹⁶ and when these ten had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for casting lots for themselves, that he whose lot it was should first kill the other nine, and after all should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage sufficient to be no way behind one another in doing or suffering;

³⁹⁶ When these ten had killed all the rest, they followed the same rule by casting lots for themselves, so that whoever drew the lot should first kill the other nine and finally kill himself. All were too brave to lag behind each other in action or suffering.

³⁹⁷ Καὶ τέλος οἱ μὲν τὰς σφαγὰς ὑπέθεσαν, ὁ δ᾽ εἷς καὶ τελευταῖος τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κειμένων περιαθρήσας, μή πού τις ἐν πολλῷ φόνῳ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ λείπεται χειρὸς δεόμενος, ὡς ἔγνω πάντας ἀνῃρημένους, πῦρ μὲν πολὺ τοῖς βασιλείοις ἐνίησιν, ἀθρόᾳ δὲ τῇ χειρὶ δι᾽ αὑτοῦ πᾶν ἐλάσας τὸ ξίφος πλησίον τῶν οἰκείων κατέπεσε.

³⁹⁷ Finally, the others offered their throats, and the last remaining man looked around at the multitude of the fallen to see if anyone was still left in the great slaughter who needed his hand; when he saw that all were slain, he set a great fire to the palace, and driving his sword with all his strength through his body, he fell down near his family.

³⁹⁷ so, for a conclusion, the nine offered their necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some or other among so many that were slain should want his assistance to be quite dispatched; and when he perceived that they were all slain, he set fire to the palace, and with the great force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near to his own relations.

³⁹⁷ In the end they offered their necks to the executioner and he who was last of all looked around all the other bodies, in case amid the slaughter someone might still need his help. When he saw that all were dead, he set fire to the palace and then raised his hand and ran himself through with his sword and fell dead alongside his own relatives.

³⁹⁸ Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐτεθνήκεσαν ὑπειληφότες οὐδὲν ἔχονto have, hold ψυχὴν ὑποχείριον ἐξ αὑτῶν ῬωμαίοιςRomans καταλιπεῖν,	³⁹⁸ And so they died, having believed that they had left not one soul among them subject to the Romans
³⁹⁸ So these people died with this intention, that they would not leave so much as one soul among them all alive to be subject to the Romans.	³⁹⁸ So these died, believing they had not left one of them alive to be subject to the Romans.

³⁹⁹ ἔλαθεν δὲ γυνὴ πρεσβῦτις καὶ συγγενὴς ἑτέρα τις , φρονήσει καὶ παιδείᾳ πλεῖστον γυναικῶν διαφέρουσα, καὶ πέντε παιδία τοῖς ὑπονόμοις, οἳ ποτὸν ἦγον ὕδωρ διὰ γῆς, ἐγκατακρυβῆναι τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς τῇ σφαγῇ τὰς διανοίας ἐχόντων,

³⁹⁹ However, an old woman and another woman who was a relative of Eleazar—superior to most women in intelligence and education—and five children escaped by hiding in the underground conduits that carried drinking water through the earth, while the others were occupied with the slaughter.

³⁹⁹ Yet was there an ancient woman, and another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women in prudence and learning, with five children, who had concealed themselves in caverns under ground, and had carried water thither for their drink, and were hidden there when the rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another.

³⁹⁹ But one old woman and another, a relative of Eleazar's who surpassed most women in prudence and learning, and five children, had hidden in caves underground and had brought water there to drink and stayed concealed there while the rest were intent upon killing each other.

⁴⁰⁰ οἳ τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἦσαν ἑξήκοντα πρὸς τοῖς ἐνακοσίοις γυναικῶν ἅμα καὶ παίδων αὐτοῖς συναριθμουμένων.	⁴⁰⁰ The number of the slain was nine hundred and sixty, women and children included.
⁴⁰⁰ Those others were nine hundred and sixty in number, the women and children being withal included in that computation.	⁴⁰⁰ The others were nine hundred and sixty in number, including women and children.

⁴⁰¹ Καὶ τὸ πάθος ἐπράχθη πεντεκαιδεκάτῃ ΞανθικοῦXanthicus μηνός.	⁴⁰¹ And this calamity occurred on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus.^[1]
⁴⁰¹ This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].	⁴⁰¹ This awful slaughter took place on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus.

^[1]April 15/16, 73 AD. Interestingly, this date coincides with the first day of Passover.

⁴⁰² Οἱ δὲ ῬωμαῖοιRomans μάχην ἔτι προσδοκῶντες, ὑπὸ τὴν‎ ἕω διασκευασάμενοι καὶ τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν χωμάτων ἐφόδους ταῖς ἐπιβάθραις γεφυρώσαντες προσβολὴν ἐποιοῦντο.	⁴⁰² The Romans, still expecting a battle, armed themselves at dawn and, having bridged the approaches from the earthworks with gangways, they made their assault.
⁴⁰² Now for the Romans, they expected that they should be fought in the morning, when, accordingly, they put on their armor, and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from their banks, to make an assault upon the fortress, which they did;	⁴⁰² The Romans expected combat in the morning, so they put on their armour and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from the earthworks.

⁴⁰³ Βλέποντες δ᾽ οὐδένα τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ δεινὴν πανταχόθεν ἐρημίαν καὶ πῦρ ἔνδον καὶ σιωπήν, ἀπόρως εἶχον τὸ γεγονὸς συμβαλεῖν, καὶ τέλος ὡς εἰς ἄφεσιν βολῆς ἠλάλαξαν, εἴ τινα τῶν ἔνδον προκαλέσαιντο.	⁴⁰³ But seeing none of the enemy, and only a terrible solitude on every side with fire within and silence, they were at a loss to guess what had happened; finally, they shouted as if for a signal for a volley, to see if they could call forth anyone from within.
⁴⁰³ but saw nobody as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were at a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they made a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the batteringram, to try whether they could bring anyone out that was within;	⁴⁰³ When they attacked the fortress they saw none of the enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with the place on fire, and all perfectly still. Perplexed to know what had happened, they raised a shout, as loud as a blow of the battering ram, to see if they could bring anyone out from inside.

⁴⁰⁴ Τῆς δὲ βοῆς αἴσθησις γίνεται τοῖς γυναίοις, κἀκ τῶν ὑπονόμων ἀναδῦσαι τὸ πραχθὲν ὡς εἶχε πρὸς τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans ἐμήνυον, πάντα τῆς ἑτέρας ὡς ἐλέχθη τε καὶ τίνα τρόπον ἐπράχθη σαφῶς ἐκδιηγουμένης.	⁴⁰⁴ The women heard the shout and, emerging from the underground conduits, they informed the Romans of what had happened, one of them explaining clearly all that had been said and in what manner it had been done.
⁴⁰⁴ the women heard this noise, and came out of their underground cavern, and informed the Romans what had been done, as it was done; and the second of them clearly described all both what was said and what was done, and the manner of it;	⁴⁰⁴ The women heard this noise and came out of their underground cave and told the Romans what had been done, and one of them clearly described both the speech and the way the deed was done.

⁴⁰⁵ Οὐ μὴν ῥᾳδίως αὐτῇ προσεῖχον τῷ μεγέθει τοῦ τολμήματος ἀπιστοῦντες, ἐπεχείρουν τε τὸ πῦρ σβεννύναι καὶ ταχέως ὁδὸν δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τεμόντες τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς ἐγένοντο.	⁴⁰⁵ The Romans did not easily believe her, distrusting the magnitude of the daring deed, but they attempted to extinguish the fire and, quickly cutting a path through it, they came inside the palace.
⁴⁰⁵ yet did they not easily give their attention to such a desperate undertaking, and did not believe it could be as they said; they also attempted to put the fire out, and quickly cutting themselves a way through it, they came within the palace,	⁴⁰⁵ These found it hard to take seriously the scale of the bold act, and disbelieved it, and tried to put out the fire, quickly cutting a way through to the inside of the palace.

⁴⁰⁶ Καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν πεφονευμένων ἐπιτυχόντες οὐχ ὡς ἐπὶ πολεμίοις ἥσθησαν, τὴν‎ δὲ γενναιότητα τοῦ βουλεύματος καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν τοσούτοις ἄτρεπτον ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἐθαύμασαν τοῦ θανάτου καταφρόνησιν.	⁴⁰⁶ And when they came upon the multitude of the slain, they did not rejoice as over enemies, but they admired the nobility of the resolve and the unswerving contempt for death shown in the deeds of so many.
⁴⁰⁶ and so met with the multitude of the slain, but could take no pleasure in the fact, though it were done to their enemies. Nor could they do other than wonder at the courage of their resolution, and the immovable contempt of death which so great a number of them had shown, when they went through with such an action as that was.	⁴⁰⁶ When they came upon the number of the fallen, what they felt was not rejoicing over enemies but admiration for the nobility of their resolve and the firm contempt of death shown by so many, to carry it out.

Chapter 10
Sicarii flee to Alexandria,
putting its Jewish community at risk

☜ ☞

⁴⁰⁷ Τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς ἁλώσεως γενομένης ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ φρουρίου καταλείπει φυλακὴν ὁ στρατηγός, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπῆλθεν εἰς ΚαισάρειανCaesarea.	⁴⁰⁷ After the capture had occurred in this manner, the commander left a garrison at the fortress, and he himself departed with his forces to Caesarea.
⁴⁰⁷ When Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Caesarea;	⁴⁰⁷ After the fortress was taken, the general left a garrison to guard it and he went off to Caesarea.

⁴⁰⁸ Οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπελείπετό τις τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν πολεμίων, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη πᾶσα διὰ μακροῦ τοῦ πολέμου κατέστραπτο πολλοῖς καὶ τῶν ἀπωτάτω κατοικούντων αἴσθησιν καὶ κίνδυνον ταραχῆς παρασχόντος.	⁴⁰⁸ For not one enemy remained throughout the country; rather, the whole land had now been subdued through the long war, which had provided a sense of disturbance and danger even to many of those dwelling at the furthest distances.
⁴⁰⁸ for there were now no enemies left in the country, but it was all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and dangerous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea;	⁴⁰⁸ There were now no enemies left in the country, as it was all ruined by this long war, but it caused trouble and danger in faraway places too.

⁴⁰⁹ Ἔτι δὲ καὶ περὶ ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria τὴν‎ ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt μετὰ ταῦτα συνέβη πολλοὺς ἸουδαίωνJews ἀποθανεῖν·	⁴⁰⁹ Furthermore, it happened after these things that many Jews died in the region of Alexandria in Egypt.
⁴⁰⁹ for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandria in Egypt;	⁴⁰⁹ Even in the area of Alexandria in Egypt, many Jews were killed,

⁴¹⁰ τοῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς στάσεως τῶν σικαρίων ἐκεῖ διαφυγεῖν δυνηθεῖσιν οὐκ ἀπέχρη τὸ σώζεσθαι, πάλιν δὲ καινοτέροις πράγμασι καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ὑποδεξαμένων ἔπειθον τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι, καὶ μὲν μηδὲν κρείττους αὑτῶν ὑπολαμβάνειν, θεὸν δὲ μόνον ἡγεῖσθαι δεσπότην.

⁴¹⁰ For those of the faction of the Sicarii who were able to escape to that place were not content with being saved; instead, they again attempted new enterprises and tried to persuade many of those who had received them to assert their liberty, to consider the Romans no better than themselves, and to regard God alone as their master.

⁴¹⁰ for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances, and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves, and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master.

⁴¹⁰ since many of the Sicarii who were able to flee there from the rebellion, were not content to have saved their lives, but had to start new disturbances and persuaded many of those who welcomed them to assert their liberty, regarding the Romans as no better than themselves, and honouring God as their only Lord and Master.

⁴¹¹ Ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν οὐκ ἀφανῶν τινες ἸουδαίωνJews ἀντέβαινον, τοὺς μὲν ἀπέσφαξαν, τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἐνέκειντο πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀπόστασινa revolt παρακαλοῦντες.	⁴¹¹ But when certain notable Jews opposed them, they slaughtered some of them and pressed upon the others, urging them to revolt.
⁴¹¹ But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them, and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations to revolt from the Romans;	⁴¹¹ When the prominent Jews opposed them, they killed some of them and pressed the others very hard, urging them to rebel.

⁴¹² Ὁρῶντες δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν‎ ἀπόνοιαν οἱ πρωτεύοντες τῆς γερουσίας οὐκέτ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς αὐτοῖς ἐνόμιζον περιορᾶν, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀθροίσαντες εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς ἤλεγχον τὴν‎ ἀπόνοιαν τῶν σικαρίων πάντων αἰτίους ἀποφαίνοντες ἐκείνους τῶν κακῶν·

⁴¹² Seeing their madness, the leaders of the council of elders (Gerousia) no longer thought it safe to overlook the matter; having gathered all the Jews into an assembly, they denounced the madness of the Sicarii, declaring them to be the cause of all the evils.

⁴¹² but when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them.

⁴¹² When the officers of the Jewish council saw their madness they thought it no longer safe to ignore them, so they called all the Jews to a meeting and accused the Sicarii of madness, showing how they had been the cause of all their woes.

⁴¹³ καὶ νῦν αὐτούς, ἐπείπερ οὐδὲ πεφευγότες τῆς σωτηρίας ἐλπίδα βεβαίαν ἔχουσιν, γνωσθέντας γὰρ ὑπὸ εὐθὺς ἀπολεῖσθαι, τῆς αὐτοῖς προσηκούσης συμφορᾶς ἀναπιμπλάναι τοὺς μηδενὸς τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων μετασχόντας.

⁴¹³ They said that even now, though they had fled, these men had no firm hope of safety—for once recognized by the Romans, they would immediately perish—and they were seeking to involve those who had shared in none of their crimes in the calamity that belonged to themselves.

⁴¹³ They said also that “these men, now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins.”

⁴¹³ They said, "These men, now that they have fled from Judea, have no hope of escape, for as soon as they are recognized, they will soon be killed by the Romans. Now they come here and load their troubles on us, who have not shared in any of their crimes."

⁴¹⁴ φυλάξασθαι τοίνυν τὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ὄλεθρον τὸ πλῆθος παρεκάλουν καὶ περὶ αὑτῶν πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans ἀπολογήσασθαι τῇ τούτων παραδόσει.	⁴¹⁴ Therefore, they exhorted the multitude to guard against the destruction coming from these men and to clear themselves before the Romans by handing them over.
⁴¹⁴ Accordingly, they exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them;	⁴¹⁴ The people should take care not to be ruined on account of them and apologize to the Romans for what had been done, by handing these men over to them.

⁴¹⁵ συνιδόντες τοῦ κινδύνου τὸ μέγεθος ἐπείσθησαν τοῖς λεγομένοις, καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς ὁρμῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς σικαρίους ᾄξαντες συνήρπαζον αὐτούς.	⁴¹⁵ Perceiving the magnitude of the danger, the people were persuaded by what was said; they rushed with great impulse upon the Sicarii and seized them.^[1]
⁴¹⁵ who being thus apprised of the greatness of the danger they were in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great violence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them;	⁴¹⁵ Realizing from these words the extent of their danger, they agreed and ran with force at the Sicarii and captured them.

^[1]About 73 AD.

⁴¹⁶ Τῶν δ᾽ ἑξακόσιοι μὲν εὐθὺς ἑάλωσαν, ὅσοι δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt καὶ τὰς ἐκεῖ ΘήβαςThebes διέφυγον, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν συλληφθέντες ἐπανήχθησαν.	⁴¹⁶ Six hundred of them were immediately captured, and as many as fled into Egypt and the Egyptian Thebes were caught not long after and brought back.
⁴¹⁶ and indeed six hundred of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled into Egypt and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back,—	⁴¹⁶ Six hundred of them were caught immediately, and soon all those who had fled to Egypt and to the Egyptian Thebaid were caught and brought back.

⁴¹⁷ Ἐφ᾽ ὧν οὐκ ἔστιν ὃς οὐ τὴν‎ καρτερίαν καὶ τὴν‎ εἴτε ἀπόνοιαν εἴτε τῆς γνώμης ἰσχὺν χρὴ λέγειν οὐ κατεπλάγη·	⁴¹⁷ Concerning these men, there was no one who was not amazed by their endurance—whether one should call it madness or strength of purpose.
⁴¹⁷ whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, everybody was amazed at.	⁴¹⁷ Their courage, or perhaps we should call it madness, or the strength of their opinions, amazed everyone.

⁴¹⁸ πάσης γὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς βασάνου καὶ λύμης τῶν σωμάτων ἐπινοηθείσης ἐφ᾽ ἓν τοῦτο μόνον, ὅπως αὐτῶν δεσπότην ὁμολογήσωσιν, οὐδεὶς ἐνέδωκεν οὐδὲ ἐμέλλησεν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ὑπερτέραν τῆς ἀνάγκης τὴν‎ αὐτῶν γνώμην διεφύλαξαν, ὥσπερ ἀναισθήτοις σώμασι χαιρούσῃ μόνον οὐχὶ τῇ ψυχῇ τὰς βασάνους καὶ τὸ πῦρ δεχόμενοι.

⁴¹⁸ For though every kind of torture and bodily abuse was devised against them for this one purpose—to make them acknowledge Caesar as their master—not one gave in or even hesitated to speak; instead, they all maintained their resolve superior to the necessity, receiving the tortures and the fire as if with bodies that felt nothing, their souls almost rejoicing.

⁴¹⁸ For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get anyone of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them.

⁴¹⁸ For though all imaginable kinds of tortures and physical pain were used on them, none of them could be forced to yield and to confess, or even give the impression of confessing, Caesar as their master, but in spite of all that was inflicted on them, they stuck to their own view, as if receiving these tortures, even fire itself, with bodies that felt no pain and a soul that almost was glad at it.

⁴¹⁹ Μάλιστα δ᾽ ἡ τῶν παίδων ἡλικία τοὺς θεωμένους ἐξέπληξεν· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκείνων τις ἐξενικήθη ΚαίσαραCaesar δεσπότην ἐξονομάσαι. Τοσοῦτον ἄρα τῆς τῶν σωμάτων ἀσθενείας ἡ τῆς τόλμης ἰσχὺς ἐπεκράτει.	⁴¹⁹ But the age of the children especially amazed the onlookers; for not one of them could be forced to name Caesar as master. To such an extent did the strength of their daring prevail over the weakness of their bodies.
⁴¹⁹ But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders was the courage of the children; for not one of these children was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail over the weakness of the body.	⁴¹⁹ Most astounding of all to the onlookers was the courage of the children, for none of them was so defeated as to call Caesar master. So far does the power of courage prevail over the weakness of the body.

⁴²⁰ Λοῦπος τότε διῴκει τὴν‎ ἈλεξάνδρειανAlexandria καὶ περὶ τοῦ κινήματος τούτου ΚαίσαριCaesar κατὰ τάχος ἐπέστειλεν.	⁴²⁰ Lupus was then governing Alexandria, and he quickly wrote to Caesar concerning this movement.
⁴²⁰ Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion;	⁴²⁰ Lupus who then governed Alexandria, soon sent word of this upheaval to Caesar.

⁴²¹ Ὁ δὲ τῶν τὴν‎ ἀκατάπαυστον ὑφορώμενος νεωτεροποιίαν καὶ δείσας, μὴ πάλιν εἰς ἓν ἀθρόοι συλλεγῶσι καί τινας αὑτοῖς συνεπισπάσωνται, προσέταξε τῷ Λούππῳ τὸν ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ νεὼν καθελεῖν τῶν .

⁴²¹ Caesar, suspicious of the unceasing revolutionary spirit of the Jews and fearing they might gather together again in one place and draw others in with them, ordered Lupus to demolish the temple of the Jews in the place called “Onias.”^[1]

⁴²¹ who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion,

⁴²¹ He, suspecting the mood of the Jews for revolt and fearing that they could again join forces and persuade others to join them, ordered Lupus to demolish the Jewish temple in a place called Onias.

^[1]The Temple of Onias (Leontopolis) was founded about c. 170–154 BC. Onias IV, son of the High Priest Simon III, fled to Egypt during the Hellenistic crisis in Judea when Antiochus IV Epiphanes was Hellenizing Jerusalem.

⁴²² Ὁ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt καὶ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν ᾠκίσθη τε καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπίκλησιν ἔλαβεν·	⁴²² This is in Egypt, and it was settled and received its name for the following reason:
⁴²² and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following:	⁴²² This is the region in Egypt which had been settled and named as follows.

⁴²³ υἱός, εἷς τῶν ἐν ἀρχιερέων, φεύγων τὸν βασιλέα πολεμοῦντα τοῖς ἧκεν εἰς , καὶ δεξαμένου φιλοφρόνως αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἔφη σύμμαχον αὐτῷ ποιήσειν τὸ τῶν ἔθνος, εἰ πεισθείη τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λεγομένοις.

⁴²³ Onias, the son of Simon, one of the high priests in Jerusalem, fleeing from Antiochus the king of Syria who was at war with the Jews, came to Alexandria. Ptolemy received him kindly because of his own hatred toward Antiochus, and Onias said he would make the Jewish nation his ally if he would follow his advice.

⁴²³ Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance;

⁴²³ When Antiochus the king of Syria made war against the Jews, one of the Jewish high priests, Onias, the son of Simon, fled and came to Alexandria; and when Ptolemy received him cordially, due to his hatred for Antiochus, promised that if he followed his proposal, he would get the Jewish nation to ally with him.

⁴²⁴ Ποιήσειν δὲ τὰ δυνατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁμολογήσαντος ἠξίωσεν ἐπιτρέπειν αὐτῷ νεών τε που τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt κατασκευάσασθαι καὶ τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσι θεραπεύειν τὸν θεόνGod·	⁴²⁴ When the king agreed to do what was possible, Onias asked him to permit him to build a temple somewhere in Egypt and to worship God according to ancestral customs.
⁴²⁴ and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country;	⁴²⁴ Then when the king agreed, as far as he was able, he asked to be allowed to build a temple somewhere in Egypt and to worship God according to their ancestral customs,

⁴²⁵ οὕτως γὰρ μὲν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκπολεμώσεσθαι τοὺς τὸν ἐν νεὼν πεπορθηκότι, πρὸς αὐτὸν δ᾽ εὐνοικωτέρως ἕξειν καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἀδείᾳ τῆς εὐσεβείας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συλλεγήσεσθαι.

⁴²⁵ For he said that in this way the Jews would be even more at war with Antiochus, who had plundered the temple in Jerusalem, while they would be more favorably disposed toward him [Ptolemy], and many would gather to him for the sake of religious freedom.

⁴²⁵ for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater goodwill; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him.

⁴²⁵ for the Jews would be so much readier to fight Antiochus, who had ransacked the temple in Jerusalem, and would join him all the more willingly, if he granted them liberty of religion.

⁴²⁶ Πεισθεὶς ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy τοῖς λεγομένοις δίδωσιν αὐτῷ χώραν ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀγδοήκοντα σταδίους ἀπέχουσαν ΜέμφεωςMemphis· νομὸς δ᾽ οὗτος ἩλιοπολίτηςHeliopolis καλεῖται.	⁴²⁶ Persuaded by these words, Ptolemy gave him a region one hundred and eighty stades away from Memphis; this district is called the Heliopolitan Nome.
⁴²⁶ So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. That Nomos was called the Nomos of Heliopolis	⁴²⁶ Persuaded by this, Ptolemy gave him a tract of land a hundred and eighty furlongs from Memphis, in what is called the Nomos of Hellopolis.

⁴²⁷ Φρούριον ἔνθα κατασκευασάμενος ὈνίαςOnias τὸν μὲν ναὸν οὐχ ὅμοιον ᾠκοδόμησε τῷ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem, ἀλλὰ πύργῳ παραπλήσιον λίθων μεγάλων εἰς ἑξήκοντα πήχεις ἀνεστηκότα·	⁴²⁷ Having constructed a fortress there, Onias built the temple—not like the one in Jerusalem, but resembling a tower made of large stones, rising sixty cubits^[1] high.
⁴²⁷ where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits;	⁴²⁷ There Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like that in Jerusalem, but one resembling a tower, built of large stones to a height of sixty feet.

^[1]60 cubits = 27 metres (87 ft)

⁴²⁸ τοῦ βωμοῦ δὲ τὴν‎ κατασκευὴν πρὸς τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐξεμιμήσατο καὶ τοῖς ἀναθήμασιν ὁμοίως ἐκόσμησεν χωρὶς τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ λυχνίαν κατασκευῆς·	⁴²⁸ The construction of the altar he modeled after the one at home, and he decorated it with similar offerings, except for the construction of the lampstand.
⁴²⁸ he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick,	⁴²⁸ He modelled the altar on that in the home country and adorned it with similar gifts, except the shape of the candlestick;

⁴²⁹ οὐ γὰρ ἐποίησε λυχνίαν, αὐτὸν δὲ χαλκευσάμενος λύχνον χρυσοῦν ἐπιφαίνοντα σέλας χρυσῆς ἁλύσεως ἐξεκρέμασε. Τὸ δὲ τέμενος πᾶν ὀπτῇ πλίνθῳ περιτετείχιστο πύλας ἔχονto have, hold λιθίνας.	⁴²⁹ For he did not make a lampstand; instead, having fashioned a golden lamp that cast a brilliant light, he hung it from a golden chain. The entire sacred precinct was surrounded by a wall of baked brick with stone gates.
⁴²⁹ for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold;	⁴²⁹ for he did not make a candlestick, but had a lamp hammered from a piece of gold, to illuminate the place with its rays, and he hung it from a chain of gold. The entire temple was surrounded with a wall of burned brick, though it had gates of stone.

⁴³⁰ Ἀνῆκε δὲ καὶ χώραν πολλὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς χρημάτων πρόσοδον, ὅπως εἴη καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀφθονίαfree from envy καὶ τῷ θεῷ πολλὰ τὰ πρὸς τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν.	⁴³⁰ The king also granted much land for revenue, so that the priests might have abundance and God might have many things for his service.
⁴³⁰ but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship.	⁴³⁰ The king also gave him a large area to yield an income so that the priests might be well provided for and plenty of all that was required for divine worship.

⁴³¹ Οὐ μὴν ἐξ ὑγιοῦς γνώμης ταῦτα ἔπραττεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἦν αὐτῷ φιλονεικία πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὀργὴν τῆς φυγῆς ἀπομνημονεύοντι, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνόμιζε κατασκευάσας εἰς αὐτὸ περισπάσειν ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων τὸ πλῆθος.

⁴³¹ However, Onias did not do these things with a healthy motive; he had a rivalry with the Jews in Jerusalem, nursing anger over his flight, and he thought that by constructing this temple, he would draw the multitude away from them to himself.

⁴³¹ Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself.

⁴³¹ Onias, however, did not do this out of sober prudence, but wished to live with the Jews in Jerusalem and could not forget his anger for being banished from there, thinking that by building this temple he could lure the majority away from them.

⁴³² Ἐγεγόνει δέ τις καὶ παλαιὰ πρόρρησις ἔτεσί που πρόσθεν ἑξακοσίοις· ὄνομα τῷ προαγορεύσαντι τοῦδε τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν‎ ἐν γενησομένην ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς κατασκευήν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν ἱερὸν οὕτως ἐπεποίητο.

⁴³² There had also been an ancient prophecy some six hundred years before; Isaiah was the name of the man who foretold the construction of this temple in Egypt by a Jewish man.^[1] Thus the temple had been made.

⁴³² There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.

⁴³² An ancient prophecy had also been made about six hundred years earlier, by a man named Isaiah, that this temple would be built by a Jew in Egypt; and that is how that sanctuary was built.

^[1]Josephus quotes Isaiah 19:19 “On that day there will be an altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt.” The site is located at Tell el-Yahudiye (Mound of the Jews) in the Heliopolitan Nome.

⁴³³ Λοῦππος δ᾽ ὁ τῆς ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria ἡγεμὼν τὰ παρὰ ΚαίσαροςCaesar λαβὼν γράμματα καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καί τινα τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἐκφορήσας τὸν ναὸν ἀπέκλεισε.	⁴³³ Lupus,^[1] the governor of Alexandria, having received the letters from Caesar and having come to the temple, carried away some of the offerings and shut up the shrine.
⁴³³ And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar’s letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself.	⁴³³ On receiving Caesar's letter, the governor of Alexandria, Lupus, came to the temple and took away some of the donations dedicated to it, and shut the temple itself.

^[1]Tiberius Julius Lupus died 73 AD.

⁴³⁴ Λούππου δὲ μετὰ βραχὺ τελευτήσαντος Παυλῖνος διαδεξάμενος τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν οὔτε τῶν ἀναθημάτων οὐδὲν κατέλιπε, πολλὰ γὰρ διηπείλησε τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν εἰ μὴ πάντα προκομίσειαν, οὔτε προσιέναι τῷ τεμένει τοὺς θρησκεύειν βουλομένους ἐφῆκεν,

⁴³⁴ But Lupus died shortly thereafter, and Paulinus,^[1] having succeeded to the governorship, left nothing of the offerings—for he threatened the priests severely if they did not produce everything—nor did he permit those who wished to worship to approach the precinct.

⁴³⁴ And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place;

⁴³⁴ When a little later Lupus died, his successor, Paulinus, left none of the donations there and threatened the priests with severe sanctions if they did not bring them all out, and allowed no one who wanted to worship God there even to come near the sanctuary.

^[1]Valerius Paulinus was the successor to Lupus in 73 AD.

⁴³⁵ ἀλλ᾽ ἀποκλείσας τὰς πύλας ἀπρόσιτον αὐτὸ παντελῶς ἐποίησεν, ὡς μηδ᾽ ἴχνος ἔτι τῆς εἰς τὸν θεὸν θεραπείας ἐν τῷ τόπῳ καταλιπεῖν.	⁴³⁵ Instead, having shut the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, so as not to leave even a trace of divine worship in the place.
⁴³⁵ but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place.	⁴³⁵ Shutting up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, leaving no trace remaining of any divine worship that had been in that place.

⁴³⁶ Χρόνος ἦν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπόκλεισιν τοῦ ναοῦ γεγονὼς ἀπὸ τῆς κατασκευῆς ἔτη τρία καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τριακόσια.	⁴³⁶ The time that had passed from the construction of the temple until its closing was three hundred and forty-three years.^[1]
⁴³⁶ Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years.	⁴³⁶ The length of time from the building of this temple until it was shut again was three hundred and forty-three years.

^[1]Josephus states that the temple stood for 343 years. Most historians believe it stood for about 230 years (c. 160 BC to 73 AD). Josephus’ calculation may be based on a different chronological tradition or a scribal error.

Chapter 11
Jonathan stirs up rebellion in Cyrene
and accuses the innocent.

☜ ☞

⁴³⁷ ἥψατο δὲ καὶ τῶν περὶ Κυρήνην πόλεων ἡ τῶν σικαρίων ἀπόνοιαmadness καθάπερ νόσος.	⁴³⁷ The madness of the Sicarii also touched the cities around Cyrene, like a disease.
⁴³⁷ And now did the madness of the Sicarii, like a disease, reach as far as the cities of Cyrene;	⁴³⁷ The madness of the Sicarii infected even the cities around Cyrene.

⁴³⁸ Διαπεσὼν γὰρ εἰς αὐτὴν , πονηρότατος ἄνθρωπος καὶ τὴν‎ τέχνην ὑφάντης, οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν ἀνέπεισε προσέχειν αὐτῷ καὶ προήγαγεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἔρημον σημεῖα καὶ φάσματα δείξειν ὑπισχνούμενος.

⁴³⁸ For a certain Jonathan, a most wicked man and a weaver by trade, having slipped away into that place, persuaded no small number of the indigent to follow him and led them into the desert, promising to show them signs and apparitions.

⁴³⁸ for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed with no small number of the poorer sort to give ear to him; he also led them into the desert, upon promising them that he would show them signs and apparitions.

⁴³⁸ A rogue named Jonathan, a weaver by trade, took refuge there and winning the attention of a number of the poorer class he led them out into the desert with the promise of showing them signs and visions.

⁴³⁹ Καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐλάνθανε ταῦτα διαπραττόμενος καὶ φενακίζων, οἱ δὲ τοῖς προύχοντες τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς τὴν‎ ἔξοδον αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ παρασκευὴν τῷ τῆς πενταπόλεως ἡγεμόνι Κατύλλῳ προσαγγέλλουσιν.

⁴³⁹ While he was carrying out these deceptions and tricking them in secret, the Jews of high standing in Cyrene reported his departure and preparations to Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis.^[1]

⁴³⁹ And as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them; but those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it.

⁴³⁹ He concealed his knavery from the others and fooled them, but the highest ranking the Jews of Cyrene told Catullus, the ruler of the Libyan Pentapolis, about his exodus and what he planned for it.

^[1]The Libyian Pentapolis refers to the five major Greek cities of the region: Cyrene, Apollonia, Ptolemais, Taucheira, and Berenice.

⁴⁴⁰ Ὁ δ᾽ ἱππέας τε καὶ πεζοὺς ἀποστείλας ῥᾳδίως ἐκράτησεν ἀνόπλων, καὶ τὸ μὲν πλέον ἐν χερσὶν ἀπώλετο, τινὲς δὲ καὶ ζωγρηθέντες ἀνήχθησαν πρὸς τὸν Κάτυλλον.	⁴⁴⁰ He [Catullus], having dispatched cavalry and infantry, easily overcame the unarmed men; most of them perished in the encounter, but some were taken alive and brought before Catullus.
⁴⁴⁰ So he sent out after him both horsemen and footmen, and easily overcame them, because they were unarmed men; of these many were slain in the fight, but some were taken alive, and brought to Catullus.	⁴⁴⁰ So he sent out cavalry and infantry in pursuit, and defeated them easily, as they were unarmed. Many of them were killed in the fight, and some were taken alive and brought to Catullus.

⁴⁴¹ Ὁ δ᾽ ἡγεμὼν τοῦ βουλεύματος τότε μὲν διέφυγε, πολλῆς δὲ καὶ λίαν ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ χώραν ζητήσεως γενομένης ἥλω, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα ἀναχθεὶς αὑτῷ μὲν ἐμηχανᾶτο τῆς τιμωρίας ἀπαλλαγήν, τῷ Κατύλλῳ δ᾽ ἔδωκεν ἀφορμὴν ἀδικημάτων.

⁴⁴¹ Jonathan, the leader of the plot, escaped at that time, but after a very thorough and careful search throughout the whole country, he was captured. When he was brought before the governor, he devised a way to escape punishment for himself while providing Catullus with a pretext for committing injustices.

⁴⁴¹ As for Jonathan, the head of this plot, he fled away at that time; but upon a great and very diligent search, which was made all the country over for him, he was at last taken. And when he was brought to Catullus, he devised a way whereby he both escaped punishment himself, and afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief;

⁴⁴¹ The leader of this affair, Jonathan, escaped for a time, but after a thorough search of the whole country for him was finally captured. When he was brought to Catullus, he found a way to escape punishment himself but which caused Catullus to do a large amount of harm,

⁴⁴² Ὁ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἔλεγε καταψευδόμενος διδασκάλου αὐτῷ τοῦ βουλεύματος γεγονέναι,	⁴⁴² For he falsely accused the wealthiest Jews, saying they had been his teachers in the design.
⁴⁴² for he falsely accused the richest men among the Jews, and said that they had put him upon what he did.	⁴⁴² for he falsely accused the richest of the Jews of being the instigators of the whole thing.

⁴⁴³ προθύμως δὲ τὰς διαβολὰς ἐκεῖνος ἐξεδέχετο καὶ τῷ πράγματι πολὺν ὄγκον περιετίθει μεγάλα προστραγῳδῶν, ἵνα δόξειε καὐτὸς ἸουδαικόνJewish τινα πόλεμον κατωρθωκέναι.	⁴⁴³ Catullus eagerly accepted these slanders and gave the matter much weight with grand dramatic additions, so that he might appear to have successfully concluded a “Jewish War” of his own.
⁴⁴³ Now Catullus easily admitted of these his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations, that he might also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish war.	⁴⁴³ Catullus easily accepted his calumnies and greatly exaggerated the matter with theatrical cries, to give himself the appearance of putting an end to some Jewish war.

⁴⁴⁴ Τὸ δὲ δὴ τούτου χαλεπώτερον, πρὸς γὰρ τῷ πιστεύειν ῥᾳδίως ἔτι καὶ διδάσκαλος ἦν τῶν σικαρίων τῆς ψευδολογίας·	⁴⁴⁴ But what was even more grievous was that, in addition to being easily persuaded, he even became a teacher to the Sicarii in their lying;
⁴⁴⁴ But what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii to accuse men falsely.	⁴⁴⁴ But what was worse, not only did he give easy credence to his stories, but he also taught the Sicarii to accuse men falsely.

⁴⁴⁵ κελεύσας γοῦν αὐτὸν ὀνομάσαι τινὰ τῶν , ᾧ πάλαι προσκεκρουκὼς φανερὸν ἐξενηνόχει τὸ μῖσος, τήν τε γυναῖκα τὴν‎ ἐκείνου [ ταῖς αἰτίαις] συνεμπλέξας, τούτους μὲν πρῶτον ἀνεῖλεν, ἐπὶ δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἅπαντας τοὺς εὐπορίᾳ χρημάτων διαφέροντας ὁμοῦ τι χιλίους ἐφόνευσεν ἄνδρας·

⁴⁴⁵ at any rate, he ordered Jonathan to name a certain Alexander—a Jew with whom he [Catullus] had a long-standing and public hatred—and involved Alexander’s wife, Berenice, in the charges; these he executed first, and following them, he slaughtered all those distinguished by their wealth, numbering nearly three thousand men.

⁴⁴⁵ He bid this Jonathan, therefore, to name one Alexander, a Jew (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel, and openly professed that he hated him); he also got him to name his wife Bernice, as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain in the first place; nay, after them he caused all the rich and wealthy Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than three thousand.

⁴⁴⁵ He told this Jonathan to indict a Jew called Alexander, with whom he had formerly quarreled and openly professed to hate, and to involve his wife Berenice along with him. These were his first victims, and after them he killed all the rich and well-to-do, three thousand in all,

⁴⁴⁶ καὶ ταῦτα πράττειν ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφαλῶς, ὅτι τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν εἰς τὰς τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar προσόδους ἀνελάμβανενto take up.	⁴⁴⁶ He believed he could do these things safely because he confiscated their estates for the revenues of Caesar.
⁴⁴⁶ This he thought he might do safely, because he confiscated their effects, and added them to Caesar’s revenues.	⁴⁴⁶ reckoning he could safely do so, since he confiscated their property and added them to Caesar's revenues.

⁴⁴⁷ Ὅπως δὲ μηδὲ ἀλλαχοῦ τινες τῶν ἐλέγξωσιν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἀδικίαν, πορρωτέρω τὸ ψεῦδος ἐξέτεινε καὶ πείθει τὸν καί τινας τῶν ἅμ᾽ ἐκείνῳ συνειλημμένων νεωτερισμοῦ κατηγορίαν ἐπιφέρειν τοῖς ἐν τε καὶ τῶν δοκιμωτάτοις.

⁴⁴⁷ In order that no Jews elsewhere might expose his injustice, he extended the lie further and persuaded Jonathan and some of those captured with him to bring a charge of revolutionary intent against the most reputable Jews in Alexandria and Rome.

⁴⁴⁷ Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict him of his villainy, he extended his false accusations further, and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against the Jews that were of the best character both at Alexandria and at Rome.

⁴⁴⁷ Indeed, in case any Jews living elsewhere should convict him of his villainy, he further extended his false accusations and persuaded Jonathan and others who were captured with him, to accuse of rebellion some Jews of the highest character both in Alexandria and in Rome.

⁴⁴⁸ Τούτων εἷς τῶν ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς αἰτιαθέντων ἦν ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ὁ ταῦτα συγγραψάμενος.	⁴⁴⁸ One of those accused by this conspiracy was Josephus, the author of this history.
⁴⁴⁸ One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books.	⁴⁴⁸ One of those falsely accused in this way was Josephus, the writer of these books.

⁴⁴⁹ Οὐ μὴν κατ᾽ ἐλπίδα τῷ Κατύλλῳ τὸ σκευώρημα προεχώρησεν· ἧκε μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὴν‎ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ἄγων δεδεμένους καὶ πέρας ᾤετο τῆς ἐξετάσεως εἶναι τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ γενομένην ψευδολογίαν.

⁴⁴⁹ However, the scheme did not proceed according to Catullus’s hope; for he went to Rome bringing Jonathan and his companions in chains, believing that the investigation would conclude with the lies told in his presence and through his influence.

⁴⁴⁹ However, this plot, thus contrived by Catullus, did not succeed according to his hopes; for though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan and his companions along with him in bonds, and thought he should have had no further inquisition made as to those lies that were forged under his government, or by his means;

⁴⁴⁹ But this plan hatched by Catullus did not succeed according to his hopes. He came personally to Rome bringing Jonathan and his companions with him in chains, and thought no further inquiries would be made about the lies that were forged under his rule.

⁴⁵⁰ δὲ τὸ πρᾶγμα ὑποπτεύσας ἀναζητεῖ τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν καὶ γνοὺς ἄδικον τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπενηνεγμένην τοὺς μὲν ἀφίησι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων σπουδάσαντος, δίκην δ᾽ ἐπέθηκεν τὴν‎ προσήκουσαν· ζῶν γὰρ κατεκαύθη πρότερον αἰκισθείς.

⁴⁵⁰ But Vespasian, suspecting the matter, searched for the truth; having discovered that the charge brought against the men was unjust, he acquitted them of the accusations at the urging of Titus, and he imposed the fitting punishment upon Jonathan: for he was tortured and then burned alive.

⁴⁵⁰ yet did Vespasian suspect the matter, and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus’s concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.

⁴⁵⁰ But Vespasian still had some suspicion about the matter and inquired how far it was true, and when he understood that the accusation against the Jews was an unjust one, at the request of Titus he acquitted them, and sentenced Jonathan as he deserved, for he was first tortured and then burned alive.

⁴⁵¹ Κατύλλῳ δὲ τότε μὲν ὑπῆρξε διὰ τὴν‎ πρᾳότητα τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων μηδὲν πλεῖον ὑπομεῖναι καταγνώσεως, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ νόσῳ καταληφθεὶς πολυτρόπῳ καὶ δυσιάτῳ χαλεπῶς ἀπήλλαττεν, οὐ τὸ σῶμα μόνον κολαζόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ἡ τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτῷ νόσος βαρυτέρα.

⁴⁵¹ As for Catullus, at that time he suffered nothing more than a reprimand due to the mildness of the emperors; but not long after, he was seized by a complex and incurable disease and met a wretched end, suffering not only in his body, but the disease of his soul was even more heavy.

⁴⁵¹ But as to Catullus, the emperors were so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe condemnation at this time; yet was it not long before he fell into a complicated and almost incurable distemper, and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but the distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other;

⁴⁵¹ The emperors treated Catullus so mildly that he was not censured at the time, but soon afterward he fell victim to an incurable ailment and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but also the ailment of his mind was even worse than the other.

⁴⁵² Δείμασι γὰρ ἐξεταράττετο καὶ συνεχῶς ἐβόα βλέπειν εἴδωλα τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πεφονευμένων ἐφεστηκότα· καὶ κατέχειν αὑτὸν οὐ δυνάμενος ἐξήλλετο τῆς εὐνῆς ὡς βασάνων αὐτῷ καὶ πυρὸς προσφερομένων.	⁴⁵² For he was distracted by terrors and continually cried out that he saw the ghosts of those he had murdered standing over him; unable to restrain himself, he would leap from his bed as if fire and tortures were being applied to him.
⁴⁵² for he was terribly disturbed, and continually cried out that he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain standing before him. Whereupon he was not able to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him.	⁴⁵² For he was woefully troubled and constantly shouting that he saw in front of him the ghosts of those he had killed, and unable to contain himself, he would jump out of bed, as if racked with torture and fire.

⁴⁵³ Τοῦ δὲ κακοῦ πολλὴν ἀεὶ τὴν‎ ἐπίδοσιν λαμβάνοντος καὶ τῶν ἐντέρων αὐτῷ κατὰ διάβρωσιν ἐκπεσόντων, οὕτως ἀπέθανεν, οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἑτέρου τῆς προνοίας τοῦ θεοῦ τεκμήριον γενόμενος, ὅτι τοῖς πονηροῖς δίκην ἐπιτίθησιν.

⁴⁵³ As the evil continually increased and his bowels rotted and fell out, he died in this manner—becoming a demonstration, as much as anyone ever was, of the providence of God, showing that He imposes punishment upon the wicked.^[1]

⁴⁵³ This his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually, and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great an instance of Divine Providence as ever was, and demonstrated that God punishes wicked men.

⁴⁵³ His ailment grew continually worse and his innards rotted so that they poured from his body and in that condition he died, providing the clearest proof of divine Providence and showing that God does indeed punish the wicked.

^[1]Catullus died about 73-74 AD as “divine retribution.”

⁴⁵⁴ Ἐνταῦθα τῆς ἱστορίας ἡμῖν τὸ πέρας ἐστίν, ἣν ἐπηγγειλάμεθα μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας παραδώσειν τοῖς βουλομένοις μαθεῖν, τίνα τρόπον οὗτος ὁ πόλεμος ῬωμαίοιςRomans πρὸς ἸουδαίουςJews ἐπολεμήθη.	⁴⁵⁴ This is the end of the history which we promised to deliver with all accuracy to those wishing to learn in what manner this war was waged by the Romans against the Jews.
⁴⁵⁴ And here we shall put an end to this our history; wherein we formerly promised to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such as should be desirous of understanding after what manner this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed.	⁴⁵⁴ Here we shall put an end to our history. At the start we promised to deliver it with all accuracy to all who wish to understand the story of this war of the Romans with the Jews.

⁴⁵⁵ Καὶ πῶς μὲν ἡρμήνευται, τοῖς ἀναγνωσομένοις κρίνειν ἀπολελείφθω, περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας δὲ οὐκ ἂν ὀκνήσαιμι θαρρῶν λέγειν, ὅτι μόνης ταύτης παρὰ πᾶσαν τὴν‎ ἀναγραφὴν ἐστοχασάμην.	⁴⁵⁵ And as to how it has been interpreted, let that be left to the judgment of the readers; but regarding the truth, I would not hesitate to say with confidence that this alone was my aim throughout the entire narrative.
⁴⁵⁵ Of which history, how good the style is, must be left to the determination of the readers; but as for its agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been what I have alone aimed at through its entire composition.	⁴⁵⁵ How good the style of this history is, must be left to the reader's discretion, but as for its factual content, I do not hesitate to say publicly that truth alone is what I have aimed at, throughout its composition.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJewish WarBook 7

After the fall of Jerusalem

Chapter 1 Jerusalem is demolished. Titus thanks and rewards his soldiers

Chapter 2 Games in Caesarea Philippi. Simon is held for the triumph in Rome

Chapter 3 Titus has many captives killed. Danger to the Jews in Antioch

Chapter 4 Vespasian's welcome in Rome; Germans and Sarmatians revolt

Chapter 5 A strange river in Syria; Triumph of Titus and Vespasian, in Rome

Chapter 6 Lucilius Bassus captures Machaerusand other places

Chapter 7 Ruin of Commagene king. Alans ravage the Medes and Armenians

Chapter 8 Masada besieged by Silva. Eleazar's speeches to the besieged

Chapter 9 The people in Masada, persuaded by Eleazar,agree to kill each other

Chapter 10 Sicarii flee to Alexandria,putting its Jewish community at risk

Chapter 11 Jonathan stirs up rebellion in Cyreneand accuses the innocent.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
Jewish War
Book 7

Chapter 1
Jerusalem is demolished.
Titus thanks and rewards his soldiers

Chapter 2
Games in Caesarea Philippi.
Simon is held for the triumph in Rome

Chapter 3
Titus has many captives killed.
Danger to the Jews in Antioch

Chapter 4
Vespasian's welcome in Rome;
Germans and Sarmatians revolt

Chapter 5
A strange river in Syria;
Triumph of Titus and Vespasian, in Rome

Chapter 6
Lucilius Bassus captures Machaerus
and other places

Chapter 7
Ruin of Commagene king.
Alans ravage the Medes and Armenians

Chapter 8
Masada besieged by Silva.
Eleazar's speeches to the besieged

Chapter 9
The people in Masada, persuaded by Eleazar,
agree to kill each other

Chapter 10
Sicarii flee to Alexandria,
putting its Jewish community at risk

Chapter 11
Jonathan stirs up rebellion in Cyrene
and accuses the innocent.