FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 18

From Archelaus' exile to the departure of the Diaspora Jews from Babylon

Chapter 1 Roman taxes under Quirinius; Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects
Chapter 2 Cities named for Caesar. Lists of priests and procurators. The Parthians
Chapter 3 Jews rebel against Pilate. The execution of Jesus. Jews banished from Rome
Chapter 4 Pilate kills some demonstrators. Vitellius is sent against the Parthians
Chapter 5 Herod Agrippa loses war against Aretas of Arabia. Death of John the Baptist
Chapter 6 Herod Agrippa sails to Rome. Imprisoned, then released, and made a tetrarch
Chapter 7 Urged by Herodias, Antipas makes a request of Caligula and is banished
Chapter 8 The Jewish delegation to Gaius. Petronius sent to compel the Jews
Chapter 9 The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Mesopotamia

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-025]
Rome’s Taxation of Syria and Judea, under Quirinius. Judas of Galilee, and the Jewish Sects

☞

¹ δὲ τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ βουλὴν συναγομένων ἀνὴρ τάς τε ἄλλας ἀρχὰς ἐπιτετελεκὼς καὶ διὰ πασῶν ὁδεύσας ὕπατος γενέσθαι τά τε ἄλλα ἀξιώματι μέγας σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπὶ παρῆν, ὑπὸ δικαιοδότης τοῦ ἔθνους ἀπεσταλμένος καὶ τιμητὴς τῶν οὐσιῶν γενησόμενος,

¹ "Quirinius, a member of the Senate who had fulfilled all other offices and had passed through them all to become consul, a man of great dignity in all respects and matched by few, arrived in Syria. He had been sent by Caesar [Augustus] to be the judicial administrator of the nation and the censor of their property.

¹ Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance.

¹ Quirinius, a Roman senator who had ascended through the magistracies up to the consulship and also enjoyed high dignity in other ways, came to Syria at this time, with some others, sent by Caesar to judge that nation and assess their property.

² τε αὐτῷ συγκαταπέμπεται τάγματος τῶν ἱππέων, ἡγησόμενος τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξουσίᾳ. παρῆν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν‎ τῆς γενομένην ἀποτιμησόμενός τε αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας καὶ ἀποδωσόμενος τὰ χρήματα.

² Coponius, a man of the equestrian order, was sent with him to be the governor of the Jews, having full authority over them. Quirinius also came into Judea, which had been added to Syria, to conduct a census of their property and to dispose of the money of Archelaus.

² Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with him, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself into Judea, which was now added to the province of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus’s money;

² A man of equestrian rank, Coponius, was sent with him, to take full charge of the Jews, though Quirinius came into Judea too, which was now annexed to Syria, to assess their property and dispose of Archelaus' money.

³ οἱ δὲ καίπερ τὸ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐν δεινῷ φέροντες τὴν‎ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀπογραφαῖς ἀκρόασιν ὑποκατέβησαν τοῦ μὴ εἰς πλέον ἐναντιοῦσθαι πείσαντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως , δὲ οὗτος υἱὸς ἦν. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἡττηθέντες τοῦ τῶν λόγων ἀπετίμων τὰ χρήματα μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαντες·

³ The people, although they initially took the report of the enrollment poorly, gradually ceased their further opposition, being persuaded by the High Priest Joazar, the son of Boethus. Having been won over by Joazar’s words, they gave an account of their property without further hesitation.

³ but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any further opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Beethus, and high priest; so they, being over-persuaded by Joazar’s words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute about it.

³ The Jews were at first alarmed to hear about this tax-registration but were persuaded to give up their opposition to it by the high priest Joazar, the son of Boethus, and, won over by Joazar’s words, they gave an account of their estates without argument.

⁴ δὲ ἀνὴρ ἐκ πόλεως ὄνομα προσλαβόμενος ἠπείγετο ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει, τήν τε ἀποτίμησιν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν ἐπιφέρειν λέγοντες καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐπ᾽ ἀντιλήψει παρακαλοῦντες τὸ ἔθνος·

⁴ However, Judas, a Gaulonite from a city named Gamala, together with Saddok, a Pharisee, urged the people to rebellion. They claimed that the census brought nothing other than outright slavery, and they called upon the nation to defend their liberty.

⁴ Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty;

⁴ But Judas, a Gaulonite from a city called Gamala, with the support of the Pharisee Sadduc, stirred them to revolt by calling this taxation nothing but an introduction to slavery and urging the nation to reassert its freedom.

⁵ ὡς παρασχὸν μὲν κατορθοῦν εἰς τὸ εὔδαιμον ἀνακειμένης τῆς κτήσεως, σφαλεῖσιν δὲ τοῦ ταύτης περιόντος ἀγαθοῦ τιμὴν καὶ κλέος ποιήσεσθαι τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος, καὶ τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ ἐπὶ συμπράξει τῶν βουλευμάτων εἰς τὸ κατορθοῦν συμπροθυμεῖσθαι μᾶλλον, ἂν μεγάλων ἐρασταὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ καθιστάμενοι μὴ ἐξαφίωνται πόνου τοῦ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς.

⁵ They argued that if they succeeded, they would have the benefit of enjoying their possessions in happiness; but if they failed in the attainment of this good, they would at least win honour and glory for their greatness of soul. They asserted that the Divine would not favour them with success unless they co-operated with His counsels—provided that they became lovers of great things in their minds and did not shrink from the labour required.

⁵ as if they could procure them happiness and security for what they possessed, and an assured enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honor and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assisting to them, than upon their joining with one another in such councils as might be successful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they would set about great exploits, and not grow weary in executing the same;

⁵ This would allow them to regain prosperity and retain their own property, as well as something still more valuable, the honour and glory of acting with courage. They said that God would surely help them to achieve their goals, if they set their hearts on great ideals and not grow tired from carrying them out.

⁶ καὶ ἡδονῇ γὰρ τὴν‎ ἀκρόασιν ὧν λέγοιεν ἐδέχοντο οἱ ἄνθρωποι, προύκοπτεν ἐπὶ μέγα ἡ ἐπιβολὴ τοῦ τολμήματος, κακόν τε οὐκ ἔστιν, οὗ μὴ φυέντος ἐκ τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ εἰπεῖν τὸ ἔθνος·

⁶ Since the people received their words with pleasure, the daring enterprise made great progress. Indeed, there was no evil that did not spring from these men, and the nation was filled beyond description with such troubles:

⁶ so men received what they said with pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree;

⁶ What they said was eagerly listened to and great progress was made in this bold project, so that indescribable troubles came to the nation as a result of these men.

⁷ πολέμων τε ἐπαγωγαῖς οὐχ οἷον τὸ ἄπαυστον τὴν‎ βίαν ἔχειν, καὶ ἀποστέρησιν φίλων, οἳ καὶ ἐπελαφρύνοιεν τὸν πόνον, λῃστηρίων τε μεγάλων ἐπιθέσεσιν καὶ διαφθοραῖς ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων, δόξα μὲν τοῦ ὀρθουμένου τῶν κοινῶν, δὲ οἰκείων κερδῶν ἐλπίσιν.

⁷ The introduction of wars brought about incessant violence and the loss of friends who might have lightened their toil; there were raids by great bands of robbers and the murder of the foremost men—done under the pretext of correcting public affairs, but in reality out of a hope for private gain.

⁷ one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends which used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murder of our principal men. This was done in pretense indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves;

⁷ We were embroiled in interminable violence and war, and lost the friends who could alleviate our misery, when our leading men were robbed and murdered, under the pretext of the common good, but in reality for private gain.

⁸ ἐξ ὧν στάσεις τε ἐφύησαν δι᾽ αὐτὰς καὶ φόνος πολιτικός, ὁ μὲν σφαγαῖς μανίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἴς τε ἀλλήλους καὶ αὑτοὺς χρωμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ μὴ λείπεσθαι τῶν ἀντικαθεστηκότων, ὁ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, λιμός τε εἰς ὑστάτην ἀνακείμενος ἀναισχυντίαν, καὶ πόλεων ἁλώσεις καὶ κατασκαφαί, μέχρι δὴ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνείματο πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἥδε ἡ στάσις.

⁸ From these things, seditions arose, and political murders—some occurring in civil slaughters where men, in their madness, turned against one another and themselves out of a desire not to be surpassed by their opponents; others were the work of enemies. There followed famine, reduced to the ultimate degree of shamelessness, and the capture and razing of cities, until finally this sedition allowed even the Temple of God to be consumed by the fire of the enemies.

⁸ whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men, which sometimes fell on those of their own people, (by the madness of these men towards one another, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left,) and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us, reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities; nay, the sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their enemies' fire.

⁸ From them came the seeds of political murder, for the mania for victory sometimes caused people to kill their own race, wanting none of the opposition to survive any more than their enemies. The revolt brought famine upon us and utter despair, as our cities were taken and demolished, until even the temple of God was burned down by our enemies.

⁹ οὕτως ἄρα ἡ τῶν πατρίων καίνισις καὶ μεταβολὴ μεγάλας ἔχει ῥοπὰς τοῦ ἀπολουμένου τοῖς συνελθοῦσιν, εἴ γε καὶ καὶ τετάρτην φιλοσοφίαν ἐπείσακτον ἡμῖν ἐγείραντες καὶ ταύτης ἐραστῶν εὐπορηθέντες πρός τε τὸ παρὸν θορύβων τὴν‎ πολιτείαν ἐνέπλησαν καὶ τῶν αὖθις κακῶν κατειληφότων ῥίζας ἐφυτεύσαντο τῷ ἀσυνήθει πρότερον φιλοσοφίας τοιᾶσδε·

⁹ So great, then, was the power of this innovation and the alteration of ancestral customs to bring ruin upon those who joined in them; for Judas and Saddok introduced a 'fourth philosophy' among us, and having found many followers, they filled the state with disturbances at the present time and planted the roots of future evils by this previously unaccustomed philosophy.

⁹ Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as added a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by their thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sadduc, who excited a fourth philosophic sect among us, and had a great many followers therein, filled our civil government with tumults at present, and laid the foundations of our future miseries, by this system of philosophy, which we were before unacquainted withal,

⁹ Such were the results of changing our ancestral customs, for these changes contributed much to the coming destruction. Judas and Sadduc began a fourth philosophy among us that had many followers and not only threw our state into convulsion at that time but also our woeful future, such as we had never known before, sprang from this "philosophy."

¹⁰ περὶ ἧς ὀλίγα βούλομαι διελθεῖν, ἄλλως τε ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν σπουδασθέντι τοῖς νεωτέροις ὁ φθόρος τοῖς πράγμασι συνέτυχε.	¹⁰ I want to speak briefly about this, especially since the ruin of our affairs coincided with the zeal these young men showed for it."
¹⁰ concerning which I will discourse a little, and this the rather because the infection which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction.	¹⁰ I will explain a little about this, since the infection of the younger impressionable elements by these ideas brought our affairs to ruin.

Quirinius and the Census (Ἀπογραφαῖς)
This is the same Quirinius mentioned in Luke 2:1-2. Josephus clarifies the technical nature of his mission: he was a "τιμητὴς" (censor/assessor). The Romans used the census to establish the basis for the tributum soli (land tax) and the tributum capitis (poll tax). For a nation that believed its land belonged solely to God, being "numbered" by a pagan Emperor was a theological crisis as much as an economic one.

The "Fourth Philosophy" (Τετάρτην Φιλοσοφίαν)
Josephus categorizes Jewish sects as "philosophies." To the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes, Judas the Galilean added a fourth. Its core tenet was radical: "No King but God." Josephus is deeply biased against this movement, viewing it not as a legitimate religious expression but as a "καίνισις" (innovation) that poisoned the national character and led to the Roman-Jewish War.

Gamala and the Roots of Revolt
Judas the Gaulonite came from Gamala, a fortress city in the Golan. This region was a hotbed of messianic and revolutionary fervor. The alliance between Judas and Saddok the Pharisee shows that the revolutionary movement was not just a peasant uprising; it had intellectual and theological backing from within the Pharisaic tradition.

The Rhetoric of "Liberty" (Ἐλευθερίας)
The rebels used the language of "μεγαλόφρονος" (greatness of soul) to incite the youth. They argued that God only helps those who help themselves ("συμπράξει"). This was a direct challenge to the more passive, providential view held by many Pharisees, who believed that Israel should endure Roman rule until the Messiah arrived to end it.

Josephus’s "Post-Traumatic" Perspective
This passage is written with the benefit (and bitterness) of hindsight. Josephus traces a direct line from the Census of 6 CE to the burning of the Temple in 70 CE ("πυρὶ τῶν πολεμίων"). He blames the "νεωτέροις" (younger men) for their zeal, implying that the elders (like Joazar) were the ones who truly understood the need for "μετριότητος" (moderation).

A Program of History
We note the program of civil slaughter ("ἐμφυλίοις σφαγαῖς") that Josephus describes. The "labour" of the rebels resulted in nothing but "favour" for the flames. He portrays the radical movement as an "unaccustomed" intrusion into a previously stable social order.

¹¹ φιλοσοφίαιd τρεῖς ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ πάνυ ἀρχαίου τῶν πατρίων, ἥ τε τῶν καὶ ἡ τῶν , τρίτην δὲ ἐφιλοσόφουν οἱ λεγόμενοι. Καὶ τυγχάνει μέντοι περὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῖν εἰρημένα ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ τοῦ πολέμου, μνησθήσομαι δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ νῦν αὐτῶν ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον.

¹¹ "There have been three philosophies among the Jews from very ancient times based on ancestral tradition: that of the Essenes, that of the Sadducees, and a third followed by those called Pharisees. Now, although I have spoken concerning them in the second book of the Jewish War, I shall nevertheless make a brief mention of them now.

¹¹ The Jews had for a great while had three sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves; the sect of the Essenes, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now.

¹¹ By traditional custom, the Jews had for a long time had three sorts of philosophy: that of the Essenes, that of the Sadducees and a third way followed by those called the Pharisees. Although I have already spoken about these in the second book of the Jewish War, I will say a little more about them now.

¹² Οἵ τε γὰρ τὴν‎ δίαιταν ἐξευτελίζουσιν οὐδὲν ἐς τὸ μαλακώτερον ἐνδιδόντες, ὧν τε ὁ λόγος κρίνας παρέδωκεν ἀγαθῶν ἕπονται τῇ ἡγεμονίαι περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τὴν‎ φυλακὴν ὧν ὑπαγορεύειν ἠθέλησεν. τιμῆς γε τοῖς ἡλικίᾳ προήκουσιν παραχωροῦσιν οὐδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀντιλέξει τῶν εἰσηγηθέντων ταῦτα οἱ θράσει .

¹² The Pharisees live simply, giving in to no luxury. They follow the guidance of that which their reason, having considered it, has handed down as good, and they consider it a matter of great struggle to observe what reason has seen fit to dictate. They show deference to those advanced in years, nor do those emboldened by audacity venture to contradict the things these elders have introduced.

¹² Now, for the Pharisees, they live meanly, and despise delicacies in diet; and they follow the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason’s dictates for practice. They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have introduced;

¹² The Pharisees opt for a simple lifestyle and make no concession to luxury, and accept the authority of what their doctrine hands on to them as good, and reckon that the preservation of their doctrines is worth fighting for. They show respect to their elders and do not rashly contradict whatever they have introduced.

¹³ πράσσεσθαί τε εἱμαρμένῃ τὰ πάντα ἀξιοῦντες οὐδὲ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου τὸ βουλόμενον τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁρμῆς ἀφαιροῦνται δοκῆσαν τῷ θεῷ κρίσιν γενέσθαι καὶ τῷ ἐκείνης βουλευτηρίῳ καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῷ ἐθελήσαντι προσχωρεῖν μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας.

¹³ They hold that all things are brought about by Fate (Haimarmene), yet they do not deprive the human will of its own impulse in these matters; for it has seemed good to God that a judgment should take place, where the council of Fate and the will of the person who chooses to proceed with virtue or vice meet together.

¹³ and when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, whereby what he wills is done, but so that the will of man can act virtuously or viciously.

¹³ Though they believe that everything is subject to fate, they do not remove from people the freedom to act as they think fit, for they think God has given us the judgment by which the human will can follow the ways of virtue or of vice.

¹⁴ ἀθάνατόν τε ἰσχὺν ταῖς ψυχαῖς πίστις αὐτοῖς εἶναι καὶ ὑπὸ χθονὸς δικαιώσεις τε καὶ τιμὰς οἷς ἀρετῆς ἢ κακίας ἐπιτήδευσις ἐν τῷ βίῳ γέγονεν, καὶ ταῖς μὲν εἱργμὸν ἀίδιον προτίθεσθαι, ταῖς δὲ ῥᾳστώνην τοῦ ἀναβιοῦν.

¹⁴ They believe the soul possesses an immortal power, and that under the earth there are trials and rewards for those who have devoted themselves to virtue or vice in life; for the latter, an eternal prison is appointed, but for the former, the facility to live again.

¹⁴ They also believe that souls have an immortal rigor in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, according as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained in an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again;

¹⁴ They also believe that souls have an immortal force and that there will be rewards or punishments beneath the earth, as one has lived virtuously or badly in this life, and the latter will be kept in an everlasting prison, and the others will be empowered to live again.

¹⁵ καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὰ τοῖς τε δήμοις πιθανώτατοι τυγχάνουσιν καὶ θεῖα εὐχῶν τε ἔχεται καὶ ἱερῶν ποιήσεως ἐξηγήσει τῇ ἐκείνων τυγχάνουσιν πρασσόμενα. εἰς τοσόνδε ἀρετῆς αὐτοῖς αἱ πόλεις ἐμαρτύρησαν ἐπιτηδεύσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κρείσσονος ἔν τε τῇ διαίτῃ τοῦ βίου καὶ λόγοις.

¹⁵ Because of these beliefs, they are extremely influential among the common people; indeed, all divine matters pertaining to prayers and the performance of sacred rites are carried out according to their exposition. To such a degree of excellence have the cities testified to them, on account of their devotion to that which is best in both their conduct of life and their teachings.

¹⁵ on account of which doctrines they are able greatly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities give great attestations to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also.

¹⁵ With these doctrines they greatly influence the general public, who follow their guidance about worship and prayers and sacrifices, so that in the cities they are acclaimed as admirable, both in their actions and in their words.

¹⁶ Σαδδουκαίοις δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς ὁ λόγος συναφανίζει τοῖς σώμασι, φυλακῇ δὲ οὐδαμῶς τινων μεταποίησις αὐτοῖς ἢ τῶν νόμων· πρὸς γὰρ τοὺς διδασκάλου σοφίας, ἣν μετίασιν, ἀμφιλογεῖν ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦσιν.	¹⁶ But the doctrine of the Sadducees is that the soul perishes along with the body. They maintain no observance of anything beyond the Laws; indeed, they count it a virtue to dispute with the teachers of the wisdom they pursue.
¹⁶ But the doctrine of the Sadducees is this: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing besides what the law enjoins them; for they think it an instance of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frequent:	¹⁶ The Sadducees teach that souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard as obligatory anything beyond what the law commands. They think it a virtue to dispute ideas with the teachers of wisdom whom they meet.

¹⁷ εἰς ὀλίγους δὲ ἄνδρας οὗτος ὁ λόγος ἀφίκετο, τοὺς μέντοι πρώτους τοῖς , πράσσεταί τε ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐδὲν ὡς εἰπεῖν· γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀρχὰς παρέλθοιεν, ἀκουσίως μὲν καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκας, προσχωροῦσι δ᾽ οὖν οἷς ὁ λέγει διὰ τὸ μὴ ἄλλως ἀνεκτοὺς γενέσθαι τοῖς πλήθεσιν.

¹⁷ This doctrine has reached only a few men, though those of the highest rank. However, they accomplish almost nothing, so to speak; for whenever they attain office, they do so unwillingly and by necessity, conforming themselves to what the Pharisee says because otherwise they would be intolerable to the multitudes."

¹⁷ but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity. But they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magistrates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict themselves to the notions of the Pharisees, because the multitude would not otherwise bear them.

¹⁷ This doctrine is held by only a few, though these are of the highest dignity. But of themselves they can achieve almost nothing, for when they become leaders, as they are sometimes obliged to be, even if unwillingly, they adopt the ideas of the Pharisees, since otherwise the people would not listen to them.

The Pharisaic "Middle Way" on Fate
Josephus describes the Pharisaic view of Fate vs. Free Will using terminology familiar to his Greek readers (specifically the Stoics). They believed in a "compatibilist" model: God (Fate) governs the universe, yet humans retain the moral agency to choose between good and evil. This balanced view provided a theological framework for the accountability of the individual, which Josephus links to their belief in the afterlife.

The "Facility to Live Again" (Ἀναβιοῦν)
The Pharisaic belief in the resurrection of the dead (or the transmigration of the soul into a new body) was a radical departure from older, more static views of Sheol. Josephus frames this as a system of "underground" justice ("ὑπὸ χθονὸς"). This belief was the engine of their popularity; it offered hope to the masses that the injustices of this life (often under Roman or Herodian boots) would be corrected in the next.

The Power of the Pews (Τοῖς Δήμοις Πιθανώτατοι)
Josephus admits that the Pharisees held the "religious franchise" of the nation. Even though the Sadducees often held the high priesthood, they were forced to act like Pharisees in public. This highlights a fascinating social tension: the elite (Sadducees) held the legal power, but the Pharisees held the cultural power. Any leader who ignored the Pharisaic interpretation of the Law risked a popular uprising.

Sadducees: The "Aristocratic Rationalists"
The Sadducees are depicted as strict materialists. By denying the immortality of the soul, they removed the "carrot and stick" of the afterlife, focusing entirely on the literal, written Mosaic Law. Josephus’s note that they "dispute with their teachers" ("ἀμφιλογεῖν") suggests an elitist, debate-heavy culture. This was a "philosophy" for the wealthy who were satisfied with their rewards in this life.

High Rank, Low Influence
The Sadducees occupied the "πρώτους τοῖς ἀξιώμασι" (the first in rank), likely referring to the wealthy priestly families and the Sanhedrin elite. Yet Josephus portrays them as politically paralyzed. Their inability to connect with the "πλήθεσιν" (multitudes) meant they were effectively "closet" Sadducees when in office, performing Pharisaic rites to avoid being "intolerable" to the public.

¹⁸ Ἐσσηνοῖς δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν θεῷ καταλείπειν φιλεῖ τὰ πάντα ὁ λόγος, ἀθανατίζουσιν δὲ τὰς ψυχὰς περιμάχητον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δικαίου τὴν‎ πρόσοδον.	¹⁸ "To the Essenes, their doctrine is pleased to leave all things in the hands of God; they believe in the immortality of souls and consider the rewards of righteousness to be a prize worth any struggle.
¹⁸ The doctrine of the Essenes is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for;	¹⁸ The Essenes hold that all things are best left in the hands of God. They believe in the soul’s immortality and think one should earnestly strive for righteousness.

¹⁹ εἰς δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀναθήματα στέλλοντες θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν, ἃς νομίζοιεν, καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ εἰργόμενοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τεμενίσματος ἐφ᾽ αὑτῶν τὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν. βέλτιστοι δὲ ἄλλως [ἄνδρες] τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὸ πᾶν πονεῖν ἐπὶ γεωργίᾳ τετραμμένοι.

¹⁹ Although they send dedicated offerings to the Temple, they do not perform sacrifices there because of the difference in the purifications they practice; for this reason, being excluded from the common precinct, they perform their sacrifices by themselves. In other respects, they are men of the highest character, entirely devoted to the labour of agriculture.

¹⁹ and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not offer sacrifices because they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry.

¹⁹ Though they send to the temple what they have dedicated to God, they offer their sacrifice with distinctive purifications, because of which they are excluded from the common court of the temple and offer their sacrifices separately. Their way of life is better than that of other men, and they devote themselves entirely to farming.

²⁰ ἄξιον δ᾽ αὐτῶν θαυμάσαι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένους τόδε διὰ τὸ μηδαμῶς ὑπάρξαν ἢ βαρβάρων τισίν, ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ εἰς ὀλίγον, ἐκείνοις ἐκ παλαιοῦ συνελθὸν ἐν τῷ ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι· τὰ χρήματά τε κοινά ἐστιν αὐτοῖς, ἀπολαύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὁ πλούσιος τῶν οἰκείων μειζόνως ἢ ὁ μηδ᾽ κεκτημένος· καὶ τάδε πράσσουσιν ἄνδρες ὑπὲρ τετρακισχίλιοι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες.

²⁰ Their way of life is worthy of wonder beyond all others who claim a path of virtue, for a thing which has never existed among either Greeks or Barbarians—not even for a short time—has existed among them from ancient times, consistently practiced without hindrance. Their property is held in common, and the wealthy man enjoys no more of his own possessions than the man who has nothing at all. This is practiced by men who are more than four thousand in number.

²⁰ It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness; and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appeared among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs, which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way,

²⁰ It is admirable how much they excel all others in virtue, for their lifestyle is not found among Greeks or barbarians, even briefly, though it has been continually practiced by them for a long time. They hold their wealth in common, so that a rich man enjoys no more of his wealth than one who owns nothing at all, and about four thousand men live in this way.

²¹ καὶ οὔτε γαμετὰς εἰσάγονται οὔτε δούλων ἐπιτηδεύουσιν κτῆσιν, τὸ μὲν εἰς ἀδικίαν φέρειν ὑπειληφότες, τὸ δὲ στάσεως ἐνδιδόναι ποίησιν, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ζῶντες διακονίᾳ τῇ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἐπιχρῶνται.	²¹ They neither bring wives into the community nor do they practice the ownership of slaves; for they consider the latter to lead to injustice and the former to provide an occasion for sedition. Living by themselves, they serve one another in mutual ministry.
²¹ and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarrels; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another.	²¹ They neither wives nor keep servants, thinking that the latter leads to injustice while the former can cause quarrelling, but live single lives and are of service to each other.

²² ἀποδέκτας δὲ τῶν προσόδων χειροτονοῦντες καὶ ἡ γῆ φέροι ἄνδρας ἀγαθούς, ἱερεῖς δὲ ἐπὶ ποιήσει σίτου τε καὶ βρωμάτων. ζῶσι δὲ οὐδὲν παρηλλαγμένως, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μάλιστα ἐμφέροντες τοῖς πλείστοις λεγομένοις.

²² They elect good men as receivers of their revenues and the produce of the earth, and priests for the preparation of bread and food. They live in a manner not at all different from, but most closely resembling, those of the Dacae known as the 'Polistae.'

²² They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essenes in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Dacae who are called Polistae [dwellers in cities].

²² They appoint good men as stewards to receive their revenues and the fruits of the earth, and priests to prepare their bread and other food. Their lifestyle does not differ little from, indeed is very similar to, that of the so-called Ktistai ( "founders") among the Dacians.

²³ Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ τῶν φιλοσοφιῶν ὁ ἡγεμὼν κατέστη, τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα γνώμῃ τῶν ὁμολογούσῃ, δυσνίκητος δὲ τοῦ ἐλευθέρου ἔρως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς μόνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ δεσπότην τὸν θεὸν ὑπειληφόσιν. θανάτων τε ἰδέας ὑπομένειν παρηλλαγμένας ἐν ὀλίγῳ τίθενται καὶ συγγενῶν τιμωρίας καὶ φίλων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδένα ἄνθρωπον προσαγορεύειν δεσπότην.

²³ As for the Fourth Philosophy, Judas the Galilean stood as its leader. In all other matters, this sect agrees with the opinions of the Pharisees, except that they have an unconquerable passion for liberty, believing that God is their only Leader and Lord. They think little of enduring extraordinary forms of death, nor do they heed the punishment of relatives and friends, provided they do not have to address any man as 'Lord.'

²³ But of the fourth sect of Jewish philosophy, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty, and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value dying any kinds of death, nor indeed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man lord.

²³ Judas the Galilean was the originator of the fourth way of Jewish philosophy, which agrees in most things with the views of the Pharisees, but is intensely devoted to freedom and claims God as the only Ruler and Lord. They are prepared for any kind of death, and even accept the deaths of relatives and friends, rather than call any man lord.

²⁴ ἑωρακόσιν δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς τὸ ἀμετάλλακτον αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὑποστάσεως περαιτέρω διελθεῖν παρέλιπον· οὐ γὰρ δέδοικα μὴ εἰς ἀπιστίαν ὑποληφθῇ τι τῶν λεγομένων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς, τοὐναντίον δὲ μὴ ἐλασσόνως τοῦ ἐκείνων καταφρονήματος δεχομένου τὴν‎ ταλαιπωρίαν τῆς ἀλγηδόνος ὁ λόγος ἀφηγῆται.

²⁴ Since most people have witnessed the unshakeable nature of their resolution in such matters, I have omitted a more detailed account; for I do not fear that anything said about them will be viewed with disbelief, but rather that my account may fall short of the reality of their contempt for suffering and pain.

²⁴ And since this immovable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, I shall speak no further about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing I have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is beneath the resolution they show when they undergo pain.

²⁴ Since their immovable resolve is well known to many, I shall say no more about it, nor do I fear that what I have said of them will be disbelieved. What I do fear is that I have understated the indifference they show in the face of misery and pain.

²⁵ ἀνοίᾳ τε τῇ ἐντεῦθεν ἤρξατο νοσεῖν τὸ ἔθνος Γεσσίου ΦλώρουFlorus, ὃς ἡγεμὼν ἦν, τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τοῦ ὑβρίζειν ἀπονοήσαντος αὐτοὺς ἀποστῆναι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin. Καὶ φιλοσοφεῖται μὲν ἸουδαίοιςJews τοσάδε.	²⁵ It was from the madness that began here that the nation started to grow sick, when Gessius Florus, who was governor, used his authority to outrage them until he drove them into open revolt against the Romans. Such are the philosophies among the Jews."
²⁵ And it was in Gessius Florus’s time that the nation began to grow mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans. And these are the sects of Jewish philosophy.	²⁵ It was in the time of Gessius Florus as governor that the nation began to grow mad with this illness, when by the abuse of his authority he caused them to revolt from the Romans. Those are the ways of philosophy among the Jews.

The Essene Economic Miracle (Κοινά)
Josephus is astounded by the Essene commitment to communal property. In an ancient world defined by patronage and vast wealth inequality, a society of 4,000 men living in perfect economic equality was a "miracle" that Josephus points out surpassed any Greek utopian theory. This "all-things-in-common" model would later be echoed in the descriptions of the early Christian community in the Acts of the Apostles.

The Temple Exclusion (Εἰργόμενοι)
This is a critical liturgical detail. The Essenes sent "ἀναθήματα" (votive offerings) to Jerusalem but performed their own sacrifices apart from the main Temple. This "difference in purifications" (διαφορότητι ἁγνειῶν) suggests they viewed the Jerusalem priesthood as corrupted or ritually impure. They turned their own community into a living Temple where "holy living" replaced animal sacrifice.

The "Polistae" Comparison
Josephus compares the Essenes to the Dacae (people of modern-day Romania/Bulgaria). This is a bridge for his Roman readers. By linking the Essenes to a known "barbarian" group that lived simply and piously, he makes the Jewish sect more understandable to a Western audience, framing them as "noble primitives" rather than religious fanatics.

The Zealot "Innovation" (Ἔρως Ἐλευθερίας)
Josephus clarifies that the Fourth Philosophy was essentially "Pharisaism with a sword." They shared the same theology as the Pharisees but added a political "unconquerable passion" for liberty. The word "δεσπότην" (Master/Lord) is the hinge; they refused to use this title for the Emperor, a refusal that Rome viewed as treason and they viewed as the highest form of monotheism.

Contempt for Pain (Καταφρονήματος)
Josephus notes that their endurance of torture was so well-known that he didn't need to describe it. This likely refers to the horrific scenes during the Jewish War where Zealots were tortured by Romans to acknowledge the Emperor’s divinity and died in silence or singing. Josephus, who surrendered to the Romans, seems to have a complex mix of guilt and awe regarding this "ἀμετάλλακτον" (immutability) of their will.

The "Sickness" of the Nation (Νοσεῖν)
Josephus uses a medical metaphor: the nation began to "νοσεῖν" (grow sick) under the "madness" of the Zealots, but the "virus" was triggered by the "outrage" (ὑβρίζειν) of Roman governors like Gessius Florus. It is a balanced, if tragic, diagnosis: Roman corruption met Jewish fanaticism, and the result was the destruction of the nation.

A Note on "Honour"
We might observe how Josephus highlights the "honour" of the Essene "labour" in the fields versus the "unaccustomed" violence of the Zealots. He presents a "program" for national health that was ignored in favour of a feverish pursuit of political independence.

Chapter 2
[026-054]
Herod Antipas founded Tiberias.
Succession of priests and procurators.
Royal succession among the Parthians

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²⁶ δὲ τὰ χρήματα ἀποδόμενος ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἀποτιμήσεων πέρας ἐχουσῶν, αἳ ἐγένοντο τριακοστῷ καὶ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐν ἧτταν ὑπὸ , Ἰωάζαρον τὸν ἀρχιερέα καταστασιασθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς πληθύος ἀφελόμενος τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς τιμῆς τὸν Σεθὶ καθίσταται ἀρχιερέα.

²⁶ "Quirinius, having now sold off the estate of Archelaus and the census having reached its conclusion—which took place in the thirty-seventh year after Caesar’s defeat of Antony at Actium—deprived Joazar the High Priest of his office’s dignity, as he had been faced with sedition from the multitude, and appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, as High Priest.

²⁶ When Cyrenius had now disposed of Archelaus’s money, and when the taxings were come to a conclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar’s victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high priesthood, which dignity had been conferred on him by the multitude, and he appointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high priest;

²⁶ When Quirinius had disposed of Archelaus' money and the assessments had been completed, in the thirty-seventh year after Caesar’s victory over Antony at Actium, he took from Joazar the dignity of the high priesthood, which had been given him by the people and appointed Ananus, son of Seth, as high priest.

²⁷ δὲ καὶ τετραρχίαν ἑκάτερος τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ παρειληφότες καθίσταντο. Καὶ τειχίσας πρόσχημα τοῦ παντὸς ἠγόρευεν αὐτὴν Αὐτοκρατορίδα· δέ, πόλις καὶ αὐτὴ τυγχάνει, τείχει περιλαβὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος προσαγορεύει τῆς γυναικός.

²⁷ Herod [Antipas] and Philip, each having taken up his own tetrarchy, set their affairs in order. Herod fortified Sepphoris, making it the primary ornament of all Galilee, and called it Autocratoris [Imperial City]; he also walled the city of Betharamphtha and named it Julias, after the Emperor’s wife.

²⁷ while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris, (which is the security of all Galilee,) and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betharamphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the emperor’s wife.

²⁷ Herod and Philip each took charge of their own tetrarchies and arranged matters there. Then Herod built a wall around Sepphoris for the security of all Galilee, and made it the capital of his area, and also built a wall around the city of Betharamphtha, and called it Julias, after the emperor’s wife.

²⁸ δὲ τὴν‎ πρὸς ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ κατασκευάσας ὀνομάζει , κώμην δὲ πρὸς λίμνῃ τῇ πόλεως παρασχὼν ἀξίωμα πλήθει τε οἰκητόρων καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει θυγατρὶ τῇ ὁμώνυμον ἐκάλεσεν.

²⁸ Philip, for his part, built up Paneas at the sources of the Jordan and named it Caesarea; he also raised the village of Bethsaida, by the Lake of Gennesaret, to the dignity of a city—providing it with a multitude of inhabitants and other resources—and named it Julia, after the daughter of Caesar.

²⁸ When Philip also had built Paneas, a city at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Caesarea. He also advanced the village Bethsaids, situate at the lake of Gennesareth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar’s daughter.

²⁸ Philip also built up Paneas at the source of the Jordan, calling it Caesarea, and made a city of the village of Bethsaida, on the lake of Gennesareth, for the number of its inhabitants and its importance, naming it Julias, the name of Caesar’s daughter.

²⁹ δὲ τὴν‎ διέποντος, ὃν ἔφην συνεκπεμφθῆναι, τάδε πράσσεται. τῶν ἀζύμων τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀγομένης, ἣν πάσχα καλοῦμεν, ἐκ μέσης νυκτὸς ἐν ἔθει τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἦν ἀνοιγνύναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοὺς πυλῶνας.

²⁹ While Coponius was governing Judea—whom I said was sent out with Quirinius—the following occurred. During the feast of Unleavened Bread, which we call Passover, it was the custom for the priests to open the gates of the Temple at midnight.

²⁹ As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the following accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for the priests to open the temple-gates just after midnight.

²⁹ The following occurred while Judea was under Coponius, who as we said was sent out with Quirinius. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread that we call Passover, it was the practice for the priests to open the temple gates just after midnight.

³⁰ καὶ τότε οὖν ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον γίνεται ἡ ἄνοιξις αὐτῶν, ἄνδρες κρύφα εἰς ἐλθόντες διάρριψιν ὀστῶν ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἤρξαντο μὴ πρότερον ἐπὶ τοιούτοις νομίζοντες τά τε ἄλλα διὰ φυλακῆς μείζονος ἦγον τὸ ἱερόν.

³⁰ On that occasion, as soon as the gates were first opened, certain Samaritans secretly entered Jerusalem and began to scatter human bones in the porticoes and throughout the entire Temple. Because of this, the priests (who previously did not think such a thing possible) began to keep the Temple under much greater guard.

³⁰ When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men’s bodies, in the cloisters; on which account the Jews afterward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the temple more carefully than they had formerly done.

³⁰ When those gates were first opened, some Samaritans secretly came into Jerusalem and began throwing some human bones around in the porticoes and elsewhere in the temple, and as a result it was decided to have the temple more carefully guarded than before.

³¹ καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ εἰς ἐπαναχωρεῖ, διάδοχος δ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς παραγίνεται Ἀμβιβουχος, ἐφ᾽ οὗ καὶ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὴ μεταστᾶσα μὲν τε καταλείπει καὶ τὴν‎ τοπαρχίαν πᾶσαν, τήν τ᾽ ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ καὶ Ἀρχελαίδα, ἔνθα φοινίκων πλείστη φύτευσις καὶ καρπὸς αὐτῶν ἄριστος.

³¹ Not long after, Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivulus arrived as his successor. During his rule, Salome, the sister of King Herod, passed away and bequeathed to Julia [Livia] the cities of Jamnia and the entire toparchy, as well as Phasaelis in the plain and Archelais, where there is a vast planting of palm trees and their fruit is of the finest quality.

³¹ A little after which accident Coponius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambivius came to be his successor in that government; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia [Caesar’s wife] Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Phasaelis in the plain, and Arehelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind.

³¹ Shortly afterward Coponius returned to Rome and Marcus Ambivius came as his successor, under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, leaving to Julia, ( Caesar’s wife, ) Jamnia and its district and Phasaelis in the plain and Archelais, where is a great plantation of palm trees of excellent fruit.

³² διαδέχεται δὲ καὶ τοῦτον Ἄννιος , ἐφ᾽ οὗ δὴ καὶ τελευτᾷ , δεύτερος μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος ἑπτὰ δὲ καὶ πεντήκοντα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτη, πρὸς οἷς μῆνες ἓξ ἡμέρᾳ δυοῖν πλείονες, τούτου δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ χρόνου δεκατέσσαρα ἔτη συνῆρξεν , βιώσας ἔτη ἑβδομηκονταεπτά.

³² He was succeeded by Annius Rufus, during whose time Caesar [Augustus] died, having been the second Emperor of the Romans. He ruled for fifty-seven years, plus six months and two days; for fourteen years of this time he had shared rule with Antony; he lived to the age of seventy-seven.

³² After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled together with him fourteen years; but the duration of his life was seventy-seven years);

³² After him came Annius Rufus, in whose time Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, died after a reign of fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days. Antony ruled along with him for fourteen years, and his life span was seventy-seven years.

³³ διαδέχεται δὲ τῷ τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ‎ υἱὸς ὤν, τρίτος ἤδη οὗτος αὐτοκράτωρ, καὶ πεμπτὸς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ παρῆν ἔπαρχος διάδοχος Ἀννίῳ Ῥούφῳ Οὐαλέριος ·

³³ Tiberius Nero, the son of Augustus's wife Julia [Livia], succeeded to the empire as the third Emperor. Under him, Valerius Gratus arrived as the successor to Annius Rufus, becoming the fifth prefect sent to the Jews.

³³ upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus.

³³ After his death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia’s son, succeeded him, as the third emperor, and he sent Valerius Gratus as procurator of Judea, to succeed Annius Rufus.

³⁴ ὃς παύσας ἱερᾶσθαι ἀρχιερέα ἀποφαίνει τὸν τοῦ Φαβί, καὶ τοῦτον δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ μεταστήσας τὸν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱὸν ἀποδείκνυσιν ἀρχιερέα. ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ διαγενομένου καὶ τόνδε παύσας τῷ Καμίθου τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην παραδίδωσιν.

³⁴ He removed Ananus from the priesthood and declared Ishmael, the son of Phabi, as High Priest; but after a short time, he removed him and appointed Eleazar, the son of Ananus the High Priest. After a year had passed, he removed him as well and handed the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus.

³⁴ This man deprived Ananus of the high priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high priest before, to be high priest; which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high priesthood to Simon, the son of Camithus;

³⁴ This man deposed Ananus from the high priesthood and named Ismael, son of Phabi, as high priest and soon replaced him with Eleazar, son of Ananus, who had been high priest before. After he had held the office for a year, Gratus deposed him and gave the high priesthood to Simon, son of Camithus.

³⁵ οὐ πλείων δὲ καὶ τῷδε ἐνιαυτοῦ τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἔχοντι διεγένετο χρόνος, καὶ ὁ καὶ Καιάφας διάδοχος ἦν αὐτῷ. Καὶ μὲν ταῦτα πράξας εἰς ἐπανεχώρει ἕνδεκα ἔτη διατρίψας ἐν , Πόντιος δὲ διάδοχος αὐτῷ ἧκεν.

³⁵ But no more than a year passed for him in that office before Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, became his successor. Gratus, having performed these acts, returned to Rome after spending eleven years in Judea; and Pontius Pilate arrived as his successor."

³⁵ and when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

³⁵ After he had held the dignity no more than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done all this he returned to Rome after spending eleven years in Judea, and Pontius Pilate came as his successor.

The Ananus Dynasty begins
Here we see the appointment of Ananus, son of Seth (the Annas of the Gospels). Though Valerius Gratus eventually deposes him, Ananus remains the "godfather" of Jerusalem politics. Josephus later notes that five of Ananus’s sons eventually served as High Priest. The rapid turnover of priests under Valerius Gratus highlights Roman interference in the "holy of holies"—Gratus was clearly searching for a candidate who was both administratively competent and politically compliant.

The City-Building of the Tetrarchs
Herod Antipas and Philip were "true sons" of Herod the Great in their architectural ambitions.

1) Sepphoris (Autocratoris): This was the "Jewel of Galilee." Located just a few miles from Nazareth, its massive construction would have been the primary source of employment in the region during the youth of Jesus.

2) Caesarea Philippi (Paneas): Philip's capital at the base of Mount Hermon.

3) Julias/Bethsaida: The transformation of a fishing village into a Roman city named after the Emperor’s daughter reflects the heavy Romanization of the northern lakeside.

The Samaritan Desecration
The incident of the human bones was a catastrophic event in Jewish-Samaritan relations. By scattering bones (corpses being the ultimate source of ritual impurity in Judaism), the Samaritans effectively "cancelled" the Passover, as the Temple would have required extensive cleansing. This explains the deep-seated "enmity" between the two groups seen in the New Testament; it wasn't just a theological dispute, but a history of active sabotage of holy sites.

The Estate of Salome
Salome’s decision to leave her vast, wealthy lands (Jamnia, Archelais) to Julia (Livia), the wife of Augustus, was a brilliant political move. It ensured that her properties remained under Imperial protection rather than being absorbed by her nephews (Antipas or Philip). This resulted in an "Imperial Estate" sitting right in the middle of Judea, directly managed by the Emperor's procurators.

The Arrival of Pilate and Caiaphas
Josephus brings the "cast of characters" onto the stage. Valerius Gratus (who ruled for 11 years) was the one who finally found a stable partner in Joseph Caiaphas. This partnership would last until 36 CE. By the time Pontius Pilate arrives, the political machinery of the Judean province—and the high priestly family it relied upon—was firmly established.

Chronological Metre
Josephus is very precise with the Roman "programme" of rule. He dates the census to the 37th year after Actium (6 CE) and provides a detailed breakdown of Augustus's life. We see this as the definitive "defence" of his historical accuracy, linking the local labour of Judean priests to the global honour of the Roman Emperors.

³⁶ δὲ ὁ τετράρχης, ἐπὶ μέγα γὰρ ἦν τῷ φιλίας προελθών, οἰκοδομεῖται πόλιν ἐπώνυμον αὐτῷ τοῖς κρατίστοις ἐπικτίσας αὐτὴν τῆς ἐπὶ λίμνῃ τῇ . θερμά τε οὐκ ἄπωθέν ἐστιν ἐν κώμῃ, Ἀμμαθοὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ.

³⁶ "Herod the Tetrarch, having advanced to a great degree of friendship with Tiberius, built a city named after him, Tiberias, establishing it in the finest part of Galilee by the Lake of Gennesaret. Thermal springs are located not far off in a village called Ammathous.

³⁶ And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favor with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tiberias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus.

³⁶ Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favour with Tiberius, built a city in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth, and named it Tiberias, in his honour. Not far from it there are warm baths, in a village called Ammathus.

³⁷ σύγκλυδες δὲ ᾤκισαν, οὐκ ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὸ ἦν, καὶ ὅσοι μὲν ἐκ τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ γῆς ἀναγκαστοὶ καὶ πρὸς βίαν εἰς τὴν‎ κατοικίαν ἀγόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει. ἐδέξατο δὲ αὐτοῖς συνοίκους καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισυναγομένους ἄνδρας ἀπόρους,

³⁷ A mixed multitude settled there, a significant portion of whom were Galileans; some were brought to the settlement by necessity and force from the lands under his rule, while others were among the leading men. He also accepted as fellow-citizens those gathered from all quarters who were destitute,

³⁷ Strangers came and inhabited this city; a great number of the inhabitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it.

³⁷ Strangers came to live there and many Galileans too, compelled by Herod to come from the area belonging to him, to populate it. Some of them were wealthy, but he also accepted poor people, collected from all parts.

³⁸ ἔστι δ᾽ οὓς μηδὲ σαφῶς ἐλευθέρους, πολλά τε αὐτοὺς κἀπὶ πολλοῖς ἠλευθέρωσεν καὶ εὐηργέτησεν ἀνάγκασμα τοῦ μὴ ἀπολείψειν τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπιθείς, κατασκευαῖς τε οἰκήσεων τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ γῆς ἐπιδόσει, εἰδὼς παράνομον τὸν οἰκισμὸν ὄντα καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρίου διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ μνήμασιν, ἃ πολλὰ τῇδε ἦν, ἀνῃρημένοις τὴν‎ ἵδρυσιν τῇ γενέσθαι· μιαροὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας εἶναι τοὺς οἰκήτορας ἀγορεύει ἡμῖν τὸ νόμιμον.

³⁸ and some who were not even clearly free men. Upon many of these, he conferred freedom and great benefits, imposing the condition that they must not abandon the city; he provided them with houses built at his own expense and gifts of land, knowing that the settlement was unlawful according to the ancestral laws of the Jews, because the founding of Tiberias had taken place upon graves, which were numerous there. Our law declares that those who dwell there are ritually impure for seven days."

³⁸ Nay, some of them were not quite free-men, and these he was benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giving them land also; for he was sensible, that to make this place a habitation was to transgress the Jewish ancient laws, because many sepulchers were to be here taken away, in order to make room for the city Tiberias whereas our laws pronounce that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.

³⁸ Some of them were not quite free from slavery and these he set free in large numbers, as a favour, obliging them not to forsake the city by building them very good houses at his own expense and by giving them land. He knew that this settlement was in opposition to Jewish ancestral laws, for many tombs had to be removed to make room for building Tiberias and our laws say that those who live there are unclean for seven days.

The Scandal of the Graves (Ἐπὶ Μνήμασιν)
Tiberias was a "tainted" city. Because it was built over an ancient cemetery, it was considered "παράνομον" (unlawful/contrary to Law). According to Numbers 19:11-16, contact with a grave or a corpse rendered a person ritually impure ("μιαροὺς") for a full week. For a pious Jew, living in Tiberias meant living in a constant state of exclusion from the Temple and holy rites. This explains why Antipas had to resort to "βίαν" (force) to populate it; no observant Jew would move there willingly.

A "Social Experiment" in Urbanization
The census of Tiberias was a strange mix:

1) The Coerced Elite: "Leading men" forced to move there to give the city prestige.

2) The Destitute and Freedmen: Poverty-stricken people and former slaves who were essentially "bribed" with free housing and land to overlook the ritual impurity.

3) The Result: Tiberias became a cosmopolitan, "mixed" (σύγκλυδες) city. This social friction later made it a volatile centre during the Jewish Revolt.

The Power of "Friendship" (Φιλίας)
The name Tiberias was a calculated piece of imperial flattery. By naming his capital after the Emperor, Antipas was signaling his absolute loyalty to Rome. He even named the nearby village Ammathous (Hammat Tiberias), which was famous for its medicinal hot springs—a feature highly prized by Roman aristocrats.

Architectural Patronage as Control
Antipas didn't just build a city; he built a dependency. By paying for the houses ("τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ") and giving away land, he created a class of citizens who owed their entire livelihood to the Tetrarch. It was a clever way to ensure the city would remain a loyalist stronghold in the heart of Galilee.

Historical Irony
There is a profound historical irony here. Despite its "impure" beginnings that Josephus so carefully records, Tiberias eventually became the primary centre of Jewish learning after the destruction of Jerusalem. It was here that the Mishnah was completed and the Jerusalem Talmud was compiled. The "unlawful" city of Antipas became the "holy city" of the Rabbis.

The Plan of Antipas
Antipas attempted to gain favour with the Emperor through a monumental labour that disregarded the local religious honour of the people. Josephus portrays the founding of Tiberias as a triumph of political ambition over ancestral tradition.

³⁹ Τελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ ΦραάτηςPhraates ὁ ΠαρθυαίωνParthians βασιλεὺς κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπὸ Φραατάκου τοῦ υἱέος κατὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν.	³⁹ "Phraates, the King of the Parthians, also died at this time, a conspiracy having been formed against him by his son, Phraataces, for the following reason:
³⁹ About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following:	³⁹ Meanwhile the king of the Parthians, Phraates, died by the treachery of his son, Phraatakos, as follows.

⁴⁰ παίδων αὐτῷ γενομένων γνησίων Ἰταλικῆς παιδίσκης ὄνομα αὐτῇ Θεσμοῦσα. ταύτῃ ὑπὸ Ἰουλίου μετ᾽ ἄλλων δωρεῶν ἀπεσταλμένῃ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον παλλακίδι ἐχρῆτο, καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τῷ πολλῷ τῆς εὐμορφίας προιόντος τοῦ χρόνου καὶ παιδὸς αὐτῇ τοῦ Φραατάκου γενομένου γαμετήν τε τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον ἀποφαίνεται καὶ τιμίαν ἦγεν.

⁴⁰ Phraates had legitimate children, but also a son by an Italian concubine named Thesmusa. She had been sent to him by Julius Caesar [Augustus] along with other gifts; at first, he used her as a concubine, but being struck by her great beauty as time passed, and after she bore him a son, Phraataces, he declared her his legal wife and held her in high honour.

⁴⁰ When Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her.

⁴⁰ After Phraates already had legitimate sons, he had an Italian slave girl named Thermusa, sent to him, among other gifts, by Julius Caesar. Struck by her beauty, he first made her his concubine and in time had by her a son named Phraataces, and made her his wife and treated her with respect.

⁴¹ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν οἷς εἴποι πιθανὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγονυῖα καὶ σπεύδουσα τῷ παιδὶ τῷ αὐτῆς γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ἑώρα μὴ ἄλλως γενησομένην μὴ ἀποσκευῆς αὐτῇ μηχανηθείσης τῶν γνησίων τοῦ παίδων.

⁴¹ She became persuasive with the king in all she said, and being eager to secure the Parthian sovereignty for her own son, she saw that this would not happen unless she devised a way to get rid of Phraates's legitimate sons.

⁴¹ Now she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnest in procuring the government of Parthia for her son; but still she saw that her endeavors would not succeed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates’s legitimate sons [out of the kingdom;]

⁴¹ As she could persuade him in everything, she worked to win for her son the leadership of the Parthians, but saw it was impossible unless she found a way to remove Phraates' legitimate sons.

⁴² πείθει οὖν αὐτὸν ἐκπέμπειν εἰς ἐφ᾽ ὁμηρείᾳ τοὺς γνησίους παῖδας. Καὶ οὗτοι μέν, οὐ γὰρ ἀντειπεῖν εὔπορον Φραάτῃ τοῖς Θεσμούσης ἐπιτάγμασιν, ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξεπέμποντο. Φραατάκης δὲ μόνος ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασι τρεφόμενος δεινὸν ἡγεῖτο καὶ ἅμα χρόνιον τοῦ πατρὸς διδόντος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν λαμβάνειν, ὥστε ἐπεβούλευε τῷ πατρὶ συμπράξει τῆς μητρός, ᾗ δὴ καὶ συνιέναι λόγος εἶχεν αὐτόν.

⁴² She therefore persuaded him to send the legitimate sons to Rome as hostages. Since it was not easy for Phraates to refuse the commands of Thesmusa, they were sent off to Rome. Phraataces, left alone to handle affairs, thought it a grievance—and too long a wait—to receive the government only when his father gave it up; consequently, he plotted against his father with the cooperation of his mother, with whom there was a report that he was also living in an incestuous relationship.

⁴² so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her commands. Now while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the government, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father’s donation [as his successor]; he therefore formed a treacherous design against his father, by his mother’s assistance, with whom, as the report went, he had criminal conversation also.

⁴² Thus, she persuaded him to send his proper sons as hostages to Rome and they were duly sent, as Phraates was unable to resist Thermusa. But while Phraataces alone was brought up to succeed in the leadership, he thought it too long to wait for it to come by his father’s gift and treacherously conspired against his father, helped by his mother, with whom he was also rumoured to make love.

⁴³ καὶ δι᾽ ἀμφότερα μισηθεὶς οὐδὲν ἡσσόνως τῆς πατροκτονίας τὸ μῦσος τοῦ μητρὸς ἔρωτος τιθεμένων τῶν ὑπηκόων, στάσει περιελαθεὶς πρότερον ἢ φῦναι μέγας ἐξέπεσε τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ οὕτως θνήσκει.	⁴³ Hated for both reasons—the subjects considering the pollution of the love for his mother no less a crime than the parricide—he was driven out by a sedition before he could grow powerful in his rule, and so he died.
⁴³ So he was hated for both these vices, while his subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother to be no way inferior to his parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before he grew too great, and died.	⁴³ For both these vices he was hated, as his subjects regarded his lust for his mother as no better than his patricide, and they rebelled before he grew too powerful, and deposed him, and he died.

⁴⁴ συμφρονήσαντες δὲ οἱ γενναιότατοι , ὡς ἀβασιλεύτοις μὲν ἀμήχανον πολιτεύεσθαι, οἱ δὲ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐκ τοῦ γένους τῶν Ἀρσακιδῶν, οὐ γὰρ ἑτέροις ἄρχειν νόμιμον, ἀπέχρη δὲ πολλάκις καὶ μέχρι νῦν περιυβρίσθαι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔκ τε γάμων τῆς Ἰταλικῆς παλλακίδος καὶ γενέσεων, Ὀρώδην ἐκάλουν πρεσβεύσαντες εἰς , ἄλλως μὲν ἐπίφθονον τῷ πλήθει καὶ ὑπαίτιον καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὰς ὠμότητος, πάνυ γὰρ ἦν σκαιὸς καὶ δυσδιάθετος εἰς ὀργήν, ἕνα δὲ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ γένους.

⁴⁴ The most noble of the Parthians, reasoning that it was impossible to be governed without a king, and that the ruler must be from the race of the Arsacids (for their law allowed no others to rule), and feeling that the kingdom had already been sufficiently insulted by the marriage to the Italian concubine and its offspring, sent an embassy to call for Orodes. Though he was hated by the multitude and accused of excessive cruelty—for he was ill-tempered and easily moved to wrath—he was at least of the royal blood.

⁴⁴ But as the best sort of Parthians agreed together that it was impossible they should be governed without a king, while also it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, [nor did their law allow of any others; and they thought this kingdom had been sufficiently injured already by the marriage with an Italian concubine, and by her issue,] they sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [to take the crown]; for the multitude would not otherwise have borne them; and though he was accused of very great cruelty, and was of an untractable temper, and prone to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of Arsaces.

⁴⁴ The Parthian aristocrats agreed that it was impossible for the state to do without a king, and it was their constant practice to choose one of the family of Arsaces, for their law allowed no other, and they thought their kingdom had already been harmed enough by the marriage with an Italian concubine and by her offspring. So they sent envoys and called Orodes to be king, though the people did not care for him, on account of his savagery and temper and proneness to anger; but he did belong to the royal family.

⁴⁵ τοῦτον μὲν δὴ συστάντες ἀποκτείνουσιν, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοίsome φασιν, ἐν σπονδαῖς καὶ τραπέζαις, μαχαιροφορεῖν γὰρ ἔθος ἅπασιν, ὡς δ᾽ ὁ πλείων κατέχει λόγος, εἰς θήρανw> προαγαγόντες.	⁴⁵ They conspired and killed him; as some say, at a banquet during a time of truce (for it is the custom for all to carry daggers), or as the more common report has it, they led him out to a hunt and slew him.
⁴⁵ However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew him, and that, as some say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices; (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them;) but, as the more general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out ahunting.	⁴⁵ But they conspired against this man also, and killed him; some say, at a festival and among their sacrifices, as it is the custom there for everyone to go armed; more say, however, that he was killed after being lured out hunting.

⁴⁶ πρεσβεύσαντες δὲ εἰς ᾐτοῦντο βασιλέα τῶν ὁμηρευόντων, καὶ πέμπεται Βονώνης προκριθεὶς τῶν ἀδελφῶν· ἐδόκει γὰρ χωρεῖν τὴν‎ τύχην, ἣν αὐτῷ δύο μέγισται τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἡγεμονίαι προσέφερον, ἰδία καὶ ἀλλοτρία.

⁴⁶ They then sent an embassy to Rome and requested a king from among the hostages. Vonones was sent, having been preferred over his brothers. It seemed that fortune was favouring him, as the two greatest empires under the sun—his own and a foreign one—were offering him support.

⁴⁶ So they sent ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would send one of those that were there as pledges to be their king. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one).

⁴⁶ So they sent envoys to Rome asking them for one of the hostages to be king, and Vonones was chosen above his brothers and sent to them. He seemed destined for fortune, being offered two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun, his own and a foreign one.

⁴⁷ ταχεῖα δ᾽ ἀνατροπὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ὕπεισιν ἅτε καὶ φύσει σφαλεροὺς ὄντας πρός τε τὴν‎ ἀναξιοπάθειαν, ἀνδραπόδῳ γὰρ ἀλλοτρίῳ ποιήσειν τὸ προστασσόμενον ἠξίουν, τὴν‎ ὁμηρείαν ἀντὶ δουλείας ὀνομάζοντες, καὶ τῆς ἐπικλήσεως τὴν‎ ἀδοξίαν· οὐ γὰρ [ἂν] πολέμου δικαίῳ δεδόσθαι τὸν βασιλεύσοντα , ἀλλά, ὃ τῷ παντὶ χεῖρον, εἰρήνης ὕβρει.

⁴⁷ However, a sudden reversal came over the barbarians, who are by nature fickle. They felt a sense of indignity, thinking they would be doing the bidding of a foreign slave (calling the hostage-status 'slavery'), and they were ashamed of the dishonour of the title; for they felt the one who was to rule the Parthians had not been given by the right of war, but—what was worse—by the insult of a peace treaty.

⁴⁷ However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the commands of one that had been a slave, (for so they called those that had been hostages,) nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace.

⁴⁷ The barbarians, however, being naturally volatile, soon changed their minds and felt this man unworthy to be their ruler, as they could not obey the commands of one who had been a slave, for so they considered anyone who had been held hostage. Nor could they bear the shame of having such a king set over the Parthians, all the worse as it was not by right of war, but in time of peace.

⁴⁸ παραχρῆμα δ᾽ ἐκάλουν βασιλεύοντα γένος Ἀρσακίδην· πείθεται δ᾽ Ἀρτάβανος καὶ μετὰ στρατιᾶς ἔπεισιν. ὑπαντιάζει δ᾽ αὐτῷ Βονώνης· καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον συμφρονήσαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν παραταξάμενος νικᾷ, καὶ φεύγει πρὸς τοὺς ὅρους τῆς Ἀρτάβανος.

⁴⁸ Immediately they called for Artabanus, the King of Media, who was of the Arsacid race. Artabanus consented and came with an army. Vonones met him, and at first, with the support of the Parthian multitude, he won the battle, and Artabanus fled to the borders of Media.

⁴⁸ So they presently invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, he being also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made him, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on this side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media.

⁴⁸ So they soon invited Artabanus, king of Media, to be their king, since he too was of the Arsacid clan. Artabanus agreed and came to them with an army, and Vonones went out against him. At first the Parthians were on his side and he scored a victory, and Artabanus fled to the mountains of Media.

⁴⁹ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ συναγαγὼν συμβάλλει τε Βονώνῃ καὶ νικᾷ, καὶ Βονώνης εἰς ἀφιππάζεται σὺν ὀλίγοις τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν. Ἀρτάβανος δὲ πολὺν τῇ τροπῇ φόνον ἐργασάμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν βαρβάρων πρὸς Κτησιφῶντα μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἀναχωρεῖ.

⁴⁹ Not long after, Artabanus gathered his forces, engaged Vonones, and won; Vonones fled on horseback to Seleucia with a few followers. Artabanus, having worked a great slaughter in the rout to strike terror into the barbarians, withdrew with the multitude to Ctesiphon.

⁴⁹ Yet did he a little after gather a great army together, and fought with Vonones, and beat him; whereupon Vonones fled away on horseback, with a few of his attendants about him, to Seleucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artabanus had slain a great number, and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of his people; and so he now reigned over the Parthians.

⁴⁹ But not long after, gathering a large army and fought Vonones again and defeated him, and Vonones fled on horseback to Seleucia upon the Tigris, along with a few of his attendants. When, to cow the barbarians, Artabanus had slaughtered many after his victory, he retreated to Ctesiphon with most of his troops.

⁵⁰ κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἐβασίλευεν ἤδη ΠάρθοιςParthians, Βονώνης δ᾽ εἰς ἈρμενίανArmenia διαπίπτει, καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐφίετο τῆς χώρας καὶ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans ἐπρέσβευεν.	⁵⁰ He now reigned over the Parthians, while Vonones escaped into Armenia. At first, he aimed at the government of that country and sent embassies to the Romans.
⁵⁰ But Vonones fled away to Armenia; and as soon as he came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given him, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose].	⁵⁰ Now he was king of the Parthians, but Vonones fled to Armenia, and after arrival sought to rule that country and sent envoys to Rome to ask for it.

⁵¹ ὡς δ᾽ αὐτῷ μὲν ἀπεῖπεν πρός τε τὴν‎ ἀνανδρίαν καὶ τοῦ τὰς ἀπειλάς, ἀναπρεσβεύει γὰρ δὴ πόλεμον ἀνατεινόμενος, μηχανὴ δ᾽ ἦν ἑτέρας βασιλείας οὐδεμία, καὶ γὰρ οἱ περὶ Νιφάτην δυνατοὶ τῶν Ἀρταβάνῳ προστίθενται,

⁵¹ But when Tiberius refused him—on account of Vonones's own lack of manhood and the threats of the Parthian (for Artabanus sent an embassy threatening war)—and as there was no other way to secure the kingdom (for the powerful Armenians near Mount Niphates sided with Artabanus),

⁵¹ But because Tiberius refused it him, and because he wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him to denounce war against him if he proceeded, and because he had no way to take to regain any other kingdom, (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus,)

⁵¹ When Tiberius refused it to him his courage failed, and as the Parthian king threatened him and sent envoys to declare war on him if he persisted, and had no way to gain any other kingdom, for the influential people Armenians and those around Niphates sided with Artabanus,

⁵² παραδίδωσιν αὑτὸν Σιλανῷ τῷ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria στρατηγῷ. κἀκεῖνος μὲν κατὰ αἰδῶ τῆς ἐν ῬώμῃRome κομιδῆς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria παρεφυλάσσετο· τὴν‎ δὲ ἈρμενίανArmenia Ὀρώδῃ δίδωσιν Ἀρτάβανος ἑνὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ παίδων.	⁵² Vonones surrendered himself to Silanus, the governor of Syria. Silanus, out of respect for Vonones's upbringing in Rome, kept him under guard in Syria. Artabanus then gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.
⁵² he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.	⁵² he surrendered to Silanus, the ruler of Syria, who, in light of his education in Rome, kept him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons.

⁵³ Ἐτελεύτησεν δὲ καὶ ὁ τῆς βασιλεὺς , διέστη δὲ τὸ πλῆθος πρὸς τοὺς γνωρίμους καὶ πρεσβεύουσιν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρου μέρους, οἱ μὲν δυνατοὶ μεταβάλλειν τὸ σχῆμα τῆς πολιτείας εἰς ἐπαρχίαν ἀξιοῦντες, τὸ πλῆθος δὲ βασιλεύεσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια.

⁵³ Antiochus, the King of Commagene, also died. The multitude stood at odds with the nobles, and embassies were sent from each side; the powerful men requested that the form of government be changed into a Roman province, while the multitude desired to be ruled by a king according to ancestral custom.

⁵³ At this time died Antiochus, the king of Commagene; whereupon the multitude contended with the nobility, and both sent ambassadors to [Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that their form of government might be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kings, as their fathers had been.

⁵³ Antiochus, the king of Commagene, died and his people squabbled with the nobility and both sides sent envoys. The notables wanted their state to become a province of the empire, but the people wanted to be ruled by kings, like their ancestors.

⁵⁴ καὶ ψηφίζεται ἡ σύγκλητος Γερμανικὸν πέμπειν διορθώσοντα τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀνατολὴν πραγματευομένης αὐτῷ τῆς τύχης εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ θανάτου· καὶ γὰρ γενόμενος κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀνατολὴν καὶ πάντα διορθώσας ἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳ ὑπὸ Πείσωνος, καθὼς ἐν ἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

⁵⁴ The Senate voted to send Germanicus to settle the affairs of the East, fortune providing him the opportunity of these deaths. For while he was in the East and had settled everything, he was destroyed by poison at the hands of Piso, as has been related elsewhere."

⁵⁴ So the senate made a decree that Germanicus should be sent to settle the affairs of the East, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving him of his life; for when he had been in the East, and settled all affairs there, his life was taken away by the poison which Piso gave him, as hath been related elsewhere.

⁵⁴ So the senate decreed that Germanicus be sent to settle affairs in the East, and thereby Fate robbed him of his life, for when he had gone to the East and settled everything there, his life was taken by the poison which Piso gave him, as we said elsewhere.

The "Gift" of Thesmusa (Musa)
The woman Josephus calls Thesmusa (historically Queen Musa of Parthia) is a classic example of Roman "soft power." Augustus sent her as a gift to Phraates IV as part of the peace treaty of 20 BCE. She successfully executed a "long game," clearing the path for her son by sending the legitimate heirs to Rome. Her story, including the allegations of incest ("συνιέναι λόγος"), mirrors the Roman trope of the "dangerous Eastern queen," yet it highlights how female influence could shift the succession of a superpower.

The Tragedy of the "Romanized" King
The story of Vonones is a poignant study in cultural alienation. Vonones had spent his youth in Rome as a hostage/guest. When he returned to Parthia, he found himself a stranger. The Parthians viewed his Roman manners and his "peaceful" return as an "ὕβρει" (insult). They wanted a warrior-king who took the throne by the sword, not a diplomat who received it by a treaty. This cultural friction ensured that any prince "educated in Rome" was often doomed to failure upon returning to the East.

The Arsacid Legitimacy
Josephus emphasizes the "νόμιμον" (law) of the Arsacids. The Parthians were fiercely loyal to their dynasty. Even when they hated a king (like the cruel Orodes), they would not look outside the bloodline. This mirrors the Jewish loyalty to the Davidic line or the Herodian family's struggle for legitimacy.

Armenia: The Perennial Buffer State
The conflict over Armenia remains a constant in ancient history. When Vonones fled there, it nearly sparked a world war between Rome and Parthia. Tiberius’s refusal to support Vonones shows a shift in Roman policy: Tiberius preferred a "cold war" stability over the "labour" of a massive Eastern campaign. By allowing Artabanus to place his son on the Armenian throne, Tiberius prioritized the "Pax Romana" over the pride of a client-king.

Commagene and the Provincial Shift
The death of Antiochus of Commagene presents a fascinating class struggle. The "nobles" (γνωρίμους) wanted to become a Roman province—likely because Roman law provided more stability for their property and status. The "multitude" (πλῆθος) wanted a king. This suggests that for the common people, a local king represented "τὰ πάτρια" (ancestral custom) and a buffer against impersonal Roman taxation.

The Ghost of Germanicus
Josephus briefly touches on the death of Germanicus, the beloved nephew of Tiberius. His death in the East (allegedly by poison from Piso) was the greatest scandal of the early Tiberian era. By mentioning it, Josephus connects Judean and Parthian affairs to the very heart of the Roman Imperial family's internal tragedies.

Chapter 3
[055-084]
The Jewish rebellion under Pontius Pilate.
Execution of Jesus Christ.
State of the Jews in Rome

⁵⁵ δὲ ὁ τῆς ἡγεμὼν στρατιὰν ἐκ ἀγαγὼν καὶ μεθιδρύσας χειμαδιοῦσαν ἐν ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῶν νομίμων τῶν ἐφρόνησε, προτομὰς , αἳ ταῖς σημαίαις προσῆσαν, εἰσαγόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, εἰκόνων ποίησιν ἀπαγορεύοντος ἡμῖν τοῦ νόμου.

⁵⁵ "Pilate, the governor of Judea, led an army from Caesarea and moved them into winter quarters in Jerusalem, intending to abolish the Jewish laws; for he introduced into the city the busts of Caesar that were attached to the standards, although our Law forbids the making of images.

⁵⁵ But now Pilate, the procurator of Judea, removed the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take their winter quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he introduced Caesar’s effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images;

⁵⁵ Pilate, the procurator of Judea, moved the army from Caesarea to Jerusalem, to take up winter quarters there. Setting aside the ancestral Jewish law he introduced into the city effigies of Caesar, that were upon the ensigns, though our law forbids the making of images.

⁵⁶ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ πρότερον ἡγεμόνες ταῖς μὴ μετὰ τοιῶνδε κόσμων σημαίαις ἐποιοῦντο εἴσοδον τῇ πόλει. πρῶτος δὲ ἀγνοίᾳ τῶν ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὸ νύκτωρ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ εἴσοδον ἱδρύεται τὰς εἰκόνας φέρων εἰς τὰ .

⁵⁶ For this reason, previous governors made their entry into the city with standards that did not have such ornaments. Pilate was the first who, by entering the city at night, brought the images into Jerusalem without the people's knowledge.

⁵⁶ on which account the former procurators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night time;

⁵⁶ For this reason earlier procurators had always entered the city carrying ensigns without such ornaments. Pilate was the first to bring those images into Jerusalem, setting them up at night, without the people knowing.

⁵⁷ οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν κατὰ πληθὺν παρῆσαν εἰς ἱκετείαν ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ μεταθέσει τῶν εἰκόνων. Καὶ μὴ συγχωροῦντος διὰ τὸ εἰς ὕβριν φέρειν, ἐπείπερ οὐκ ἐξανεχώρουν λιπαρεῖν κατὰ ἡμέραν ἐν ὅπλοις ἀφανῶς ἐπικαθίσας τὸ στρατιωτικὸν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα ἧκεν. τὸ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ κατεσκεύαστο, ὅπερ ἀπέκρυπτε τὸν ἐφεδρεύοντα στρατόν.

⁵⁷ When they found out, they came in a great multitude to Caesarea, making entreaty for many days that he might remove the images. When he refused—claiming it would be an insult to Caesar—they did not cease their persistence. On the sixth day, having secretly positioned his soldiers in arms, he himself came to the judgement seat. The seat had been placed in the stadium, which concealed the army lying in wait.

⁵⁷ but as soon as they knew it, they came in multitudes to Caesarea, and interceded with Pilate many days that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat, which seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them;

⁵⁷ As soon as they learned of it, they came in crowds to Caesarea and interceded with Pilate for many days, to remove the images. When he would not grant their requests, for it would be an insult to Caesar, they persisted and on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to hide their weapons, while he came and sat upon his judgment-seat. This was in the stadium, so that it concealed the army that lay in hiding.

⁵⁸ πάλιν δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἱκετείᾳ χρωμένων ἀπὸ συνθήματος περιστήσας τοὺς στρατιώτας ἠπείλει θάνατον ἐπιθήσειν ζημίαν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος, εἰ μὴ παυσάμενοι θορυβεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀπίοιεν.	⁵⁸ When the Jews again made their entreaty, he gave a signal and had his soldiers surround them, threatening to inflict immediate death if they did not cease their clamour and depart for their homes.
⁵⁸ and when the Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them routed, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home.	⁵⁸ When the Jews again made their request, he pointed to the soldiers surrounding them and at once threatened them with death, unless they stopped disturbing him and went home.

⁵⁹ οἱ δὲ πρηνεῖς ῥίψαντες ἑαυτοὺς καὶ γυμνοῦντες τὰς σφαγὰς ἡδονῇ δέξασθαι τὸν θάνατον ἔλεγον ἢ τολμήσειν τὴν‎ σοφίαν παραβήσεσθαι τῶν νόμων. Καὶ θαυμάσας τὸ ἐχυρὸν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν νόμων παραχρῆμα τὰς εἰκόνας ἐκ τῶν ἐπανεκόμισεν εἰς .

⁵⁹ But they threw themselves prostrate and bared their throats, saying they would gladly accept death rather than dare to transgress the wisdom of their laws. Pilate, marvelling at the strength of their devotion to the preservation of their laws, immediately had the images carried back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.

⁵⁹ But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very willingly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.

⁵⁹ But they threw themselves on the ground and bared their necks and said they would willingly die, rather than see the wisdom of their laws transgressed. Pilate was shocked by their firm resolve to preserve their laws and soon ordered the images to be brought back from Jerusalem to Caesarea.

⁶⁰ Ὑδάτων δὲ ἐπαγωγὴν εἰς τὰ ἔπραξεν δαπάνῃ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων ἐκλαβὼν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ ῥεύματος ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων διακοσίων, οἱ δ᾽ οὐκ ἠγάπων τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸ ὕδωρ δρωμένοις πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων συνελθόντες κατεβόων αὐτοῦ‎ παύσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προθυμουμένου, τινὲς δὲ καὶ λοιδορίᾳ χρώμενοι ὕβριζον εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα, οἷα δὴ φιλεῖ πράσσειν ὅμιλος.

⁶⁰ He also undertook the construction of an aqueduct for Jerusalem, using the sacred funds [of the Temple]. He took the source of the stream from a distance of two hundred stadia. But the people were not pleased with what was done regarding the water, and many tens of thousands of men gathered, crying out for him to stop this pursuit; some even used insults and abused the man, as a mob is prone to do.

⁶⁰ But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred furlongs. However, the Jews were not pleased with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamor against him, and insisted that he should leave off that design. Some of them also used reproaches, and abused the man, as crowds of such people usually do.

⁶⁰ Then he planned to bring a water supply to Jerusalem, using the temple money to do so, and found a source of water two hundred furlongs away. But the population was not pleased about the water, and many thousands gathered to complain to him, insisting that he give it up and some also insulted the man, as some speakers tend to do.

⁶¹ ὁ δὲ στολῇ τῇ ἐκείνων πολὺ πλῆθος στρατιωτῶν ἀμπεχόμενον, οἳ ἐφέροντο σκυτάλας ὑπὸ ταῖς στολαῖς, διαπέμψας εἰς ὃ περιέλθοιεν αὐτούς, αὐτὸς ἐκέλευσεν ἀναχωρεῖν. τῶν δὲ ὡρμηκότων εἰς τὸ λοιδορεῖν ἀποδίδωσι τοῖς στρατιώταις ὃ προσυνέκειτο σημεῖον.

⁶¹ Pilate sent a great number of soldiers dressed in Jewish civilian clothing, who carried clubs under their garments, to encircle them, and then he commanded the crowd to withdraw. When they began to hurl insults, he gave the prearranged signal to the soldiers.

⁶¹ So he habited a great number of his soldiers in their habit, who carried daggers under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. So he bid the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on;

⁶¹ So he got a troop of his soldiers to dress up like the crowd and carry batons under their clothing and then stationed them on the perimeter of the crowd. When he told the Jews to withdraw and they went on insulting him, he gave the soldiers the agreed signal.

⁶² οἱ δὲ καὶ πολὺ μειζόνως ἤπερ ἐπέταξεν ἐχρῶντο πληγαῖς τούς τε θορυβοῦντας ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ μὴ κολάζοντες οἱ δ᾽ εἰσεφέροντο μαλακὸν οὐδέν, ὥστε ἄοπλοι ληφθέντες ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ἐκ παρασκευῆς ἐπιφερομένων πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ταύτῃ καὶ ἀπέθνησκον, οἱ δὲ καὶ τραυματίαι ἀνεχώρησαν. Καὶ οὕτω παύεται ἡ στάσις.

⁶² The soldiers used their blows much more severely than Pilate had ordered, punishing the rioters and the bystanders alike. They showed no mercy, so that many of the unarmed people were killed on the spot by men prepared for the attack, while others retreated wounded. And so the sedition was quelled.

⁶² who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not; nor did they spare them in the least: and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.

⁶² But they struck the crowd with much harder blows than Pilate had ordered and gave equally hard treatment to rioters and innocent alike, not sparing them in the least. Since the civilians were unarmed and were caught by men trained for action, many of them were killed on the spot while others ran away wounded; and this put an end to the revolt.

⁶³ [Γίνεται δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον σοφὸς ἀνήρ, εἴγε ἄνδρα αὐτὸν λέγειν χρή· ἦν γὰρ παραδόξων ἔργων ποιητής, διδάσκαλος ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡδονῇ τἀληθῆ δεχομένων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν , πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐπηγάγετο· ὁ χριστὸς οὗτος ἦν.

⁶³ Now, about this time lived Jesus, a wise man—if indeed it is right to call him a man; for he was a doer of startling deeds, a teacher of people who receive the truth with pleasure, and he won over many Jews and many of the Greek world. He was the Christ.

⁶³ Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ.

⁶³ Jesus lived about this time, a wise man, if one may properly call him a man, for he performed wonderful works and was a teacher to those who receive the truth with pleasure. He drew to himself many of the Jews and many Gentiles too. He was the Anointed One.

⁶⁴ καὶ αὐτὸν ἐνδείξει τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν σταυρῷ ἐπιτετιμηκότος οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο οἱ τὸ πρῶτον ἀγαπήσαντες· γὰρ αὐτοῖς τρίτην ἔχων ἡμέραν πάλιν ζῶν τῶν θείων προφητῶν Ταῦτά τε καὶ ἄλλα μυρία περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ θαυμάσια εἰρηκότων. εἰς ἔτι τε νῦν τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀπὸ τοῦδε ὠνομασμένον οὐκ ἐπέλιπε τὸ φῦλον.]

⁶⁴ And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the leading men among us, had condemned him to a cross, those who had loved him at the first did not cease to do so; for he appeared to them on the third day alive again, the divine prophets having spoken these and ten thousand other wonderful things about him. And even now, the tribe of Christians, named after him, has not died out."

⁶⁴ And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.

⁶⁴ When Pilate, prompted by our leading men, condemned him to the cross, those who loved him from the beginning did not forsake him, for he appeared to them alive again the third day, just as the divine prophets had foretold these and countless other wonderful things about him. The tribe of the Christians, so named after him, survive to the present day.

The Psychology of Pilate: "The Night Move"
Pilate’s first act was a deliberate provocation. By entering at night ("νύκτωρ"), he attempted a fait accompli. He miscalculated the Jewish response; he expected them to submit to an established fact, but instead, he faced a massive, non-violent "sit-in" at Caesarea. His eventual retreat shows that, at this stage, he was still wary of reporting a massacre to Tiberius over a religious dispute.

The Aqueduct and the "Corban" Funds
The second conflict was more complex. Building an aqueduct was a public good, but Pilate funded it using "ἱερῶν χρημάτων" (Temple funds/Corban). To the Jews, this was sacrilege—using God's money for secular Roman engineering. Pilate’s response this time was more calculated: "undercover" soldiers ("στολῇ τῇ ἐκείνων") used to infiltrate the crowd. This highlights the move from political posturing to active, brutal policing.

The Testimonium Flavianum (Ἰησοῦς)
This is the most famous passage in the entire Josephan corpus. Most modern scholars believe it contains a "Josephian core" that was later polished or expanded by Christian scribes.

1) The Sceptical View: Phrases like "He was the Christ" or "if indeed it is right to call him a man" sound more like a 4th-century confession of faith than the words of a Jewish priest-historian.

2) The Authenticity: The description of Jesus as a "σοφὸς ἀνήρ" (wise man) and a "διδάσκαλος" (teacher) fits Josephus’s style of categorizing Jewish figures as "philosophers."

Regardless of the interpolation debate, it confirms that by 93 CE (when Antiquities was published), the execution of Jesus under Pilate was a recorded historical fact of high significance.

The "Baring of Throats" (Γυμνοῦντες τὰς σφαγὰς)
The scene in the stadium at Caesarea is a powerful testament to the "ἐχυρὸν" (strength/firmness) of the Jewish resolve. By baring their necks, the protesters used a form of "passive resistance" that caught the Roman military machine off guard. It is one of the few times in the Antiquities where Pilate is forced to back down.

⁶⁵ Καὶ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους ἕτερόν τι δεινὸν ἐθορύβει τοὺς καὶ περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς τὸ ἐν πράξεις αἰσχυνῶν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμέναι συντυγχάνουσιν. Καὶ πρότερον τοῦ τῶν Ἰσιακῶν τολμήματος μνήμην ποιησάμενος οὕτω μεταβιβῶ τὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς γεγονότα.

⁶⁵ "Around the same time, another calamity threw the Jews into turmoil, and acts of great shame occurred in Rome concerning the Temple of Isis. I shall first give an account of the daring crime of the Isiacs, and then I will shift the narrative to what befell the Jews.

⁶⁵ About the same time also another sad calamity put the Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened about the temple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an account of the Jewish affairs.

⁶⁵ About the same time another tragedy rocked the Jews and some scandalous deeds were done regarding the temple of Isis in Rome. I will first discuss the outrage committed by the followers of Isis and then return to the Jewish matter.

⁶⁶ Παυλῖνα ἦν τῶν ἐπὶ προγόνων τε ἀξιώματι τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ἐπιτηδεύοντι κόσμον ἀρετῆς ἐπὶ μέγα προιοῦσα τῷ ὀνόματι, δύναμίς τε αὐτῇ χρημάτων ἦν καὶ γεγονυῖα τὴν‎ ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ τῆς ὥρας ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα ἀγάλλονται αἱ γυναῖκες εἰς τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀνέκειτο ἡ ἐπιτήδευσις τοῦ βίου. ἐγεγάμητο δὲ τῶν εἰς τὰ πάντα ἀντισουμένων τῷ περὶ αὐτὴν ἀξιολόγῳ.

⁶⁶ There was a woman named Paulina, who, by the dignity of her Roman ancestors and her own pursuit of a virtuous life, had advanced greatly in reputation. She possessed a fortune of money, was exceedingly beautiful in appearance, and though she was at the age when women most pride themselves on their charms, she devoted her life entirely to chastity (sophrosyne). She was married to Saturninus, a man whose reputation was in every way a match for her own.

⁶⁶ There was at Rome a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her ancestors, and by the regular conduct of a virtuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent character.

⁶⁶ There was in Rome a woman named Paulina, highly reputed both for the dignity of her ancestors and for her personal practice of virtue. She was very rich, but though beautiful in appearance and in the flower of her age when women are most exuberant, she led a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, whose fine character matched hers in every way.

⁶⁷ ταύτης ἐρᾷ Μοῦνδος τῶν τότε ἱππέων ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγάλῳ, καὶ μείζονα οὖσαν ἁλῶναι δώροις διὰ τὸ καὶ πεμφθέντων εἰς πλῆθος περιιδεῖν ἐξῆπτο μᾶλλον, ὥστε καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας δραχμῶν Ἀτθίδων ὑπισχνεῖτο εὐνῆς μιᾶς.

⁶⁷ A man named Decius Mundus, one of the knights (equites) of high standing at that time, fell in love with her. Since she was too superior to be won over by gifts—even though he sent them in great abundance—his passion only flared more fiercely, to the point that he promised her 200,000 Attic drachmae for a single night.

⁶⁷ Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had already rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more inflamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae for one night’s lodging;

⁶⁷ Decius Mundus, a very reputable man of the equestrian order, fell in love with this woman, and as she was too good to succumb to gifts and had rejected the many he had sent, he was still more ardent, even promising her two hundred thousand Attic drachmae to share her bed just once.

⁶⁸ καὶ μηδ᾽ ὣς ἐπικλωμένης, οὐ φέρων τὴν‎ ἀτυχίαν τοῦ ἔρωτος ἐνδείᾳ σιτίων θάνατον ἐπιτιμᾶν αὑτῷ καλῶς ἔχειν ἐπὶ παύλῃ κακοῦ τοῦ κατειληφότος. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπεψήφιζέν τε τῇ οὕτω τελευτῇ καὶ πράσσειν οὐκ ἀπηλλάσσετο.

⁶⁸ When she would not yield even then, and unable to bear the failure of his passion, he considered it best to impose death upon himself through starvation to put an end to the evil that had seized him. He indeed resolved upon such a death and persisted in it.

⁶⁸ and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina’s sad refusal; and he determined with himself to die after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly.

⁶⁸ When this did not persuade her and he could not bear his erotic frustration, he thought he should starve himself to death to end his suffering, and having decided to die in this way, he set about doing so.

⁶⁹ καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὄνομα Ἴδη πατρῷος ἀπελευθέρα τῷ Μούνδῳ παντοίων ἴδρις κακῶν, δεινῶς φέρουσα τοῦ νεανίσκου τῷ ψηφίσματι τοῦ θανεῖν, οὐ γὰρ ἀφανὴς ἦν ἀπολούμενος, ἀνεγείρει τε αὐτὸν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγου πιθανή τε ἦν ἐλπίδων τινῶν , ὡς διαπραχθησομένων ὁμιλιῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ Παυλῖναν αὐτῷ.

⁶⁹ Now, there was a freedwoman of Mundus's father named Ida, who was skilled in every kind of mischief. She took it badly that the young man had resolved to die (for it was clear he was perishing), and coming to him, she roused him with persuasive speech, giving him hope that a meeting with Paulina could be arranged for him.

⁶⁹ Now Mundus had a freed-woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skillful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man’s resolution to kill himself, (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others,) and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night’s lodging with Paulina;

⁶⁹ Mundus had a freed-woman who had been set free by his father, and her name was Ide. She was expert in mischief of all sorts and was saddened by the young man’s intention to kill himself, for he did not hide his suicidal intention from others, so she came to him and by her words and promises gave him hope of gaining intercourse with Paulina.

⁷⁰ καὶ δεχομένου τὴν‎ ἱκετείαν ἡδονῇ πέντε μυριάδων δεήσειν αὐτῇ μόνων ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ ἁλώσει τῆς γυναικός. Καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀνεγείρασα τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τὸ αἰτηθὲν λαβοῦσα ἀργύριον οὐ τὰς αὐτὰς ὁδοὺς τοῖς προδεδιακονημένοις ὁρῶσα τῆς γυναικὸς τὸ μηδαμῶς χρημάτων ἁλισκόμενον, εἰδυῖα δὲ αὐτὴν θεραπείᾳ τῆς σφόδρα ὑπηγμένην τεχνᾶταί τι τοιόνδε.

⁷⁰ When he accepted her entreaty with pleasure, she told him she would need only 50,000 drachmae to capture the woman. Having thus encouraged the youth and taken the requested silver, she did not pursue the same methods as those who had previously served him, seeing that the woman was not to be caught by money; but knowing that Paulina was deeply devoted to the worship of Isis, she devised the following trick.

⁷⁰ and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrapping of the woman. So when she had encouraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, because she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem:

⁷⁰ As he listened gladly to her pleas, she said she needed only fifty thousand drachmae to entrap the woman. After giving the young man a new heart and getting the money she required, she did not follow his methods, seeing that the woman could not be tempted by money, but knowing her to be devoted to the worship of Isis, she devised this scheme.

⁷¹ τῶν ἱερέων τισὶν ἀφικομένη διὰ λόγων ἐπὶ πίστεσιν μεγάλαις τὸ δὲ μέγιστον δόσει χρημάτων τὸ μὲν παρὸν μυριάδων δυοῖν καὶ ἡμίσει, λαβόντος δ᾽ ἔκβασιν τοῦ πράγματος ἑτέρῳ τοσῷδε, διασαφεῖ τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸν αὐτοῖς, κελεύουσα παντοίως ἐπὶ τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον σπουδάσαι.

⁷¹ Going to certain priests and speaking with them under great promises—and most importantly, a gift of money, offering 25,000 drachmae immediately and another 25,000 once the matter succeeded—she explained the young man's love to them and urged them to use every effort to secure the woman for him.

⁷¹ She went to some of Isis’s priests, and upon the strongest assurances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the offer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman.

⁷¹ Going to some of Isis' priests and promising them total secrecy, she persuaded them by her words, and still more by the offer of money, twenty-five thousand drachmae up front and as much more when the deed was done, and told them of the young man’s passion, telling them to use every possible means to beguile the woman.

⁷² οἱ δ᾽ ἐπὶ πληγῇ τοῦ χρυσίου παραχθέντες ὑπισχνοῦντο. Καὶ αὐτῶν ὁ γεραίτατος ὡς τὴν‎ Παυλῖναν ὠσάμενος γενομένων εἰσόδων καταμόνας διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν ἠξίου. Καὶ συγχωρηθὲν πεμπτὸς ἔλεγεν ἥκειν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος αὐτῆς ἡσσημένου τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύοντός τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν.

⁷² Tempted by the strike of the gold, they promised to do so. The eldest of them forced his way to Paulina and, having gained an audience in private, requested to speak with her alone. When this was granted, he claimed he had been sent by Anubis, who had been overcome by love for her and commanded her to come to him.

⁷² So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. Accordingly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to him.

⁷² So they were drawn in and promised to do so, for the sake of the large sum of gold they would get. The oldest of them went immediately to Paulina, and on entering, asked to speak with her alone. When that was granted he told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who had fallen in love with her and ordered her to come to him.

⁷³ τῇ δὲ εὐκτὸς ὁ λόγος ἦν καὶ ταῖς τε φίλαις ἐνεκαλλωπίζετο τῇ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ἀξιώσει τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος καὶ φράζει πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, δεῖπνόν τε αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνὴν τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος εἰσηγγέλθαι, συνεχώρει δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος τὴν‎ σωφροσύνην τῆς γυναικὸς ἐξεπιστάμενος.

⁷³ The report was most welcome to her; she boasted to her friends of such an honour from Anubis and told her husband that a dinner and a bed had been announced for her by the god. He consented, knowing well the chastity of his wife.

⁷³ Upon this she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescension of Anubis, and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her acceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife.

⁷³ She was delighted with the message and prided herself at this coming down of Anubis and told her husband about the message sent to her and that she was to sup and lie down with Anubis. He agreed to let her accept the offer, being fully satisfied with his wife’s chastity.

⁷⁴ χωρεῖ οὖν εἰς τὸ τέμενος, καὶ δειπνήσασα, ὡς ὕπνου καιρὸς ἦν, κλεισθεισῶν τῶν θυρῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἔνδον ἐν τῷ νεῷ καὶ τὰ λύχνα ἐκποδὼν ἦν καὶ ὁ Μοῦνδος, προεκέκρυπτο γὰρ τῇδε, οὐχ ἡμάρτανεν ὁμιλιῶν τῶν πρὸς αὐτήν, παννύχιόν τε αὐτῷ διηκονήσατο ὑπειληφυῖα θεὸν εἶναι.

⁷⁴ She therefore went to the temple; and after she had dined, when it was time for sleep, and the doors had been locked by the priest within the sanctuary and the lamps were removed, Mundus—who had been hidden there beforehand—did not fail to have relations with her. She served him the whole night long, believing he was a god.

⁷⁴ Accordingly, she went to the temple, and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple, when, in the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out, (for he was hidden therein,) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god;

⁷⁴ So she went to the temple and after dining there, when it was time to go to sleep the priest shut the doors of the temple, and the lights were also put out in the innermost sanctuary. Then Mundus, who was hidden, jumped out and made sure to enjoy her, for she was at his service all night long, thinking him to be the god.

⁷⁵ καὶ ἀπελθόντος πρότερον ἢ κίνησιν ἄρξασθαι τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ᾔδεσαν, ἡ Παυλῖνα πρωὶ ὡς τὸν ἄνδρα ἐλθοῦσα τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῦ Ἀνούβιδος καὶ πρὸς τὰς φίλας ἐνελαμπρύνετο λόγοις τοῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ.

⁷⁵ He departed before the priests (who knew of the plot) began to stir. Early in the morning, Paulina went to her husband and described the epiphany of Anubis in detail, and boasted of it in grand words to her friends.

⁷⁵ and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stirring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends, also, she declared how great a value she put upon this favor,

⁷⁵ After he left, before the priests who were unaware of this plot were awake, Paulina came to her husband early and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her, and also told her her friends how much she valued this favour.

⁷⁶ οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἠπίστουν εἰς τὴν‎ φύσιν τοῦ πράγματος ὁρῶντες, τὰ δ᾽ ἐν θαύματι καθίσταντο οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὡς χρὴ ἄπιστα αὐτὰ κρίνειν, ὁπότεwhen εἴς τε τὴν‎ σωφροσύνην καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα ἀπίδοιεν αὐτῆς.	⁷⁶ They were inclined toward disbelief, considering the nature of the thing, yet they were caught in wonder, not knowing how they should judge such an unbelievable matter, especially when they looked at her reputation and chastity.
⁷⁶ who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretense for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person.	⁷⁶ Thinking about it, they mainly disbelieved it, but not having any reason to disbelieve her because of her modesty and dignity, they were amazed that it had happened.

⁷⁷ τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν ὑπαντιάσας αὐτὴν ὁ Μοῦνδος " Παυλῖνα, φησίν, ἀλλά μοι καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας διεσώσω δυναμένη οἴκῳ προσθέσθαι τῷ σαυτῆς διακονεῖσθαί τε ἐφ᾽ οἷς προεκαλούμην οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. ἃ μέντοι εἰς Μοῦνδον ὑβρίζειν ἐπειρῶ, μηδέν μοι μελῆσαν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πράγματος ἡδονῆς,

⁷⁷ On the third day after the act, Mundus met her and said: 'Paulina, you have saved me 200,000 drachmae, which you might have added to your own house, and yet you did not fail to serve me in the very way I invited you. As for the insults you tried to heap upon Mundus, I cared nothing for the names used, but for the pleasure of the act; I simply took the name of Anubis.'

⁷⁷ But now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Paulina, and said, "Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which sum thou sightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mundus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis."

⁷⁷ But three days later, Mundus met her and said, "Well Paulina, you have saved me two hundred thousand drachmae, which you could have had for your family, but you still put yourself at my service just as I previously asked you. Since you insulted Mundus, I did not stick to my name, but took pleasure in what I did once I assumed the name of Anubis."

⁷⁸ Ἀνούβιον ὄνομα ἐθέμην αὐτῷ. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπῄει ταῦτα εἰπών, ἡ δὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν τότε πρῶτον ἐλθοῦσα τοῦ τολμήματος περιρρήγνυταί τε τὴν‎ στολὴν καὶ τἀνδρὶ δηλώσασα τοῦ παντὸς ἐπιβουλεύματος τὸ μέγεθος ἐδεῖτο μὴ περιῶφθαι βοηθείας τυγχάνειν·

⁷⁸ With these words he went his way. She, coming for the first time to an understanding of the daring crime, tore her garment; and having revealed to her husband the magnitude of the whole conspiracy, she begged that she not be left without help.

⁷⁸ When he had said this, he went his way. But now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she had done, and rent her garments, and told her husband of the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance, and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor;

⁷⁸ With this he went away, and when she first grasped the outrage he had done her, she rent her clothing and told her husband of his dreadful scheme and implored him not to fail to vindicate her; so he revealed it to the emperor.

⁷⁹ ὁ δὲ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι ἐπεσήμηνε τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν. Καὶ ὁ μαθήσεως ἀκριβοῦς αὐτῷ γενομένης ἐξετάσει τῶν ἱερέων ἐκείνους τε ἀνεσταύρωσεν καὶ τὴν‎ Ἴδην ὀλέθρου γενομένην αἰτίαν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει συνθεῖσαν τῆς γυναικός, τόν τε ναὸν καθεῖλεν καὶ τὸ τῆς εἰς τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐμβαλεῖν. Μοῦνδον δὲ φυγῆς ἐτίμησε,

⁷⁹ He reported the matter to the Emperor. Tiberius, after a thorough investigation by examining the priests, crucified them and also Ida, who was the cause of the ruin and who had orchestrated the whole insult against the woman. He also demolished the temple and commanded that the statue of Isis be cast into the river Tiber.

⁷⁹ whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly by examining the priests about it, and ordered them to be crucified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion of their perdition, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and gave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber;

⁷⁹ Tiberius inquired fully into the matter and examined the priests about it and had them crucified along with Ide, who had instigated the whole insult to the woman’s honour. He had the temple of Isis demolished and her statue thrown into the river Tiber.

⁸⁰ κώλυμα τοῦ μὴ μειζόνως κολάζειν τὸ μετὰ ἔρωτος αὐτῷ ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὰ ἡμαρτημένα ἡγησάμενος. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῆς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑβρισμένα τοιαῦτα ἦν. ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἀφήγησιν τῶν ἐν κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συντυχόντων, ὥς μοι καὶ προαπεσήμηνεν ὁ λόγος.

⁸⁰ He sentenced Mundus to exile, considering the fact that his crime had been committed out of passion to be a reason for not punishing him more severely. Such were the insults committed by the priests in the Temple of Isis. I shall now return to the narrative of what befell the Jews in Rome at this time, as I previously indicated."

⁸⁰ while he only banished Mundus, but did no more to him, because he supposed that what crime he had committed was done out of the passion of love. And these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests. I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I would.

⁸⁰ Mundus he only banished, reckoning that as sufficient for a crime committed out of erotic passion. These are the details about the temple of Isis and the wrongs done by her priests. I now return to the story I mentioned earlier, what happened about this time to the Jews in Rome.

The Corruption of Religion
Josephus uses this story as a scathing critique of foreign cults (specifically Egyptian ones). For Josephus, the Temple of Isis is a place of shadows and bribery, contrasted with the transparency he claims for the Jewish Law. The priests are portrayed as purely mercenary—willing to sell the "honour" of their god for 50,000 drachmae.

Paulina: The "Tragic Innocent"
The character of Paulina is central to the drama. Josephus emphasizes her "σωφροσύνην" (chastity/moderation) to prove she wasn't an adulteress, but a victim of her own piety. Her belief that a god would desire her was not seen as arrogance in the ancient world, but as a divine "ἀξιώσει" (honour). This makes Mundus's reveal on the third day particularly cruel; he didn't just steal her virtue, he destroyed her religious world.

Tiberius: The Restorer of Order
Tiberius is often portrayed as a tyrant, but here Josephus presents him as a "just judge." His reaction is swift and severe: crucifixion for the priests and the destruction of the temple. This serves Josephus's broader purpose—to show that when "foreign" rites cause social disorder or moral decay in Rome, the Emperor has a duty to intervene.

The Double Standard: Mundus vs. the Priests
It is notable that Mundus is only exiled while the others are executed. Tiberius views "passion" ("μετὰ ἔρωτος") as a mitigating factor for a Roman citizen, whereas the priests and Ida committed a calculated, systemic fraud. This reflects the Roman legal hierarchy: the "crime of passion" is a lapse of judgment, but "religious fraud" is an attack on the state's moral fabric.

⁸¹ Ἦν ἀνὴρ , φυγὰς μὲν τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ κατηγορίᾳ τε παραβάσεων νόμων τινῶν καὶ δέει τιμωρίας τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς, πονηρὸς δὲ εἰς τὰ πάντα. Καὶ δὴ τότε ἐν τῇ διαιτώμενος προσεποιεῖτο μὲν ἐξηγεῖσθαι σοφίαν νόμων τῶν ,

⁸¹ "There was a certain Jewish man, a fugitive from his own country because of an accusation of breaking certain laws and out of fear of the punishment for them—a man wicked in every respect. While living in Rome at that time, he pretended to expound the wisdom of the laws of Moses.

⁸¹ There was a man who was a Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for transgressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment for the same; but in all respects a wicked man. He, then living at Rome, professed to instruct men in the wisdom of the laws of Moses.

⁸¹ There was a Jew, a wicked man in every way, who had been expelled from his country under accusation of breaking the laws and who feared being punished for it. Living in Rome at the time, he professed to teach people in the wisdom of the laws of Moses,

⁸² προσποιησάμενος δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρας εἰς τὰ πάντα ὁμοιοτρόπους τούτοις ἐπιφοιτήσασαν Φουλβίαν τῶν ἐν ἀξιώματι γυναικῶν καὶ νομίμοις προσεληλυθυῖαν τοῖς Ἰουδαικοῖς πείθουσι πορφύραν καὶ χρυσὸν εἰς τὸ ἐν ἱερὸν διαπέμψασθαι, καὶ λαβόντες ἐπὶ χρείας τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀναλώμασιν αὐτὰ ποιοῦνται, ἐφ᾽ ὅπερ καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἡ αἴτησις ἐπράσσετο.

⁸² Taking as partners three other men who were in every way of a similar character, they approached Fulvia, a woman of high rank who had become a convert to the Jewish customs. They persuaded her to send purple cloth and gold to the Temple in Jerusalem; but once they had received these items, they used them for their own personal expenses, which was indeed their intention from the very beginning of their request.

⁸² He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money themselves, on which account it was that they at first required it of her.

⁸² and he found three other men, of similar character as himself, to be his partners. These persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity who had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple in Jerusalem, and when they got hold of the gifts they used them for themselves and spent the money, which was why they asked her for it in the first place.

⁸³ καὶ ὁ ΤιβέριοςTiberius, ἀποσημαίνει γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν Φίλος ὢν ΣατορνῖνοςSaturninus τῆς Φουλβίας ἀνὴρ ἐπισκήψει τῆς γυναικός, κελεύει πᾶν τὸ ἸουδαικὸνJewish τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἀπελθεῖν.	⁸³ Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, acting at his wife's insistence, reported the matter to Tiberius, for he was a friend of the Emperor. Tiberius then commanded the entire Jewish population to depart from Rome.
⁸³ Whereupon Tiberius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, ordered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome;	⁸³ When Tiberius learned of it from Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who wanted it investigated, he ordered all the Jews to be banished from Rome.

⁸⁴ οἱ δὲ ὕπατοι τετρακισχιλίους ἀνθρώπους ἐξ αὐτῶν στρατολογήσαντες ἔπεμψαν εἰς Σαρδὼ τὴν‎ νῆσον, πλείστους δὲ ἐκόλασαν μὴ θέλοντας στρατεύεσθαι διὰ φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων νόμων. Καὶ οἱ μὲν δὴ διὰ κακίαν τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν ἠλαύνοντο τῆς πόλεως.

⁸⁴ The consuls drafted four thousand men from among them and sent them to the island of Sardinia; and they punished a great many others who were unwilling to serve as soldiers because of their observance of their ancestral laws. Thus, on account of the wickedness of four men, the Jews were driven out of the city."

⁸⁴ at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to become soldiers, on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers. Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men.

⁸⁴ Then the consuls drafted four thousand of them into the army and sent them to the island of Sardinia, but penalized even more of them, who refused to serve as soldiers on account of their ancestral laws. So these Jews were banished from the city because of the wrongdoing of four men.

The Parallel Scandals
Josephus carefully brackets the story of the Isis priests and the Jewish fraudsters. Both involve:

1) A high-ranking Roman noblewoman (Paulina and Fulvia).

2) The husband of the victim being a friend of Tiberius (interestingly, both husbands are named Saturninus, or they are members of the same social circle).

3) Fraudulent religious claims used to exploit a woman’s piety.

By placing these stories side-by-side, Josephus argues that Tiberius wasn't specifically "anti-Semitic," but rather an Emperor obsessed with order and public morality who reacted harshly whenever foreign "superstitions" caused social harm.

The "Convert" Fulvia (Νομίμοις προσεληλυθυῖαν)
Fulvia represents the growing trend in 1st-century Rome of aristocrats being drawn to Judaism (often called "God-fearers" or proselytes). Her desire to send gold and purple to the Temple shows her deep commitment. The "scoundrels" targeted her because she was wealthy and pious—the perfect mark for a "pious fraud."

Collective Punishment and Sardinia
Tiberius’s reaction was incredibly severe. Instead of just punishing the four men, he expelled the entire community. The detail about sending 4,000 men to Sardinia is confirmed by the Roman historian Tacitus (Annals 2.85). Sardinia was a notoriously unhealthy, malaria-ridden island. Tacitus famously remarked that if the Jewish conscripts died from the climate, it would be a "cheap loss" (vile damnum).

Conscientious Objection (Φυλακὴν τῶν πατρίων νόμων)
Josephus notes that many Jews were punished for refusing to serve in the military. This was likely due to the Sabbath requirements and dietary laws (Kashrut), which were impossible to maintain in a Roman legion. This highlights the "impossible position" of the diaspora: to be a loyal Roman citizen often required violating the very laws that defined them as Jews.

The "Wicked Man" vs. the "Wise Man"
Note the contrast in Josephus's language. He previously described Jesus as a "σοφὸς ἀνήρ" (wise man), but he describes the leader of this group as "πονηρὸς δὲ εἰς τὰ πάντα" (wicked in all things). Josephus is desperate to distance "true" Judaism from these criminals, framing them as fugitives who were already outlaws in their own land.

Chapter 4
[085-108]
Pilate kills many Samaritan demonstrators.
Tiberius sends Vitellius against the Parthians.
Portrayal of Herod Antipas

⁸⁵ Οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο δὲ θορύβου καὶ τὸ ἔθνος· συστρέφει γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀνὴρ ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὸ ψεῦδος τιθέμενος κἀφ᾽ ἡδονῇ τῆς πληθύος τεχνάζων τὰ πάντα, κελεύων ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος αὐτῷ συνελθεῖν, ὃ ἁγνότατον αὐτοῖς ὑπείληπται, ἰσχυρίζετό τε παραγενομένοις δείξειν τὰ ἱερὰ σκεύη τῇδε κατορωρυγμένα τῇδε αὐτῶν ποιησαμένου κατάθεσιν.

⁸⁵ "The Samaritan nation was also not free from turmoil. For a man who thought little of telling lies and who contrived everything to please the multitude, urged them to assemble with him on Mount Gerizim, which is considered by them the holiest of mountains. He insisted that, once they had arrived, he would show them the sacred vessels buried there, where Moses had supposedly deposited them.

⁸⁵ But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited them to it was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bid them to get together upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by them looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them, that when they were come thither, he would show them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there.

⁸⁵ But the Samaritan nation did not escape disturbance either. The man who roused them to it was one who thought little of lying and arranged everything just to please the people. He told them to gather at Mount Garizim, which they regarded as the holiest of all mountains, assuring them that when they got there he would show them the sacred vessels which were buried there in deposit, by Moses himself.

⁸⁶ οἱ δὲ ἐν ὅπλοις τε ἦσαν πιθανὸν ἡγούμενοι τὸν λόγον, καὶ καθίσαντες ἔν τινι κώμῃ, Τιραθανὰ λέγεται, παρελάμβανον τοὺς ἐπισυλλεγομένους ὡς μεγάλῳ πλήθει τὴν‎ ἀνάβασιν εἰς τὸ ὄρος ποιησόμενοι.	⁸⁶ They took up arms, considering his report plausible; and having encamped at a certain village called Tirathana, they welcomed those who were still gathering, intending to make the ascent into the mountain in a great multitude.
⁸⁶ So they came thither armed, and thought the discourse of the man probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together;	⁸⁶ So they came there armed and thought the man’s words plausible, and as they stayed at a village called Tirathaba, they got ready to go up the mountain together in a large crowd.

⁸⁷ φθάνει δὲ τὴν‎ ἄνοδον αὐτῶν προκαταλαβόμενος ἱππέων τε πομπῇ καὶ ὁπλιτῶν, οἳ συμβαλόντες τοῖς ἐν τῇ κώμῃ προσυνηθροισμένοις παρατάξεως γενομένης τοὺς μὲν ἔκτειναν, τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται ζωγρίᾳ τε πολλοὺς ἦγον, ὧν τοὺς κορυφαιοτάτους καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς φυγοῦσι δυνατωτάτους ἔκτεινε .

⁸⁷ But Pilate blocked their ascent beforehand, having sent a detachment of cavalry and heavy-armed infantry. These fell upon those already assembled in the village, and after a battle took place, they killed some, put others to flight, and took many alive as prisoners. Of these, Pilate executed the principal leaders and the most powerful among those who had fled.

⁸⁷ but Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon file roads with a great band of horsemen and foot-men, who fell upon those that were gotten together in the village; and when it came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of which, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pilate ordered to be slain.

⁸⁷ Pilate prevented them, however, by seizing the roads with a great band of cavalry and infantry, who attacked the first ones they met in the village, and some of them they killed in battle and put the others to flight and took many alive; and Pilate condemned to death the chief and most powerful of the fugitives.

⁸⁸ Καταστάντος δὲ τοῦ θορύβου ἡ βουλὴ παρὰ Οὐιτέλλιον ἴασιν ἄνδρα τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντα καὶ κατηγόρουν ἐπὶ τῇ σφαγῇ τῶν ἀπολωλότων· οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τῶν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ τῆς ὕβρεως εἰς τὴν‎ Τιραθανὰ παραγενέσθαι.

⁸⁸ When the turmoil had subsided, the Council of the Samaritans went to Vitellius, a man of consular rank who was the governor of Syria, and accused Pilate of the slaughter of those who had perished. They claimed that they had not gone to Tirathana for the purpose of a revolt against the Romans, but to escape the outrages of Pilate.

⁸⁸ But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accused Pilate of the murder of those that were killed; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.

⁸⁸ When this disturbance had been put down, the Samaritan council sent an embassy to Vitellius, a former consul who was now ruler of Syria, to accuse Pilate of murdering those who had been killed, since they had not gone to Tirathaba to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate.

⁸⁹ καὶ Μάρκελλον τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων ἐκπέμψας τοῖς γενησόμενον ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ ἀπιέναι πρὸς ἃ κατηγοροῖεν οἱ διδάξοντα τὸν αὐτοκράτορα. Καὶ δέκα ἔτεσιν διατρίψας ἐπὶ εἰς ἠπείγετο ταῖς Οὐιτελλίου πειθόμενος ἐντολαῖς οὐκ ὂν ἀντειπεῖν. πρὶν δ᾽ ἐν τῇ ἴσχειν αὐτὸν φθάνει μεταστάς.

⁸⁹ So Vitellius sent Marcellus, one of his friends, to take charge of the affairs of the Jews, and commanded Pilate to return to Rome to explain to the Emperor the things the Samaritans accused him of. And so Pilate, having spent ten years in Judea, hurried to Rome in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, as it was not possible to oppose them. But before he could reach Rome, Tiberius had already passed away."

⁸⁹ So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome Tiberius was dead.

⁸⁹ So Vitellius sent Marcellus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea and ordered Pilate to go to Rome to reply to the Samaritans' accusation before the emperor. So Pilate, after spending ten years in Judea, hurried to Rome since he could not disobey the orders of Vitellius, but before he got to Rome Tiberius was dead.

The "Moses" Legend and Samaritan Messianism
The "liar" mentioned by Josephus was playing on a specific Samaritan belief regarding the Taheb (a restorer/prophet like Moses). Legend held that the sacred vessels of the Tabernacle had been hidden on Mount Gerizim since the time of the conquest. By promising to reveal them, this leader was claiming a divine mandate. To Pilate, however, thousands of armed men gathering at a strategic height looked less like a religious pilgrimage and more like an organized "ἀποστάσει" (revolt).

The Strategic Error at Tirathana
The village of Tirathana served as a staging ground. Josephus notes that the Samaritans were "ἐν ὅπλοις" (in arms). Even if their intent was purely religious, the presence of weapons justified Pilate's military response under Roman law. However, Pilate’s decision to execute the "κορυφαιοτάτους" (principal leaders) after the battle was won was seen as excessive—the very "ὕβρεως" (outrage) the Samaritans later complained about.

The Power of the Provincial Governor
This passage highlights the hierarchy of Roman power. Vitellius, as the Legate of Syria, was Pilate’s superior. The fact that the Samaritan Council went to him shows they understood Roman legal channels. Vitellius's decision to remove Pilate was a massive diplomatic gesture intended to stabilize the region.

The Exit of Pilate
Pilate’s ten-year tenure ("δέκα ἔτεσιν") was unusually long for a Roman prefect. Josephus notes he "hurried" to Rome, unable to "ἀντειπεῖν" (contradict/oppose) Vitellius. History loses track of Pilate after this; Josephus merely notes that Tiberius died (March 37 CE) before Pilate arrived to give his account. Whether he was tried by Caligula or simply retired into obscurity remains one of history's great "cold cases."

⁹⁰ δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ ἀνῄει, καὶ ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἑορτὴ πάτριος, πάσχα δὲ καλεῖται, δεχθεὶς μεγαλοπρεπῶς τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων καρπῶν εἰς τὸ πᾶν τοῖς ταύτῃ κατοικοῦσιν καὶ τὴν‎ στολὴν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τὸν πάντα αὐτοῦ‎ κόσμον συνεχώρησεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κειμένην ὑπὸ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔχειν τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν, καθότι καὶ πρότερον ἦν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσία.

⁹⁰ "Vitellius, having arrived in Judea, went up to Jerusalem. It was then the time of their ancestral festival, which is called Passover. Being received with great magnificence, Vitellius remitted to the inhabitants of the city the entire tax on the sale of agricultural produce. He also granted that the High Priest's vestments and all its ornaments should be kept in the Temple and under the care of the priests, just as they had formerly possessed that authority.

⁹⁰ But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high priest’s vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple, which power they used to have formerly,

⁹⁰ Vitellius came to Judea and went up to Jerusalem, at the time of the festival which is called the Passover, and was magnificently received there. So Vitellius released the people of Jerusalem from all the taxes on the sale of farm produce and restored the custody of the high priest’s vestments to them, with all their ornaments, to be under the care of the priests in the temple, as they formerly used to be.

⁹¹ τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ , φρούριον δ᾽ ἐστὶν οὕτως λεγόμενον, ἡ ἀπόθεσις αὐτῆς ἦν διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν· τῶν ἱερέων τις , πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων οἳ τόδε ἐκαλοῦντο τὸ ὄνομα ὁ πρῶτος, ἐπεὶ πλησίον τῷ ἱερῷ βᾶριν κατασκευασάμενος ταύτῃ τὰ πολλὰ τὴν‎ δίαιταν εἶχεν καὶ τὴν‎ στολήν, φύλαξ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῆς διὰ τὸ καὶ μόνῳ συγκεχωρῆσθαι τοῦ ἐνδύεσθαι τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν, ταύτην εἶχεν ἀποκειμένην, εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν κατιὼν ἀναλαμβάνοι τὴν‎ ἰδιωτικήν.

⁹¹ At that time, the vestments were stored in the Antonia (for that is what the fortress is called) for the following reason: Hyrcanus, the first of the many who bore that name, having built a tower (baris) near the Temple, spent most of his life there; and since he was the guardian of the vestments (having the sole authority to put them on), he kept them laid up there whenever he went down into the city and put on his private clothes.

⁹¹ although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus; and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and had these vestments with him, because it was lawful for him alone to put them on, and he had them there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments;

⁹¹ At that time they were deposited in the so-called tower of Antonia, for this reason. One of the priests named Hyrcanus, the first of many of that name, had built a stronghold near the temple and lived there most of the time, keeping charge of these vestments since only he could lawfully wear them. There he had them safe while he went down into the city wearing his ordinary clothes.

⁹² καὶ οἵ τε υἱεῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπετήδευσαν καὶ τέκνα ἐκείνων. δὲ βασιλεύσας τήν τε βᾶριν ταύτην ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ κειμένην κατασκευάσας πολυτελῶς καλεῖ ὀνόματι Φίλος ὤν, καὶ τὴν‎ στολὴν ὥσπερ καὶ λαμβάνει τῇδε κειμένην κατεῖχεν, πιστεύων οὐδὲν νεωτεριεῖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν λαὸν διὰ τάδε.

⁹² His sons and their children continued to do the same. But when Herod became king, he sumptuously rebuilt this tower, which was in a strategic location, and called it the Antonia after his friend Antony. He kept the vestments there just as he found them, believing that because of this, the people would not attempt any insurrection against him.

⁹² the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their sons after them. But when Herod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the name of Antonia. And as he found these vestments lying there, he retained them in the same place, as believing, that while he had them in his custody, the people would make no innovations against him.

⁹² This continued to be the practice of his sons and of their sons after them. When Herod came to be king, he magnificently rebuilt this tower which was so conveniently situated, and because he was a friend to Antony, he called it by the name of Antonia. As he found these vestments lying there, he kept them in the same place, believing that as long as he had them in his custody the people would make no revolt against him.

⁹³ ἔπρασσε δὲ ὅμοια τῷ καὶ ὁ ἐπικατασταθεὶς αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς υἱὸς ὤν, οὗ παραδεξάμενοι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐκράτουν τῆς στολῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἀποκειμένης ἐν οἴκῳ λίθοις οἰκοδομηθέντι ὑπὸ σφραγῖδι τῶν τε ἱερέων καὶ τῶν γαζοφυλάκων τοῦ φρουράρχου τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμέραν ἑκάστην λύχνον ἅπτοντος.

⁹³ Archelaus, Herod’s son and successor, acted similarly; and when the Romans took over the government from him, they retained control of the High Priest’s vestments. They were kept in a stone chamber under the seal of both the priests and the keepers of the treasury, with the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day.

⁹³ The like to what Herod did was done by his son Archelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Romans, when they entered on the government, took possession of these vestments of the high priest, and had them reposited in a stone-chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting a lamp there every day;

⁹³ Herod’s son Archelaus, who was king after him, did the same, and when the Romans took over direct rule, they took charge of the vestments of the high priest and deposited them in a stone chamber, under the seal of the priests and the temple treasurers, and the officer of the guard lit a lamp there every day.

⁹⁴ ἑπτὰ δ᾽ ἡμέραις πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἀπεδίδοτο αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ φρουράρχου, καὶ ἁγνισθείσῃ χρησάμενος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς μετὰ μίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμέραν ἀπετίθετο αὖθις εἰς τὸν οἶκον, ᾗπερ ἔκειτο καὶ πρότερον. τοῦτο ἐπράττετο τρισὶν ἑορταῖς ἑκάστου ἔτους καὶ τὴν‎ νηστείαν.

⁹⁴ Seven days before a festival, the vestments were delivered to the priests by the captain of the guard. After they had been purified and used by the High Priest, they were returned to the chamber the day after the festival, just as they had been before. This was done at the three festivals each year and on the Fast [Yom Kippur].

⁹⁴ and seven days before a festival they were delivered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high priest having purified them, and made use of them, laid them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast day;

⁹⁴ Seven days before a festival they were handed over to them by the officer of the guard; and later the high priest, having purified and used them, deposited them again in the same chamber, the day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals and on the fast day.

⁹⁵ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ πατρίῳ ποιεῖται τὴν‎ στολήν, ᾗ τε κείσοιτο μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπισκήψας τῷ φρουράρχῳ καὶ δέοι χρῆσθαι. Καὶ ταῦτα πράξας ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα τὸν Καιάφαν ἐπικαλούμενον ἀπαλλάξας τῆς ἱερωσύνης καθίστησιν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως υἱόν. ἐπ᾽ δ᾽ αὖθις ἐποιεῖτο τὴν‎ ὁδόν.

⁹⁵ Vitellius, however, placed the vestments under our own ancestral control, charging the captain of the guard not to meddle with where they were kept or when they were used. Having done these things as a benefit to the nation, and having removed the High Priest Joseph, who was called Caiaphas, from his office, he appointed Jonathan, the son of the High Priest Ananus. He then made his way back toward Antioch."

⁹⁵ but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was also called Caiaphas, of the high priesthood, and appointed Jonathan the son of Ananus, the former high priest, to succeed him. After which, he took his journey back to Antioch.

⁹⁵ Now Vitellius followed our ancient law about those vestments and told the officer of the guard not to interfere with where they were kept, or when they should be used. Having done this act of kindness to the nation, he deposed Joseph, surnamed Caiaphas, from the high priesthood, appointing the former high priest Jonathan the son of Ananus, in his place. Then he returned to Antioch.

The Politics of the "Holy Wardrobe"
To a modern reader, a dispute over a set of clothes might seem trivial, but in 1st-century Jerusalem, the High Priest’s vestments were the ultimate symbol of national sovereignty. By controlling the garments, the Romans (and Herod before them) controlled the High Priest himself. If the governor didn't "release" the clothes, the Day of Atonement couldn't happen. By returning them to the priests, Vitellius was performing a massive act of de-escalation, signaling that Rome would no longer hold the Jewish liturgy hostage.

The Fortress Antonia (Ἡ Ἀντωνία)
Josephus provides a brief architectural history here. The Antonia sat on the northwest corner of the Temple Mount, overlooking the courts. It was the "eye" of Rome upon the sanctuary. The fact that the vestments were kept there meant the High Priest had to literally enter a Roman military installation to prepare for the holiest day of the year—a constant, galling reminder of occupation.

The Fall of Caiaphas
The removal of Joseph Caiaphas is a major historical milestone. Caiaphas had managed to stay in power for an incredibly long time (18–36 CE) by working closely with Valerius Gratus and Pontius Pilate. His removal by Vitellius suggests that he was seen as too closely tied to the disgraced regime of Pilate. Vitellius replaced him with Jonathan, a son of the elder Ananus (Annas), ensuring that the "Ananus Dynasty" remained in power but with a fresh face.

Economic Relief: The "Fruit Tax" (Τὰ τέλη τῶν ὠνουμένων)
Vitellius didn't just offer religious concessions; he offered fiscal ones. Remitting the taxes on agricultural produce sold in the city was a direct "win" for the common people of Jerusalem. It was a calculated move to ensure that when he left for Antioch, he left behind a city that was grateful rather than rebellious.

Historical Synchronization: Passover 36/37 CE
The mention of Passover helps historians date these events precisely. This visit likely occurred in the spring of 36 or 37 CE. It marks the "changing of the guard"—the end of the Pilate/Caiaphas era and the beginning of a brief period of relative Roman-Jewish cooperation before the instabilities of Caligula’s reign began.

⁹⁶ Πέμπει δὲ καὶ ὡς Οὐιτέλλιον γράμματα, κελεύων αὐτῷ πράσσειν φιλίαν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα· ἐφόβει γὰρ αὐτὸν ὢν καὶ παρεσπασμένος μὴ ἐπὶ πλέον κακουργῇ· πιστεύειν δὲ τῇ φιλίᾳ μόνως ὁμήρων αὐτῷ διδομένων, μάλιστα δὲ τοῦ Ἀρταβάνου υἱέος.

⁹⁶ "Tiberius also sent letters to Vitellius, commanding him to establish a treaty of friendship with Artabanus, the King of the Parthians; for he feared him as an enemy, especially since he had seized Armenia and might commit further mischief. Tiberius believed that this friendship could only be trusted if hostages were given to him, specifically the son of Artabanus.

⁹⁶ Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vitellius, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for while he was his enemy, he terrified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed further, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus.

⁹⁶ Tiberius also sent a letter to Vitellius instructing him to make a pact of friendship with Artabanus, the king of the Parthians, for since he had taken Armenia from him he feared him as an enemy who might go even further. His instructions were not to trust him unless he gave him hostages, and especially Artabanus his son.

⁹⁷ ταῦτα δὲ γράφων πρὸς τὸν Οὐιτέλλιον μεγάλαις δόσεσι χρημάτων πείθει καὶ τὸν καὶ τὸν Ἀλβανῶν βασιλέα πολεμεῖν Ἀρταβάνῳ μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσαι. οἱ δὲ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἀντεῖχον, Ἀλανοὶ δὲ δίοδον αὐτοῖς διδόντες διὰ τῆς αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς θύρας τὰς Κασπίας ἀνοίξαντες ἐπάγουσι τῷ Ἀρταβάνῳ.

⁹⁷ While writing these things to Vitellius, Tiberius also persuaded the kings of the Iberians and the Albanians, by means of great gifts of money, to make war against Artabanus without hesitation. They themselves held their ground, but the Alani—having been granted passage through their own lands and having opened the Caspian Gates—marched against Artabanus.

⁹⁷ Upon Tiberius’s writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artabanus; and although they would not do it themselves, yet did they give the Scythians a passage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus.

⁹⁷ Tiberius wrote this to Vitellius and by large bribes he tried to persuade the king of the Iverians and Alvanians [Azerbaijan] to declare war on Artabanus. Although they would not do so, they allowed the Scythians passage through their country and opened the Caspian gates to them and so let them attack Artabanus.

⁹⁸ καὶ ἥ τε Ἀρμενία ἀφῄρητο αὖθις καὶ πλησθείσης πολέμων τῆς γῆς οἵ τε πρῶτοι τῶν τῇδε ἐκτείνοντο ἀνδρῶν ἀνάστατά τε ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ πάντα καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ υἱὸς ἐκ τουτωνὶ τῶν μαχῶν ἔπεσε μετὰ πολλῶν στρατοῦ μυριάδων.

⁹⁸ Thus Armenia was taken away from him again, and the land of the Parthians was filled with wars; the leading men of that place were being slaughtered, and everything was in a state of upheaval. Indeed, the king’s own son fell in these battles along with many tens of thousands of the army.

⁹⁸ So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthia was filled with war, and the principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them: the king’s son also himself fell in these wars, together with many ten thousands of his army.

⁹⁸ So Armenia was retaken and the land of Parthia was embroiled in war and their leading men were killed and all was in chaos, and even the king’s son fell in these wars, along with many thousands of his army.

⁹⁹ καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν πατέρα πομπῇ χρημάτων εἴς τε συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου γενομένῃ ἐμέλλησε μὲν κτιννύειν διὰ τῶν τὰ δῶρα εἰληφότων, αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν ὁ Ἀρτάβανος ἄφυκτον οὖσαν διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν συντεθεῖσαν μὴ ἀνεῖσθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ πέρας ἐλθεῖν,

⁹⁹ Vitellius also intended to have Artabanus himself killed by means of a lavish distribution of money to the king’s relatives and friends. Artabanus, perceiving the conspiracy and realizing it was inescapable—since it had been orchestrated by many of the leading men and would not be abandoned until it reached its end—fled for safety.

⁹⁹ Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Artabanus’s father’s kinsmen and friends, that he had almost procured him to be slain by the means of those bribes which they had taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plot laid against him was not to be avoided, because it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that it would certainly take effect,—

⁹⁹ Vitellius sent so much money to Artabanus senior’s relatives and friends, that the bribes almost succeeded in having him killed. Now Artabanus saw that the plotting against him could not be avoided, as it came from so many of the officers that it would certainly succeed.

¹⁰⁰ καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὁπόσον αὐτῷ καθαρῶς συνειστήκει καὶ τόδε ἤτοι ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν προσποιεῖσθαι ἢ πείρας αὐτῷ γενομένης μετατάξεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς προαφεστηκότας, εἴς τι τῶν ἄνω σατραπειῶν ἔσωζεν αὑτόν. Καὶ πολλὴν μετὰ ταῦτα στρατιὰν ἀθροίσας τε καὶ Σακῶν καὶ πολεμήσας τοὺς ἀνθεστηκότας κατέσχε τὴν‎ ἀρχήν.

¹⁰⁰ Believing that even those who appeared to stand purely by him were either corrupted and feigning loyalty as part of the plot, or would defect to the rebels if put to the test, he saved himself by escaping to one of the upper satrapies. Afterward, having gathered a great army of Dahae and Sacae, he made war against those who opposed him and recovered his sovereignty."

¹⁰⁰ when he had estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality.

¹⁰⁰ He also saw the number of those who were truly faithful to him, and those who were already corrupted, for though they pretended loyalty to him, they were likely to go over to his enemies at the critical time, so he made his escape to the upper provinces, where later he raised a large army from the Dahae and Sacre and fought his enemies and stayed in power.

The Roman "Double Game"
The most striking aspect of this passage is Tiberius’s strategic duplicity. Publicly, he instructs Vitellius to seek "φιλίαν" (friendship/treaty); privately, he is funding a multi-front war to cripple Artabanus. This illustrates the Roman "Grand Strategy" in the East: rather than committing Roman legions to a direct invasion of Parthia, they used "μεγάλαις δόσεσι χρημάτων" (great gifts of money) to turn the Parthian's neighbors and nobility against him.

The Strategic "Caspian Gates" (Τὰς θύρας τὰς Κασπίας)
Josephus mentions the opening of the Caspian Gates (likely the Darial Pass). This was a critical mountain pass in the Caucasus that kept the fierce nomadic tribes of the north (the Alani) out of the civilized Near East. By bribing the Iberians to open these gates, Rome unleashed a "barbarian" flood into the heart of the Parthian Empire—a move that was effective but highly destabilizing for the entire region.

The Collapse of Internal Loyalty
Josephus highlights the fragility of the Parthian throne. Artabanus’s own "συγγενεῖς καὶ φίλους" (relatives and friends) were bought by Roman gold. The paranoia of the king—fearing that even his loyalists were "ἐφθαρμένον ἐπὶ δόλῳ" (corrupted by deceit)—is a classic theme in the history of absolute monarchies. It reveals that the "Arsacid legitimacy" Josephus mentioned earlier was often secondary to personal profit.

The "Upper Satrapies" and Nomadic Allies
When Artabanus is driven out, he flees to the "ἄνω σατραπειῶν" (the eastern provinces, roughly modern-day Afghanistan/Turkmenistan). There, he recruits the Dahae and Sacae, fierce nomadic horse-archers. This demonstrates the "dual nature" of the Parthian Empire: it was a Persian-style bureaucracy in the west (Ctesiphon/Seleucia) but remained a confederation of steppe warriors in the east. Artabanus’s ability to return with a "Great Army" shows that Roman gold could buy the nobility, but it couldn't buy the loyalty of the eastern tribes.

Armenia: The Tug-of-War
Once again, Armenia is the primary casualty of the Rome-Parthian rivalry. It is "taken away" (ἀφῄρητο) from the Parthians as soon as the Roman proxies move in. For the Armenians, "independence" was a fleeting concept, existing only in the brief moments between being a Roman protectorate or a Parthian satrapy.

¹⁰¹ Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ἠξίου φιλίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν , ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος προκληθεὶς ἄσμενος ἐδέχετο τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, ἐπὶ τὸν παρῆσαν ὅ τε Ἀρτάβανος καὶ .

¹⁰¹ "When Tiberius heard these things, he desired that a friendship be established between him and Artabanus. Since Artabanus also welcomed the proposal when it was put to him, both Artabanus and Vitellius arrived at the Euphrates.

¹⁰¹ When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to have a league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Euphrates,

¹⁰¹ Hearing about this, Tiberius wanted a pact of friendship made between him and Artabanus, and when the proposal was well received, Artabanus went to meet Vitellius at the Euphrates.

¹⁰² καὶ ζεύξεως τοῦ ποταμοῦ γενομένης κατὰ τὸ μεσαίτατον τῆς γεφύρας ἀλλήλους ὑπηντίαζον μετὰ φυλακῆς ἑκάτερος τῆς περὶ αὐτόν. Καὶ λόγων αὐτοῖς συμβατικῶν γενομένων ὁ τετράρχης εἱστίασεν αὐτοὺς κατὰ μέσον τὸν πόρον σκηνίδα ἐπισκηψάμενος τῷ πόρῳ πολυτελῆ.

¹⁰² A bridge having been built across the river, they met each other exactly in the middle of the bridge, each accompanied by his own guard. After they had agreed upon the terms of the treaty, Herod the Tetrarch [Antipas] entertained them both in a magnificent tent which he had erected upon a float in the middle of the stream.

¹⁰² and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace Herod, the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there.

¹⁰² A bridge was made across the river, each came with his bodyguards and they met in the centre of the bridge. When they had agreed on the terms of peace, Herod the tetrarch built a rich tent in the midst of the passage and held a feast for them there.

¹⁰³ καὶ Ἀρτάβανος πέμπει ΤιβερίῳTiberius ὅμηρον ΔαρεῖονDarius τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ πολλῶν δώρων, ἐν οἷς καὶ ἄνδρα ἑπτάπηχυν τὸ μέγεθος ἸουδαῖονJew τὸ γένος ἘλεάζαρονEleazar ὄνομα·	¹⁰³ Artabanus then sent to Tiberius as a hostage his son Darius, along with many gifts, among which was a man seven cubits in height, a Jew by race named Eleazar; because of his size, he was called 'The Giant.'
¹⁰³ Artabanus also, not long afterward, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant.	¹⁰³ Not long afterward, Artabanus sent his son Darius as a hostage, with many gifts, among which was a man seven feet tall, a Jew by birth, named Eleazar, who was called a giant on account of his height.

¹⁰⁴ διὰ μέντοι τὸ μέγεθος Γίγας ἐκαλεῖτο. ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν ἐπ᾽ ᾔει, Ἀρτάβανος δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς . δὲ βουλόμενος δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πρώτου γενέσθαι πύστιν τῶν ὁμήρων τῆς λήψεως ἐκπέμπει γραμματοφόρους τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς γράψας εἰς ἐπιστολὴν καὶ μηδὲν ὑπολιπόμενος ἐπὶ μηνύσει τῷ ὑπατικῷ.

¹⁰⁴ Following these events, Vitellius went back to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylonia. Herod, however, wishing to be the first to inform Caesar of the taking of the hostages, sent letter-carriers, writing everything down accurately in a letter and leaving nothing for the consular governor [Vitellius] to report.

¹⁰⁴ After which Vitellius went to Antioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the tetrarch] being desirous to give Caesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of.

¹⁰⁴ After this Vitellius went to Antioch and Artabanus to Babylon, but Herod wanting to be first to Caesar with the news that they had obtained hostages, sent him letter-bearers with an accurate written description of the whole affair and leaving nothing new for the proconsul to inform to report.

¹⁰⁵ πρὸς Οὐιτελλίου δὲ ἐπιπεμφθεισῶν ἐπιστολῶν καὶ τοῦ ἐπισημήναντος πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς δῆλα αὐτῷ γένοιτο πρότερον πύστιν περὶ αὐτῶν προτεθεικότος, ταραχθεὶς ὁ μεγάλως καὶ πεπονθέναι μειζόνως ἢ ἐπέπρακτο ὑπολαμβάνων ἄδηλον τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔκρυπτεν ὀργήν, μέχρι δὴ καὶ μετῆλθε τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παρειληφότος.

¹⁰⁵ When Vitellius’s own letters were subsequently sent and Caesar replied to him, it became clear that Herod had already provided the information; Vitellius was greatly troubled, feeling he had suffered a deeper slight than had actually occurred. He concealed his anger, however, keeping it secret until the time when Gaius [Caligula] took over the Roman Empire.

¹⁰⁵ But when Vitellius’s letters were sent, and Caesar had let him know that he was acquainted with the affairs already, because Herod had given him an account of them before, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater sufferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him, which he was after Caius had taken the government.

¹⁰⁵ When Vitellius' letters were sent and Caesar had told him that he knew about the affair, since Herod had already written of it, Vitellius was furious, thinking it a bigger offence than it really was, but kept his anger secret until he got his revenge, which he did when Gaius took over as Roman emperor.

¹⁰⁶ Τότε δὲ καὶ , δὲ ἦν ἀδελφός, τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον εἰκοστῷ μὲν ἐνιαυτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἡγησάμενος δὲ αὐτὸς ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα τῆς καὶ καὶ τοῦ ἔθνους πρὸς αὐταῖς, μέτριον δὲ ἐν οἷς ἦρχεν παρασχὼν τὸν τρόπον καὶ ἀπράγμονα·

¹⁰⁶ At this time, Philip, the brother of Herod, also ended his life in the twentieth year of Tiberius's reign, having ruled for thirty-seven years over Trachonitis, Gaulanitis, and the nation of the Batanaeans. He was of a moderate and quiet disposition in the way he governed.

¹⁰⁶ About this time it was that Philip, Herod’s brother, departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis and Gaulanitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans also, thirty-seven years. He had showed himself a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of his life and government;

¹⁰⁶ About this time Herod’s brother Philip departed this life, in the twentieth year of the reign of Tiberius, after ruling Trachonitis and Gaulanitis and the Batanean nation for thirty-seven years, with moderation and in an easy-going style.

¹⁰⁷ δίαιταν μὲν γὰρ τὸ πᾶν ἐν γῇ τῇ ὑποτελεῖ ἐποιεῖτο, πρόοδοι δ᾽ ἦσαν αὐτῷ σὺν ὀλίγοις τῶν ἐπιλέκτων, καὶ τοῦ θρόνου εἰς ὃν ἔκρινεν καθεζόμενος ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς , τις ὑπαντιάσας ἐν χρείᾳ γένοιτο αὐτῷ ἐπιβοηθεῖν, οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἱδρύσεως τοῦ θρόνου ᾗ καὶ τύχοι γενομένης καθεζόμενος ἠκροᾶτο καὶ τιμωρίας τε ἐπετίμα τοῖς ἁλοῦσι καὶ ἠφίει τοὺς ἀδίκως ἐν ἐγκλήμασι γενομένους.

¹⁰⁷ Indeed, he spent his entire life within the land subject to him. His processions were made with only a few chosen followers, and the throne upon which he sat in judgement followed him on his travels; whenever someone met him and stood in need of help, he made no delays, but immediately had the throne set down wherever he happened to be, and sitting upon it, he heard the case. He would then impose punishment on those found guilty and set free those who had been unjustly accused.

¹⁰⁷ he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him; he used to make his progress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met him who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down immediately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly.

¹⁰⁷ He spent all his time in the area assigned to him, making his rounds with a few chosen friends. The throne on which he sat in judgment went with him on the circuit, and when anyone met him who needed his help, he made no delay, but wherever it might be he soon had his tribunal set up and sat and heard the case, penalizing the guilty and acquitting those who were unjustly accused.

¹⁰⁸ τελευτᾷ δ᾽ ἐν καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ κομισθέντος ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον, ὃ ἔτι πρότερον ᾠκοδόμησεν αὐτός, ταφαὶ γίνονται πολυτελεῖς. τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀρχήν, οὐ γὰρ κατελίπετο παῖδας, παραλαβὼν ἐπαρχίας ποιεῖται τῆς , τοὺς μέντοι φόρους ἐκέλευσε συλλεγομένους ἐν τῇ τετραρχίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου γενομένῃ κατατίθεσθαι.

¹⁰⁸ He died in Julias, and after he was carried to the monument which he himself had previously built, he was given a magnificent burial. As he left no children, Tiberius took over his principality and added it to the province of Syria, though he ordered that the tributes collected within that tetrarchy should be kept specifically for that region."

¹⁰⁸ He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself beforehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took, (for he left no sons behind him,) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrachy.

¹⁰⁸ He died at Julias, and was brought to the tomb he had built for himself in advance, and buried with great pomp. As he left behind no children, Tiberius took his territory and joined it to the province of Syria, but ordered that the tributes collected in his tetrarchy should be held on deposit.

The Euphrates Bridge: A "No-Man's-Land"
The meeting in the "μεσαίτατον τῆς γεφύρας" (very middle of the bridge) is a perfect piece of diplomatic symbolism. Neither the Roman Legate nor the Parthian King would cross into the other's territory, making the bridge a neutral "third space." The hospitality provided by Herod Antipas on a "σκηνίδα" (tent/pavilion) in the middle of the river highlights his role as a middleman, literally bridging the two superpowers.

Eleazar the Giant (Ὁ Γίγας)
Josephus’s mention of Eleazar, a seven-cubit-tall Jew (roughly 10.5 feet, though likely hyperbole), sent as a gift to Tiberius, serves to emphasize the exotic nature of the exchange. It also subtly reinforces Josephus’s "nationalist" pride—even in a list of Parthian wonders, the most remarkable physical specimen is a Jew. This reflects the ancient Roman fascination with physical curiosities in imperial triumphs.

The "Intelligence War": Herod vs. Vitellius
The rivalry between Herod Antipas and Vitellius is a masterclass in courtly sabotage. By sending his messengers to Tiberius first, Herod "stole the credit" for the Parthian peace. Vitellius's "ἄδηλον ὀργήν" (concealed anger) is a significant historical detail; it explains why Vitellius was later so slow to help Antipas when he was attacked by the Nabataeans. In the Roman world, being "scooped" on a report to the Emperor was an unpardonable blow to one's "honour."

Philip the Tetrarch: The "Quiet" Herod
Philip stands in stark contrast to his brothers Antipas and Archelaus. Josephus describes him as "μέτριον" (moderate) and "ἀπράγμονα" (undisturbed/quiet). His "mobile court" on the roads is a unique detail—it suggests a ruler who was accessible to the common people and personally involved in local justice. While Antipas was building grand Roman cities and playing high-stakes international politics, Philip was wandering the Gaulanitis (Golan Heights) with a portable throne.

The Succession of the North
Philip died childless ("οὐ γὰρ κατελίπετο παῖδας"). Tiberius’s decision to annex the territory to Syria but keep the taxes local was a temporary administrative measure. This "empty throne" in the north would soon become the prize for Herod Agrippa I, the next major player in Josephus’s narrative.

Chapter 5
[109-142]
Herod Antipas is defeated by Aretas of Arabia.
Death of John the Baptist.
The ill-fated Herodian family

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¹⁰⁹ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ στασιάζουσιν τε ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν· ὁ τετράρχης γαμεῖ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα καὶ συνῆν χρόνον ἤδη πολύν. στελλόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ κατάγεται ἐν ἀδελφοῦ ὄντος οὐχ ὁμομητρίου· ἐκ γὰρ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς ἐγεγόνει.

¹⁰⁹ "At this time, a conflict broke out between Aretas, the King of Petra, and Herod [Antipas] for the following reason: Herod the Tetrarch was married to the daughter of Aretas and had lived with her for a long time. However, while setting out for Rome, he stayed at the house of Herod, his half-brother (for this Herod was the son of the High Priest Simon’s daughter).

¹⁰⁹ About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petres) and Herod had a quarrel on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had, married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high priest Sireoh’s daughter.

¹⁰⁹ Meanwhile there was a quarrel between Aretas the king of Arabia Petrea and Herod, for this reason: Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter of Aretas and had been with her a long time. Once, however, when he was in Rome he lodged with his half-brother Herod, who was not by the same mother, for this Herod was son of the daughter of Simon the high priest.

¹¹⁰ ἐρασθεὶς δὲ Ἡρωδιάδος τῆς τούτου γυναικός, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἦν καὶ οὗτος ἀδελφὸς αὐτῶν, δὲ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ μεγάλου, τολμᾷ λόγων ἅπτεσθαι περὶ γάμου. Καὶ δεξαμένης συνθῆκαι γίνονται μετοικίσασθαι παρ᾽ αὐτόν, ἀπὸ παραγένοιτο. ἦν δὲ ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὥστε καὶ τοῦ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα ἐκβαλεῖν.

¹¹⁰ There he fell in love with Herodias, this brother's wife; she was the daughter of Aristobulus (their brother) and the sister of Agrippa the Great. He ventured to speak to her about marriage. She accepted, and an agreement was made that she would move to his house as soon as he returned from Rome. It was part of the agreement that he would also cast out the daughter of Aretas.

¹¹⁰ However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of Aristobulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address, when she admitted, an agreement was made for her to change her habitation, and come to him as soon as he should return from Rome: one article of this marriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas’s daughter.

¹¹⁰ He was in love with Herodias, this latter Herod’s wife, who was the daughter of their other brother Aristobulus and a sister of Agrippa the Great, and proposed marriage to her. She accepted and agreed to move in with him as soon as he returned from Rome, and part of the agreement was that Aretas' daughter be sent away.

¹¹¹ καὶ ὁ μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ ἔπλει ταῦτα συνθέμενος. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπανεχώρει διαπραξάμενος ἐν τῇ ἐφ᾽ ἅπερ ἔσταλτο, ἡ γυνὴ πύστεως αὐτῇ τῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ Ἡρωδιάδα συνθηκῶν γενομένης πρὶν ἔκπυστος αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθοῦσα κελεύει πέμπειν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ , μεθόριον δ᾽ ἐστὶ τῆς τε καὶ ἀρχῆς, γνώμην οὐκ ἐκφαίνουσα τὴν‎ αὐτῆς.

¹¹¹ Herod sailed to Rome after making these pacts. When he returned, having completed his business in Rome, his wife—having learned of the agreement with Herodias before it became known to him that she knew everything—requested that he send her to Machaerus, which is on the border of the territories of Aretas and Herod; she did not reveal her true intention.

¹¹¹ So Antipus, when he had made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having discovered the agreement he had made with Herodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod, without informing him of any of her intentions.

¹¹¹ Having agreed this he sailed to Rome, but when he finished his business in Rome and came home, his wife learned of his agreement with Herodias and before he was aware that she knew of it, she asked him to send her to Machaerus, on the border between the realms of Aretas and Herod, without telling him her intentions.

¹¹² καὶ ὁ ἐξέπεμψεν μηδὲν ᾐσθῆσθαι τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον προσδοκῶν. ἡ δέ, προαπεστάλκει γὰρ ἐκ πλείονος εἰς τὸν τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτῆς ὑποτελεῖ, πάντων εἰς τὴν‎ ὁδοιπορίαν ἡτοιμασμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ἅμα τε παρῆν καὶ ἀφωρμᾶτο εἰς τὴν‎ κομιδῇ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐκ διαδοχῆς παρῆν τε ὡς τὸν πατέρα ᾗ τάχος καὶ αὐτῷ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἔφραζεν.

¹¹² Herod sent her there, expecting the woman had perceived nothing. But she had sent word ahead to Machaerus, which was then subject to her father. All preparations for her journey having been made by the governor there, she arrived and immediately set out for Arabia. Conducted by a succession of governors, she reached her father as quickly as possible and informed him of Herod's intention.

¹¹² Accordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking his wife had not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, which was subject to her father and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas’s army; and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who carried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod’s intentions.

¹¹² Herod sent her there, thinking the poor woman had noticed nothing. But she had sent advance notice to Machaerus, which was subject to her father and so everything necessary for her journey was made ready for her by the general of Aretas' army, and so she soon reached Arabia, passed on from one chieftain to the next, and soon came to her father and told him of Herod’s plans.

¹¹³ ὁ δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχθρας ταύτην ποιησάμενος περὶ τε ὅρωνto see ἐν γῇ τῇ Γαμαλικῇ, καὶ δυνάμεως ἑκατέρῳ συλλεγείσης εἰς πόλεμον καθίσταντο στρατηγοὺς ἀπεσταλκότες ἀνθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν.	¹¹³ Aretas made this the start of an enmity, as well as a dispute over the borders in the region of Gamala. Forces were gathered by both sides, and they entered into war, sending generals instead of them.
¹¹³ So Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and prepared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves;	¹¹³ This was the start of their enmity and there was also their border dispute about Gamalitis, so both sides prepared for war, though they sent their generals to fight instead of themselves.

¹¹⁴ καὶ μάχης γενομένης διεφθάρη πᾶς ὁ ἩρώδουHerod στρατὸς προδοσίας αὐτῷ γενομένης ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρῶν φυγάδων, οἳ ὄντες ἐκ τῆς ΦιλίππουPhilip τετραρχίας ἩρώδῃHerod συνεστράτευον.	¹¹⁴ When battle was joined, Herod's entire army was destroyed through the treachery of certain fugitives who, though they were from the tetrarchy of Philip, were serving in Herod's army.
¹¹⁴ and when they had joined battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas’s army.	¹¹⁴ In the ensuing battle, all Herod’s army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who joined with Aretas' army though they came from the tetrarchy of Philip.

¹¹⁵ ταῦτα γράφει πρὸς . ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ φέρων τὴν‎ γράφει πρὸς Οὐιτέλλιον πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν καὶ ἤτοι ζωὸν ἑλόντα ἀναγαγεῖν δεδεμένον ἢ κτεινομένου πέμπειν τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. Καὶ μὲν ταῦτα πράσσειν ἐπέστελλεν τῷ κατὰ στρατηγῷ.

¹¹⁵ Herod wrote to Tiberius about these events. The Emperor, taking the attack of Aretas with great anger, wrote to Vitellius to go to war against him, and either to bring him back alive in bonds or, if he were killed, to send his head to him. Tiberius gave these orders to the governor in Syria."

¹¹⁵ So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria.

¹¹⁵ Herod wrote about these matters to Tiberius, who was at what Aretas had done, and wrote to Vitellius to make war on him and either capture him alive and bring him to him in chains, or if he was killed to send him his head. These were the orders of Tiberius to the governor of Syria.

The Strategic Marriage Trap
Antipas’s marriage to the daughter of Aretas IV (often called Phasaelis in later traditions) was a diplomatic masterstroke meant to secure his southern border. By falling for Herodias, Antipas didn't just commit a personal betrayal; he committed a geopolitical blunder. Herodias was ambitious (as Josephus notes elsewhere), and her move to Antipas’s court signaled a shift toward internal Herodian consolidation at the expense of external Arab alliances.

The Flight from Machaerus
The escape of Aretas’s daughter is a thrilling piece of intelligence work. She used Machaerus, a fortress-palace famous for its luxury and its dungeons, as her "gate" to freedom. Josephus notes the role of the "στρατηγοῦ" (governors/generals) of the Nabataeans, showing that Aretas had a sophisticated network of lookouts ready to whisk his daughter across the desert "by succession" (ἐκ διαδοχῆς) before Antipas could react.

The "Cursed" Battle and Philip’s Men
The destruction of Antipas’s army was facilitated by "προδοσίας" (treachery). The soldiers from the tetrarchy of the recently deceased Philip (see 18.106) were serving under Antipas but clearly felt no loyalty to him. Josephus notes in the very next paragraph (which follows this text) that many Jews believed this military disaster was divine punishment for Antipas's execution of John the Baptist, who had condemned the marriage to Herodias.

Tiberius and the "Head" of Aretas
Tiberius’s reaction—demanding the "κεφαλὴν" (head) of Aretas—shows the Emperor’s fierce protective stance over his client-kings. An attack on a Roman-appointed tetrarch like Antipas was viewed as an attack on Roman majesty (maiestas). It also placed Vitellius in a difficult position; as we saw earlier, Vitellius already harboured a secret grudge against Antipas for the "intelligence leak" at the Euphrates.

Historical Geography: The Land of Gamala
The dispute over the "Γαμαλικῇ" (region of Gamala) shows that the war wasn't just about a wounded daughter's pride—it was about grazing rights and trade routes. This territory in the Golan was a constant flashpoint between the settled Herodians and the nomadic Nabataeans.

¹¹⁶ Τισὶ δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἐδόκει ὀλωλέναι τὸν ἩρώδουHerod στρατὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ μάλα δικαίως τινυμένου κατὰ ποινὴν ἸωάννουJohn τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένου βαπτιστοῦ.	¹¹⁶ "To some of the Jews, it seemed that the destruction of Herod’s army had come from God, and that it was a very just penalty for what he had done to John, who was called the Baptist.
¹¹⁶ Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist:	¹¹⁶ Some of the Jews thought that that Herod’s army was destroyed as a just punishment from God, for what he did to John, who was called the Baptist.

¹¹⁷ κτείνει γὰρ δὴ τοῦτον ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τοῖς κελεύοντα ἀρετὴν ἐπασκοῦσιν καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ χρωμένοις βαπτισμῷ συνιέναι· οὕτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ τὴν‎ βάπτισιν ἀποδεκτὴν αὐτῷ φανεῖσθαι μὴ ἐπί τινων ἁμαρτάδων παραιτήσει χρωμένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἁγνείᾳ τοῦ σώματος, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς δικαιοσύνῃ προεκκεκαθαρμένης.

¹¹⁷ For Herod had put him to death, though he was a good man and one who exhorted the Jews to practice virtue, exercising justice toward one another and piety toward God, and so to come together for baptism. For he taught that baptism would be acceptable to God only if they used it not as a petition for the pardon of certain sins, but for the purification of the body, provided that the soul had been thoroughly cleansed beforehand by righteousness.

¹¹⁷ for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [only], but for the purification of the body; supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness.

¹¹⁷ For Herod killed this good man who was telling the Jews to practice virtue, and behave righteously toward each other and devoutly toward God and so to come to baptism. This would make the washing acceptable to Him, if it were used not for the putting away of some sins, but for the purification of the body, since the soul was already purified by righteousness.

¹¹⁸ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συστρεφομένων, καὶ γὰρ ἥσθησαν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τῇ ἀκροάσει τῶν λόγων, δείσας τὸ ἐπὶ τοσόνδε πιθανὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις μὴ ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει τινὶ φέροι, πάντα γὰρ ἐῴκεσαν συμβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνου πράξοντες, πολὺ κρεῖττον ἡγεῖται πρίν τι νεώτερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ γενέσθαι προλαβὼν ἀνελεῖν τοῦ μεταβολῆς γενομένης [μὴ] εἰς πράγματα ἐμπεσὼν μετανοεῖν.

¹¹⁸ And when others gathered around him—for they were moved to the greatest extent by hearing his words—Herod became fearful. He saw that John’s great ability to persuade people might lead to some form of sedition, for they seemed ready to do anything by his counsel. Herod, therefore, thought it much better to strike first and take him off before any uprising should break out from him, rather than to wait for a revolution and then repent after falling into difficulties.

¹¹⁸ Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were very greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion, (for they seemed ready to do any thing he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring himself into difficulties, by sparing a man who might make him repent of it when it would be too late.

¹¹⁸ When others crowded around him, for they were greatly moved by hearing his words, Herod feared that his great influence over the people might lead to some revolt, as they seemed ready to do everything he advised, so he thought it better to put him to death before he could start a rebellion than to wait and later have to repent of it after the revolution had begun.

¹¹⁹ καὶ ὁ μὲν ὑποψίᾳ τῇ δέσμιος εἰς τὸν πεμφθεὶς τὸ προειρημένον φρούριον ταύτῃ κτίννυται. τοῖς δὲ δόξαν ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου τὸν ὄλεθρον ἐπὶ τῷ στρατεύματι γενέσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ κακῶσαι θέλοντος.

¹¹⁹ So, because of Herod’s suspicion, John was sent in chains to Machaerus, the fortress previously mentioned, and was there put to death. It was the opinion of the Jews that the destruction of Herod's army was a punishment sent by God, who wished to bring calamity upon Herod to avenge John."

¹¹⁹ Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod’s suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an opinion that the destruction of this army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure to him.

¹¹⁹ So due to Herod’s suspicions he was sent as a prisoner to Machaerus, the castle mentioned earlier, and put to death there. The Jews suspected that the loss of Herod’s army was sent as a punishment and a mark of God’s displeasure with him.

The "Theology" of John’s Baptism
Josephus provides a fascinating nuance to John’s ritual. While the Gospels describe a "baptism of repentance for the remission of sins," Josephus emphasizes that the internal cleansing ("δικαιοσύνῃ") must precede the external washing. He frames it in a way that would be understandable to a Greco-Roman audience—comparing it to the "virtue" and "piety" taught by Greek philosophers, rather than just a Jewish sectarian rite.

Political Realism vs. Religious Offense
In the Gospels, John is executed because he condemned Herod Antipas’s marriage to Herodias. Josephus, however, highlights the political threat. Antipas lived in constant fear of "ἀποστάσει" (sedition/insurrection). In a volatile region like Perea, a charismatic leader who could command a "multitude" was a direct threat to the status quo. Antipas’s decision to kill John was a "pre-emptive strike" ("προλαβὼν") intended to maintain Roman order.

Machaerus: The Desert Dungeon
Josephus identifies the location of the execution as Machaerus. Perched on a dramatic ridge east of the Dead Sea, this site served as both a lavish palace for the Herodian elite and a grim prison. Archaeological excavations have revealed two distinct sections of the site—the opulent upper palace where Antipas would have feasted, and the lower town and caves where prisoners like John would have been held.

The "Divine Vengeance" Theory
The fact that the Jewish public linked the military defeat by King Aretas to the death of John shows how popular the Baptist remained even years after his execution. This "ποινὴν" (penalty/vengeance) theory suggests that Antipas’s subjects viewed their own tetrarch as having lost his "divine mandate" to rule. It reveals the deep religious undercurrents that always bubbled beneath the surface of Herodian politics.

¹²⁰ δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ὡς εἰς πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς δυσὶ τάγμασιν ὁπλιτῶν ὅσοι τε περὶ αὐτὰ ψιλοὶ καὶ ἱππεῖς συμμαχοῦντες ἐκ τῶν ὑπὸ βασιλειῶν ἀγόμενος, ἐπὶ τῆς ἠπείγετο καὶ ἔσχε .

¹²⁰ "Vitellius, having prepared for the war against Aretas with two legions of heavy infantry and as many light-armed troops and cavalry as were led from the kingdoms allied with the Romans, hurried toward Petra and reached Ptolemais.

¹²⁰ So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men; he also took with him all those of light armature, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those kingdoms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais.

¹²⁰ Vitellius went to war against Aretas with two fully-armed legions and all the light-armed infantry and cavalry attached to them, drawn from the kingdoms which were under the Romans and came to Ptolemais on his way toward Petra.

¹²¹ ὡρμημένῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ διὰ τῆς ἄγειν τὸν στρατὸν ὑπαντιάσαντες ἄνδρες οἱ πρῶτοι παρῃτοῦντο τὴν‎ διὰ τῆς χώρας ὁδόν· οὐ γὰρ αὐτοῖς εἶναι πάτριον περιορᾶν εἰκόνας εἰς αὐτὴν φερομένας, πολλὰς δ᾽ εἶναι σημαίαις ἐπικειμένας.

¹²¹ As he was about to lead his army through the land of the Jews, the leading men met him and entreated him not to march through their country; for they said it was not their ancestral custom to allow images to be carried into it, and there were many such attached to the standards.

¹²¹ But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that he would not thus march through their land; for that the laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great many in their ensigns;

¹²¹ But on the march as he was leading his army through Judea, some prominent men met him to ask him not to go through their land, since their ancestral laws did not let them ignore the images they carried into it, many of which were on their ensigns.

¹²² καὶ πεισθεὶς μετέβαλέν τε τῆς γνώμης τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις προβουλεῦσαν καὶ διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου κελεύσας χωρεῖν τὸ στρατόπεδον αὐτὸς μετὰ τοῦ τετράρχου καὶ τῶν φίλων εἰς ἀνῄει θύσων τῷ θεῷ ἑορτῆς πατρίου τοῖς ἐνεστηκυίας.

¹²² Being persuaded, he changed his mind regarding his previous plans and ordered the army to march through the Great Plain [the Jezreel Valley]. He himself, along with Herod the Tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to sacrifice to God, as an ancestral festival of the Jews was then underway.

¹²² so he was persuaded by what they said, and changed that resolution of his which he had before taken in this matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the Jews being then just approaching;

¹²² Persuaded by this he changed his plans and ordered the army to march along the great plain, while he himself, with Herod the tetrarch and his friends, went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God during an ancient Jewish festival which was coming up.

¹²³ εἰς ἣν ἀπαντήσας καὶ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews πλήθους ἐκπρεπῶς τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας ταύτῃ διατριβὴν ποιεῖται, ἐν αἷς ἸωνάθηνJonathan τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἐγχειρίζει τῷ ἀδελφῷ αὐτοῦ‎ Θεοφίλῳ,	¹²³ Having arrived and been received magnificently by the multitude of the Jews, he stayed there for three days. During this time, he removed Jonathan from the high priesthood and entrusted it to his brother Theophilus.
¹²³ and when he had been there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus.	¹²³ On his arrival he was well received by the Jewish populace, and stayed there for three days, during which time he deposed Jonathan from his priestly office and gave it to his brother Theophilus.

¹²⁴ τῇ τετάρτῃ δὲ γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παραγενομένων, ἃ ἐδήλου τὴν‎ τελευτήν, ὥρκισεν τὴν‎ πληθὺν ἐπ᾽ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ . ἀνεκάλει δὲ καὶ τὸ στράτευμα ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἑκάστου χειμαδιᾶν πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως δυνάμενος διὰ τὸ εἰς μεταπεπτωκέναι τὰ πράγματα.

¹²⁴ On the fourth day, letters arrived for him announcing the death of Tiberius. He then bound the multitude by oath to be loyal to Gaius [Caligula]. He also recalled his army to their own respective winter quarters, no longer being able to carry out the war in the same manner because the administration of affairs had passed to Gaius.

¹²⁴ But when on the fourth day letters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their winter quarters there, since, upon the devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like authority of making this war which he had before.

¹²⁴ When on the fourth day letters arrived announcing the death of Tiberius, he made the people swear their loyalty to Gaius. He also stood down his army, sending each man home for the winter, since with the accession of Gaius he no longer had his former authority to go to war.

¹²⁵ ἐλέγετο δὲ καὶ τὸν οἰωνοσκοπησάμενον πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀγγελίαν τῶν Οὐιτελλίου στρατιωτῶν φάναι μηχανὴν οὐκ εἶναι τῷ στρατῷ τῆς ἐπὶ Πετραίους ὁδοῦ· τεθνήξεσθαι γὰρ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἢ τὸν πολεμεῖν κελεύσαντα ἢ τὸν γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου ὡρμημένον διακονεῖσθαι ἢ ἐφ᾽ ὃν γένοιτο ἡ παρασκευὴ τοῦ στρατεύματος.

¹²⁵ It was said that Aretas, upon consulting the omens regarding the report of Vitellius's soldiers, said that there was no way for that army to reach Petra; for either the one who ordered the war [Tiberius], or the one who set out to serve that command [Vitellius], or the one against whom the army was prepared [Aretas himself], would die.

¹²⁵ It was also reported, that when Aretas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, that it was impossible that this army of Vitellius’s could enter Petra; for that one of the rulers would die, either he that gave orders for the war, or he that was marching at the other’s desire, in order to be subservient to his will, or else he against whom this army is prepared.

¹²⁵ It was also reported that Aretas, when he heard that Vitellius was coming to fight him, consulted the auguries and said that the army of Vitellius could not cross the entrance of Petra, for one of the leaders would die, either the one who gave orders for the war, or the one who marched to carry out the other’s plan, or the one against whom the army had mustered.

¹²⁶ καὶ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἀνεχώρησεν. δὲ ὁ υἱὸς ἐνιαυτῷ πρότερον ἢ τελευτῆσαι ἐπὶ ἄνεισι πράξων τι παρὰ τῷ αὐτοκράτορι δυνάμεώς τινος αὐτῷ παραγενομένης.

¹²⁶ So Vitellius withdrew to Antioch. But Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, a year before the death of Tiberius, had gone up to Rome to conduct some business with the Emperor, having acquired some degree of influence.

¹²⁶ So Vitellius truly retired to Antioch; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, went up to Rome, a year before the death of Tiberius, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he might be permitted so to do.

¹²⁶ So Vitellius retired to Antioch. Now Agrippa, son of Aristobulus, had gone to Rome a year before the death of Tiberius, to have contact with the emperor, and seek some advantage for himself.

¹²⁷ βούλομαι οὖν εἰπεῖν ἐπὶ μακρότερον περὶ τε καὶ γένους αὐτοῦ‎ ὡς ἐγένετο, ἅμα μὲν καὶ διὰ τὸ ἀνήκειν τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τὸν περὶ αὐτῶν λόγον, ἅμα δὲ καὶ παράστασιν ἔχειν τοῦ θείου, ὡς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ πλῆθος οὐδ᾽ ἄλλη τις ἀλκὴ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἐπιτετευγμένων δίχα τῶν πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβειῶν,

¹²⁷ I wish, therefore, to speak at greater length concerning Herod and how his lineage turned out—partly because the account of them belongs to history, and partly to provide a demonstration of the Divine: that neither a multitude [of heirs] nor any other human strength achieved among men is of any use without piety toward the Divine.

¹²⁷ I have now a mind to describe Herod and his family, how it fared with them, partly because it is suitable to this history to speak of that matter, and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Providence, how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God;

¹²⁷ I now wish to describe how things went for Herod and his family, partly as it is relevant to this history and partly because it offers proof of divine intervention, how mere numbers are fruitless, or any other worldly advantage, without piety toward God.

¹²⁸ εἴ γε ἐντὸς ἑκατὸν ἐτῶν ἐξόδου συνέβη πλὴν ὀλίγων, πολλοὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν, διαφθαρῆναι τοὺς ἩρώδουHerod ἀπογόνους· φέροι δ᾽ ἄν τι κἀπὶ σωφρονισμῷ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου γένους τὸ τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν αὐτῶν μαθεῖν,	¹²⁸ For within a hundred years, it happened that almost all of Herod's descendants, who were many, were destroyed. Learning of their misfortune might serve as a lesson in moderation (sophronismos) for the human race;
¹²⁸ for it happened, that, within the revolution of a hundred years, the posterity of Herod, which were a great many in number, were, excepting a few, utterly destroyed. One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were:	¹²⁸ The fact is that, within a hundred years, the numerous descendants of Herod had all disappeared, apart from a few. One may well apply this for the guidance of mankind and learn from their misfortune.

¹²⁹ ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν διηγήσασθαι θαύματος ἀξιώτατον γεγενημένον, ὃς ἐκ πάνυ ἰδιώτου καὶ παρὰ πᾶσαν δόξαν τῶν εἰδότων αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε ηὐξήθη δυνάμεως. εἴρηται μὲν οὖν μοι καὶ πρότερον περὶ αὐτῶν, λεχθήσεται δὲ καὶ νῦν ἀκριβῶς.

¹²⁹ and at the same time, I shall recount the story of Agrippa, which is most worthy of wonder—how from a completely private station, and contrary to the expectation of all who knew him, he rose to such great power. I have spoken of them before, but now I shall give a precise account."

¹²⁹ it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly, but I shall now also speak accurately about them.

¹²⁹ It is worth recalling the story of Agrippa, an admirable person who beyond all the expectation of his friends rose from being a private citizen to great power and authority. I have said something of this before, but will now speak of it in detail.

The "Standard" Crisis
This is a fascinating callback to the Pilate incident (18.55). Unlike Pilate, who tried to smuggle the imperial images into Jerusalem at night, Vitellius shows himself to be a sophisticated diplomat. When the Jewish leaders object to the "εἰκόνας" (images/busts) on the Roman signa, Vitellius immediately yields. He reroutes two entire legions through the Great Plain (the Jezreel Valley/Esdraelon) to avoid offending religious sensibilities. This proves that Roman "intolerance" was often a matter of the individual governor's personality rather than imperial policy.

High Priestly "Musical Chairs"
Vitellius continues his habit of replacing High Priests. He removes Jonathan (whom he had just appointed a year earlier) and replaces him with his brother Theophilus. Both were sons of the powerful Annas. This suggests that while Vitellius was friendly to the Jews, he was also busy managing the internal politics of the aristocratic families to ensure stability during the transition of power in Rome.

The Prophecy of Aretas
The "omen" of King Aretas is a classic piece of ancient historiography. It highlights the uncertainty of the Roman transition. Aretas’s prediction that the war would fail because one of the principals would die was technically fulfilled by the death of Tiberius in March, 37 CE. For the Samaritans and Jews, this felt like divine intervention; for Vitellius, it was a legal "stop-work order," as his mandate from the previous Emperor had expired.

The "Great Plain" Strategy
The "μέγα πεδίον" (Great Plain) is the Jezreel Valley. It was the traditional highway for armies moving through Palestine because it bypasses the difficult, heavily populated hill country of Judea and Samaria. By moving his troops here, Vitellius kept his legions fed and mobile while avoiding any potential riots in the Jewish heartland.

Josephus as a Moralist: The 100-Year Decay
Josephus pauses the narrative to offer a "παράστασιν τοῦ θείου" (demonstration of the Divine). He notes that Herod the Great had a massive family tree, yet within 100 years, it was nearly extinct. To Josephus, this is proof that "εὐσεβειῶν" (piety) matters more than "ἀλκὴ" (strength) or "πλῆθος" (numbers). This is a direct "cautionary tale" for his Roman and Jewish readers alike.

¹³⁰ τῷ μεγάλῳ θυγατέρες ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς γίνονται δύο, Σαλαμψιὼ μὲν ἡ ἑτέρα, ἣ γαμεῖται τῷ αὐτῆς ἀνεψιῷ παιδὶ ὄντι τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ δεδωκότος τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτήν, δὲ καὶ αὐτὴ ἀνεψιῷ παιδὶ τῆς ἀδελφῆς .

¹³⁰ "To Herod the Great, two daughters were born by Mariamne, the daughter of Hyrcanus: Salampsio, the one who married her cousin Phasael, the son of Phasael (Herod’s brother), their father having given her to him; and Cypros, who married Antipater, also a cousin and the son of Herod’s sister Salome.

¹³⁰ Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyrcanus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod’s brother, her father making the match; the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod’s sister.

¹³⁰ Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the daughter of Hyrcanus. One of them was Salampsio, who was given by her father in marriage to her first cousin Phasael, who was himself the son of Herod’s brother Phasael. The other was Cypros, who also was married to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Herod’s sister Salome.

¹³¹ καὶ μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμψιοῦς γίνονται πέντε παῖδες θυγατέρες τε καὶ , ἣν γαμεῖ ὁ . δὲ γαμεῖ μὲν τίμιος Κύπριος ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀξιολόγων, παρ᾽ ᾧ δὴ ἄτεκνος τελευτᾷ.

¹³¹ From Salampsio and Phasael, five children were born: Antipater, Alexander, Herod, and daughters Alexandra and Cypros—whom Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married. Alexandra married Timius, a notable man of Cyprus, with whom she died childless.

¹³¹ Phasaelus had five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, and Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children.

¹³¹ Phasael had five children by Salampsio: Antipater, Herod and Alexander and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros, who married Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, while Alexandra married Timius of Cyprus, a worthy man, but with him she died childless.

¹³² δ᾽ ἐξ μὲν ἄρρενες γίνονται δύο, θυγατέρες δὲ τρεῖς , δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄρσεσιν ὀνόματα, ὧν ὁ πρὶν ἡβῆσαι τελευτᾷ.

¹³² By Cypros and Agrippa, two sons were born and three daughters: Berenice, Mariamne, and Drusilla; the sons were named Agrippa and Drusus, of whom Drusus died before reaching manhood.

¹³² Agrippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, which daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusius; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty;

¹³² By Cypros Agrippa had two sons and three daughters, Berenice, Mariamne and Drusilla, and the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of whom Drusus died before puberty.

¹³³ Τῷ δὲ πατρὶ τούτων ἐτρέφετο μετὰ καὶ ἑτέρων ἀδελφῶν καὶ · καὶ καὶ οἵδε παῖδες τοῦ υἱέος τοῦ μεγάλου· ἡ δὲ Κοστοβάρου καὶ παῖς τῆς ἀδελφῆς.

¹³³ The father of these [Agrippa I and his siblings] was raised alongside his brothers, Herod and Aristobulus, and Berenice; these were the children of Aristobulus, the son of Herod the Great, and Berenice, who was the child of Costobarus and Salome, Herod’s sister.

¹³³ but their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of Herod the Great by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome, who was Herod’s sister.

¹³³ Of these, Agrippa and his brothers, Herod and Aristobulus, were reared by his father, along with Berenice the daughter of Costobarus and of Herod’s sister Salome.

¹³⁴ τούτους νηπίους λείπεται θνήσκων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς σὺν Ἀλεξάνδρῷ τῷ ἀδελφῷ, καθὰ προειρήκαμεν. ἡβήσαντες δ᾽ ἄγονται μὲν οὗτος ὁ τοῦ ἀδελφὸς θυγατέρα ὀλυμπιάδος τῆς βασιλέως θυγατρὸς καὶ τοῦ , ἀδελφὸς δὲ οὗτος τοῦ βασιλέως· ἴσχει τε ἐξ αὐτῆς υἱὸν .

¹³⁴ Aristobulus left these children as infants when he was put to death by his father [Herod the Great], along with his brother Alexander, as we stated before. Upon reaching manhood, this Herod (Agrippa's brother) married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias (daughter of King Herod) and Joseph (son of Joseph, the King's brother); by her he had a son named Aristobulus.

¹³⁴ Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related. But when they were arrived at years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus;

¹³⁴ As already said, Aristobulus left these infants when he and his brother Alexander were killed by their father. When they reached puberty, this Herod, Agrippa’s brother, married Mariamne, the daughter of king Herod’s daughter Olympias, and of Joseph, son of king Herod’s brother Joseph, and by her had a son, Aristobulus.

¹³⁵ ὁ δὲ τρίτος τοῦ ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀδελφὸς ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus γαμεῖ ἸωτάπηνJotape Σαμψιγεράμου θυγατέρα τοῦ Ἐμεσῶν βασιλέως, θυγάτηρ τε αὐτοῖς γίνεται κωφή· ὄνομα καὶ τῇδε Ἰωτάπη.	¹³⁵ The third brother of Agrippa, Aristobulus, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, the King of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, also named Jotape.
¹³⁵ but Aristobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa; they had a daughter who was deaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line.	¹³⁵ Agrippa’s third brother, Aristobulus, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa. They had a daughter who was deaf, whose name was also Jotape, and up to this these were the children of the male line.

¹³⁶ καὶ τάδε μὲν τῶν ἀρσένων τέκνα. δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ ἀδελφὴ γίνεται τοῦ μεγάλου παιδὶ γεγονότι ἐκ τῆς τοῦ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ αὐτοῖς γίνεται, μεθ᾽ ἧς τὰς γονὰς ἐπὶ συγχύσει φρονήσασα τῶν πατρίων γαμεῖται τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τῷ ὁμοπατρίῳ ἀδελφῷ διαστᾶσα ζῶντος. τὴν‎ δὲ τετραρχίαν οὗτος εἶχεν.

¹³⁶ These were the children of the males. Their sister, Herodias, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne (daughter of Simon the High Priest). To them was born Salome, after whose birth Herodias, with a mind to confound our ancestral customs, divorced her living husband to marry his half-brother, Herod [Antipas], who held the tetrarchy of Galilee.

¹³⁶ But Herodias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodias took upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorced herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Antipas], her husband’s brother by the father’s side, he was tetrarch of Galilee;

¹³⁶ Their sister Herodias was married to Herod, the son of Herod the Great by Mariamne, the daughter of Simon the high priest. They had a daughter, Salome, after whose birth Herodias set about overturning the laws of our country and divorced from her husband while he was alive and married Herod ( Antipas ), her husband’s brother on the father’s side, who was tetrarch of Galilee.

¹³⁷ ἡ δὲ θυγάτηρ αὐτῆς γαμεῖται παιδὶ τῷ τετράρχῃ τῆς , καὶ ἄπαιδος τελευτήσαντος αὐτὴν ἄγεται παῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ. παῖδες δὲ ἐγένοντο αὐτοῖς τρεῖς .

¹³⁷ Her daughter Salome married Philip, the son of Herod and tetrarch of Trachonitis; after he died childless, she was married to Aristobulus, the son of Herod (Agrippa’s brother). They had three sons: Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus.

¹³⁷ but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus;

¹³⁷ Her daughter Salome was married to Philip, Herod’s son and tetrarch of Trachonitis, and as he died childless, Aristobulus, Herod’s son and Agrippa’s brother, married her. They had three sons, Herod, Agrippa and Aristobulus.

¹³⁸ τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ καὶ Σαλαμψιοῦς ἐστι γένος. δ᾽ ἐξ θυγάτηρ γίνεται , καὶ αὐτὴν Ἀλεξᾶς ὁ Ἐλκίας γαμεῖ τοῦ , καὶ αὐτῆς θυγάτηρ ἦν . δὲ καὶ , οὓς ἀδελφοὺς ἔφην , ἄτεκνοι τελευτῶσιν.

¹³⁸ This was the lineage of Phasael and Salampsio. From Cypros and Antipater, a daughter was born, also named Cypros; she married Alexas Helcias, the son of Alexas, and they had a daughter, Cypros. Herod and Alexander, whom I called the brothers of Antipater, died childless.

¹³⁸ and this was the posterity of Phasaelus and Salampsio. But the daughter of Antipater by Cypros was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless.

¹³⁸ Those were the descendants of Phasael and Salampsio. Now by Cypros Antipater had a daughter named Cypros, who married Alexas Selcias, son of Alexas and they had a daughter, Cypros, while Herod and Alexander, who, as I said, were Antipater’s brothers, died childless.

¹³⁹ δὲ τῷ παιδὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ καὶ ἐγεγόνεισαν υἱεῖς ἐκ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατρός. Καὶ μὲν βασιλεύων κατηγοριῶν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ γενομένων ἄπαις τελευτᾷ.

¹³⁹ As for Alexander, the son of King Herod who was executed by his father, two sons were born to him, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, King of Cappadocia. Tigranes, while reigning as King of Armenia, died childless after accusations were brought against him in Rome.

¹³⁹ As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless;

¹³⁹ The Alexander who was killed by his father king Herod, had two sons, Alexander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused of charges in Rome and died childless.

¹⁴⁰ δὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ γίνεται παῖς καὶ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ ἐκπέμπεται υἱός τε αὐτῷ γίνεται. γαμεῖ δ᾽ οὗτος τοῦ Κομμαγηνῶν βασιλέως θυγατέρα , ἡσίοδός τε τῆς ἐν αὐτὸν ἵσταται βασιλέα.

¹⁴⁰ Alexander [the son] had a son named Tigranes (after his brother), who was sent by Nero to be King of Armenia, and he had a son named Alexander. This Alexander married Jotape, daughter of Antiochus, King of Commagene, and Vespasian appointed him king of a territory in Cilicia.

¹⁴⁰ Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, the daughter of Antiochus, the king of Commagena; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia.

¹⁴⁰ Alexander had a son named with his brother Tigranes and was sent by Nero to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia. He had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape, daughter of Antiochus the king of Commagene, and Vespasian made him king of Ketis in Cilicia.

¹⁴¹ καὶ τὸ μὲν γένος εὐθὺς ἅμα τῷ φυῆναι τὴν‎ θεραπείαν ἐξέλιπεν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων μεταταξάμενοι πρὸς τὰ πάτρια· ταῖς δὲ λοιπαῖς θυγατράσιν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀτέκνοις τελευτᾶν συνέπεσεν.

¹⁴¹ The lineage of Alexander, however, abandoned the practice of Jewish local customs as soon as they grew up, transferring their allegiance to the ancestral ways of the Greeks. As for the remaining daughters of King Herod, it happened that they died childless.

¹⁴¹ But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks. But for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless.

¹⁴¹ But soon after their birth these descendants of Alexander left the Jewish religion and went over to the Greeks, and the rest of the daughters of Herod the king died childless.

¹⁴² τῶν δὲ γενομένων ἀπογόνων οὓς κατέλεξα ἔμενον ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ ὁ μέγας τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρέλαβεν. τούτων δέ μοι τοῦ γένους προδεδηλωμένων διέξειμι λοιπόν, τύχαι συνέλθοιεν, ὥς τε αὐτῶν διάδρασιν ποιησάμενος ἐπὶ μέγιστον ἀξιώματός τε ἅμα προκόψειεν καὶ δυνάμεως.

¹⁴² These descendants of Herod whom I have listed were living at the time Agrippa the Great received his kingdom. Having set forth this lineage, I shall now relate the various fortunes that befell Agrippa, and how he escaped them to advance to the highest peak of dignity and power."

¹⁴² And as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power.

¹⁴² I have listed, by way of preface, these descendants of Herod up to the time that Agrippa the Great took over the kingdom. Now I will relate the various adversities faced by Agrippa and how he overcame them, to advance to the height of dignity and power.

The "Web" of Consanguinity
The Herodian family tree is a dizzying maze of endogamy (marrying within the family). Cousins marry cousins, and uncles marry nieces.

1) The Goal: To keep power and wealth concentrated within the Herodian/Hasmonean bloodline.

2) The Reality: It created a toxic environment of sibling rivalry and paranoia that ultimately led Herod the Great to execute his own sons, Alexander and Aristobulus.

The Great "Apostasy" (Μεταταξάμενοι πρὸς τὰ Ἕλλησι)
Josephus makes a poignant observation about the line of Alexander (the branch that reigned in Armenia and Cilicia). He notes that they abandoned Jewish customs in favour of Greek ways. This highlights a major theme in the Antiquities: as the Herodian family moved further into the Roman imperial orbit, they traded their Jewish identity for political advancement. To Josephus, this is a clear sign of the dynasty's moral decay.

The Scandal of Herodias (Σύγχυσει τῶν πατρίων)
Josephus explicitly frames Herodias's marriage to Antipas as a "confounding of ancestral laws." Under Torah law, a woman could not divorce her husband and marry his brother while the first husband was still alive. This "illegal" marriage was the spark for John the Baptist's protest and the subsequent war with the Nabataeans.

A Dynasty of Dead Ends
Note how many times Josephus uses the word "ἄτεκνος" (childless). He seems to take a grim satisfaction in pointing out how many branches of Herod's family tree simply withered away. For a Jewish writer, childlessness was often interpreted as a sign of divine disfavour—a theme he established in the previous section (18.127).

From Rags to Riches: Agrippa I
Despite the death and decay in the rest of the family, Josephus sets up Agrippa I as the "miracle" survivor. Agrippa is the one who will briefly reunite the kingdom and restore a sense of Hasmonean dignity. Josephus is preparing his readers for a dramatic narrative shift from genealogical lists to a fast-paced political thriller.

Chapter 6
[143-239]
Herod Agrippa’s picaresque career.
Tiberius as emperor Antonia, Sejanus and Caligula

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¹⁴³ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀλίγον πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς ἐν διαιτώμενος καὶ ὁμοτροφίας καὶ συνηθείας αὐτῷ πολλῆς γενομένης πρὸς τὸν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος υἱὸν καὶ τῇ τοῦ μεγάλου γυναικὶ εἰς φιλίαν ἀφίκετο, τῆς μητρὸς τιμωμένης παρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ προαγωγῶν ἠξιωκυίας τὸν υἱόν.

¹⁴³ "A little before the death of King Herod [the Great], Agrippa was living in Rome. Having been brought up with and becoming a close companion to Drusus, the son of the Emperor Tiberius, he also won the friendship of Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Elder; for his mother, Berenice, was held in high honour by her and had sought advancement for her son.

¹⁴³ A little before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was generally brought up and conversed with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius’s son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of advancing her son.

¹⁴³ Shortly before king Herod’s death, Agrippa lived in Rome and was reared in close contact with Drusus, the emperor Tiberius' son and made friends with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who highly esteemed his mother Berenice and was asked by her to promote her son.

¹⁴⁴ φύσει δὲ μέγας ὢν ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa καὶ δωρεῖσθαι πολυτελὴςcostly, valuable ζώσης μὲν τῆς μητρὸς οὐκ ἐξέφαινε τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ θέλον διαδιδράσκειν αὐτῆς ἠξιωκὼς τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις γενομένην ὀργήν,	¹⁴⁴ Agrippa, being by nature magnanimous and lavish in his gift-giving, did not reveal his heart’s inclination while his mother was alive, as he sought to avoid the anger she felt toward such behavior.
¹⁴⁴ Now as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made, while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance;	¹⁴⁴ Agrippa was of an expansive nature and generous in giving gifts, though he hid his natural bent while his mother was alive, in order not to provoke her by his extravagance.

¹⁴⁵ ἐπεὶ δὲ τελευτᾷ, γενόμενος ἐπὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ τρόπῳ, τὰ μὲν εἰς πολυτέλειαν τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν διαίτης, τὰ δ᾽ εἰς τῶν δωρεῶν τὸ μὴ μέτρῳ προιέμενον ἀνάλωσε τῶν χρημάτων, τὰ πλεῖστα δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς ἀπελευθέρους ἐτετέλεστο ἐλπίδι πράξεως τῆς αὐτῶν, πενία τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν.

¹⁴⁵ But when Berenice died, and he was left to follow his own temperament, he squandered his fortune—partly on a luxurious daily lifestyle and partly on excessive, immeasurable gifts. Most of his spending was directed toward Caesar’s freedmen, in the hope that their influence would secure his advancement; consequently, he soon found himself in poverty.

¹⁴⁵ but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immoderate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar’s freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was, in a little time, reduced to poverty,

¹⁴⁵ Once Berenice was dead and he was left to his own devices, he spent lavishly in his daily lifestyle and gave endless gifts, mainly to Caesar’s freedmen, to win their help, so that he was soon reduced to poverty.

¹⁴⁶ καὶ τοῦτο ἦν κώλυμα τῆς ἐν διαίτης, καὶ ὁ τοῖς φίλοις τοῦ υἱέος τετελευτηκότος ἀπειπὼν φοιτᾶν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ, διὰ τὸ ἀνερεθίζεσθαι πρὸς τὸ λυπεῖσθαι μνημονεύων τοῦ παιδὸς θεωρίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων.

¹⁴⁶ This became a barrier to his life in Rome, especially since Tiberius, after the death of his son [Drusus], forbade his son's friends to come into his sight, for he felt his grief was provoked whenever he remembered his child by seeing his companions.

¹⁴⁶ and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his grief would thereby be revived.

¹⁴⁶ He could no longer afford to live in Rome, and Tiberius forbade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, for they reminded him of his son and only revived his grief.

¹⁴⁷ Διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τῆς πλέων ᾤχετο κακοπραγῶν καὶ τεταπεινωμένος ὀλέθρῳ τε ὧν εἶχεν χρημάτων καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ ἐκτίσοντος τὰ χρέα τοῖς δανεισταῖς πολλοῖς τε οὖσιν καὶ ἀλεωρὰν οὐδ᾽ ἡντινοῦν ἐνδιδοῦσιν, ὥστε ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ποιητέων καὶ αἰσχύνῃ τῇ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑποχωρήσας εἴς τινα πύργον ἐν Μαλάθοις τῆς ἐν περινοίᾳ τοῦ μεταστήσοντος αὑτὸν ἦν.

¹⁴⁷ For these reasons, he sailed for Judea, ruined and humiliated by the destruction of his wealth and his inability to pay his many creditors, who allowed him no refuge at all. In despair over what to do and overwhelmed by shame, he retreated to a certain tower in Malatha of Idumea, where he contemplated putting an end to his own life.

¹⁴⁷ For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil circumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave him no room for escaping them. Whereupon he knew not what to do; so, for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tower, at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself;

¹⁴⁷ For these reasons he left Rome and sailed to Judea in dire circumstances, depressed by the loss of his former wealth and without the money to pay his many creditors, and seeing no way to escape them. Not knowing what to do, and ashamed of his present condition, he retired to a tower at Malatha in Idumaea, and thought of killing himself.

¹⁴⁸ αἰσθάνεται δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν ἡ γυνὴ παντοία τε ἦν ἀπείργουσα τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις βουλευμάτων. διαπέμπεται δὲ καὶ ὡς τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ‎ Ἡρωδιάδα τῷ τετράρχῃ γράμματα, δηλοῦσα τό τε ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τοῦ προβουλεῦσαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀνάγκην, ἣ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ ἐξήγαγεν·

¹⁴⁸ His wife, Cypros, perceived his intention and used every means to keep him from such a resolution. She also sent letters to his sister, Herodias, who was married to Herod the Tetrarch [Antipas], revealing Agrippa's plans and the necessity that drove him to them.

¹⁴⁸ but his wife Cypros perceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course; so she sent a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa’s present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto,

¹⁴⁸ But his wife Cypros knew his mind and tried all sorts of ways to divert him from such a course. She wrote a letter to his sister Herodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, to tell her of Agrippa’s state and the need that drove him to it.

¹⁴⁹ ἐκέλευέν τε συγγενῆ οὖσαν βοηθεῖν θεωροῦσαν, ὡς αὐτὴ παντοίως ὡς κουφίζοι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ὁμοίων ἀφορμῶν. οἱ δὲ μεταπέμψαντες αὐτὸν οἰκητήριον ἀπέδειξαν καί τι καὶ ἀργύριον ὥρισαν εἰς τὴν‎ δίαιταν, ἀγορανομίᾳ τε τῆς ἐτίμησαν.

¹⁴⁹ She urged her, as a relative, to help, seeing how she herself was doing everything to support her husband despite their shared circumstances. They [Antipas and Herodias] sent for him, assigned him a residence in Tiberias, set aside a certain sum for his living expenses, and honoured him with the office of Agoranomos [Market Overseer] of Tiberias.

¹⁴⁹ and desired her, as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage her husband to do the same, since she saw how she alleviated these her husband’s troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habitation, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a magistrate of that city, by way of honor to him.

¹⁴⁹ She asked for her help as his relative, and to get her husband to do the same, seeing how she had helped her husband all she could, though without any wealth like theirs. They sent for him and gave him Tiberias as his dwelling, with money to maintain him and honouring him as mayor of Tiberias.

¹⁵⁰ οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πλεῖόν γε ἐνέμεινε τοῖς δεδογμένοις, καίτοι γε οὐδ᾽ ὣς ἀρκοῦντα ἦν· ἐν γὰρ παρὰ συνουσίαν ὑπὸ οἴνου γενομένων αὐτοῖς λοιδοριῶν, ἀνεκτὸν οὐχ ἡγησάμενος τοῦ τε ἐπονειδίσαντος εἰς ἀπορίαν καὶ τροφῆς ἀναγκαίας μετάδοσιν, ὡς Φλάκκον τὸν εἴσεισιν φίλον ἐπὶ τὰ μάλιστα αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρότερον· δὲ ἐν τῷ τότε διεῖπεν.

¹⁵⁰ However, Herod [Antipas] did not long abide by these arrangements, and even as they stood, they were insufficient. At Tyre, during a banquet where they had become heated with wine and insults were exchanged, Antipas reproached Agrippa for his poverty and for having to be provided with the necessities of life. Agrippa, finding this intolerable, went to Flaccus, a man of consular rank who had previously been his very close friend in Rome, and who was at that time the governor of Syria."

¹⁵⁰ Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his necessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria.

¹⁵⁰ But Herod did not continue long in his resolve to support him, though even that was insufficient for him. Once they were drinking at a feast in Tyre and insults were exchanged, Agrippa found it unbearable when Herod reproached him with his poverty and with owing his very food to him. So he went to Flaccus, who had been consul and had formerly been a great friend to him in Rome and was now ruler of Syria.

The High Cost of Roman "Amicitia"
Agrippa’s poverty was not just due to "partying"; it was a calculated (but failed) political investment. In the Roman world, "ἀπελευθέρους" (freedmen) often held the real keys to imperial power. Agrippa’s attempt to buy influence with Tiberius's inner circle is a classic example of the expensive "subscription fee" required to stay relevant in the Julio-Claudian court.

The Trauma of Tiberius
Josephus provides a poignant psychological detail about the Emperor. After the death of his son Drusus (who was poisoned by Sejanus in 23 CE), Tiberius could not bear to see Drusus’s friends. This "banishment of the companions" turned Agrippa from a privileged insider into a social pariah, forcing his retreat to the periphery of the Empire.

Malatha: The Low Point
The retreat to Malatha in Idumea (the ancestral home of the Herodians) represents the absolute nadir of Agrippa's life. Contemplating suicide in a desert tower is a far cry from the palaces of Rome. It highlights the dramatic "wheel of fortune" theme that Josephus loves to emphasize.

The Power of the Herodian Women
The narrative is driven by women: Berenice (who provided the initial Roman connections), Cypros (who prevented his suicide), and Herodias (who secured his relief). In the Herodian world, while the men fought for titles, the women often managed the social and survival networks that kept the family from total collapse.

The "Agoranomos" Insult
Antipas appointed Agrippa as the "ἀγορανομίᾳ" (Agoranomos) of Tiberias. In a Greek city, the Agoranomos was a respectable magistrate in charge of markets, weights, and measures. However, for a man who had been the companion of the heir to the Roman Empire, being a local "market inspector" in a provincial Galilean town was a profound humiliation. Antipas's drunken insult at Tyre—reminding Agrippa that he was essentially a "charity case"—shows the deep-seated sibling rivalry between the two.

¹⁵¹ Καὶ δεξαμένου Φλάκκου παρὰ τούτῳ διῆγεν παρακατεσχηκότος αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ , ὃς ἀδελφὸς ὢν διάφορός τ᾽ ἦν. οὐ μὴν ἐβλάπτοντο ἔχθρᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων, ὥστε μὴ φιλίᾳ τοῦ τὰ εἰκότα τιμὴν φέρεσθαι.

¹⁵¹ "Flaccus received him, and Agrippa lived with him there, though his brother Aristobulus was also present and was at odds with him. Nevertheless, they did not let their mutual enmity prevent Agrippa from receiving the honour due to him because of his friendship with the proconsul.

¹⁵¹ Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed Agrippa’s brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both, but still they were honorably treated by him.

¹⁵¹ He was amiably received by Flaccus and stayed with him. Another guest there was Aristobulus, Agrippa’s brother, with whom he on bad terms, but their mutual hostility did not prevent him treating them both with friendship and honour.

¹⁵² οὐ μὴν ὅ γε ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus ἀνίει τι τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa δυσμενοῦς μέχρι καὶ εἰς ἔχθραν αὐτὸν Φλάκκῳ καθίστησιν, αἰτίαν τοιαύτην ἐπὶ τῇ δυσμενείᾳ παραλαβών.	¹⁵² However, Aristobulus did not let up in his ill-will toward Agrippa until he finally set him at variance with Flaccus, seizing upon the following pretext for his malice:
¹⁵² However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this:	¹⁵² Aristobulus did not cease being unpleasant to Agrippa until he brought him into enmity with Flaccus, and this was the cause of their estrangement.

¹⁵³ Σιδωνίοις περὶ διάφοροι καθεστῶτες, μέλλοντος Φλάκκου περὶ τούτων ἀκροᾶσθαι μαθόντες τὸν ὡς παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγα δύναιτ᾽ ἂν ἠξίουν μερίδος τῆς αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, ἀργύριόν τε πλεῖστον ὡμολογεῖτο αὐτῷ.

¹⁵³ The people of Damascus and Sidon were in a dispute over their borders. Learning that Flaccus was about to hear the case and knowing that Agrippa had great influence with him, the Damascenes entreated him to take their side, promising him a vast sum of money.

¹⁵³ The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mighty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favor promised him a great deal of money;

¹⁵³ The Damascenes had a border quarrel with the Sidonians and when Flaccus was about to hear their case, they learned that Agrippa had great influence with him, so they got him to take their side, with the promise of a lot of money.

¹⁵⁴ καὶ ὁ μὲν πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῶν ὥρμητο πράσσειν. δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν αὐτὸν ἡ ὁμολογία τῶν χρημάτων, καταγορεύει πρὸς τὸν Φλάκκον. Καὶ βασανιζομένου τοῦ πράγματος ἐπεὶ φανερὰ ἦν, ἐξωθεῖ τὸν φιλίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν.

¹⁵⁴ Agrippa set himself to do everything in his power to help the Damascenes. But Aristobulus, who was not unaware of the agreement regarding the money, reported the matter to Flaccus. When the affair was investigated and found to be true, Flaccus cast Agrippa out of his friendship.

¹⁵⁴ so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examination of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends.

¹⁵⁴ So he gladly did all he could to help the Damascenes, but Aristobulus learned about the promised money and accused him of it to Flaccus, who fully examined the matter and found it to be the case, and no longer numbered Agrippa among his friends.

¹⁵⁵ ὁ δὲ εἰς ὑστάτην περιωσμένος ἀπορίαν εἰς παρῆν, καὶ κατὰ τὸ τῆς ἀλλαχόθι διαίτης γνώμην ἐποιεῖτο ἐπὶ τῆς πλεῖν. εἰργόμενος δὲ χρημάτων ἀπορίᾳ ἠξίου Μαρσύαν ὄντα αὐτοῦ‎ ἀπελεύθερον ποριστὴν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μηχανῶν δανεισάμενον παρά τινος.

¹⁵⁵ Pushed to the utmost extremity of poverty, Agrippa went to Ptolemais; and because of the impossibility of living anywhere else, he resolved to sail for Italy. Since he was hindered by a lack of funds, he requested Marsyas, his freedman, to find some way of raising money by borrowing from someone.

¹⁵⁵ So he was reduced to the utmost necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a livelihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of money, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-man, to find some method for procuring him so much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other.

¹⁵⁵ So he was reduced to the utmost penury and came to Ptolemais. Then not knowing where else to get a livelihood, he wanted to sail to Italy, but as he could not do so for lack of money, he asked Marsyas, his freedman, to find the means for that purpose, by borrowing the money from somebody.

¹⁵⁶ καὶ ὁ Μαρσύας Πρῶτον κελεύει ὄντα ἀπελεύθερον τῆς μητρός, διαθήκης δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου δικαίῳ ὑποτελοῦντα τῆς , αὐτῷ γοῦν παρασχεῖν ἐπὶ γράμματι καὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ‎.

¹⁵⁶ Marsyas turned to Protos, a freedman of Agrippa’s mother Berenice, who had been left under the patronage of Antonia by the terms of Berenice's will, and asked him to provide the money upon Agrippa's bond and credit.

¹⁵⁶ So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa’s mother, and by the right of her testament was bequeathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrippa’s own bond and security;

¹⁵⁶ Marsyas asked Protos, the freedman of Agrippa’s mother Berenice, who bequeathed him in her will to Antonia, to lend the sum, on a personal bond of security.

¹⁵⁷ ὁ δέ, ἐπεκάλει γὰρ τῷ χρημάτων τινῶν ἀποστέρησιν, ἀναγκάζει τὸν Μαρσύαν δύο μυριάδων Ἀτθίδων συμβόλαιον πεντακοσίαις καὶ δισχιλίαις ἔλασσον λαμβάνειν. συνεχώρει δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ποιεῖν.

¹⁵⁷ Protos, however, accused Agrippa of having previously defrauded him of certain funds, and he forced Marsyas to sign for a loan of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, while actually receiving two thousand five hundred less [as interest or a fee]. Marsyas consented because there was no other choice.

¹⁵⁷ but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Marsyas, when he made the bond of twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachma as less than what he desired, which the other allowed of, because he could not help it.

¹⁵⁷ He, however, accused Agrippa of defrauding him of certain sums of money and so obliged Marsyas, when he signed the bond for twenty thousand Attic drachmae, to accept twenty-five hundred drachma less, to which the other agreed having no other option.

¹⁵⁸ εἰλημμένου δὲ τοῦ χρήματος τούτου εἰς Ἀννίβαν παραγενόμενος καὶ λαβὼν ναῦν ἐν ἀναγωγαῖς ἦν. Καὶ γνοὺς Ἐρέννιος Καπίτων ὁ τῆς ἐπίτροπος πέμπει στρατιώτας, οἳ εἰσπράξονται αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου τριάκοντα μυριάδας θησαυρῷ τῷ ὀφειλομένας ἐπὶ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎, ἀνάγκας τε ἐπετίθεσαν τοῦ μενοῦντος.

¹⁵⁸ Having obtained this money, Agrippa went to Anthedon, took a ship, and was ready to set sail. But Herennius Capito, the procurator of Jamnia, having discovered this, sent soldiers to collect from him three hundred thousand pieces of silver that he owed to the Imperial Treasury in Rome; they placed him under arrest to ensure he remained.

¹⁵⁸ Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took shipping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hundred thousand drachmae of silver, which were by him owing to Caesar’s treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay.

¹⁵⁸ On receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon and was about to set sail when Herennius Capito, the procurator of Jamnia, sent a band of soldiers to get from him the three hundred thousand silver drachmae that he owed to Caesar’s treasury in Rome, so forcing him to stay.

¹⁵⁹ καὶ τότε μὲν πείσεσθαι τοῖς κεκελευσμένοις προσποιητὸς ἦν, νυκτὸς δ᾽ κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια ᾤχετο ἐπ᾽ πλέων. ἔνθα δεῖται τοῦ μυριάδας εἴκοσι δάνειον αὐτῷ δοῦναι. ὁ δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη παρασχεῖν, δὲ οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τήν τε φιλανδρίαν αὐτῆς καταπεπληγμένος καὶ τὴν‎ λοιπὴν ἅπασαν ἀρετήν.

¹⁵⁹ At that time, Agrippa pretended he would obey the orders, but when night came, he cut the anchor cables and fled, sailing toward Alexandria. There, he begged Alexander the Alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand [drachmae]. Alexander said he would not lend to Agrippa himself, but he did not refuse Cypros, being struck by her devotion to her husband and her other virtues.

¹⁵⁹ He then pretended that he would do as he bid him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexandria, where he desired Alexander the alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cypros, as greatly astonished at her affection to her husband, and at the other instances of her virtue;

¹⁵⁹ He pretended to follow this order, but when night came he cut the cables and left and sailed to Alexandria, where he asked Alexander the Alabarch to lend him two hundred thousand drachmae. He refused to lend it to him, but said that he would not refuse it to Cypros, impressed by her love for her husband and other examples of her virtue.

¹⁶⁰ ἡ δὲ ὑπισχνεῖτο, καὶ ὁ πέντε τάλαντα αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ δοὺς τὸ λοιπὸν ἐν γενομένοις παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο, δεδιὼς τοῦ τὸ εἰς τὰ ἕτοιμον. Καὶ μὲν ἀπαλλάξασα τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπὶ τῆς πλευσούμενον αὐτὴ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐπὶ ἀνέζευξεν.

¹⁶⁰ She gave her guarantee, and Alexander gave them five talents in Alexandria, promising to provide the rest once they reached Puteoli (Dicaearchia), for he feared Agrippa's readiness to squander money. So Cypros, having sent off her husband to sail for Italy, returned to Judea with her children."

¹⁶⁰ so she undertook to repay it. Accordingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them the rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli]; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cypros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea.

¹⁶⁰ She undertook to repay it and so Alexander gave them five talents in Alexandria and promised them the rest at Dicaearchea, in case Agrippa was getting ready to spend it. So Cypros bailed her husband out and sent him off on his voyage to Italy, while she and her children left for Judea.

The Damascus Bribery Scandal
This incident shows that Agrippa was essentially acting as a lobbyist. In the Roman provincial system, access to the governor was a commodity. Agrippa’s downfall here was not the bribe itself—which was common practice—แต่ the fact that his own brother, Aristobulus, "snitched" on him. This highlights the visceral, nearly fratricidal hatred that plagued the Herodian family.

The Predatory Loan of Protos
The financial details here are remarkably specific. Agrippa is so "toxic" a borrower that even his mother's former slave, Protos, refuses to give him the full amount of the loan, deducting 12.5% upfront as a "risk fee" or to settle old debts. This is the ancient equivalent of a "payday loan"—a sign that Agrippa had reached the absolute bottom of the social ladder.

The Escape from Jamnia (Ἡ Ἰαμνεία)
Herennius Capito was the Roman official in charge of the imperial estates in Jamnia. Agrippa’s debt to the "θησαυρῷ τῷ Καίσαρος" (Imperial Treasury) was likely the result of his unpaid living expenses or failed investments in Rome years earlier. His escape by "κόψας τὰ ἀπόγεια" (cutting the moorings/cables) at night shows a man willing to become a fugitive from Roman law to reach the capital and gamble one last time on his friendship with the imperial family.

Alexander the Alabarch: The Jewish Financier
Alexander the Alabarch was one of the wealthiest Jews in the world, in charge of customs in Alexandria and a major benefactor of the Temple. His refusal to lend to Agrippa personally is a "vote of no confidence" in Agrippa’s financial discipline. Instead, he trusts Cypros. Once again, the "φιλανδρίαν" (devotion to her husband) of Agrippa’s wife is the only thing standing between him and ruin.

Dicaearchia (Puteoli): The Gateway to Rome
Alexander’s decision to pay the rest of the loan in Dicaearchia (modern Puteoli near Naples) was a brilliant move. Puteoli was the primary grain port for Rome. By withholding the bulk of the cash until Agrippa reached Italy, Alexander ensured that Agrippa wouldn't spend the entire loan on the voyage itself.

¹⁶¹ δὲ εἰς παραβαλὼν ἐπιστολὴν ὡς τὸν γράφει διαιτώμενον ἐν Καπρέαις, παρουσίαν τε τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ δηλῶν ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ καὶ ὄψει τῇ ἐκείνου, καὶ ἀξιῶν ἔφεσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι εἰς Καπρέας παραβαλεῖν.

¹⁶¹ "When Agrippa arrived at Puteoli (Potioli), he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who was then living on Capri (Capreae), announcing his arrival to pay his respects and to see him, and requesting permission to come over to Capri.

¹⁶¹ And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that he was come so far in order to wait on him, and to pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come over to Caprein:

¹⁶¹ Agrippa came to Puteoli, where he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived in Capri, telling him that he had come so far to pay him a visit and see him, and asked his permission to come over to Capri.

¹⁶² δὲ οὐδὲν ἐνδοιάσας τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ γράφει φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρώμενος, ἐκτίνει τε χάριν ἀποσημαίνων ἐπὶ τῷ σῶν ἐπανήκειν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀφικνεῖται μηδὲν ὑφελὼν τοῦ ἐν τοῖς γράμμασι προθύμου ἠσπάζετό τε καὶ ἐξένιζεν.

¹⁶² Tiberius, without any hesitation, wrote back to him with great kindness; he expressed his pleasure at his safe return and welcomed him to Capri. When Agrippa arrived, the Emperor showed no less enthusiasm than his letter had promised, embracing him and offering him hospitality.

¹⁶² so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe return, and desired him to come to Capreae; and when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do.

¹⁶² Without hesitation Tiberius wrote courteously to him, saying he was glad of his safe return and inviting him to come to Capri, and when he arrived he did not fail to welcome him as kindly as he had promised in his letter.

¹⁶³ τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς γραμμάτων αὐτῷ παρὰ Ἐρεννίου Καπίτωνος ἀφικομένων, ὅτι μυριάδας τριάκοντα δάνεισμα ποιήσας καὶ πρὸς τὰς καταβολὰς ἐκλιπὼν χρόνον τὸν συγκείμενον γενομένης οἴχοιτο φυγὰς ἐκ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ χωρίων ἄκυρον αὐτὸν καθιστὰς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσπραξομένῳ ἐξουσίας,

¹⁶³ However, on the following day, a letter reached the Caesar from Herennius Capito, stating that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand [drachmae], and having failed to pay it back at the agreed time, he had fled from the territories under Capito's jurisdiction when payment was demanded, thereby rendering Capito’s authority to collect the debt null and void.

¹⁶³ But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to inform him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not pad it at the time appointed; but when it was demanded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him.

¹⁶³ But the next day Caesar got a letter from Herennius Capito, saying that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae and not repaid it when it fell due, and when it was demanded, escaped like a fugitive from his jurisdiction, making it impossible to get the money back.

¹⁶⁴ ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν περιαλγεῖ τε ὁ καὶ διάκλεισιν γενέσθαι τῷ κελεύει εἰσόδων τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄχρι δὴ καταβολῆς τοῦ χρέους. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν τῇ ὀργῇ τοῦ καταπλαγεὶς δεῖται μητρὸς καὶ τοῦ ὕστερον γενομένου , δάνεισμα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι τῶν τριάκοντα μυριάδων, ὡς φιλίας μὴ ἁμάρτοι τῆς πρὸς .

¹⁶⁴ When the Caesar read this letter, he was deeply vexed and ordered that Agrippa be barred from his presence until the debt was paid. Agrippa, not at all terrified by the Caesar's anger, entreated Antonia—the mother of Germanicus and of Claudius (who later became Caesar)—to lend him the three hundred thousand so that he might not lose the friendship of Tiberius.

¹⁶⁴ When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar’s anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, and of Claudius, who was afterward Caesar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be deprived of Tiberius’s friendship;

¹⁶⁴ When Caesar read this letter, he was irritated and had Agrippa excluded from his presence until he paid off the debt. But undaunted by Caesar’s anger, he begged Antonia, the mother of Germanicus and Claudius, the future emperor, to lend him the three hundred thousand drachmae, so as not to be deprived of Tiberius' friendship.

¹⁶⁵ ἡ δὲ τε μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ‎, σφόδρα γὰρ ἀλλήλαις ἐχρῶντο αἵδε αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ αὐτῷ ὁμοτροφίας πρὸς τοὺς ἀμφὶ γεγενημένης, δίδωσι τὸ ἀργύριον, καὶ αὐτῷ ἀποτίσαντι τὸ χρέος ἀνεπικώλυτος ἦν ἡ φιλία τοῦ .

¹⁶⁵ Antonia, both out of memory of his mother Berenice (for these women had been very close) and because Agrippa had been brought up with the circle of Claudius, provided the money. Once he had paid the debt, his friendship with Tiberius was restored without hindrance.

¹⁶⁵ so, out of regard to the memory of Bernice his mother, (for those two women were very familiar with one another,) and out of regard to his and Claudius’s education together, she lent him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius’s friendship to him.

¹⁶⁵ Out of regard to the memory of his mother Berenice, for the two women had been great friends, and remembering how he and Claudius were educated together, she lent him the money; and once his debt was paid, there was nothing further to bar him from friendship with Tiberius.

¹⁶⁶ αὖθις δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ συνίστησιν υἱωνὸν τὸν αὐτοῦ‎ κελεύων τὰ πάντα αὐτῷ ταῖς ἐξόδοις παρατυγχάνειν. δὲ φιλίᾳ δεχθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς κατὰ θεραπείαν τρέπεται τὴν‎ υἱωνοῦ τε ὄντος αὐτῇ καὶ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὰ πρῶτα τιμωμένου.

¹⁶⁶ Furthermore, Tiberius Caesar commended his own grandson [Tiberius Gemellus] to him, commanding Agrippa to attend to him on all his excursions. But Agrippa, having been received into the friendship of Antonia, turned instead to the service of Gaius [Caligula], who was also her grandson and was held in the highest honour because of the popular affection for his father [Germanicus].

¹⁶⁶ After this, Tiberius Caesar recommended to him his grandson, and ordered that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. But upon Agrippa’s kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grandson, and in very high reputation by reason of the good-will they bare his father.

¹⁶⁶ Tiberius Caesar then commended his grandson to him, saying that he should always accompany him when he went abroad. After being received in friendship by Antonia, Agrippa went to pay his respects to her grandson Gaius, who was in high repute because of people’s goodwill toward his father.

¹⁶⁷ καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλος Σαμαρεὺς γένος δὲ ἀπελεύθερος· παρὰ τούτου δάνεισμα μυριάδας ἑκατὸν εὑρόμενος τῇ τε καταβάλλει τὸ ὀφειληθὲν χρέος καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τῷ ἀναλώματι θεραπεύων τὸν μειζόνως ἐν ἀξιώματι ἦν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ.

¹⁶⁷ Now, there was another man, a Samaritan by race but a freedman of Caesar; having obtained a loan of one million [drachmae] from him, Agrippa repaid the debt he owed to Antonia and spent the remainder on his own expenses, cultivating the favour of Gaius so that he rose to a position of even greater dignity with him."

¹⁶⁷ Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar, of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the overplus in paying his court to Caius, became a person of great authority with him.

¹⁶⁷ From a Samaritan freedman of Caesar he borrowed a million drachmae and from it repaid his debt to Antonia and by sending the rest in paying court to Gaius, gained great influence with him.

The Island of Capri (Καπρέαις)
By this point in his reign (c. 36 CE), Tiberius had permanently withdrawn to the Villa Jovis on Capri. He was isolated, paranoid, and ruled through letters. Agrippa’s successful request to visit shows he still carried the "prestige" of his youth, even if his pockets were empty.

Antonia Minor: The Kingmaker
Antonia is the unsung hero of this era. As the daughter of Mark Antony and the mother of the beloved Germanicus, she was the moral anchor of the imperial family. Her intervention here is not just "charity"; it is a political investment. By paying Agrippa’s debt, she ensures that a loyal family friend is placed near her grandsons, Gemellus and Gaius.

The "Betrayal" of Gemellus
Tiberius gives Agrippa a specific job: look after his grandson and heir, Tiberius Gemellus. Agrippa, ever the shrewd political gambler, realizes that Gemellus is young and politically weak. Instead, he focuses his "θεραπείαν" (service/cultivation) on Gaius Caligula. This move is brilliant but dangerous; it aligns Agrippa with the future, but insults the current Emperor’s direct lineage.

The Million-Drachmae Gamble
Agrippa’s financial situation remains "colourful." He uses a loan from a Samaritan freedman to pay back Antonia. The fact that a freedman could lend one million drachmae (100 talents) highlights the immense wealth held by the imperial bureaucracy. Agrippa is essentially "refinancing" his life, using his new imperial proximity as collateral for even larger loans.

¹⁶⁸ Προιούσης δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα τῷ τῆς πρὸς φιλίας αἰωρουμένοις ποτὲ λόγος περὶ τοῦ γίνεται, καὶ τοῦ κατ᾽ εὐχὰς τραπομένου, μόνω δ᾽ ἤστην, ᾗ τάχος ὑπεκστάντα τῆς ἀρχῆς Γαίῳ παραχωρεῖν ἀξιωτέρῳ τὰ πάντα ὄντι, τούτων ἀκροᾶται τῶν λόγων Εὔτυχος, δ᾽ ἦν ἀπελεύθερος ἡνίοχος, καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν σιγῇ παρεδίδου.

¹⁶⁸ "As the friendship between Agrippa and Gaius grew great, they were once riding together when the conversation turned to Tiberius. Agrippa, in a prayerful mood—the two of them being alone—expressed the wish that Tiberius would soon depart from this life and leave the government to Gaius, who was worthy of it in every respect. Eutychus, Agrippa’s freedman and charioteer, overheard these words but kept silent at the time.

¹⁶⁸ Now as the friendship which Agrippa had for Caius was come to a great height, there happened some words to pass between them, as they once were in a chariot together, concerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to God] (for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius might soon go off the stage, and leave the government to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, who was Agrippa’s freed-man, and drove his chariot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them;

¹⁶⁸ While the friendship of Agrippa with Gaius was at its height, as they were in a chariot together some words once passed between them about Tiberius. Agrippa prayed, for they were in private, that Tiberius might soon leave the stage and pass the leadership to Gaius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now Eutychus, Agrippa’s freedman who drove his chariot, heard these words and said nothing about them at that time.

¹⁶⁹ κλοπῆς δὲ ἱματίων αὐτῷ τοῦ ἐπικαλουμένης, καὶ ἀκριβῶς δὲ ἐκεκλόφει, φυγὼν καὶ ληφθεὶς ἀγωγῆς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ γενομένης, ὃς ἦν φύλαξ τῆς πόλεως, ἐρομένου τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τῆς φυγῆς φησιν ἀπορρήτους ἔχειν λόγους εἰπεῖν ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ τῆς σωτηρίας αὐτοῦ‎ φέροντας, ὥστε δήσας αὐτὸν ἔστελλεν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας, καὶ τῷ αὑτοῦ τρόπῳ χρώμενος εἶχεν αὐτὸν δέσμιον, μελλητὴς εἰ καί τις ἕτερος βασιλέων ἢ τυράννων γενόμενος.

¹⁶⁹ However, when Eutychus was later accused by Agrippa of stealing some clothes—and indeed he had stolen them—he fled. Upon being captured and brought before Piso, the prefect of the city, he was asked the reason for his flight. He claimed he had secret information to tell the Caesar concerning the Emperor's safety. Piso therefore bound him and sent him to Capri. Tiberius, following his usual habit, kept him in chains, for he was a procrastinator beyond any other king or tyrant who ever lived.

¹⁶⁹ but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, (which was certainly true,) he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asked why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation: so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so;

¹⁶⁹ But later, when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his, which was certainly true, he fled, and when he was caught and brought before Piso, the city prefect, and he was asked why he ran away, the man replied that he had something to say to Caesar, about his security and safety. So Piso bound him and sent him to Capri, but Tiberius, in his usual way, kept him in chains, being a procrastinator, if ever any king or tyrant was.

¹⁷⁰ οὔτε γὰρ πρεσβειῶν ὑποδοχὰς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐποιεῖτο ἡγεμόσι τε ἢ ἐπιτρόποιςmanager ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ σταλεῖσιν οὐδεμία ἦν διαδοχή, ὁπότεwhen μὴ φθαῖεν τετελευτηκότες· ὅθεν καὶ δεσμωτῶν ἀκροάσεως ἀπερίοπτος ἦν.	¹⁷⁰ He did not receive embassies promptly, nor was there any succession for the governors or procurators he had sent out unless they happened to die; consequently, he was equally negligent in hearing the cases of prisoners.
¹⁷⁰ for he did not admit ambassadors quickly, and no successors were despatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of prisoners;	¹⁷⁰ He was slow to admit envoys and no successors were dispatched to replace officers or procurators sent by him earlier, until they died, and was negligent in hearing the cases of prisoners.

¹⁷¹ ὥστε καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐρομένων τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ὁλκῇ χρωμένου, ἔφη τὰς μὲν πρεσβείας τρίβειν, ὅπως μὴ ἀπαλλαγῆς αὐταῖς ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος γενομένης ἕτεροι πρέσβεις ἐπιχειροτονηθέντες ἐπανίοιεν ὄχλος τε αὐτῷ γίγνοιτο ἐπιδοχαῖς αὐτῶν καὶ πομπαῖς προσκειμένῳ.

¹⁷¹ When his friends asked the reason for this lingering delay, he said he delayed embassies so that, if they were dismissed quickly, new ambassadors would not immediately be elected to return and burden him with a constant crowd to receive and escort.

¹⁷¹ insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission:

¹⁷¹ When asked by his friends the reason for such delay he said that he postponed giving audience to envoys in case, if they were sent home quickly, other envoys would be sent and come back upon him, and so he would give himself the trouble of publicly receiving and dismissing them.

¹⁷² τὰς δ᾽ ἀρχὰς συγχωρεῖν τοῖς ἅπαξ εἰς αὐτὰς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καταστᾶσιν αἰδοῦς προμηθείᾳ τῶν ὑποτελῶν· φύσει μὲν γὰρ εἶναι πᾶσαν ἡγεμονίαν οἰκείαν τοῦ πλεονεκτεῖν· τὰς δὲ μὴ πατρίους, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ὀλίγον καὶ ἄδηλον ἀφαιρεθεῖεν καὶ μειζόνως ἐξοτρύνειν ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς τοὺς ἔχοντας.

¹⁷² As for the governors, he said he allowed those once appointed to remain out of consideration for the subjects. For he believed that all authority is naturally inclined toward greed; but those whose authority is not ancestral, but held only for a brief and uncertain time, are spurred on to even greater thefts.

¹⁷² that he permitted those governors who had been sent once to their government [to stay there a long while], out of regard to the subjects that were under them; for that all governors are naturally disposed to get as much as they can; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people;

¹⁷² As for the governors, once they were sent to their office he left them there, out of regard for those subject to them, because all governors are naturally avaricious, and those who are not long term, but are on a short term basis, uncertain of when they will lose office, are in more of a hurry to fleece the people.

¹⁷³ εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐφεστήκασιν εἰς πλέον, αὐτοὺς ἄδην τῶν κλοπῶν ἕξειν ὑπὸ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῶν κεκερδημένων ἀμβλυτέρως τὸ λοιπὸν αὐταῖς χρωμένους. διαδοχῆς δ᾽ ἐπιπαραγενομένης ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μηδαμῶς ἂν ἀρκέσαι τοὺς ἆθλα τοῖς ἄρχουσι προκειμένους ἀναστροφῆς αὐτοῖς οὐ διδομένης καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς πλήρεις οἱ προειληφότες γενόμενοι ὑποδιδοῖέν τε σπουδῆς τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ λαμβάνειν, διὰ τὸ πρὶν ἐν καιρῷ γενέσθαι μεταστῆναι.

¹⁷³ If, however, they remain in office longer, they become sated with their plunder and, having gained much, they become more sluggish in their pursuit of it thereafter. But if a rapid succession of new men should arrive, those who are offered as prizes to the governors would never suffice, since no time is given for the previous ones to be filled and to slacken their eagerness to take, before they are removed.

¹⁷³ but that if their government be long continued to them; they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that if successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones, while they shall not have the same time allowed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grew more unconcerned about getting more; and this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions].

¹⁷³ If however, their rule is to be long-term, they are finally sated with the spoils once they have amassed a vast deal and so grow less sharp in doing it. If successors are sent quickly, the poor subjects on whom they prey will not be able to bear the new ones, who feel they have not as much time available, whereas their predecessors who are already sated are unconcerned about getting more, they won't have time to do so before their term is ended.

¹⁷⁴ παράδειγμά τε αὐτοῖς φησι τοῦτον τὸν λόγον· τραυματίᾳ τινὶ κειμένῳ μυῖαι κατὰ πλῆθος τὰς ὠτειλὰς περιέστασαν. καί τις τῶν παρατυχόντων οἰκτείρας αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν καὶ νομίσας ἀδυναμίᾳ μὴ βοηθεῖν οἷός τ᾽ ἦν ἀποσοβεῖν αὐτὰς παραστάς.

¹⁷⁴ He offered them this parable: A wounded man lay on the ground, and a great swarm of flies settled around his sores. A passer-by, pitying his misfortune and thinking he was unable to help himself, stood over him and tried to shoo the flies away.

¹⁷⁴ He gave them an example to show his meaning: A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wounded; upon which one of the standers-by pitied the man’s misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive those flies away himself, was going to drive them away for him;

¹⁷⁴ He gave them an example to illustrate his point. Many flies came around the infected parts of a wounded man, so one of the bystanders pitied the man’s misfortune and thinking he was unable to drive those flies away, and wanted to drive them away for him.

¹⁷⁵ καὶ δεομένου παύσασθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε, ὑπολαβὼν ἤρετο τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ ἀπρομηθοῦς εἰς τὴν‎ διαφυγὴν κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος. " μειζόνως γὰρ ἂν ἀδικοῖς με, εἶπε, ταύτας ἀπαγαγών. ταῖς μέν γε ἤδη πληρωθείσαις τοῦ αἵματος οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως ἔπειξις ὄχλον μοι παρασχεῖν, ἀλλά πῃ καὶ ἀνίσχουσιν. αἱ δ᾽ ἀκραιφνεῖ τῷ κατ᾽ αὐτὰς λιμῷ συνελθοῦσαι καὶ τετρυμένον ἤδη παραλαμβάνουσαι κἂν ὀλέθρῳ παραδοῖεν.

¹⁷⁵ But the wounded man begged him to stop. When the passer-by asked why he would not want to be rid of such a plague, the man replied: 'You would do me a greater injury by driving these away. For these, being already full of blood, do not press me so hard nor cause such a disturbance, but even hold back a little. But if fresh ones come with their keen hunger and find me already exhausted, they would deliver me to my death.'

¹⁷⁵ but he prayed him to let them alone: the other, by way of reply, asked him the reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which he answered, "If thou drivest these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse; for as these are already full of my blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are somewhat more remiss, while the fresh ones that come almost famished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction.

¹⁷⁵ But he implored him to let them alone, and when the other asked him the reason for such an odd thing, for not letting him relieve his distress, he answered, "If you drive these flies away you will do me more harm, for as these are already full of my blood, they do not pester or pain me as much as before, but are taking it easy, while the fresh hungry ones that would come and find me already so worn out, would destroy me."

¹⁷⁶ διὰ τάδε οὖν καὐτὸς ὑπὸ πολλῶν τῶν κλοπῶν διεφθαρμένοις τοῖς ὑποτελέσιν προμηθὲς εἶναι μὴ συνεχὲς ἐξαποστέλλειν τοὺς ἡγησομένους, οἳ ἐν τρόπῳ μυιῶν ἐκπολεμοῖεν αὐτούς, φύσει πρὸς κέρδος ὀρωρεγμένοις σύμμαχον παραλαμβάνοντες τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα τοῦ ταχέως ἀφαιρεθησομένου τὴν‎ ἐνθένδε ἡδονήν.

¹⁷⁶ For this reason, Tiberius said, it was a precaution for his subjects, who were already ruined by many thefts, not to constantly send out new governors who would war against them like flies—men who, being naturally greedy for gain, find their desire for pleasure doubled by the expectation that they will soon be removed.

¹⁷⁶ For this cause, therefore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, further distress them; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this additional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it."

¹⁷⁶ So that is why I take care not to always send new governors to my subjects who are oppressed enough already, for like these flies they would add to their distress. Their natural desire would be further incited if they expected at any moment to be deprived of the enjoyment of it."

¹⁷⁷ μαρτυρήσει δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ περὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις φύσεως τὸ ἔργον αὐτό· ἔτη γὰρ δύο πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσιν αὐτοκράτωρ γενόμενος δύο τοὺς πάντας ἐξέπεμψεν διοικήσοντας τὸ ἔθνος, Γρᾶτον τε καὶ , ὃς αὐτῷ διεδέξατο τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν.

¹⁷⁷ The facts themselves bear witness to this nature of Tiberius: though he was Emperor for twenty-two years, he sent only two men in all that time to govern the Jewish nation—Gratus, and Pilate who succeeded him.

¹⁷⁷ And, as a further attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate.

¹⁷⁷ As further proof of what I say about the languid nature of Tiberius, let me point to this: although he was emperor for twenty-two years, he sent in all only two procurators to govern the Jewish nation, Gratus and his successor as governor, Pilate.

¹⁷⁸ καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ μὲν τοιοῦτος ἦν, ἑτεροῖος δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑπηκόων. ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν δεσμωτῶν τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀκροάσεως ἀπεσήμαινεν ὑπὸ τοῦ δικαιωθεῖσι μὲν θανάτῳ κούφισιν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐνεστηκότων κακῶν, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ᾽ ἀρετῇ τῶν ἐπὶ τοιούτοις τύχῃ συνελθεῖν, τριβομένοις δὲ ἀχθηδόνι τῇ ἐπικειμένῃ μείζονα προσρέπειν τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν.

¹⁷⁸ Nor was he this way only toward the Jews, but toward all his other subjects. Even the excessive delay in hearing the cases of prisoners he explained by saying that for those justly condemned to death, a quick execution would be a relief from their present evils, whereas by lingering in their distress, their misfortune would be made even heavier."

¹⁷⁸ Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to the rest of his subjects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die would be an alleviation of their present miseries, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any such favor; "but I do it, that, by being harassed with the present calamity, they may undergo greater misery."

¹⁷⁸ In this he treated the Jews no differently from the rest of his subjects. About his delay in hearing the cases of prisoners, he explained that an early execution would mean shorter suffering for those who must be condemned to die, and those wretches have not deserved any such favour. The delay means that they would suffer even more, faced with their impending doom.

The "Fly" Parable (Ἡ Παραβολή)
This is one of the most celebrated metaphors in ancient political literature. It paints a bleak, cynical picture of Roman provincial administration. Tiberius does not deny that his governors are corrupt; he simply argues that a "full" parasite is better than a "hungry" one. To the provincials in Judea, this meant they were stuck with Pontius Pilate for ten long years—not because Tiberius liked him, but because Tiberius was "protecting" them from someone potentially worse.

The Charioteer's Revenge
Agrippa’s downfall comes from a classic source: the "ἀπελευθέρος" (freedman). Eutychus, as a charioteer, occupied a position of extreme physical proximity to his master. The carriage was the one place Agrippa thought he was safe to speak treason. This serves as a stark reminder that in the ancient world, "private" conversations were rarely private if servants were present.

Tiberius the "Procrastinator" (Μελλητὴς)
Josephus uses the word mellētēs to describe Tiberius. While other historians (like Tacitus) attribute Tiberius’s delays to his indecisive nature or his "dark" moods, Josephus provides a remarkably logical—if cold-blooded—justification for it. This suggests that the image of the "Old Man on the Island" was not just one of senility, but of a very specific, weary political philosophy.

Administrative Stability in Judea
Josephus notes that in twenty-two years, only two governors were sent to Judea: Valerius Gratus (15–26 CE) and Pontius Pilate (26–36 CE). This provides an essential chronological framework for the New Testament period. It explains why the political landscape of the Gospels feels so static—the same Roman face had been looking down from the Antonia for a decade.

The Cruelty of Mercy
Tiberius’s reasoning for keeping prisoners in chains is chillingly sophisticated. He claims that by not executing them, he is actually increasing their punishment. To a Roman mind, the "relief" of death was a mercy; by withholding it, he was maximizing the "δυστυχίαν" (misfortune) of those who crossed him.

¹⁷⁹ Διὰ μὲν δὴ τάδε καὶ Εὔτυχος ἀκροάσεώς τε οὐκ ἐτύγχανε· καὶ δεσμοῖς ἐνείχετο. χρόνου δὲ ἐγγενομένου Τιβέριός τε ἐκ τῶν Καπρεῶν εἰς Τουσκουλανὸν παραγίνεται ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων ἑκατὸν τῆς , καὶ ὁ ἀξιοῖ τὴν‎ διαπράξασθαι γενέσθαι τῷ Εὐτύχῳ τὴν‎ ἀκρόασιν ἐφ᾽ οἷστισι τὴν‎ κατηγορίαν ποιοῖτο αὐτοῦ‎.

¹⁷⁹ "For these reasons, Eutychus failed to obtain a hearing and remained in chains. After some time had passed, Tiberius came from Capri to his Tusculan villa, about a hundred stadia from Rome. Agrippa then entreated Antonia to arrange a hearing for Eutychus so that the charges against him might finally be heard.

¹⁷⁹ On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a bearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum, which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would.

¹⁷⁹ This was why Eutychus could not get a hearing, but was kept in prison. But some time later Tiberius came from Capri to Tusculanum, about a hundred furlongs from Rome, and Agrippa asked Antonia to get a hearing for Eutychus, no matter how the case in which he accused him should turn out.

¹⁸⁰ δὲ ἦν εἰς τὰ πάντα συγγενείας τε ἀξιώματι, γὰρ ἦν ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ γυνή, καὶ ἀρετῇ τοῦ σώφρονος· νέα γὰρ χηρεύειν παρέμεινεν γάμῳ τε ἀπεῖπεν τῷ πρὸς ἕτερον καίπερ τοῦ κελεύοντός τινι γαμεῖσθαι, καὶ λοιδοριῶν ἀπηλλαγμένον διεσώσατο αὐτῆς τὸν βίον.

¹⁸⁰ Antonia was held in the highest esteem by Tiberius in all matters, both due to her rank as the widow of his brother Drusus [the Elder] and her own virtuous character. Though she had become a widow while young, she remained so, refusing to marry again even when the Emperor [Augustus] commanded her to; thus she preserved a life free from reproach.

¹⁸⁰ Now Antonia was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his brother Drusus’s wife, and from her eminent chastity; for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else; yet did she all along preserve her reputation free from reproach.

¹⁸⁰ Antonia was highly regarded in every way by Tiberius, since as the widow of his brother Drusus she was related to him, and on account of her virtue and chastity, for though she was still a young woman, she continued in her widowhood and refused all other matches, though Augustus had told her to remarry; and always lived an irreproachable life.

¹⁸¹ ἰδίᾳ τε εὐεργέτις ἦν εἰς τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ · ἐπιβουλῆς γὰρ μεγάλης συστάσης ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Σηιάνου φίλου τε ἀνδρὸς καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τῷ τότε μεγίστην ἔχοντος διὰ τὸ τῶν στρατευμάτων εἶναι ἡγεμονίαν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῆς τε βουλῆς οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων προσέθεντο καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν διέφθαρτο, προυκοπτέν τε ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ἐπὶ μέγα κἂν ἐπέπρακτο Σηιάνῳ τὸ ἔργον μὴ τῆς τόλμῃ χρησαμένης σοφωτέρᾳ τῆς Σηιάνου κακουργίας.

¹⁸¹ Furthermore, she was a private benefactress to Tiberius in the most significant way. When a great conspiracy had been formed against him by Sejanus, his friend who then held the greatest power because he commanded the armies—and many of the Senate and freedmen had joined him while the military was corrupted—the plot would have succeeded had not Antonia used a courage wiser than Sejanus’s villainy.

¹⁸¹ She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there was a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend, and wire had the greatest authority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate and many of the freed-men joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia’s boldness been more wisely conducted than Sejanus’s malice;

¹⁸¹ She had been the best benefactor of Tiberius during the dangerous plotting against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her husband’s friend and held the greatest authority as general of the army, and many senators and freedmen joined him and the army was corrupted and the plot was well advanced. The plot would have succeeded had not Antonia’s audacity been wiser than Sejanus' malice,

¹⁸² ἐπεὶ γὰρ μανθάνει τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ συντεθειμένα, γράφει πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἀκριβῶς καὶ Πάλλαντι ἐπιδοῦσα τὰ γράμματα τῷ πιστοτάτῳ τῶν δούλων αὐτῆς ἐκπέμπει πρὸς εἰς τὰς Καπρέας. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν τόν τε Σηιᾶνον κτείνει καὶ τοὺς συνεπιβούλους, τήν τε καὶ πρὶν ἀξιολόγως ἄγων τιμιωτέραν τε ὑπελάμβανεν κἀπὶ τοῖς πᾶσι πιθανήν.

¹⁸² When she learned of the plot against Tiberius, she wrote down everything accurately and, giving the letters to Pallas, the most faithful of her slaves, sent him to Tiberius at Capri. Having learned the truth, Tiberius put Sejanus and his co-conspirators to death. From then on, he held Antonia, whom he already respected, in even higher honour and found her persuasive in all things.

¹⁸² for when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants, and sent him to Caprere to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things.

¹⁸² for when she revealed his plans against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of everything and gave the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her servants and sent him to Capri to Tiberius. When he learned of it, he killed Sejanus and his allies, so that while he held her in high esteem before, he now looked on her with still greater respect and trusted her completely.

¹⁸³ ὑπὸ δὴ ταύτης τῆς ὁ παρακαλούμενος ἐξετάσαι τὸν Εὔτυχον, " ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν καταψεύσειε, φησὶν ὁ , [ἔτι δε] τὰ εἰρημένα Εὔτυχος, ἀρκοῦσαν κομίζεται παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τιμωρίαν, ἣν ἐπιτετίμηκα αὐτός· εἰ δὲ βασανιζομένου ἀληθῆ φανείη τὰ εἰρημένα, μήπου κολάζειν ποθῶν τὸν ἀπελεύθερον ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν μᾶλλον καλοίη τὴν‎ δίκην.

¹⁸³ When Antonia urged Tiberius to examine Eutychus, Tiberius replied: 'If Eutychus has lied about Agrippa, he has already received sufficient punishment from the chains I imposed. But if, under examination, his words prove true, take care that in your desire to punish the freedman, you do not bring judgment down upon your friend instead.'

¹⁸³ So when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him, he hath had sufficient punishment by what I have done to him already; but if, upon examination, the accusation appears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon himself."

¹⁸³ When Tiberius was asked by Antonia to examine Eutychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus has falsely accused Agrippa in what he has said of him, he has been sufficiently punished already by what I have done to him, but if the accusation turns out to be true, let Agrippa be careful in case, in his desire to punish his freedman, he brings punishment upon himself."

¹⁸⁴ καὶ ὁ ταῦτα φαμένης πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐπέκειτο ἀξιῶν γενέσθαι τοῦ πράγματος, καὶ ἡ , οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει πολὺς ὢν ὁ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δεῖσθαι, καιρὸν παραλαβοῦσα τοιοῦτον·

¹⁸⁴ When Antonia reported this, Agrippa pressed her all the more to have the matter investigated. Antonia, unable to resist his persistent pleading, seized a particular opportunity:

¹⁸⁴ Now when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into; so Antonia, upon Agrippa’s lying hard at her continually to beg this favor, took the following opportunity:

¹⁸⁴ When Antonia told this to Agrippa, he pressed still more that the matter be examined, so when he continually asked her to beg this favour, Antonia availed of an opportunity to do so.

¹⁸⁵ αἰωρεῖτο μὲν ἐπὶ φορείου κείμενος, προιόντων τε τοῦ ἐκείνης υἱωνοῦ καὶ , ἀπ᾽ ἀρίστου δ᾽ ἦσαν, παραπεριπατοῦσα τῷ φορείῳ παρεκάλει καλεῖσθαί τε τὸν Εὔτυχον καὶ ἐξετάζεσθαι.

¹⁸⁵ Tiberius was being carried in a litter, with Gaius [Caligula] (her grandson) and Agrippa walking ahead. They had just finished breakfast. Walking beside the litter, she again begged him to call Eutychus and examine him.

¹⁸⁵ As Tiberius lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were before him after dinner she walked by the sedan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined;

¹⁸⁵ As Tiberius was lying at ease in his sedan and was carried around and Gaius, her grandson and Agrippa, were with him after dinner she went alongside the sedan and asked him to call Eutychus and have him examined.

¹⁸⁶ ὁ δέ " ἀλλ᾽ ἴστων μὲν , εἶπεν, οἱ θεοί, ὅτι μὴ τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ γνώμῃ ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τῆς σῆς παρακλήσεως ἐξαγόμενος πράξω τὰ πραξόμενα. ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει Μάκρωνα, ὃς Σηιανοῦ διάδοχος ἦν, τὸν Εὔτυχον ἀγαγεῖν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς παρῆν. δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἤρετο, τί καὶ ἔχοι λέγειν κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθερίαν αὐτῷ παρεσχηκότος.

¹⁸⁶ Tiberius said, 'Let the gods be my witness, Antonia, that I do this not by my own will, but compelled by your request.' He then ordered Macro, Sejanus’s successor, to bring Eutychus. He appeared without delay. Tiberius asked him what he had to say against the man who had given him his freedom.

¹⁸⁶ to which he replied, "O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced to do what I am going to do, not by my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers." When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty.

¹⁸⁶ His answer was, "Antonia, may the gods witness that I am doing this not of my own inclination, but because I am forced to it by your urging." Saying this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; so he was brought without delay, and Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his freedom.

¹⁸⁷ ὁ δέ φησιν, " ὦ δέσποτα, αἰωροῦντο μὲν ἐφ᾽ ἁμάξης Γάιός τε οὗτος καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ καί σφων ἑζόμην παρὰ τοῖν ποδοῖν, λόγων δὲ πολλῶν ἀνακυκλουμένων φησὶ πρὸς · εἰ γὰρ ἀφίκοιτό ποτε ἡμέρα, ᾗ μεταστὰς ὁ γέρων οὗτος χειροτονοίη σε ἡγεμόνα τῆς οἰκουμένης· οὐδὲν γὰρ ἡμῖν ὁ υἱωνὸς αὐτοῦ‎ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐμποδὼν ὑπὸ σοῦ τελευτῶν, καὶ ἥ τε οἰκουμένη γένοιτ᾽

¹⁸⁷ Eutychus replied, 'O Master, this Gaius and Agrippa with him were riding in a carriage, and I was sitting at their feet. During a long conversation, Agrippa said to Gaius: "Would that the day might come when this old man departs and leaves you as ruler of the world! For Tiberius [Gemellus], his grandson, would be no obstacle to you if you put him to death; then the world would be happy, and I most of all."'

¹⁸⁷ Upon which he said, "O my lord! this Caius, and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, Oh that the day would once come when this old fellow will dies and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinderance, but would be taken off by thee, and that earth would be happy, and I happy also."

¹⁸⁷ He said, "My lord, this Gaius and Agrippa with him, were once riding in a chariot and I sat at their feet. Among other things Agrippa said to Gaius, "I pray the day will come when this old fellow dies and leaves you to be ruler of the world! Then this Tiberius, the old man’s grandson, would be no obstacle, but would be taken off by you and the whole world would be happy and I most of all."

¹⁸⁸ ἂν μακαρία κἀγὼ πρὸ αὐτῆς. δὲ πιστὰ ἡγησάμενος τὰ εἰρημένα καὶ ἅμα μῆνιν ἀναφέρων τῷ παλαιάν, διότι κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ θεραπεύειν υἱωνόν τε αὐτοῦ‎ γεγονότα καὶ παῖδα ὄντα, ὁ ἀτίμως ἦγεν παρακροασάμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς καὶ πᾶς ὡς τὸν μετεκάθιζεν,

¹⁸⁸ Tiberius, believing these words and recalling an old grudge against Agrippa—because Agrippa had ignored his orders to attend to his grandson Gemellus and had instead devoted himself entirely to Gaius

¹⁸⁸ Now Tiberius took these to be truly Agrippa’s words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grandson, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius;

¹⁸⁸ Tiberius took these words to be true and was already angry with Agrippa, for when he had told him to pay respect to his grandson Tiberius, the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not paid that respect, but had disobeyed him and transferred all his regard to Gaius.

¹⁸⁹ " τοῦτον μὲν δή, φησί, Μάκρων, δῆσον. Μάκρων δὲ τὰ μὲν οὐ σαφῶς ὅντινα προστάξειεν ἐξεπιστάμενος, τὰ δὲ οὐκ ἂν προσδοκῶν περὶ τῷ αὐτὸν κελεῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον, ἐπανεῖχεν ἀκριβωσόμενος τὰ εἰρημένα.

¹⁸⁹ he said, 'Macro, bind this man!' Macro, not certain whom the order referred to and not expecting such a command against Agrippa, hesitated to be sure.

¹⁸⁹ he said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bid him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said.

¹⁸⁹ He said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not clearly knowing which of them he meant and not expecting him to want any such thing done to Agrippa, hesitated and asked him to speak more clearly.

¹⁹⁰ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar περιοδεύσας τὸν ἱππόδρομον λαμβάνει τὸν ἈγρίππανAgrippa ἑστηκότα, " καὶ μὴν δή, φησίν, Μάκρων, τοῦτον εἶπον δεθῆναι. τοῦ δὲ ἐπανερομένου ὅντινα, " ἈγρίππανAgrippa γε " εἶπεν.	¹⁹⁰ When the Caesar completed a circuit of the hippodrome and saw Agrippa still standing there, he said, 'Macro, I told you to bind this man!' When Macro asked, 'Which one?', Tiberius replied, 'Agrippa!'
¹⁹⁰ But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: "For certain," said he, "Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;" and when he still asked, "Which of these is to be bound?" he said "Agrippa."	¹⁹⁰ When Caesar had gone around the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing "Macro," he said, "this is the man I want to have in chains ;" and when he still asked, "Which of these is to be chained?" he said "Agrippa."

¹⁹¹ καὶ ὁ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa τρέπεται μὲν κατὰ δεήσεις, τοῦ τε παιδὸς ᾧ συνετέθραπτο μνημονεύων καὶ τοῦ ΤιβερίουTiberius τῆς ἐκτροφῆς, οὐ μὴν ἤνυέν γέ τι, ἀλλ᾽ ἦγον αὐτὸν ἐν πορφυρίσι δέσμιον.	¹⁹¹ Then Agrippa turned to entreaties, reminding the Emperor of the son [Drusus] with whom he had been raised and of Tiberius’s own role in his upbringing. But he achieved nothing. They led him away in his purple robes, in chains.
¹⁹¹ Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated; but all to no purpose; for they led him about bound even in his purple garments.	¹⁹¹ Agrippa began to appeal to him, reminding him of his son with whom he was reared and of Tiberius whom he had educated, but all in vain. They led him about in chains, even in his purple robes.

¹⁹² καὶ καῦμά τε γὰρ σφοδρὸν ἦν καὶ ὑπὸ οἴνου τοῦ ἐπὶ σιτίοις μὴ πολλοῦ γεγονότος δίψος ἐξέκαιεν αὐτόν, καί τι καὶ ἠγωνία καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν προσελάμβανεν, θεασάμενός τινα τῶν παίδων Θαυμαστὸν ὄνομα ὕδωρ ἐν ἀγγείῳ κομίζοντα ᾔτησε πιεῖν.

¹⁹² The heat was intense, and because he had drunk little wine at breakfast, he was parched with thirst. He was in great distress and felt the sting of his fallen dignity. Seeing one of Gaius’s slaves named Thaumastus carrying water in a vessel, he asked for a drink.

¹⁹² It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously: as he therefore saw one of Caius’s slaves, whose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel,

¹⁹² It was very hot weather and they had only little wine with their meal, so that he was very thirsty. He was in a sort of agony and felt very badly, and seeing one of Gaius' slaves, Thaumastus by name, carrying some water in a vessel, asked for a drink.

¹⁹³ καὶ ὀρέξαντος προθύμως πιών, " ἀλλ᾽ εἴπερ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθοῖς, φησίν, ὦ παῖ, τὰ τῆσδέ σου τῆς διακονίας γέγονεν, διαφυγῆς μοι γενομένης τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν οὐκ ἂν βραδύνοιμι ἐλευθερίαν εἰσπρασσόμενός σοι παρὰ , ὃς καὶ δεσμώτῃ μοι γενομένῳ διακονεῖσθαι καθάπερ ἐν τῷ πρότερον καθεστηκότι σχήματι τῆς περὶ ἐμὲ οὐκ ἐνέλιπες. Καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύσατο [ταῦτα εἰπών, ἀλλὰ δὴ ἠμείψατο]·

¹⁹³ After he drank eagerly, he said, 'If this service of yours, O boy, brings good fortune, once I escape these chains, I shall not delay in securing your freedom from Gaius. For you did not fail to serve me even in my imprisonment, just as you did when I was in my former state of dignity.'

¹⁹³ he desired that he would let him drink; so the servant gave him some water to drink, and he drank heartily, and said, "O thou boy! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom of Caius who has not been wanting to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity."

¹⁹³ Drinking deeply he said, "You, boy, will be rewarded for serving me in this way! Once I escape, I will soon have Gaius set you free, for he has not failed to help me now while I am in chains, just as in my former rank and dignity."

¹⁹⁴ ἐν ὑστέρῳ γὰρ βασιλεύσας τὸν Θαυμαστὸν μειζόνως ἐλεύθερόν τε ἀφῆκε παρὰ γεγονότος λαβὼν καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐπίτροπον καθίστησι, τελευτῶν τε τῷ υἱεῖ καὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις διακονησόμενον κατέλιπεν, ἐν τιμῇ τε ὢν ταύτῃ γηραιὸς τελευτᾷ. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.

¹⁹⁴ And he did not lie, but repaid the debt. For later, when he became king, he obtained Thaumastus's freedom from the now-Emperor Gaius and appointed him as the steward of his property. At his death, he left him to his son Agrippa and daughter Berenice to serve them in the same capacity. Remaining in this honour, the man died at a great age. But that happened later."

¹⁹⁴ Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made him amends for what he had now done; for when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honorable post, and therein died. But all this happened a good while later.

¹⁹⁴ He did not fail to keep his promise but repaid him for what he had done; for later, when Agrippa came to power, he took special care of Thaumastus and gained him his freedom from Gaius and made him steward of his estate. On his death he left him to Agrippa his son and Berenice his daughter, to serve them in the same capacity; and the man kept that position into old age and still held it when he died. But all this was much later.

Antonia Minor: The "Savior" of Tiberius
Josephus pauses the narrative to emphasize Antonia's role in the downfall of Sejanus (31 CE). This is a crucial historical detail. By sending Pallas (who would later become the powerful freedman under Claudius) to Capri with the evidence, Antonia saved the Julio-Claudian line. This "moral credit" was the only reason Tiberius tolerated her interference on behalf of the spendthrift Agrippa.

The "Old Man" (Ὁ Γέρων)
The insult that sealed Agrippa's fate was calling Tiberius "this old man." In the Roman world, where gravitas and respect for elders were paramount, this was more than a slight—it was a betrayal of the pietas (duty) Agrippa owed his patron. Tiberius’s reaction in the hippodrome shows the cold, sudden anger for which he was famous.

Macro: The New Power
Macro (Quintus Naevius Cordus Sutorius Macro) had replaced Sejanus as the Prefect of the Praetorian Guard. His hesitation to arrest Agrippa highlights how shocking the command was. Agrippa was a high-ranking "friend of Caesar," and arresting him in public, while he was still wearing his "πορφυρίσι" (royal/aristocratic purples), was a massive social scandal.

Thaumastus and the Cup of Water
The story of Thaumastus (whose name appropriately means "Wonderful" or "Marvellous") is a classic "folk-tale" motif embedded in history. It serves to contrast Agrippa’s current misery with his future royalty. For Josephus, this incident proves Agrippa’s character: he is a man who, despite his flaws, remembers a "χάριν" (favour/grace) and repays it with interest.

Historical Foreshadowing: Pallas
The mention of Pallas is a "Easter egg" for readers of Roman history. Pallas would go on to be one of the most powerful and wealthiest men in the Empire under the Emperor Claudius. His origins as Antonia’s "most faithful slave" explain his lifelong connection to the imperial family.

¹⁹⁵ δὲ τότε δεθεὶς εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου πρός τινι δένδρῳ κλιθεὶς ὑπὸ ἀθυμίας μετὰ πολλῶν οἳ ἐδέδεντο. καί τινος ὀρνέου καθίσαντος ἐπὶ τοῦ δένδρου, ᾧ προσεκέκλιτο, βουβῶνα δὲ οἱ τὸν ὄρνιν τοῦτον καλοῦσιν, τῶν δεσμωτῶν τις Γερμανὸς θεασάμενος ἤρετο τὸν στρατιώτην, ὅστις εἴη ὁ ἐν τῇ πορφυρίδι.

¹⁹⁵ "Agrippa, having then been bound, stood before the royal palace, leaning against a certain tree in dejection along with many others who had been imprisoned. And when a certain bird perched upon the tree against which Agrippa was leaning—the Romans call this bird a 'bubo' [an owl]—one of the prisoners, a German by birth, seeing it, asked the soldier who the man in the purple garment was.

¹⁹⁵ Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, (the Romans call this bird bubo,) [an owl,] one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was;

¹⁹⁵ Agrippa stood in his chains before the royal palace and leaned sadly against a tree along with many others who were also in chains. A bird, the kind that Romans call an owl, sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned, another prisoner of the German nation, saw him and asked a soldier who was that man in purple.

¹⁹⁶ καὶ μαθὼν μὲν ὄνομα αὐτῷ, δὲ τὸ γένος καὶ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἀξιολογωτάτων, ἠξίωσεν τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ στρατιώτην πλησίον ἐλθεῖν διὰ λόγων· βούλεσθαι γάρ τινα ἀμφὶ τῶν πατρίων ἔρεσθαι αὐτόν.

¹⁹⁶ Upon learning that his name was Agrippa, that he was a Jew by race and one of the most notable men of that country, he asked the soldier bound to him to come closer for a conversation; for he wished to ask him something about his ancestral customs.

¹⁹⁶ and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and that he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him come nearer to him, to speak with him; for that he had a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country;

¹⁹⁶ When he heard his name was Agrippa and that he was by nation a Jew and one of the most respected of that nation, he asked the soldier to whom he was bound, to let him approach him and speak with him, wanting to ask him something about his country.

¹⁹⁷ καὶ τυχών, ἐπεὶ πλησίον ἵσταται, δι᾽ " ὦ νεανία, φησίν, καταχθεῖ μέν σε τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς πολλήν τε οὕτως καὶ ἀθρόαν ἐπαγαγὸν τὴν‎ τύχην, ἀπιστία δέ σοι λόγων, οἳ ἐπὶ διαφυγῇ κακοῦ τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος διαιροῖντο τοῦ θείου τὴν‎ πρόνοιαν.

¹⁹⁷ When this was granted and he stood near, he spoke through an interpreter: 'O young man, this sudden turn of events has brought you down, bringing such a great and sudden fortune upon you; you likely find it hard to believe words that, while offering escape from the present evil, explain the providence of the Divine.

¹⁹⁷ which liberty, when he had obtained, and as he stood near him, he said thus to him by an interpreter: "This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretell how thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee.

¹⁹⁷ Getting permission, he came near and said to him by an interpreter: "Young man, his sudden change of your fortunes is hard for you, and seems a great disaster. You will not believe me when I say you will be freed from your present plight and how Providence will provide for you.

¹⁹⁸ ἴσθι γε μήν, θεοὺς τοὺς ἐμοὶ πατρῴους καὶ τοὺς τοῖσδε ἐγχωρίους, οἳ τόνδε ἐπρυτάνευσαν ἡμῖν τὸν σίδηρον, ἐπομνύμενος λέξω τὰ πάντα οὔτε ἡδονῇ γλωσσάργῳ διδοὺς τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς λόγον οὔτε διακενῆς εὐθυμεῖν σε ἐσπουδακώς.

¹⁹⁸ Know, however—and I swear it by my ancestral gods and the gods of this land who have presided over these iron bonds for us—I shall speak the whole truth, not giving this account for the sake of idle talk, nor because I am eager to cheer you up in vain.

¹⁹⁸ Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of this place, who have awarded these bonds to us) that all I am going to say about thy concerns shall neither be said for favor nor bribery, nor out of an endeavor to make thee cheerful without cause;

¹⁹⁸ Know therefore, for I swear by the gods of my country as well as those of this place, who have put us in chains, that what I say about you shall be said neither in flattery or for bribes, or simply invented to cheer you up.

¹⁹⁹ αἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε προαγορεύσεις ὑστερηκότος τοῦ ἀποδείξοντος ἔργου χαλεπωτέραν προστίθενται τὴν‎ ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ μηδ᾽ εἰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀκροάσαιτο αὐτῶν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἐμὸν κινδύνοις παραβαλλόμενος δίκαιον σοι διασαφῆσαι τὴν‎ προαγόρευσιν τῶν θεῶν.

¹⁹⁹ For predictions of this sort, if the proof of the event lags behind, add a burden of grief more difficult than if one had never heard them at all. But even at the risk of my own life, I considered it right to make clear to you the foretelling of the gods.

¹⁹⁹ for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the hazard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods.

¹⁹⁹ Predictions like this, if false, ultimately cause more grief than if one never heard them. But at my own risk I think I should tell you the prediction of the gods.

²⁰⁰ οὐκ ὅπως οὐκ εὐθέως τέ σοι τῶνδε τῶν δεσμῶν παρέσται καὶ πρόοδος ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἀξιώματός τε καὶ δυνάμεως, ζηλωτός τε ἂν γένοιο πᾶσιν, οἳ νῦν δι᾽ οἴκτου τὰς τύχας σου λαμβάνουσιν, εὐδαίμονά τε ἂν ποιοῖο τὴν‎ τελευτὴν παισίν, οἷς ἔσῃ τὸν βίον καταλειπόμενος. μνημονεύειν δέ, εἰσαῦθις τὸν ὄρνιν θεάσαιο τοῦτον, πέντε ἡμέραις σοι τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ἐσομένην.

²⁰⁰ It cannot be otherwise: a release from these bonds shall soon be yours, followed by an advancement to the highest degree of dignity and power. You shall become an object of envy to all those who now regard your fortunes with pity, and you shall leave behind a happy end for your children to whom you bequeath your life. But remember this: whenever you see this bird again, you will have five days left to live.

²⁰⁰ It cannot be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the highest dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But do thou remember, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer.

²⁰⁰ You will not stay long in these chains, but will soon be rescued and promoted to the heights of dignity and power. You will be envied by those who now pity your plight, and you will die happy, bequeathing prosperity to your future children. But note that when you see this bird again, you will have only five more days to live.

²⁰¹ ταῦτα πεπράξεται μὲν ᾗπερ ἀποσημαίνει τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐξαποστεῖλαν τουτονὶ τὸν ὄρνιν. προγνώσει τε αὐτῶν σύνεσιν τὴν‎ παραγενομένην σε ἄδικον, ὅπως ἐπιστάμενος ἀγαθοῦ μέλλοντος λυσιτελεῖν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν‎ ἀχθηδόνα τοῦ παρόντος τιθοῖο. μνήμην δὲ ποιεῖσθαι εἰς χεῖράς σου παραγενομένου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καὶ τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς διαφευξομένου δυστυχίαν,

²⁰¹ These things shall come to pass as the God who sent this bird signifies. I thought it unjust to deprive you of the understanding of these things that has come to me through foresight, so that, knowing of the good that is coming, you might consider the burden of the present moment as something profitable for a short time. And do make memory of us when you have come into your happy state, that we too might escape the misfortune in which we are now joined.'

²⁰¹ This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happiness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But when this happiness shall actually befall thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavor to deliver me."

²⁰¹ This will be done by God who has sent this bird here as a sign. I felt it would be wrong to conceal this foreknowledge from you, so that knowing the good things coming to you, you may smile amid your present hardships. But when this good luck comes into your hands, do not forget the misfortune that we now share."

²⁰² ᾗ τανῦν σύνεσμεν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν Γερμανὸς τοσάδε εἰς τοσόνδε ὦφλεν τῷ γέλωτα, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον κατεφάνη τεθαυμάσθαι ἄξιος. ἡ δὲ χαλεπῶς φέρουσα τοῦ τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν τὸ μὲν περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ διαλέγεσθαι ἐργωδέστερον ἑώρα καὶ ἄλλως ἐπ᾽ ἀπράκτοις γενησόμενον,

²⁰² The German, having spoken thus, earned only laughter from Agrippa, though in later times he appeared worthy of wonder. Antonia [the mother of Claudius and friend of Agrippa], taking Agrippa's misfortune heavily, saw that speaking to Tiberius about him would be difficult and likely produce no result;

²⁰² So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa’s misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success;

²⁰² When the German said this, it made Agrippa laugh just as heartily as he regarded him later with awe. Now Antonia was sorry about Agrippa’s misfortune but it was very hard for her to speak on his behalf to Tiberius, and anyway, unlikely to succeed.

²⁰³ εὑρίσκετο δ᾽ αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ Μάκρωνος στρατιωτῶν τε μετρίων ἀνδρῶν οἳ παραφυλάξειαν αὐτὸν ἐν φροντίσιν καὶ ἑκατοντάρχου τοῦ ἐφεστηξομένου τε ἐκείνοις καὶ συνδέτου ἐσομένου, λουτρά τε καθ᾽ ἡμέραν συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων εἰσόδους τήν τε ἄλλην ῥᾳστώνην, ἣ τῷ σώματι γένοιτ᾽ ἄν.

²⁰³ However, she obtained from Macro [the Praetorian Prefect] that he should be guarded by moderate soldiers and a centurion who would oversee them and be bound to him, and that daily baths be permitted, as well as the visits of freedmen and friends, and all other comforts that the body might need.

²⁰³ yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them and was to diet with him, should be of the same disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him.

²⁰³ Still she persuaded Macro that the soldiers guarding him should be humane and also the centurion who was over them and was handcuffed to him, and that he be allowed to bathe every day, and have his freedmen and friends visit him, and have other things for his bodily comfort.

²⁰⁴ εἰσῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτὸν Φίλος τε καὶ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Μαρσύας καὶ Στοιχεὺς τροφὰς εἰσκομίζοντες αἷς ἔχαιρεν καὶ δι᾽ ἐπιμελείας πάσης ἔχοντες, ἱμάτιά τε κομίζοντες ἐπὶ προσποιήσει πράσεως νὺξ γένοιτο ὑπεστρώνυσαν αὐτῷ συμπράξει τῶν στρατιωτῶν Μάκρωνος προειρηκότος· καὶ ταῦτα ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ μῆνας ἕξ. Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ ἐν τούτοις ἦν.

²⁰⁴ His friend Silas and his freedmen Marsyas and Stoicheus visited him, bringing the foods he enjoyed and attending to him with all care; they even brought garments under the pretext of selling them, and when night came, they spread them under him with the cooperation of the soldiers, as Macro had instructed. These things continued for six months. Such was the state of Agrippa’s affairs."

²⁰⁴ So his friend Silas came in to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, under pretense of selling them; and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa’s condition for six months' time, and in this case were his affairs.

²⁰⁴ So his friend Silas visited him and two of his freedmen, Marsyas and Stoechus, brought him the foods he liked and took great care of him. They also brought him clothes, under pretext of selling them, and at nightfall they placed them under him, helped by the soldiers as Macro had ordered them. And Agrippa remained in that condition for six months.

The "Bubo" and the Omen (Βουβῶνα)
The owl (the bubo) is the central symbol here. In Roman culture, the owl was almost universally an omen of doom or death. However, the German prisoner provides a "double prophecy": the owl signifies immediate release and glory, but its reappearance will signal death.

Historical Note: This prophecy is chillingly fulfilled. In Antiquities 19.346, during the games at Caesarea, Agrippa looks up and sees an owl perched on a rope above him. He immediately remembers the German's words and dies five days later.

The German as a "Noble Savage"
Josephus uses the figure of the German prisoner to provide a "barbarian" wisdom that transcends Roman logic. The German requires an interpreter (διʼ ἑρμηνέως), yet he understands the "Providence of the Divine" (τοῦ θείου τὴν πρόνοιαν) better than the aristocrats. It is a classic literary device: the outsider sees what the insiders cannot.

The Purple Garment (Πορφυρίδι)
Even in chains, Agrippa is wearing purple. This detail signifies his high status and his friendship with the imperial family (specifically Caligula). It is this "royal" appearance that catches the German's eye and sparks the conversation.

Antonia's "Soft Power"
Antonia Minor is one of the most fascinating women in Josephus's writings. She was the sister-in-law of Tiberius and the grandmother of Caligula. She knew Tiberius's temper was too volatile to ask for a full pardon, so she worked through the Prefect Macro to secure "humane" conditions. This is a brilliant look at how the Roman court functioned—not through open debate, but through quiet arrangements with the guards and prefects.

Prison Comforts and "Iron Bonds"
The description of Agrippa's imprisonment is quite detailed. Being "bound" to a soldier (συνδέτου ἐσομένου) was a standard form of Roman custody (custodia militaris). However, the "daily baths" and "special foods" brought by his freedmen (Marsyas and Stoicheus) show that Roman prison was very different for a man with powerful friends.

²⁰⁵ δ᾽ ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὰς Καπρέας ἐμαλακίζετο τὰ μὲν πρῶτα μετρίως, ἐπιδούσης δ᾽ εἰς τὸ μᾶλλον τῆς νόσου πονηρὰς ἔχων περὶ αὐτῷ τὰς ἐλπίδας Εὔοδον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τιμιώτατος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων, κελεύει τὰ τέκνα προσαγαγεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν· χρῄζειν γὰρ ἀφικέσθαι σφίσι διὰ λόγων πρὶν ἢ τελευτᾶν.

²⁰⁵ "Tiberius, having returned to Capri, began to fall ill—moderately at first, but as the disease grew worse and he held poor hopes for himself, he commanded Evodus, the most honored of his freedmen, to bring the children to him; for he desired to speak with them before he died.

²⁰⁵ But as for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper increased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bid Euodus, who was that freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died.

²⁰⁵ When Tiberius returned to Capri, he fell ill, at first only slightly, but it grew worse until he had little hope of recovery. Then he had Evodus, his most trusted freedman, bring the children to him, as he wanted to talk to them before he died.

²⁰⁶ ἦσαν δ᾽ αὐτῷ παῖδες γνήσιοι μὲν οὐκέτι· γὰρ δὴ ὁ μόνος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς ἐτύγχανεν τεθνεώς· υἱὸς δὲ τούτου κατελείπετο ἐπικαλούμενος Γέμελλος, Γάιός τε παῖς, ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸς γεγονώς, νεανίας τε ἤδη καὶ παιδείαν ἐκπεπονηκὼς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐνοίᾳ τε τοῦ δήμου τιμώμενος διὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρετήν·

²⁰⁶ He no longer had any legitimate children of his own living, for Drusus, who had been his only son, happened to be dead. But there remained a son of Drusus, called Tiberius Gemellus, and Gaius, the son of Germanicus (who was the son of Tiberius's brother). Gaius was already a young man, having exerted himself to the utmost in his education, and was held in high honor by the favor of the people because of the virtue of his father, Germanicus.

²⁰⁶ Now he had at present no sons of his own alive for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus’s son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus: there was also living Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was the son of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favor with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus,

²⁰⁶ By that time he had no living sons of his own, as his only son Drusus was dead, but Drusus' son Tiberius, nicknamed Gemellus, was alive, as was Gaius, the son of Germanicus, his brother’s grandson. He was already a well educated young man and was widely liked and esteemed because of the virtue of his father Germanicus.

²⁰⁷ ἐπὶ μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ οὗτος προῆλθεν παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσι τιμῆς εὐσταθείᾳ τρόπου καὶ δεξιότητι τοῦ ὁμιλεῖν ἀνεπαχθὴς ὢν καὶ τὴν‎ ἀξίωσινto think worthy κτώμενος τῷ βούλεσθαι ἴσος πᾶσιν εἶναι.	²⁰⁷ For Germanicus had advanced to the highest degree of honor among the multitudes through the stability of his character and his dexterity in social interaction; he was free from arrogance and won high regard by wishing to be equal to all.
²⁰⁷ who had attained the highest honor among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behavior, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals;	²⁰⁷ The father had been popularly honoured for his equable lifestyle, his easy and graceful manner—for his dignity did not prevent him from treating people with familiarity, as though they were his equals.

²⁰⁸ ἐξ ὧν οὐ μόνον ὁ δῆμος καὶ ἡ βουλὴ μειζόνως ἦγον αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ὑποτελῶν ἕκαστον ἐθνῶν, οἱ μὲν ὡμιληκότες ἁλισκόμενοι τῇ χάριτι τῆς ἐντεύξεως, οἱ δὲ πύστει τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφηγήσεως παραλαμβάνοντες.

²⁰⁸ As a result, not only did the people and the Senate hold him in greater esteem, but so did each of the subject nations. Some were captivated by the grace of his conversation when they met him, while others accepted him through the hearing of their neighbors' accounts.

²⁰⁸ by which behavior he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of which were affected when they came to him with the gracefulness of their reception by him, and others were affected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him; and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men;

²⁰⁸ For this he was not only highly regarded by the people and the senate, but also by all the subject nations. Of his visitors, some were touched by how pleasantly they were received and others felt the same on hearing from those who had been with him.

²⁰⁹ πένθος τε αὐτοῦ‎ τελευτήσαντος προυτέθη πᾶσιν οὐ θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιψευδομένων τὴν‎ συμφοράν, λύπῃ δὲ ἀληθεῖ οἰκειουμένων διὰ τὸ ἴδιον τυχεῖν ἑκάστοις τὴν‎ μετάστασιν αὐτοῦ‎ ὑπειλῆφθαι·	²⁰⁹ When he died, a state of mourning was imposed upon all—not as a result of people faking a disaster to flatter the government, but claimed through true grief, because the loss of him was perceived by each individual as a personal misfortune.
²⁰⁹ not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men,	²⁰⁹ There was universal grief at his death, not a pretended sorrow to flatter their officers, but everyone genuinely mourned as if they had lost somebody close to themselves.

²¹⁰ οὕτως ἀνεπαχθῶς ὡμίλησε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις. ἐξ ὧν μέγα ὄφελος καὶ τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ‎ παρὰ πᾶσιν κατελέλειπτο τοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ μάλιστα τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἦρτο, ἀρετὴν ἀριθμοῦντες τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνῳ περιγενησομένης, εἰ δεήσει, καὶ τελευτᾶν.

²¹⁰ In such an unassuming manner did he interact with men. From this, a great benefit was left to his son [Gaius] among all people, and the military especially was aroused, considering it a virtue even to die, if necessary, for the sake of the empire falling to him."

²¹⁰ that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all; and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to him, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but attain to the government.

²¹⁰ His easy way with people was greatly for his son’s advantage in the eyes of all, and the soldiers in particular were so drawn to him that they were ready, if need be, even to die so that he could become emperor.

The Shadow of Germanicus
Josephus spends a significant portion of this passage describing Germanicus rather than the dying Emperor. This is a deliberate narrative choice. It explains why the Roman world was so eager to accept Gaius (Caligula). In the Roman imagination, Germanicus was the "lost hero"—the antithesis of the dark, reclusive Tiberius. Gaius rode to power on a wave of nostalgia and unfulfilled potential that the people had projected onto his father.

The Power of "Dexterity in Interaction" (Δεξιότητι τοῦ ὁμιλεῖν)
Josephus identifies the secret to Germanicus's success: he was "ἀνεπαχθής" (not burdensome/without arrogance). In a world of rigid hierarchies, a Roman general who made people feel like equals was an anomaly. This "soft power" was so effective that even the subject nations ("τῶν ὑποτελῶν ἑκάστον ἐθνῶν") felt a personal connection to him. This sets up a tragic irony: the people loved the father for his humility, but they would soon discover that the son possessed none of it.

The Military Mandate
The mention of the soldiers being ready to die to ensure Gaius gained the throne is crucial. The Praetorian Guard and the legions in the provinces were fiercely loyal to the memory of Germanicus. This created a situation where Tiberius Gemellus, despite being the biological grandson, had no physical "defense" against Gaius. The military's preference essentially decided the succession before Tiberius even died.

Evodus and the Gatekeeping of Empire
As we have seen in previous sections, the freedmen (liberti) held the keys to the imperial bedchamber. Evodus is tasked with bringing the "children" (grandson and grand-nephew). This reinforces how the most intimate domestic staff of the Emperor were the mechanical agents of world-changing events.

Genuine vs. Flattering Grief
Josephus makes a sharp distinction between "θεραπείᾳ τῆς ἀρχῆς" (service/flattery of the government) and "λύπῃ δὲ ἀληθεῖ" (true grief). He notes that when Germanicus died, the mourning was not a political performance but a sincere communal trauma. This observation underscores Josephus’s interest in the psychological state of the "multitudes" (plēthos) and their influence on the stability of the state.

²¹¹ Ὁ δὲ Εὐόδῳ πρόσταγμα ποιησάμενος κατὰ τὴν‎ ὑστεραίαν ὑπὸ τὴν‎ ἕω εἰσαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας εὔχεται τοῖς πατρίοις θεοῖς σημεῖόν τι πρόφαντον αὐτῷ δεῖξαι περὶ τοῦ τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν διαδεξομένου, σπεύδων μὲν τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτὴν καταλιπεῖν, μεῖζον δὲ δόξης τε καὶ βουλήσεως τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ πεπιστευκὼς τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀποφανούμενον.

²¹¹ "Tiberius, having given orders to Evodus to bring the children to him at dawn the next day, prayed to his ancestral gods to show him a manifest sign regarding the one who would succeed to the empire. For while he was eager to leave it to his own grandson [Gemellus], he trusted the revelation of the god more than his own opinion or will.

²¹¹ But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal which of those children should come to the government; being very desirous to leave it to his son’s son, but still depending upon what God should foreshow concerning them more than upon his own opinion and inclination;

²¹¹ When Tiberius had told Evodus to bring the children to him in the morning of the following day, he prayed to his ancestral gods to show him a clear sign which of those children should succeed him as emperor. He himself wanted to leave it to his son’s son, but relied more on what God might reveal about them than on his own view and preference.

²¹² οἰώνισμα δ᾽ οὖν αὐτῷ προύκειτο, εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἥξειν τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν, ὃς ἂν κατὰ τὴν‎ πρότερος πρὸς αὐτόν. ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πέμπει παρὰ τοῦ υἱωνοῦ τὸν παιδαγωγὸν κελεύων ὑπὸ πρώτην ὥραν ἄγειν τὸν παῖδα ὡς αὐτόν, καταμελήσεσθαι στρατηγίας τὸν θεὸν ὑπολαμβάνων· ὁ δ᾽ ἀντεψήφιζεν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ χειροτονίαν.

²¹² He set a sort of 'divination by lot' for himself: that the empire should go to the one who arrived first to see him on the following day. Having decided this, he sent word to his grandson’s tutor, commanding him to bring the boy to him at the first hour, assuming that the god would not neglect his own preference. But the god [divine power] was casting a vote against his choice.

²¹² so he made this to be the omen, that the government should be left to him who should come to him first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grandson’s tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as supposing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation;

²¹² He decided as an omen that the leadership should be left to the one who came to him first, the following day. With this resolve, he sent a message to his grandson’s tutor telling him to bring the child to him early in the morning, thinking that God would take no notice of this ploy; but the emperor’s choice was set aside.

²¹³ ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἐνθυμησάμενος, ἐπεὶ τάχιστα ἡμέρα ἦν, κελεύει τὸν Εὔοδον εἰσκαλεῖν τῶν παίδων τὸν παρόντα πρότερον. ἐξελθὼν δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος καὶ τὸν πρὸ τοῦ δωματίου καταλαβών, ὁ γὰρ οὐ παρῆν μετεώρου τῆς τροφῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης, ᾔδει δὲ οὐδὲν ὧν ἐβούλετο ὁ δεσπότης, " καλεῖ σε, φησίν, ὁ πατήρ ", καὶ εἰσήγαγεν αὐτόν.

²¹³ Having turned these thoughts over in his mind, as soon as it was day, he ordered Evodus to call in whichever of the children was present first. Evodus went out and found Gaius in front of the bedchamber—for the younger Tiberius [Gemellus] was not there, having been delayed by his breakfast—and, knowing nothing of what his master intended, he said: 'The Father calls you,' and led him in.

²¹³ for while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Tiberius was not yet come, but staid waiting for his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended; so he said to Caius, "Thy father calls thee," and then brought him in.

²¹³ For having set up things in this way, as soon as it was at day he told Evodus to call in whatever child was there first. The man went out and found Gaius outside the door, for young Tiberius had not yet arrived as he was finishing his breakfast. So, knowing nothing of what his master intended, he said to Gaius, "Your father is calling for you," and brought him in.

²¹⁴ δὲ ὡς θεᾶται , τότε πρῶτον εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἐλθὼν τοῦ θείου τῆς ἐξουσίας καὶ τὴν‎ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡγεμονίαν παντελῶς ἀφῃρημένην ἐπικυροῦν οἷς ψηφίσαιτο δυνάμεως ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῷ μὴ παραγενομένης, πολλὰ δὴ κατολοφυράμενος αὑτὸν μὲν τοῦ ἐφ᾽ οἷς προβουλεύσειε κυροῦν ἀφῃρημένου τὸ κράτος,

²¹⁴ When Tiberius saw Gaius, he was struck for the first time by the thought of the divine power [at work] in the government; he saw his own authority over the empire completely taken away and confirmed in the one he had not voted for, as the power to act had not come to him from that source. He lamented many things: that he had been stripped of the power to ratify his own plans,

²¹⁴ As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the government on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he was not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him,

²¹⁴ When Tiberius saw Gaius before him, he realized the power of God and how the granting of the leadership to the one he chose was entirely taken from him, and that he could not establish what he had intended. He was greatly shaken that his previous power to control things was taken from him,

²¹⁵ δὲ τὸν υἱωνόν, ὡς τῆς τε ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ διαμάρτοι καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας κεχρημένον διὰ τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλων κρειττόνων οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν εἰσηγησαμένω τὴν‎ συναναστροφὴν κείσεσθαι τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ συγγενοῦς μὴ ὠφελεῖν δυναμένου, φόβῳ τε καὶ μίσει τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος χρησομένου πρὸς αὐτόν, τὰ μὲν ὡς προσεδρεύοντα τῇ ἀρχῇ, τὰ δὲ ὡς ἀντεπιβουλεύειν ὑπέρ τε τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἀντιλήψεως τῶν πραγμάτων μὴ ἀφησόμενον.

²¹⁵ and for his grandson Tiberius, seeing that he would lose both the Roman empire and his life. For he realized that his safety would rest upon others who were stronger and who would find the companionship of a relative intolerable; he knew the boy's kinship would not help him, but that the one placed over him would regard him with fear and hatred—partly as one lurking near the throne, and partly as one who would not cease from counter-plotting for his own safety and the recovery of power.

²¹⁵ and that his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by his fatality, but his own safety also, because his preservation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so his relation would not be able to protect him; but he would be feared and bated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriving to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of affairs also.

²¹⁵ for on his death his grandson Tiberius would not only lose the ruling of Rome but also his very life, since his safety would now depend upon people more powerful than himself, who would think it intolerable to associate with him. His relatives would be unable to protect him, and he would be feared and hated by whoever was in power, because he was next in line to the empire and would always be plotting to take power, both for his own safety and also to be in charge of affairs.

²¹⁶ ἦν δὲ καὶ γενεθλιαλογίᾳ μάλιστα προσκείμενος καὶ κατορθούμενα αὐτῇ μειζόνως τῶν εἰς τόδε ἀνακειμένων ἑκόντων τὸν βίον ἐξηγμένος. Γάλβαν οὖν ποτε θεασάμενος ὡς αὐτὸν εἰσιόντα φησὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους αὐτῷ, ὡς παραγίνοιτο ἀνὴρ τῇ προτιμησόμενος ἡγεμονίαι.

²¹⁶ Now, Tiberius was exceptionally devoted to astrology [genethlialogia], and he had attained a level of accuracy in it beyond those who dedicate their lives to the art. Indeed, once seeing Galba entering his presence, he said to his closest friends: 'There arrives the man who shall one day be preferred for the Roman empire.'

²¹⁶ Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology, and the calculation of nativities, and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his most intimate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Roman empire.

²¹⁶ Tiberius was devoted to horoscopes, and even more than the professionals had spent his life checking which predictions had turned out to be true. Once when he saw Galba coming to visit him, he told his closest friends that coming in was a man who would one day rise to be emperor of the Romans.

²¹⁷ τά τε πάντα μαντειῶν ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐχόμενα πιθανὰ ἡγούμενος ἡγεμόνων μάλιστα ἀνὴρ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπαληθείοντος αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐχρῆτο αὐταῖς.	²¹⁷ This man [Tiberius], more than any other ruler, made use of prophecies and anything held to be persuasive in them, because of the truth they had revealed in actual events.
²¹⁷ So that this Tiberius was more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told him truth in his own affairs.	²¹⁷ This man was more devoted than any of the other Roman emperors to all sorts of diviners, as he had found them to tell the truth about his own affairs.

²¹⁸ καὶ τότε ἐν χαλεποῖς ἦν συντυχίᾳ τοῦ γεγονότος, ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀπολωλότι τῷ υἱεῖ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀχθεινῶς διατιθέμενος καὶ κατάμεμψιν αὐτοῦ‎ ποιούμενος τοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ οἰώνισιν προμηθοῦς· παρὸν γὰρ [ἂν] αὐτῷ λύπης ἀπηλλαγμένῳ τελευτᾶν ἀμαθίᾳ τῶν , διατρίβεσθαι τῷ προεγνωκὼς τὴν‎ ἐσομένην δυστυχίαν τῶν φιλτάτων τελευτᾶν.

²¹⁸ And so then he was in a state of distress at the coincidence of what had happened, feeling a heavy grief as if his grandson were already dead, and blaming himself for his foresight in the matter of the omen. For he thought that while he might have died in peace had he been ignorant of the future, he was now perishing in torment because he had foreknowledge of the coming misfortune of his dearest loved ones.

²¹⁸ And indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen him, and was very much grieved at the destruction of his son’s son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, that he should have made use of such a method of divination beforehand, while it was in his power to have died without grief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment.

²¹⁸ Now he was distressed at what had happened and grieved at the foreseen ruination of his son’s son, and blamed himself for using such a method of augury. He could have died without this grief of knowing the future, but must now die tormented by knowing in advance the misfortune of those dearest to him.

²¹⁹ καίπερ δὲ συντεταραγμένος τῇ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς εἰς οὓς οὐκ ἤθελεν περιόδῳ, ἄκων δὲ καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος φησὶ γοῦν πρὸς τὸν · " ὦ παῖ, καίπερ μοι συγγενεστέρου ἢ κατὰ σὲ ὄντος δόξῃ τε τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῷ ὁμοψήφῳ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τῶν θεῶν σοὶ φέρων ἐγχειρίζω τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν.

²¹⁹ Yet, though he was deeply disturbed by the unexpected turn of the empire toward those he did not wish, he said—albeit unwillingly and against his heart—to Gaius: 'O child, although Tiberius is more closely related to me than you, I deliver and entrust the Roman empire into your hands, following both my own judgment and the unanimous vote of the gods.

²¹⁹ Now although he was disordered at this unexpected revolution of the government to those for whom he did not intend it, he spake thus to Caius, though unwillingly, and against his own inclination: "O child! although Tiberius be nearer related to me than thou art, I, by my own determination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give and put into thy hand the Roman empire;

²¹⁹ But though anguished at this paradoxical shift of the leadership to those he had not wished, he said to Gaius, reluctantly and against his will: "Child, although Tiberius is more closely related to me than you, by my own decision and the assent of the gods, I give and bequeath the Roman empire into your hands.

²²⁰ ἀξιῶ δέ σε μηδὲν ἀμνημονεῖν ὁμιλήσαντα αὐτῇ μήτ᾽ εὐνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς, ὃς εἰς τοσόνδε ἀξιώματος καθίστημι μέγεθος, μήτε τοῦ πρὸς ΤιβέριονTiberius συγγενοῦς,	²²⁰ I ask you to remember nothing of this conversation except my goodwill, I who place you in such a great magnitude of dignity; nor should you forget your kinship with Tiberius.
²²⁰ and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius.	²²⁰ When you settle into it, I want you never to forget either my kindness to you, by appointing you to such a high rank, or your relationship with Tiberius.

²²¹ ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστάμενον, ὡς σύν τε τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς τοιῶνδέ σοι κατασταίην ἀγαθῶν ποριστής, ἀμείβεσθαί μου τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πρόθυμον καὶ ἅμα φροντίζειν διὰ τὴν‎ συγγένειαν, ἄλλως τε γινώσκειν, ὡς τεῖχός σοι καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁμοῦ καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν , φροίμιον δὲ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς μεθιστάμενος.

²²¹ Understand that, with the gods and after them, I have stood as the provider of such great blessings to you. Recompense my eagerness toward these things and take care of Tiberius for the sake of kinship—and know, moreover, that as long as he survives, he will be a wall for you, both for your rule and your safety, but his removal will be the prelude to your own misfortune.

²²¹ But as thou knowest that I am, together with and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee; so I desire that thou wilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes;

²²¹ Since you know that, having consulted the gods, it is I who have established your rank, in return for my help I want you to care for Tiberius because of his near relationship to you. Think of Tiberius as a security to you as long as he lives, both for holding the empire and for your own safety, but if he dies it will be the start of your own troubles.

²²² αἵ τε γὰρ μονώσεις ἐπικίνδυνοι τοῖς εἰς τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ὄγκον καταστᾶσιν καὶ θεοῖς οὐκ ἀτιμώρητα παρὰ δίκην πρασσόμενα ἀφανίζοι τοῦ νόμου τὸ ἑτέρως πράσσειν παρακαλοῦν. ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ἔλεγεν,

²²² For isolation is dangerous to those placed in such a vast weight of affairs, and the gods do not leave unavenged those things done contrary to justice, which would vanish the law that calls for acting otherwise.'

²²² for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions which are unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to act otherwise, to go off unpunished."

²²² For to be isolated in carrying out vast duties is very dangerous, and the gods will not leave unpunished any unjust breach of the law which otherwise directs men’s behaviour."

²²³ οὐ μὴν πιθανὸςpersuasive, plausible ἦν Γαίῳ καίπερ ὑπισχνουμένῳ, ἀλλὰ καταστὰς εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τόν τε ΤιβέριονTiberius μαντείαις ἀναιρεῖ ταῖς ἐκείνου καὐτὸς ἐπιβουλῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συντεθεισῶν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τελευτᾷ.	²²³ These things Tiberius said, but he was not persuasive to Gaius, despite his promises. Once Gaius was established in power, he put Tiberius [Gemellus] to death in accordance with those prophecies; and he himself, after plots were formed against him, died not long after."
²²³ This was the speech which Tiberius made, which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but when he was settled in the government, he took off this Tiberius, as was predicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him.	²²³ This was what Tiberius said, but despite his promise to do so, Gaius was not persuaded to act accordingly, for once settled as ruler he did away with that Tiberius, as the other had predicted, and not long afterward he himself was killed in a conspiracy against him.

The "Breakfast" of Fate (Μετεώρου τῆς τροφῆς)
This is one of the most famous instances of "triviality" changing history. Josephus notes that Gemellus was late because of "τροφῆς" (food/breakfast). In the ancient world-view, this wasn't just poor timing; it was a divine intervention. The gods "slowed down" the preferred heir to ensure the chosen one arrived first.

Tiberius the Astrologer (Γενεθλιαλογίᾳ)
Josephus highlights Tiberius's obsession with astrology and prophecy. This isn't just a character quirk; it explains his political paralysis. If the stars have already decided the outcome, the Emperor's "will" is irrelevant. His prediction regarding Galba (who would indeed become Emperor in 68 CE, decades later) serves to validate Tiberius's expertise—making his despair over Gemellus even more poignant.

The "Wall" Theory of Power
Tiberius gives Gaius a masterclass in political survival: "τεῖχός σοι... περιὼν γίνοιτο ἂν Τιβέριος" (Tiberius [Gemellus], while surviving, would be a wall for you). His argument is that having a secondary heir nearby provides a buffer against assassination and maintains the "law" of the house. Gaius, however, represents the new, more paranoid style of Roman autocracy, where a "wall" is seen only as a "rival."

The Unwilling Handover (Ἄκων δὲ καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος)
The Greek text emphasizes the internal conflict: Tiberius acts "ἄκων" (unwillingly). This is a fascinating legal and religious moment. Even as the absolute master of the world, Tiberius feels he cannot "veto" the gods. By crowning Gaius, he is performing a religious duty that he knows will result in his grandson's murder.

Josephus’s Summary of Gaius
Josephus concludes with a "spoiler": Gaius did exactly what Tiberius feared, killing Gemellus, and then met his own violent end (the assassination in 41 CE). This reinforces the Jewish historian's theme of divine justice (dikē)—that those who attain power through blood and ignore the "wall" of justice will inevitably be consumed by the same violence.

²²⁴ δὲ τὸν ἀποδείξας διάδοχον τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὀλίγας ἐπιβιοὺς ἡμέρας ἔθανεν σχὼν αὐτὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἡμέρας τρεῖς καὶ πέντε μῆνας πρὸς ἐνιαυτοῖν δυοῖν καὶ εἴκοσι. δὲ ἦν αὐτοκράτωρ τέταρτος.

²²⁴ "Tiberius, having appointed Gaius as successor to the empire, died a few days later, having himself held the rule for twenty-two years, five months, and three days. Gaius was the fourth emperor.

²²⁴ So when Tiberius had at this time appointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then died, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor.

²²⁴ After Tiberius had appointed Gaius as his successor, he lived only a few more days and then died, after being emperor for twenty-two years, five months and three days, and Gaius became the fourth emperor.

²²⁵ δ᾽ ἦν μὲν πύστις τῆς τελευτῆς εὐφραίνοντό τε τῷ ἀγαθῷ τῆς , οὐ μὴν πιστεύειν γε θάρσος ἦν αὐτοῖς, οὐ τῷ μὴ βούλεσθαι, πρὸ πολλῶν γὰρ ἂν ἐτίμησαν χρημάτων τὸ ἐπαληθεῦσαν τῶν λόγων, δέει δὲ μὴ ψευδοῦς τῆς γενομένης προεξαναστάντες ἐπὶ δηλώσει τοῦ αὐτῶν χάρματος εἶτ᾽ ἀπολλύοιντο διαβολῆς αὐτῶν γενομένης·

²²⁵ Now the Romans received word of Tiberius's end and rejoiced at the good news; yet they did not have the courage to believe it—not because they did not wish it (for they would have valued the truth of the report at a great price), but out of fear that, if the news proved false, they would be destroyed for having prematurely revealed their joy through some accusation brought against them.

²²⁵ But when the Romans understood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not courage to believe it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given huge sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid, that if they had showed their joy when the news proved false, their joy should be openly known, and they should be accused for it, and be thereby undone.

²²⁵ When the Romans learned that Tiberius was dead, they were glad at the good news, but hardly dared to believe it. It was not that they did not want it to be true, for they would have given any money for it to be so, but they were afraid that if they showed joy and the news proved false, they could be accused of their joy and be ruined on account of it.

²²⁶ πλεῖστα γὰρ ἀνὴρ εἷς οὗτος τοὺς εὐπατρίδας εἰργάσατο δεινὰ δυσόργητος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὢν καὶ ἀνήκεστος εἰς τὸ ἐργάζεσθαι καταστάς, εἰ καὶ χωρὶς λόγου τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ἐπανέλοιτο τοῦ μισεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσι μὲν οἷς κρίνοιεν ἐξαγριοῦν φύσιν ἔχων, εἰς θάνατον δὲ καὶ τῶν κουφοτάτων τὴν‎ ζημίαν.

²²⁶ For this one man had worked many terrors upon the Roman nobility, being slow to cool his anger toward all and relentless in his punishments, even if he took up a cause for hatred without reason; he was of a nature to be savage in every judgment, assigning the penalty of death even for the lightest offenses.

²²⁶ For this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he was by nature fierce in all the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the lightest offenses;

²²⁶ For this man had done many terrible things to the best families of Rome, being always prone to anger and relentless in venting his unreasoning hatred, and by nature savage in his judgments, ready to condemn someone to death for the slightest offences.

²²⁷ ὥστε ἡδονῇ τοῦ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λόγου φέροντος τὴν‎ ἀκρόασιν εἰς ὅσον ἐβούλοντο ἀπολαύσματι χρῆσθαι ἐπεκεκώλυντο δείμασι κακῶν, ἃ προεωρᾶτο ψευσθεῖσι τῆς ἐλπίδος.	²²⁷ Thus, though the report brought a hearing that offered pleasure, they were prevented by the terrors of past evils from enjoying it as much as they wished, as they foresaw what would happen if they were deceived in their hope.
²²⁷ insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumor about his death gladly, they were restrained from the enjoyment of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded.	²²⁷ Therefore the report about his death pleased them, but their enjoyment was checked by their fear of the evils they foresaw if their hopes proved groundless.

²²⁸ Μαρσύας δὲ τοῦ ὁ ἀπελεύθερος πυθόμενος τοῦ τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ὠθεῖτο δρομαῖος τὸν εὐαγγελιούμενος, καὶ καταλαβὼν ἐν ἐξόδοις ὄντα εἰς τὸ βαλανεῖον συννεύσας πρὸς αὐτὸν γλώσσῃ τῇ " τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων " φησίν.

²²⁸ Marsyas, Agrippa’s freedman, having learned of Tiberius’s death, pushed forward at a run to bring the good news to Agrippa. Finding him as he was on his way out to the bath, he signaled to him and said in the Hebrew tongue: 'The Lion is dead.'

²²⁸ Now Marsyas, Agrippa’s freed-man, as soon as he heard of Tiberius’s death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and finding him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, "The lion is dead;"

²²⁸ Marsyas, Agrippa’s freedman, as soon as he heard of Tiberius' death, came running to tell Agrippa the good news, and finding him going out to the baths, nodded to him and said in Hebrew, "The lion is dead."

²²⁹ ὁ δὲ σύνεσίν τε τοῦ λόγου ποιησάμενος καὶ χάρματι τῷ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ περιενεχθείς " ἀλλά σοι τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷδε εὐαγγελίας χάριτες ἐν ἐμοὶ γίνοιντο, μόνον ἀληθῆ τὰ λεγόμενα εἴη. Καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης,

²²⁹ Agrippa, catching the meaning of the words and being overwhelmed with joy, replied: 'May I return every kind of thanks to you for all things and for this good news, if only the things said be true.'

²²⁹ who, understanding his meaning, and being overjoyed at the news, "Nay," said he, "but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true."

²²⁹ The other grasped his meaning and delighted at the news said, "My thanks to you for everything and for this news you bring to me. I only wish that what you say is true."

²³⁰ ὅσπερ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐφειστήκει τοῦ , θεώμενος τήν τε σπουδὴν μεθ᾽ οἵας ὁ Μαρσύας ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῶν λόγων χάρμα τῷ συνελθόν, ὑποτοπήσας καίνωσίν τινα γεγονέναι τῶν λόγων ἤρετό σφας περὶ τοῦ λόγου τοῦ ἐφεστηκότος.

²³⁰ And the centurion who had been set over the guard of Agrippa, seeing the haste with which Marsyas arrived and the joy that came upon Agrippa from his words, suspected that some revolution in the news had occurred and asked them about the report that was upon them.

²³⁰ Now the centurion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said.

²³⁰ The centurion who was serving as guard to Agrippa, when he saw how hastily Marsyas had come and Agrippa’s joy at what he said, suspected that his words implied some great change in affairs and he asked them what it was about.

²³¹ οἱ δὲ τέως μὲν παρέτρεπον, ἐγκειμένῳ δὲ ἀποσημαίνει ὁ , ἤδη γὰρ Φίλος ἦν, μηδὲν ἐνδοιάσας. ὁ δὲ ἐκοινοῦτό τε τὴν‎ ἡδονὴν τοῦ λόγου διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀγαθὰ τῷ φέρειν προυτίθει τε αὐτῷ δεῖπνον. εὐωχουμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ πότου προιόντος παρῆν τις λέγων ζῆν τε τὸν καὶ ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἐπανήξειν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν.

²³¹ At first they tried to turn him aside, but as he pressed them, Agrippa—since they were already friends—told him the truth without hesitation. The centurion shared in the pleasure of the news, since it brought good things to Agrippa, and set a supper before him. But while they were feasting and the drinking was underway, someone arrived saying that Tiberius was alive and would return to the city in a few days.

²³¹ They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his further pressing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news occasioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper. But as they were feasting, and the cups went about, there came one who said that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a few days.

²³¹ At first they deflected the question, but when he pressed them further, Agrippa, who was already his friend, told him with no further ado, so he shared in their pleasure at the news of Agrippa’s good fortune and held a supper for him. But during the feast, as the drinking was under way, someone came and said that Tiberius was still alive and would return to the city in a few days.

²³² καὶ ὁ ἑκατοντάρχης δεινῶς θορυβηθεὶς τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακείμενα πεπραχέναι δεσμώτῃ τε καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀγγελίᾳ θανάτου αὐτοκράτορος συνδιῃτῆσθαι μετὰ χάρματος, ἀπωθεῖταί τε τὸν τοῦ κλινιδίου καί " ἦπου, φησίν, λήσειν με ὑπονοεῖς θάνατον τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος κατεψευσμένος, ἀλλ᾽

²³² The centurion was terribly disturbed by this report, because he had done things punishable by death—feasting with a prisoner and rejoicing at the news of an emperor's death. He pushed Agrippa from the couch and cried: 'Do you think you will escape me by lying about the death of the emperor? Will you not pay for this talk with your own head?'

²³² At which news the centurion was exceedingly troubled, because he had done what might cost him his life, to have treated so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Caesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said, "Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?"

²³² The centurion was quite rattled by this news, since what he had done might cost him his life, for having so joyfully treated a prisoner on the news of the emperor’s death. Thrusting Agrippa off the couch where he lay he said, "Do you expect not to be punished for fooling me by lying about the emperor’s death? You'll pay for your malicious report at the price of your head!"

²³³ οὐ κεφαλῇ τῇ σῇ τοῦτον ἀναμαξόμενος τὸν λόγον; ταῦτα εἰπὼν κελεύει δῆσαι τὸν μεμισηκὼς πρότερον αὐτὸν φυλακήν τε ἀκριβεστέραν αὐτοῦ‎ ἢ πρότερον καθίσταται. Καὶ νύκτα μὲν ἐκείνην ὁ ἐν τοιούτοις ἦν τοῖς κακοῖς.

²³³ Saying this, he ordered Agrippa to be bound (having previously loosed him) and established a guard more rigorous than before. Agrippa spent that night in such wretchedness.

²³³ When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again, (for he had loosed him before,) and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night;

²³³ Saying this, he ordered Agrippa in chains again, for earlier he had released him, and guarded him more severely than before; and all that night Agrippa was in a wretched state.

²³⁴ τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ λόγος τε πλείων ἦν κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἰσχυριζόμενος ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ τοῦ , ἐθάρρουν τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι φανερῶς ἤδη θροεῖν καί τινες καὶ θυσίας ἐπετέλουν, ἐπιστολαί τε ἀφίκοντο παρὰ τοῦ , ἡ μὲν πρὸς τὴν‎ σύγκλητον τοῦ διασαφοῦσα τὴν‎ τελευτὴν καὶ τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ παράληψιν τῆς ἡγεμονίας γενομένην,

²³⁴ But on the following day, a stronger report circulated through the city confirming Tiberius's death; people now took courage to speak openly, and some even offered sacrifices. Letters arrived from Gaius: one to the Senate explaining the death of Tiberius and his own assumption of the government,

²³⁴ but the next day the rumor increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Several letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government;

²³⁴ But the following day word grew in the city confirming the news that Tiberius was dead, so that now people dared to discuss it publicly and aloud, and even offered sacrifices on account of it. Some letters also came from Gaius; one of them to the senate, telling them of the death of Tiberius and of his own accession as ruler;

²³⁵ ἡ δὲ πρὸς τὸν φύλακα τῆς πόλεως τοῦτό τε ἀγορεύουσα, καὶ τὸν ἐκέλευεν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μεταστῆσαι εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκίαν, ἐν ᾗ πρότερον ἢ δεθῆναι δίαιταν εἶχεν. τότε ἐν θάρσει λοιπὸν ἦγεν τὰ περὶ αὐτῆς· φυλακὴ μὲν γὰρ καὶ τήρησις ἦν, μετὰ μέντοι ἀνέσεως τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ δίαιταν.

²³⁵ and another to Piso, the prefect of the city, stating the same and commanding that Agrippa be moved from the [Praetorian] camp to the house where he had lived before he was bound. From that point on, he lived in confidence; for while he was still under watch and custody, there was a relaxation in his daily life.

²³⁵ another to Piso, the governor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house where he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for although he was still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs.

²³⁵ another came to Piso, the prefect of the city, telling him the same thing. He also directed that Agrippa be moved from the camp to the house where he had lived before being put in prison. So now he had nothing to fear, for although still in custody, he could be at ease regarding his safety.

²³⁶ δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ παρῆν ἄγων τοῦ τὸ σῶμα, ταφάς τε αὐτοῦ‎ ποιεῖται πολυτελεῖς νόμοις τοῖς πατρίοις, τε αὐθημερὸν λύειν ὄντα πρόθυμον κώλυμα ἦν οὔ τι μίσει τῷ πρὸς τὸν δεδεμένον προμηθείᾳ δὲ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς, μὴ δόξαν ἀπάγοιτο ἡδονῇ δεχομένου τὴν‎ τελευτὴν ἄνδρα ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου δεδεμένον λύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος.

²³⁶ When Gaius arrived in Rome bringing the body of Tiberius, he performed a costly funeral according to ancestral customs. Although he was eager to release Agrippa that very day, Antonia acted as a check—not out of any hatred for the prisoner, but out of concern for Gaius's reputation, lest he seem to receive the death of Tiberius with relish by immediately releasing a man imprisoned by him.

²³⁶ Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius’s dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Caius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately.

²³⁶ When Gaius came to Rome bringing the dead body of Tiberius and gave him a magnificent funeral according to the laws of his country, he would have released Agrippa that very day, but Antonia bade him delay, not from any ill-will to the prisoner, but out of regard for Gaius' reputation, in case people should think him pleased at the death of Tiberius, by too soon releasing someone he had imprisoned.

²³⁷ διελθουσῶν μέντοι οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀποκείρει τε αὐτὸν καὶ μεταμφιέννυσιν, εἶτα δὲ τὸ διάδημα περιτίθησιν τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ βασιλέα καθίστησιν αὐτὸν τῆς τετραρχίας δωρησάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν‎ τετραρχίαν, ἀλλάττει τε σιδηρᾷ ἁλύσει χρυσῆν ἰσόσταθμον. ἱππάρχην δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκπέμπει Μάρυλλον.

²³⁷ However, when not many days had passed, he summoned him to his house, had his hair cut, and changed his clothing; then he placed the diadem upon his head and appointed him king of the tetrarchy of Philip, gifting him also the tetrarchy of Lysanias; and he exchanged his iron chain for a gold one of equal weight. He sent Marullus as master of the horse to Judea.

²³⁷ However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.

²³⁷ But not many days passed before he invited him to his house and had him shaved and gave him a change of clothing. Afterward he put a crown on his head and appointed him as king of the tetrarchy of Philip; and he also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and exchanged his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. Then he also sent Marullus as cavalry commander in Judea.

²³⁸ Δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ΓαίουGaius ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἡγεμονίας ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ἠξίου συγχώρησιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι πλεύσαντι τήν τε ἀρχὴν καταστήσασθαι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα εἰς δέον οἰκονομησαμένῳ ἐπανιέναι.	²³⁸ In the second year of Gaius Caesar’s reign, Agrippa requested permission to sail home to settle his kingdom and arrange his affairs before returning.
²³⁸ Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to return again, when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put.	²³⁸ In the second year of the reign of Gaius Caesar, Agrippa asked permission to sail home, promising to return again when he had secured his rule and put all other things in order.

²³⁹ καὶ συγχωροῦντος τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος παρῆν παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας τε ὤφθη πᾶσι βασιλεὺς πολλήν τε τῆς τύχης ἐπεδείκνυεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν τοῖς θεωροῦσιν ἐκ λογισμῶν τε τῆς πρότερον καὶ τοῦ ἐν τῷ παρόντι εὐδαίμονος. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐμακάριζον τοῦ μὴ διαμαρτίᾳ χρησαμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ἀπιστίᾳ περὶ τῶν γεγονότων ἦσαν.

²³⁹ The emperor having granted this, he arrived home appearing to all as a king beyond all expectation, demonstrating to those who saw him the immense power of Fortune over men—contrasting his former poverty with his present prosperity. Some called him blessed for not missing his hopes, while others remained in disbelief regarding the events that had transpired."

²³⁹ So, upon the emperor’s permission, he came into his own country, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as a king, and thereby demonstrated to the men that saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present happy affluence; so some called him a happy man, and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better.

²³⁹ With the emperor’s permission he came home unexpectedly as king and proved to all who saw him the power of fortune, when they compared his former poverty with his present affluence, so that some called him a lucky man and others could hardly believe that for him things had changed so much for the better.

The "Lion" and the Hebrew Code (Γλώσσῃ τῇ Ἑβραίων)
The phrase "Τέθνηκεν ὁ λέων" (The Lion is dead) is one of the most famous literary moments in Josephus. By specifying that Marsyas spoke in "the language of the Hebrews" (likely Aramaic), Josephus emphasizes the cultural solidarity between the Jewish aristocrat and his freedman. It also highlights the "clandestine" nature of Jewish life within the Roman capital; they have a private language that the centurion—despite being "already a friend"—cannot decode without their permission.

The Psychology of the "False Alarm"
The centurion’s violent reaction to the rumor that Tiberius was still alive illustrates the reign of terror under which Rome lived. In a system where "treason" (maiestas) was defined by the emperor’s whim, celebrating a death that hadn't happened was a suicide mission. The centurion's shift from dining companion to enraged jailer is not a sign of personal cruelty, but of absolute survival instinct.

Antonia's "Decorum" (Εὐπρεποῦς)
Antonia Minor proves her political genius once more. She prevents Gaius from releasing Agrippa immediately, not to punish Agrippa, but to protect the legitimacy of Gaius's transition. By waiting a few days, Gaius avoids looking like he is systematically undoing Tiberius's acts out of spite. It is a lesson in the "optics" of Roman power.

The Golden Chain (Χρυσῆν Ἰσόσταθμον)
This is a powerful symbolic gesture. Caligula replaces Agrippa’s iron chain with a gold one of the exact same weight. It is a poetic "redemption" of his suffering. It turns the weight of his humiliation into the weight of his wealth.

Note: According to later tradition, when Agrippa returned to Jerusalem, he dedicated this gold chain to the Temple as a memorial of his suffering and God's providence.

The Power of Fortune (Τῆς Τύχης)
Josephus concludes by noting the "disbelief" of the people. Agrippa’s life had been a series of spectacular failures—debts, flights, and imprisonment. His return as a King (inheriting the lands of his uncle Philip and Lysanias) was so statistically improbable that Josephus treats it as a philosophical proof of Tyche (Fortune/Providence).

Chapter 7
[240-256]
Urged on by his wife Herodias, Herod Antipas makes a foolish request
and is banished by Caligula

☜ ☞

²⁴⁰ δὲ ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ συνοικοῦσα , τετράρχης δὲ οὗτος ἦν καὶ , φθόνῳ τἀδελφοῦ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἐδέχετο ὁρῶσα ἐν πολὺ μείζονι ἀξιώματι γεγενημένον ἀνδρὸς τοῦ αὐτῆς, διὰ τὸ φυγῇ μὲν ποιήσασθαι τὴν‎ ἔξοδον διαλῦσαι τὰ χρέα μὴ δυνάμενον, κάθοδον δὲ μετ᾽ ἀξιώματος καὶ οὕτως πολλοῦ τοῦ εὐδαίμονος.

²⁴⁰ "Now Herodias, the sister of Agrippa, who was married to Herod [Antipas]—the tetrarch of Galilee and Perea—beheld her brother's power with envy. She saw that he had attained a far greater degree of dignity than her own husband, despite the fact that he had departed in flight, unable to pay his debts, only to return with such great prestige and prosperity.

²⁴⁰ But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to that Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, took this authority of her brother in an envious manner, particularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him than her husband had; since, when he ran away, it was because he was not able to pay his debts; and now he was come back, it was because he was in a way of dignity, and of great good fortune.

²⁴⁰ But Herodias, Agrippa’s sister, who now lived as wife to the Herod who was tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, envied this authority of her brother, particularly when she saw him given higher rank than her husband, since he had fled because he was unable to pay his debts and now he was back, with all dignity and affluence.

²⁴¹ ἐλυπεῖτο οὖν καὶ βαρέως ἔφερεν τῇ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ‎ μεταβολῇ, καὶ μάλιστα θεάσαιτο μετὰ τῶν εἰωθότων παρασήμων τῆς βασιλείας ἐπιφοιτῶντά τε τοῖς πλήθεσιν, ἐπικρύπτεσθαι οὐκ ἠνείχετο τὴν‎ δυστυχίαν τοῦ φθόνου, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἄνδρα ἐξῆρεν κελεύουσα ἐπὶ τῆς πλεῖν ἐπὶ μνηστείᾳ τῶν ἴσων·

²⁴¹ She was grieved and took his immense change of fortune heavily. Most of all, whenever she saw him appearing before the multitudes with the customary insignia of royalty, she could not suppress the misery caused by her envy. Instead, she urged her husband on, commanding him to sail to Rome to petition for the same honors.

²⁴¹ She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honors equal to his;

²⁴¹ She was annoyed at such a change in his affairs, especially when she saw him making his entrance among the crowds in all his regalia, and could not conceal her bitter envy at him, but stirred up her husband to sail to Rome, to seek equal status to his.

²⁴² οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀνεκτὸν εἶναι σφίσι τὸ ζῆν, εἰ μὲν υἱὸς ὢν θανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς κατεγνωσμένου, πενίᾳ δὲ ἀπόρῳ συνιών, ὡς τελέως αὐτῷ ἐπικουφίζεσθαι τἀναγκαῖα τοῦ ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας, φυγῇ δὲ τῶν δεδανεικότων τὸν πλοῦν πεποιημένος ἐπανεληλύθοι βασιλεύς, αὐτὸς δέ γε ὢν παῖς βασιλέως καὶ τοῦ συγγενοῦς τῆς ἀρχῆς καλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μεταποιήσει τῶν ἴσων καθέζοιτο ἀγαπῶν ἐν ἰδιωτείᾳ διαβιοῦν.

²⁴² She argued that their lives were intolerable if Agrippa—the son of Aristobulus, a man condemned to death by his own father [Herod the Great], a man who had lived in such desperate poverty that his daily needs were barely met, and who had fled his creditors by sea—could return as a king; while Antipas himself, being the son of a king and called by his very lineage to the throne, sat content to live out his life as a private citizen.

²⁴² for she said that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her husband in such extreme poverty, that the necessaries of life were forced to be entirely supplied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king; while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life.

²⁴² She said she could no longer bear to live if Agrippa, the son of the Aristobulus who was executed by his father, a man who had come to her husband in such extreme poverty that he had to be supplied with the essentials of everyday life, and had fled overseas to escape his creditors, now returned as king, while her husband, himself the son of a king and whose royal blood called on him to hold a similar dignity, sat idle and must be content to live as a commoner.

²⁴³ ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ πρότερόν γε, , μηδὲν ἐλύπει σε τὸ ἐν ἐλάσσονι τιμῇ πατρὸς οὗ γέγονας εἶναι, νῦν γοῦν ὀρέχθητι συγγενοῦς ἀξιώματος μηδὲ ὑπόμενε ἡσσᾶσθαι προύχοντι τιμῆς ἀνδρὶ πλοῦτον τεθεραπευκότι τὸν σόν, μηδὲ πενίαν ἀποφήνῃς τὴν‎ ἐκείνου τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐπορίας ἀρετῇ μᾶλλον χρῆσθαι δυναμένην, μηδὲ δευτερεύειν ἀνεπαίσχυντον ἡγοῦ τῶν χθές τε καὶ πρῴην τῷ σῷ διαβεβιωκότων.

²⁴³ 'Even if previously, Herod,' she said, 'it did not grieve you to be held in less honor than the father who begot you, at least now reach out for a dignity equal to your kinsman's. Do not endure being surpassed in honor by a man who once cultivated your own wealth [out of necessity], nor let it be shown that his former poverty was more capable of virtue than our own abundance. Do not consider it a thing without shame to take second place to one who, only yesterday or the day before, lived by your own mercy.

²⁴³ "But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father from whom thou wast derived had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to; and do not thou bear this contempt, that a man who admired thy riches should be in greater honor than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abundance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity.

²⁴³ "But Herod, even if formerly you were not bothered at being in a lower rank than your father once had, now you must go after the same rank your kinsman has reached. Do not endure the indignity of letting a man who used to court your wealth now be in a higher station than yourself, seeing his poverty was able to buy more esteem than our abundance. Do not think it less than shameful to be inferior to one who so recently lived off your charity.

²⁴⁴ ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῆς ἴωμεν, καὶ μήτε πόνου φειδώ τις ἔστω μήτε ἀργυρίου δαπάνης καὶ χρυσίου, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ᾽ οὐδαμινοῖς ἐν βελτίοσιν γενέσθαι τὴν‎ τήρησιν αὐτῶν ἀναλώσεως τῆς ἐπὶ κτήσει βασιλείας ἐσομένης."

²⁴⁴ Let us go to Rome, and let there be no sparing of labor or the spending of silver and gold; for there is no better purpose for preserving such things than to expend them for the acquisition of a kingdom.'"

²⁴⁴ But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom."

²⁴⁴ But let us go to Rome and spare no effort or expense of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the winning of a kingdom."

²⁴⁵ Ὁ δὲ τέως μὲν ἀπεμάχετο ἀγαπῶν τὴν‎ ἡσυχίαν καὶ τῆς τὸν ὄχλον δι᾽ λαμβάνων ἀναδιδάσκειν τε αὐτὴν ἐπειρᾶτο, ἡ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἐξαναχωροῦντα ἑώρα μειζόνως ἐπέκειτο κελεύουσα μὴ ἀνιέναι πάντα πράσσειν ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ.

²⁴⁵ "Now Antipas for a time fought against her [Herodias], for he loved his tranquility and regarded the bustle of Rome with suspicion, and he tried to instruct her otherwise. But the more she saw him drawing back, the more pressingly she urged him, commanding him not to give up until he had done everything for the sake of the kingship.

²⁴⁵ But for Herod, he opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and having a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and desired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king;

²⁴⁵ He [Herod] opposed her request for a time, from his love of leisure and having an inkling of the trouble he might have in Rome, so he tried to bring her around. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it and asked him to seek to be king at any cost.

²⁴⁶ καὶ πέρας οὐκ ἀνῆκεν ἕως ἐξενίκησεν αὐτὸν ὁμογνώμονα αὐτῇ ἀκουσίως γενέσθαι διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἄλλως ἀποφυγεῖν αὐτῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιούτοις ψηφισάμενον, παρασκευασάμενός τε ὡς ἐνῆν πολυτελῶς καὶ φειδοῖ μηδενὸς χρώμενος ἀνήγετο ἐπὶ τῆς ἅμα καὶ τὴν‎ Ἡρωδιάδα ἀγόμενος.

²⁴⁶ And in the end, she did not relent until she forced him to become of the same mind as her, though against his will, because there was no other way to escape her determination on these matters. Having prepared as sumptuously as possible and sparing no expense, he set sail for Rome, taking Herodias with him.

²⁴⁶ and at last she left not off till she engaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no otherwise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him.

²⁴⁶ She never gave up until she won him over, like it or not, to her view, as the only way to stop her nagging. So he prepared everything, sparing no expense, and set off for Rome, taking Herodias with him.

²⁴⁷ δὲ τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν‎ παρασκευὴν αἰσθόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς παρεσκευάζετο, ἐπεί τε ἐκπεπλευκότας ἀκούει, πέμπει καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῆς Φορτουνᾶτον αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων δῶρά τε κομίζοντα τῷ αὐτοκράτορι καὶ ἐπιστολὰς κατὰ τοῦ τὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν διδάξοντα ᾗ καιρὸς τὸν .

²⁴⁷ But Agrippa, perceiving both their intention and their preparation, made his own preparations. As soon as he heard they had set sail, he himself sent to Rome Fortunatus, one of his freedmen, carrying gifts for the Emperor and letters against Herod, while also instructing him to inform Gaius as the opportunity arose.

²⁴⁷ But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry presents to the emperor, and letters against Herod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any opportunity.

²⁴⁷ But Agrippa learned of their intentions and preparations, and also prepared to go there. As soon as he heard they had set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freedmen, to Rome, bringing gifts to the emperor and letters against Herod and to tell Gaius about them as soon as opportunity arose.

²⁴⁸ ὁ δὲ ἐπαναχθεὶς τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν καὶ δεξιῷ χρησάμενος τῷ πλῷ τοσόνδε ἀπελίπετο τοῦ , ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἐντυχεῖν Γαίῳ, ὁ δὲ ἐπικατάγεται καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀπεδίδου. Καὶ προσέπλευσαν ἀμφότεροι καὶ τὸν ἐν λαμβάνουσιν.

²⁴⁸ Fortunatus, having set out after Herod's party and having experienced a favorable voyage, followed so closely behind Herod that while the latter was meeting with Gaius, Fortunatus himself was putting into port and delivering the letters. They had both sailed to Puteoli (Dicaearchia) and found Gaius at Baiae.

²⁴⁸ This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and delivered his letters; for they both sailed to Dicearchia, and found Caius at Bairn,

²⁴⁸ This man followed so soon after Herod and had such a good voyage that he arrived in Rome almost at the same time, so that when Herod reached Gaius, this man had already come and delivered his letters. They both sailed to Dicaearchia and found Gaius at Baii.

²⁴⁹ πολύδριον δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων πέντε τῆς κείμενον, βασίλειοί τέ εἰσιν οἰκήσεις αὐτόθι πολυτελέσι κεχρημέναι κατασκευαῖς φιλοτιμηθέντος τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ἑκάστου τοὺς προγεγονότας ὑπερβάλλεσθαι, λουτρά τε παρέχεται τὸ χωρίον θερμὰ γῆθεν αὐτόματα ἀνιέντα ἀγαθὰ ἐπί τε ἰάσει τοῖς χρωμένοις καὶ ἄλλως τῷ ἀνειμένῳ τῆς διαίτης συμφέροντα.

²⁴⁹ This is a small town in Campania, lying about five stadia from Puteoli; there are royal residences there, furnished with lavish appointments, as each of the emperors vied to surpass his predecessors. The place also provides hot baths that rise automatically from the earth, which are good for the healing of those who use them and otherwise beneficial for a relaxed lifestyle.

²⁴⁹ which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sumptuous apartments, every emperor still endeavoring to outdo his predecessor’s magnificence; the place also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own accord, which are of advantage for the recovery of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men’s luxury also.

²⁴⁹ This is a little city of Campania, about five furlongs from Dicearchia, and in it are royal palaces, with rich apartments, as each emperor tried to outdo his predecessor’s magnificence. It has warm springs coming naturally from the ground, which are of therapeutic value along with being an amenity for good living.

²⁵⁰ δὲ ἅμα τε προσαγορεύων τὸν , πρῶτον δὲ αὐτῷ ἐνετύγχανεν, ἅμα τε τοῦ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπιὼν ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου συγκειμένας, κατηγόρει δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ ὁμολογίαν πρὸς κατὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος κατὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς,

²⁵⁰ Gaius, while greeting Herod (who had the first audience with him), was simultaneously reading Agrippa's letters, which were composed as an accusation against him. He [Agrippa] accused him of a conspiracy with Sejanus against the rule of Tiberius, and of currently conspiring with Artabanus the Parthian against the rule of Gaius.

²⁵⁰ Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse Herod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Sejanus against Tiberius’s and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, in opposition to the government of Caius;

²⁵⁰ Now Gaius greeted Herod, meeting him the first time, and then looked at the letters Agrippa had sent him, written in order to accuse Herod, and where he accused him of plotting with Sejanus against Tiberius and of now plotting with Artabanus, the king of Parthia, against the rule of Gaius.

²⁵¹ παράδειγμά τε ἦν αὐτῷ τοῦ λόγου μυριάσιν ἑπτὰ ὁπλιτῶν ἀρκέσουσα κατασκευὴ ἐν ταῖς ὁπλοθήκαις ἀποκειμένη, ἐκινεῖτό τε ὑπὸ τῶν εἰρημένων καὶ ἤρετο τὸν , εἰ ἀληθὴς ὁ περὶ τῶν ὅπλων λόγος.

²⁵¹ As proof of the charge, he cited the equipment for seventy thousand heavy infantry stored in Herod's armories. Gaius was moved by these reports and asked Herod if the report about the weapons was true.

²⁵¹ as a demonstration of which he alleged, that he had armor sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armory. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod whether what was said about the armor was true;

²⁵¹ In proof, he alleged that he had ready in his armoury enough weapons for seventy thousand men. Roused by this, he asked Herod if what was said about the armour was true.

²⁵² τοῦ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα εἰπεῖν διὰ τὸ ἀντιφθέγξασθαι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, εἰπόντος εἶναι τὰ ὅπλα, πιστὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει κατηγορούμενα, τὴν‎ τετραρχίαν ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν τῇ βασιλείᾳ ποιεῖται καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως τῷ δίδωσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ φυγῇ ἀιδίῳ ἐζημίωσεν ἀποδείξας οἰκητήριον αὐτοῦ‎ Λούγδουνον πόλιν τῆς .

²⁵² Herod—for he could not say otherwise, as the truth would cry out against him—admitted the weapons were there. Gaius, believing the accusations of rebellion to be true, took away his tetrarchy and added it to Agrippa's kingdom, and likewise gave Herod's money to Agrippa. He punished Herod with perpetual exile, designating the city of Lyons (Lugdunum) in Gaul as his residence.

²⁵² and when he confessed there was such armor there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa’s kingdom; he also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation.

²⁵² Since he could not deny it, as it was too well known, he said the weapons were there, and Gaius took it as proof of the accusation that he meant to revolt. So he took away his tetrarchy from him and added it to Agrippa’s kingdom. He also gave Herod’s money to Agrippa, and as a punishment, assigned him to perpetual banishment in Lyons, a city of Gaul.

²⁵³ Ἡρωδιάδα δὲ μαθὼν ἈγρίππουAgrippa ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν τά τε χρήματα ἐδίδου ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐκείνῃ ἰδίᾳ ἦν καὶ τοῦ μὴ κοινωνεῖν νομίσας τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς συμφορᾶς τεῖχος αὐτῇ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγεν.	²⁵³ Upon learning that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, Gaius offered to give her whatever money was her own private property, and thinking she should not share in her husband's misfortune, he told her that her brother was a 'wall' [protection] for her.
²⁵³ But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her husband.	²⁵³ When he learned that Herodias was Agrippa’s sister, he made her a gift of money in her own right and told her she was spared from the same plight as her husband, on account of her brother.

²⁵⁴ ἡ δέ " ἀλλὰ σὺ μέν, αὐτόκρατορ, εἶπεν, μεγαλοφρόνως τε καὶ ἀξιώματι τῷ σαυτοῦ πρεπόντως τάδε λέγεις, κώλυμα δέ μοί ἐστιν χρῆσθαί σου τῇ χάριτι τῆς δωρεᾶς εὔνοια ἡ πρὸς τὸν γεγαμηκότα, οὗ κοινωνόν με τῆς εὐδαιμονίας γενομένην οὐ δίκαιον ἐγκατα

²⁵⁴ But she replied: 'O Emperor, you say these things with a great mind and in a manner befitting your dignity; however, the goodwill I bear toward my husband prevents me from using the grace of your gift. It is not just that I, who was a partner in his prosperity, should abandon him in his current fortune.'

²⁵⁴ But she made this reply: "Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnificent manner, and as becomes thyself in what thou offerest me; but the kindness which I have for my husband hinders me from partaking of the favor of thy gift; for it is not just that I, who have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his misfortunes."

²⁵⁴ But she replied: "Emperor, what you offer me is magnificent and worthy of you, but my love for my husband prevents me from accepting the favour of your gift, for it is not right that I, who have shared in his prosperity, should forsake him in his troubles."

²⁵⁵ λιπεῖν τὸ ἐπὶ ταῖς τύχαις καθεσταμένον. ὁ δὲ ὀργῇ τοῦ μεγαλόφρονος αὐτὴν ποιησάμενος συνήλαυνεν καὶ αὐτὴν τῷ καὶ τὴν‎ οὐσίαν αὐτῆς τῷ δίδωσιν. Ἡρωδιάδι μὲν δὴ φθόνου τοῦ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ γυναικείων ἀκροασαμένῳ κουφολογιῶν δίκην ταύτην ἐπετίμησεν ὁ θεός.

²⁵⁵ Gaius, made angry by her high-mindedness, drove her into exile along with Herod and gave her property to Agrippa. Thus God inflicted this penalty upon Herodias for her envy toward her brother, and upon Herod for listening to the empty talk of a woman.

²⁵⁵ Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banishment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman.

²⁵⁵ Gaius was angry with her for this and sent her into banishment with Herod and gave her estate to Agrippa. So did God punish the envy of Herodias toward her brother, and Herod too, for giving ear to the woman’s vain words.

²⁵⁶ δὲ τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ τὸν ἑξῆς πάνυ μεγαλοφρόνως ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασιν καὶ μέτριον παρέχων αὑτὸν εἰς εὔνοιαν πολλὴν προυχώρει παρά τε αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις. προιὼν δ᾽ ἐξίστατο τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνως φρονεῖν ὑπὸ μεγέθους τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκθειάζων ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐπ᾽ ἀτιμίᾳ τοῦ θείου πολιτεύειν ἦρτο.

²⁵⁶ Now Gaius, during the first year and the next, conducted affairs with great magnanimity and, by showing himself moderate, advanced far into the goodwill of both the Romans themselves and their subjects. But as time went on, he departed from human thinking; by the greatness of his rule, he began to deify himself and was moved to conduct all things to the dishonor of the Divine."

²⁵⁶ Now Caius managed public affairs with great magnanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with such moderation, that he gained the good-will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond the bounds of human nature in his conceit of himself, and by reason of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the reproach of the Deity itself.

²⁵⁶ Now during the first and second year of his reign Gaius managed public affairs very ably and acted with such moderation that he gained the goodwill of the Romans themselves and the subject peoples. But in the course of time, he went beyond the humane limits in his self-conceit and because of the vastness of his dominions made himself a god and took upon himself to act in all things in disregard of the honour of God.

The "Baiae" Setting
Josephus provides a vivid description of Baiae, the famous Roman resort town. By mentioning the "automatic" hot baths and the competitive luxury of the imperial villas, he underscores the decadent atmosphere of the court where Antipas's fate was decided. It serves as a literary contrast: the soft, warm baths of Italy vs. the cold, "perpetual" exile of Lyons in Gaul.

The Smoking Gun: 70,000 Shields
The accusation of a Parthian alliance was common, but the physical evidence—the "ὁπλοθήκαις" (armories)—was Antipas's undoing. Storing weapons for 70,000 men was far beyond the needs of a local tetrarch for "police" work. In the eyes of a Roman Emperor, such a stockpile could only mean one thing: a bid for independence or a coup. Agrippa’s intelligence was precise and devastating.

The Character of Herodias: A Tragic Loyalty
Despite Josephus's moralizing conclusion that she was a victim of "envy" and "empty talk," Herodias is given a moment of remarkable dignity. Her refusal to abandon Antipas, choosing exile over the Emperor's "grace," provides her with a certain tragic nobility. She remains consistent: she was the partner of his success, and she remains the partner of his ruin.

The Transformation of Agrippa I
With this judgment, Agrippa becomes the most powerful Herod since his grandfather, Herod the Great. He now controls the Tetrarchy of Philip, the Tetrarchy of Lysanias, and the Tetrarchy of Antipas (Galilee and Perea). He has effectively "eaten" his rival's kingdom through superior diplomacy and a faster messenger service (Fortunatus).

The Deification of Caligula
The passage ends with an ominous transition. Josephus notes that after two years of "moderation," Caligula begins to "ἐκθειάζων ἑαυτόν" (deify himself). This is the "inciting incident" for the next major crisis in Judea: Caligula's demand to place his statue in the Temple in Jerusalem. The story shifts from Herodian family squabbles to a direct existential threat to the Jewish religion.

Chapter 8
[257-309]
Gaius sends Petronius to make the Jews accept his statue.
Successful Intervention by Agrippa, to avoid revolt

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²⁵⁷ Καὶ δὴ στάσεως ἐν γενομένης τε οἳ ἐνοικοῦσι καὶ τρεῖς ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρας τῆς στάσεως πρεσβευταὶ αἱρεθέντες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν . Καὶ ἦν γὰρ τῶν πρέσβεων εἷς , ὃς πολλὰ εἰς τοὺς ἐβλασφήμησεν ἄλλα τε λέγων καὶ ὡς τῶν τιμῶν περιορῷεν·

²⁵⁷ "When a sedition arose in Alexandria between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks, three ambassadors were chosen from each faction and appeared before Gaius. One of the Alexandrian ambassadors was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews, saying, among other things, that they neglected the honors due to Caesar.

²⁵⁷ There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks; and three ambassadors were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alexandria was Apion, who uttered many blasphemies against the Jews; and, among other things that he said, he charged them with neglecting the honors that belonged to Caesar;

²⁵⁷ Meanwhile there was disorder in Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks, and three envoys were chosen from each of the rival parties to come to Gaius. One of the envoys from Alexandria was Apion, who heaped many insults on the Jews, among other things, that they neglected the honours due to Caesar.

²⁵⁸ πάντων γοῦν τῇ ἀρχῇ ὑποτελεῖς εἶεν βωμοὺς τῷ Γαίῳ καὶ νεὼς ἱδρυμένων τά τε ἄλλα πᾶσιν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ τοὺς θεοὺς δεχομένων, μόνους τούσδε ἄδοξον ἡγεῖσθαι ἀνδριᾶσι τιμᾶν καὶ ὅρκιον αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ὄνομα ποιεῖσθαι.

²⁵⁸ He stated that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Gaius and received him in all other respects as they did the gods, these men alone thought it dishonorable to honor him with statues or to swear by his name.

²⁵⁸ for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally received him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonorable thing for them to erect statues in honor of him, as well as to swear by his name.

²⁵⁸ All others who were subject to the Roman empire built altars and temples to Gaius and received him in every way as they received the gods, while they alone thought it unworthy of them to honour human statues and to swear by his name.

²⁵⁹ πολλὰ δὲ καὶ χαλεπὰ εἰρηκότος, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἀρθῆναι ἤλπιζεν τὸν καὶ εἰκὸς ἦν, ὁ προεστὼς τῶν τῆς πρεσβείας, ἀνὴρ τὰ πάντα ἔνδοξος τε τοῦ ἀδελφὸς ὢν καὶ φιλοσοφίας οὐκ ἄπειρος, οἷός τε ἦν ἐπ᾽ ἀπολογίᾳ χωρεῖν τῶν κατηγορημένων. διακλείει δ᾽ αὐτὸν κελεύσας ἐκποδὼν ἀπελθεῖν,

²⁵⁹ Though Apion said many harsh things by which he hoped to incite Gaius—as was likely to happen—Philo, the head of the Jewish embassy, a man held in high honor in all respects (being the brother of Alexander the Alabarch and not unskilled in philosophy), was ready to proceed with a defense against these accusations.

²⁵⁹ Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexander the alabarch, and one not unskillful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defense against those accusations;

²⁵⁹ Many such harsh things were said by Apion, hoping to provoke Gaius to anger, as seemed likely. Then Philo, the head of the Jewish delegation, a most eminent man, the brother of Alexander the alabarch and one not unskilled in philosophy, was about to make his defence against those accusations, when Gaius stopped him and ordered him away.

²⁶⁰ περιοργής τε ὢν φανερὸς ἦν ἐργασόμενός τι δεινὸν αὐτούς. ὁ δὲ ἔξεισι περιυβρισμένος καί φησι πρὸς τοὺς , οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν, ὡς χρὴ θαρρεῖν, λόγῳ μὲν αὐτοῖς ὠργισμένου, δὲ ἤδη τὸν θεὸν ἀντιπαρεξάγοντος.

²⁶⁰ But Gaius cut him off, commanding him to get out of the way; he was clearly in a great rage and was about to do them some terrible mischief. Philo went out, having been treated with great insult, and said to the Jews who were around him that they should take courage; for though Gaius was angry at them in word, he was already, by his actions, bringing God into the field as an adversary against himself.

²⁶⁰ but Caius prohibited him, and bid him begone; he was also in such a rage, that it openly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius’s words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality had already set God against himself.

²⁶⁰ He was in such a rage, that it seemed clear he was about to do them some great harm. So Philo, much insulted, went out and told the Jews around him to take heart, since Gaius' words showed him angry with them, but in truth he had already drawn on himself the wrath of God.

²⁶¹ δὲ ἐν δεινῷ φέρων εἰς τοσόνδε ὑπὸ περιῶφθαι μόνων πρεσβευτὴν ἐπὶ ἐκπέμπει διάδοχον Οὐιτελλίῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς, κελεύων χειρὶ πολλῇ εἰσβαλόντι εἰς τὴν‎ , εἰ μὲν δέχοιντο, ἱστᾶν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰ δ᾽ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρῷντο, πολέμῳ κρατήσαντα τοῦτο ποιεῖν.

²⁶¹ Gaius, taking it as a grievance to be so overlooked by the Jews alone, sent Petronius as the successor to Vitellius in the government of Syria. He commanded him to invade Judea with a large force and, if they received him willingly, to set up his [Gaius's] statue in the Temple of God; but if they used obstinacy, he was to do this after conquering them in war.

²⁶¹ Hereupon Caius, taking it very heinously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an invasion into Judea, with a great body of troops; and if they would admit of his statue willingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it.

²⁶¹ Gaius was grievously angry that the Jews alone dared to scorn him in this way, so he sent Petronius as governor of Syria and successor to Vitellius with orders to invade Judea with a large army and if they were willing to accept his statue, to erect it in the temple of God, but if they persisted, to crush them in war and then to do it.

²⁶² καὶ παραλαβὼν ἠπείγετο διακονεῖσθαι ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς τοῦ , συμμαχίαν τε πλείστην ὅσην ἠδύνατο ἀθροίσας καὶ τάγματα δύο τῆς δυνάμεως ἄγων ἐπὶ παρῆν αὐτόθι χειμάσων ὡς πρὸς ἔαρ τοῦ πολεμεῖν οὐκ ἀφεξόμενος, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἔγραφεν περὶ τῶν ἐπεγνωσμένων. ὁ δὲ τῆς προθυμίας αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκέλευεν μὴ ἀνιέναι πολεμεῖν δὲ μὴ πειθομένοις ἐντεταμένως.

²⁶² Petronius, having taken over Syria, made haste to serve the letters of Caesar. Gathering as large an allied force as possible and leading two legions of the Roman power, he came to Ptolemais to winter there, intending to begin the war toward spring. He wrote to Gaius regarding his decisions, and the Emperor praised his zeal, commanding him not to relent but to make war intensely on those who would not obey.

²⁶² Accordingly, Petronius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar’s epistle. He got together as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Caius what he had resolved to do, who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands.

²⁶² So Petronius took up the government of Syria and hurried to obey Caesar’s rescript. He gathered as many allies as he could and took two legions of the Roman army and came to Ptolemais, where he wintered, intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote to Gaius about what he intended to do, and was praised for his zeal and told to go on to war with them, if they would not obey.

²⁶³ ἸουδαίωνJews δὲ πολλαὶ μυριάδες παρῆσαν ὡς τὸν ΠετρώνιονPetronius εἰς ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais κατὰ δεήσεις μηδὲν ἐπὶ παρανομίᾳ σφᾶς ἐπαναγκάζειν καὶ παραβάσει τοῦ πατρίου νόμου.	²⁶³ Now many tens of thousands of Jews came to Petronius at Ptolemais with petitions, begging him not to force them into a violation of the law and a transgression of their ancestral custom.
²⁶³ But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their petitions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their forefathers;	²⁶³ But many thousands came to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to petition him not to make them transgress and violate their ancestral law.

²⁶⁴ εἰ δέ σοι πάντως πρόκειται τὸν φέρειν καὶ ἱστᾶν, ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς πρότερον μεταχειρισάμενος πρᾶσσε τὰ δεδογμένα· οὐδὲ γὰρ δυνάμεθα περιόντες θεωρεῖν πράγματα ἡμῖν ἀπηγορευμένα ἀξιώματί τε τοῦ νομοθέτου καὶ προπατόρων τῶν ἡμετέρων τῶν εἰς ἀρετὴν ἀνήκειν αὐτὰ κεχειροτονηκότων. δὲ ὀργὴν λαβὼν εἶπεν·

²⁶⁴ 'If,' they said, 'it is your absolute purpose to bring and set up the statue, first kill us all, and then carry out your decrees; for we cannot, while we live, behold things forbidden to us by the authority of our Legislator and our forefathers, who ordained these things to pertain to virtue.'

²⁶⁴ "but if," said they, "thou art entirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on; for while we are alive we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers' determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue."

²⁶⁴ "However," they said, "if you are fully resolved to bring this statue and set it up, you must first kill us and then do what you intend, for while we are alive we cannot let such things be done that are forbidden to us by our revered Lawgiver and our ancestors' virtuous resistance to them."

²⁶⁵ " ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν αὐτοκράτωρ ὢν βουλεύμασι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ τάδε πράσσειν ἐπενόουν, κἂν δίκαιος ἦν ὑμῖν πρός με οὗτος ὁ λόγος. νυνὶ δέ μοι ἐπεσταλκότος πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διακονεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐκείνῳ προανεψηφισμένοις διὰ τὸ εἰς ἀνηκεστοτέραν φέρειν ζημίαν τὴν‎ παρακρόασιν αὐτῶν. " ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὕτως φρονεῖς,

²⁶⁵ Petronius, becoming angry, replied: 'If I were the Emperor and were acting on my own designs, your speech to me would be just. But as Caesar has sent these orders, there is an absolute necessity for me to serve those things already decreed, because to neglect them would bring the most incurable penalty.'

²⁶⁵ But Petronius was angry at them, and said, "If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the necessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction."

²⁶⁵ But Petronius was angry with them and said, "If I myself were emperor and were free to follow my own inclination if I wished, this petition of your could be fairly made to me, but it is Caesar who sent me instructions and I have to carry them out, since to disobey them will bring inevitable punishment on me."

²⁶⁶ ὦ Πετρώνιε, φασὶν οἱ , ὡς μὴ ἂν ἐπιστολὰς τὰς παρελθεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτοὶ παραβαίημεν τοῦ νόμου τὴν‎ προαγόρευσιν θεοῦ πεισθέντες ἀρετῇ καὶ προγόνων πόνοις τῶν ἡμετέρων εἰς νῦν ἀπαράβατοι μεμενηκότες, οὐδ᾽ ἂν τολμήσαιμεν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κακοὶ γενέσθαι, ὥστε ἐκείνῳ δόξειεν μὴ πρασσόμενα ἀγαθοῦ ῥοπὴν ἡμῖν φέρειν αὐτοὶ παραβαίνειν ποτ᾽ ἂν θάνατον φοβηθέντες.

²⁶⁶ To this the Jews replied: 'Since you think this way, O Petronius—that you cannot bypass the letters of Gaius—neither can we ourselves bypass the command of the Law. Having been persuaded by the virtue of God and the labors of our ancestors, we have remained until now in a state of non-transgression. Nor would we dare to become so cowardly as to violate what God has decreed, for the sake of a moment of favor, out of a fear of death.

²⁶⁶ Then the Jews replied, "Since, therefore, thou art so disposed, O Petronius! that thou wilt not disobey Caius’s epistles, neither will we transgress the commands of our law; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labors of our ancestors, have continued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suffer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those laws out of the fear of death,

²⁶⁶ Then the Jews answered, "Petronius, just as you are not prepared to disobey Gaius' letters, neither will we break the commands of our law, and as we depend on the value of our laws, and have survived up to now, by the efforts of our ancestors, without letting them be broken, we dare not yield and let those laws God gave us for our good be broken, just because of fear of death.

²⁶⁷ ὑπομενοῦμεν δὲ εἰς τύχας ἰόντες ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τε πατρίων καὶ κινδυνεύειν προθεμένοις ἐλπίδα οὖσαν ἐξεπιστάμενοι κἂν περιγενέσθαι διά τε τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ στησόμενον μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τε τῇ ἐκείνου τὰ δεινὰ καὶ τῆς τύχης τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα φιλοῦν τοῖς πράγμασι παρατυγχάνειν,

²⁶⁷ We shall endure whatever fortune comes for the sake of guarding our ancestral customs; for we know that there is hope for those who choose to face danger, that we might prevail through God standing with us to honor Him for whose sake we accept these terrors.

²⁶⁷ which God hath determined are for our advantage; and if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as knowing that those who expose themselves to dangers have good hope of escaping them, because God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune.

²⁶⁷ If we are fated to die, we will bear it in defence of our ancestral laws, knowing that even amid dangers we have good hope of escaping, since God stands on our side when we suffer the uncertain turns of fortune for his sake.

²⁶⁸ ἐκ δὲ τοῦ σοὶ πείθεσθαι πολλὴν μὲν λοιδορίαν τοῦ ἀνάνδρου προσκεισομένην ὡς δι᾽ αὐτὸ παράβασιν τοῦ νομίμου , καὶ ἅμα πολλὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ, ὃς καὶ παρὰ σοὶ δικαστῇ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν βελτίων ."

²⁶⁸ But if we obey you, we should be covered in the great reproach of cowardice for violating the law, and at the same time face the great wrath of God, who, even in your own judgment, must be a better Judge than Gaius.'"

²⁶⁸ But if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and we should incur the great anger of God also, who, even thyself being judge, is superior to Caius."

²⁶⁸ But if we submit to you, we would be branded as cowards in being ready to transgress our law, and would also risk the wrath of God, whose judgment even you know to be above that of Gaius."

The Clash of Philosophers: Apion vs. Philo
Josephus sets the stage by contrasting Apion (a grammarian and professional anti-Semite) with Philo (the greatest Jewish philosopher of the era). Apion uses the standard Roman political weapon: "They don't worship you, therefore they are disloyal." Philo’s response is not recorded here—Gaius silences him—but Philo’s own account in Embassy to Gaius suggests this was the most terrifying moment of his life.

Petronius: The Reluctant Enforcer
Petronius is a fascinating figure in this drama. Unlike Gaius, he is a rational administrator. He gathers two legions (XII Fulminata and XV Apollinaris), showing that he takes the threat of Jewish resistance seriously. However, Josephus subtly hints at Petronius's hesitation. He chooses to winter at Ptolemais (modern Acre), which gives him time to negotiate—or perhaps, time for Gaius to change his mind.

The Power of Non-Violent Resistance
The "tens of thousands" of Jews who meet Petronius do not come with swords; they come as suppliants. They present a paradox to the Roman mind: they are perfectly willing to die, but they are not (at this stage) willing to fight. This "passive resistance" was a powerful psychological tool against Roman commanders, who were trained to fight rebels, not to massacre unarmed populations who offered their throats to the sword.

The Legislator vs. The Emperor (Τοῦ Νομοθέτου)
The Jews frame their argument in legal and moral terms. They contrast the "ἐπιστολὰς" (letters/decrees) of Gaius with the "νόμου" (Law) of God. To the Roman, the Emperor's word is law. To the Jew, the Law is an eternal contract that no mortal can override. This is the fundamental clash between Theocracy and Imperial Autocracy.

Philo’s Prophecy
Philo’s parting words are chilling: by making himself an enemy of the Jews, Gaius has made himself an enemy of God. Josephus uses this to foreshadow Gaius’s eventual assassination. In the Jewish historian's view, the moment an Emperor tries to place his image in the Holy of Holies, his "clock" begins to run out.

²⁶⁹ Καὶ ὁ ἐκ τῶν λόγων θεασάμενος δυσνίκητον αὐτῶν τὸ φρονοῦν καὶ μὴ ἂν ἀμαχεὶ δύναμιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι διακονήσασθαι Γαίῳ τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος πολὺν δὲ ἔσεσθαι φόνον, τούς τε φίλους ἀναλαβὼν καὶ θεραπείαν, ἣ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν, ἐπὶ ἠπείγετο χρῄζων κατανοῆσαι τῶν τὰ πράγματα ὡς ἔχοι.

²⁶⁹ "When Petronius saw from their words that their resolve was invincible, and that he would not be able to execute Gaius’s order to set up the statue without a battle and great slaughter, he took his friends and his personal retinue and hastened to Tiberias, desiring to observe for himself the condition of the Jews’ affairs.

²⁶⁹ When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what posture the affairs of the Jews were;

²⁶⁹ Petronius saw by their words that their resolve was immovable and that he could not follow Gaius' orders and dedicate his statue without starting a war, and that a great deal of blood would be shed, so he took his friends and servants and hurried to Tiberias, to see the attitude of the Jews there.

²⁷⁰ καὶ μέγαν ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς πολέμου κίνδυνον, πολὺ μείζονα δὲ κρίνοντες τὸν ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν, αὖθις πολλαὶ μυριάδες ὑπηντίαζον εἰς τὴν‎ γενόμενον,

²⁷⁰ The Jews, while considering the danger of war with the Romans to be great, judged the danger of transgressing the Law to be far greater. Thus, many tens of thousands of them again met Petronius upon his arrival at Tiberias.

²⁷⁰ and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius again, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but judged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence,

²⁷⁰ Knowing they ran a mighty risk of war with the Romans but judging that the breaking of the law was more important, thousands of them met Petronius again, when he came to Tiberias.

²⁷¹ καὶ ἱκετείᾳ χρώμενοι μηδαμῶς εἰς ἀνάγκας τοιαύτας αὐτοὺς καθιστᾶν μηδὲ μιαίνειν ἀνδριάντος ἀναθέσει τὴν‎ πόλιν, " πολεμήσετε ἄρα , ἔφη, μήτε τὴν‎ ἐκείνου παρασκευὴν λογιζόμενοι μήτε τὴν‎ ὑμετέραν ἀσθένειαν ; οἱ δ᾽ " οὐδαμῶς πολεμήσαιμεν, , τεθνηξόμεθα δὲ πρότερον ἢ παραβῆναι τοὺς νόμους. ἐπί τε τὰ πρόσωπα κείμενοι καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς προδεικνύντες ἕτοιμοι κτιννύεσθαι ἔλεγον εἶναι.

²⁷¹ They used supplication, begging him by no means to reduce them to such necessity nor to defile the city by the setting up of the statue. 'Will you then make war against Caesar,' Petronius asked, 'taking no account of his preparations or of your own weakness?' They replied, 'We will by no means make war, but we will die sooner than transgress our laws.' And falling upon their faces and baring their throats, they said they were ready to be slain.

²⁷¹ and made supplication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, "Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weakness?" They replied, "We will not by any means make war with him, but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed." So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain;

²⁷¹ They implored him not to force them into such dire straits, nor defile their city by dedicating the statue. Petronius asked them, "Do you want to go to war with Caesar then, regardless of his great power and your own weakness?" They answered, "No way do we want war, but we will rather die than see our laws transgressed," and threw themselves face down and stretched out their necks, saying that they were ready to be killed.

²⁷² καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράσσετο ἐπὶ ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα, καὶ τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀπερίοπτοι τὸ λοιπὸν ἦσαν καὶ ταῦτα τῆς ὥρας οὔσης πρὸς σπόρῳ, πολλή τε ἦν προαίρεσις αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ θνήσκειν ἐπιθυμίας πρόθεσις, ἢ τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν θεάσασθαι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος.

²⁷² This state of affairs continued for forty days. They neglected the cultivation of the land, even though it was the season for sowing. They possessed a great determination and a settled purpose to die rather than witness the setting up of the statue.

²⁷² and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it. Thus they continued firm in their resolution, and proposed to themselves to die willingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue.

²⁷² They kept this up for a period of forty days, in the meanwhile neglecting to farm their land during the very season of the year that required them to sow it. So they continued firmly in their intention and planned to die willingly, rather than see the statue set up.

²⁷³ Ἐν τούτοις ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς καὶ Ἑλκίας ὁ μέγας ἄλλοι τε οἱ κράτιστοι τῆσδε τῆς οἰκίας καὶ οἱ πρῶτοι σὺν αὐτοῖς εἰσίασιν ὡς τὸν παρακαλοῦντες αὐτόν,

²⁷³ While matters were in this state, Aristobulus (the brother of King Agrippa) and Helcias the Elder, along with other powerful members of that house and the leading men, went to Petronius.

²⁷³ When matters were in this state, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him,

²⁷³ In this state of affairs, Aristobulus, king Agrippa’s brother and Helkias the Great with the other leaders of that family and notables, went to Petronius to intercede with him.

²⁷⁴ ἐπειδὴ τὴν‎ προθυμίαν ὁρᾷ τῆς πληθύος, μηδὲν εἰς ἀπόνοιαν αὐτῆς παρακινεῖν, ἀλλὰ γράφειν πρὸς τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀποδοχὴν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος, πῶς τε ἀποστάντες τοῦ γεωργεῖν ἀντικαθέζονται, πολεμεῖν μὲν οὐ βουλόμενοι διὰ τὸ μηδ᾽ ἂν δύνασθαι, θανεῖν δ᾽ ἔχοντες ἡδονὴν πρὶν παραβῆναι τὰ νόμιμα αὐτοῖς, ὥστε ἀσπόρου τῆς γῆς γενομένης λῃστεῖαι ἂν φύοιντο ἀδυναμίᾳ καταβολῆς τῶν φόρων.

²⁷⁴ They exhorted him—since he saw the determination of the multitude—not to drive them to total despair. They urged him to write to Gaius regarding their incurable hostility toward the reception of the statue, explaining how they had abandoned the tilling of the soil to sit in protest. They explained that while the Jews did not wish to make war (as they were unable), they took pleasure in the thought of dying before violating their laws. Consequently, if the land remained unsown, banditry would break out because the people would be unable to pay their tribute.

²⁷⁴ that since he saw the resolution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to despair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage of their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than suffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land’s continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes;

²⁷⁴ Seeing the resoluteness of the people, he should not do anything to drive them to madness, but should write to Gaius about their aversion to accepting the statue and how they persisted in neglecting to cultivate their land; how they were unwilling to start a war they could not win, but were gladly ready to die rather than let their laws to be transgressed, and how, if the land remained unsown, brigandage would increase since they would be unable to pay their taxes.

²⁷⁵ ἴσως γὰρ ἂν ἐπικλασθέντα τὸν ΓάιονGaius μηδὲν ὠμὸν διανοηθῆναι μηδὲ ἐπ᾽ ἀναστάσει φρονῆσαι τοῦ ἔθνους· ἐμμένοντος δὲ τῇ τότε βουλῇ τοῦ πολεμεῖν τότε δὴ καὐτὸν ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ πράγματος.	²⁷⁵ They suggested that perhaps Gaius might be moved and reconsider his cruel designs rather than think of the destruction of the nation; but if he persisted in his intent to make war, Petronius could then take up the task.
²⁷⁵ and that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to be done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself.	²⁷⁵ Perhaps this might move Gaius to pity, so that he would not have any cruelties inflicted on them, or think of destroying the nation; but if he was inflexible on the matter, he could start the war himself.

²⁷⁶ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν παρεκάλουν. δὲ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν περὶ τὸν παντοίως ἐπικειμένων διὰ τὸ ὑπὲρ μεγάλων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ δέησιν καὶ πάσῃ‎ μηχανῇ χρησαμένων εἰς τὰς ἱκετείας,

²⁷⁶ Aristobulus and his party urged Petronius on these grounds. Petronius, moved partly by the persistence of Aristobulus’s party (who made their petition for a great cause and used every means of supplication),

²⁷⁶ And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, supplicate Petronius. So Petronius, partly on account of the pressing instances which Aristobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication,—

²⁷⁶ That is how Aristobulus and his group petitioned Petronius, and Petronius was moved by their ardour and the importance of what they asked for and the arguments they used in asking it.

²⁷⁷ τοῦτο δὲ τῶν θεώμενος τὴν‎ ἀντιπαράταξιν τῆς γνώμης καὶ δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τοσαῖσδε ἀνθρώπων μυριάσιν μανίᾳ τῇ διακονούμενος ἐπαγαγὼν θάνατον ἐν αἰτίᾳ τὸ πρὸς θεὸν σεβάσμιον ἔχειν καὶ μετὰ πονηρᾶς τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα βίον ἐλπίδος διαιτᾶσθαι, πολὺ κρεῖσσον ἡγεῖτο ἐπιστείλας τῷ Γαίῳ τὸ ἀνήκεστον αὐτῶν ὀργὴν φέροντος μὴ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος δεδιακονημένου αὐτοῦ‎ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς·

²⁷⁷ and partly by witnessing the opposing resolve of the Jews, considered it a terrible thing to bring death upon so many tens of thousands of men simply to serve the madness of Gaius—especially when their only 'crime' was their religious devotion to God. He felt that to do so would leave him with a life of wretched expectation for the future. He judged it far better to write to Gaius about their stubbornness, even if it brought anger upon himself for not immediately serving the letters.

²⁷⁷ partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a horrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intolerable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle,

²⁷⁷ He saw the firm opposition raised by the Jews, and thought it monstrous to be so subject to the madness of Gaius as to kill so many thousands of people just because of their piety toward God and then spend the rest of his life expecting to be punished for it. So he thought he should write to Gaius telling him how reluctant he was to incur his anger for not doing sooner what he was ordered in the letter.

²⁷⁸ τάχα μὲν γὰρ καὶ πείσειν· καὶ τῇ τὸ πρῶτον μανίᾳ τῆς γνώμης ἐπιμένοντος ἅψεσθαι πολέμου τοῦ πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τι καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τρέποι τῆς ὀργῆς, καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς μεταποιουμένοις ὑπὲρ τοσῆσδε ἀνθρώπων πληθύος τελευτᾶν, ἔκρινε πιθανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν δεομένων τὸν λόγον.

²⁷⁸ For he thought that perhaps he might persuade him; but even if Gaius persisted in his madness and made war against them, and even if his [Gaius's] anger turned against Petronius himself, it was a noble thing for those who pursue virtue to die for the sake of such a vast multitude of people. Thus, he decided to grant the request of the petitioners."

²⁷⁸ for that perhaps he might persuade him; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in case he should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly, he determined to hearken to the petitioners in this matter.

²⁷⁸ He would seek to persuade him against it, for if he continued in the mad plan it would start a war against them, in that case he would turn his hatred on himself, as it was the way of virtue to be willing to die for the sake of so many others. So he decided to go along with the petitioners.

The Forty-Day "Strike" (Ἡμέρας τεσσαράκοντα)
The detail that the Jews abandoned their fields for forty days during the sowing season is a crucial historical data point. This was a form of economic civil disobedience. By refusing to plant crops, they were effectively threatening a province-wide famine, which would result in a total loss of tax revenue ("φόρων") for Rome. For a Roman governor, the loss of tax money was often a greater crisis than a local religious dispute.

The Heroism of Aristobulus and Helcias
While Agrippa I is often the hero of this era, Josephus here highlights his brother Aristobulus and Helcias the Elder. These Herodian princes acted as the essential bridge between the bared throats of the peasantry and the Roman military hierarchy. They translated the people’s "despair" into a language Petronius could understand: the threat of social collapse and the loss of imperial tribute.

Petronius’s Moral Calculus (Ἀρετῆς)
Petronius’s internal monologue is one of the most poignant passages in the Antiquities. He recognizes Gaius’s command as "μανίᾳ" (madness). He weighs his own safety against the slaughter of tens of thousands and concludes that a life lived under the guilt of such a massacre would be a "life of wretched expectation." His appeal to "ἀρετῆς" (virtue) shows that he viewed his choice not just as a political risk, but as a moral imperative.

The "Baring of Throats" (Τὰς σφαγὰς προδεικνύντες)
The imagery of the Jewish people lying on the ground and baring their necks to the Roman soldiers is a powerful testament to the effectiveness of non-violent resistance. It completely disarmed the Roman legions. Soldiers are trained to kill enemies who fight back; they are rarely psychologically prepared to systematically execute tens of thousands of people who are offering no resistance.

The Threat of Banditry (Λῃστεῖαι)
The mention of "λῃστεῖαι" (banditry/robbery) is a recurring theme in Josephus. He knew that when the agricultural cycle was broken, the resulting poverty forced people into the hills to become "brigands." These brigands would eventually form the core of the Zealot movement that led to the Great Revolt in 66 CE. Aristobulus was warning Petronius that if he didn't stop Gaius now, he would be seeding a war for the future.

²⁷⁹ Συγκαλέσας δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ τοὺς , οἱ δὲ ἀφίκοντο πολλαὶ μυριάδες, καταστὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τήν τε ἐν τῷ παρόντι στρατείαν οὐ γνώμης ἀπέφαινε τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ τοῦ δὲ αὐτοκράτορος τῶν προσταγμάτων, τὴν‎ ὀργὴν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολάς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα ἐπιφέρεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν τοῖς παρακροᾶσθαι θάρσος εἰσφερομένοις· ᾧ καλῶς ἐστὶν τόν γε τιμῆς τοσαύτης ἐπιτετευχότα συγχωρήσει τῇ ἐκείνου οὐδὲν ἐναντίον πράσσειν·

²⁷⁹ "Having summoned the Jews to Tiberias (and they arrived in many tens of thousands), Petronius stood before them and declared that the present military expedition was not of his own mind, but by the commands of the Emperor. He noted that the Emperor’s anger allowed for no delay, but brought immediate consequences upon those who dared to disobey; and that it was proper for one who had attained such great honor by the Emperor's grant to do nothing in opposition to him.

²⁷⁹ He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commands of the emperor, and told them that his wrath would, without delay, be executed on such as had the courage to disobey what he had commanded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him, who had obtained so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing:—

²⁷⁹ But first he convened the Jews to Tiberias, and many thousands of them came. Setting his army across from them, he did not reveal his intentions, only the emperor’s commands, whose anger would quickly fall on any who disobeyed his orders, and that it was the duty of one to whom he had entrusted such high office not to contradict him in anything.

²⁸⁰ οὐ μὴν δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι ἀσφάλειάν τε καὶ τιμὴν τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ μὴ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὑμετέρου μὴ ἀπολουμένου τοσούτων ὄντων ἀναλοῦν διακονούμενον τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ νόμου, ὃν πάτριον ὄντα περιμάχητον ἡγεῖσθε, καὶ τῇ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀξιώσει καὶ δυνάμει τοῦ θεοῦ, οὗ τὸν ναὸν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τολμήσαιμι ὕβρει πεσεῖν τῆς τῶν ἡγεμονευόντων ἐξουσίας.

²⁸⁰ 'However,' he continued, 'I do not consider it just to preserve my own safety and honor at the cost of the destruction of so many of you. I shall expend my own standing for your sake, serving the virtue of the Law—which, being ancestral, you consider worth fighting for—and the dignity and power of the God who is over all. I would not dare to look on while His Temple falls into insult through the authority of those in power.

²⁸⁰ "yet," said he, "I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honor, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in number, and endeavor to preserve the regard that is due to your law; which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assistance and power of God, will I be so hardy as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt by the means of the imperial authority.

²⁸⁰ "Still I do not think it right to value my own safety and honour so highly as to refuse to risk them for your safety, who are so many in number, in trying to preserve the respect due to your ancestral law, which you deem worthy of fighting for, under the power of God, and I will not let his temple be dishonoured by imperial authority.

²⁸¹ στέλλω δὲ ὡς γνώμας τε τὰς ὑμετέρας διασαφῶν καί πῃ καὶ συνηγορίᾳ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς παρὰ γνώμην πεισομένην οἷς προύθεσθε ἀγαθοῖς. Καὶ συμπράσσοι μὲν ὁ θεός, βελτίων γὰρ ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς καὶ δυνάμεως ἡ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐξουσία, πρυτανεύων ὑμῖν τε τὴν‎ τήρησιν τῶν πατρίων καὶ αὐτῷ τὸ μηδὲν ἀνθρωπείαις παρὰ γνώμην βουλεύσεσι τιμῶν τῶν εἰωθυιῶν ἁμαρτεῖν.

²⁸¹ I am sending word to Gaius, making clear your resolutions and acting, in a way, as your advocate, so that we might not suffer something contrary to the good things you have set before yourselves. And may God cooperate with us—for His authority is better than human mechanical device or power—presiding over the preservation of your ancestral customs for you, and for me, ensuring that I do not lose my accustomed honors due to human deliberations.

²⁸¹ I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and will assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to yourselves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though without your consent, of his accustomed honors.

²⁸¹ So I will send to Gaius to let him know of your resolve and help your cause as far as I can, that you may not have to suffer for your honest ideals, and may God help you, since his authority is beyond all human planning and power. May he grant you to preserve your ancient laws so as not to be deprived of his accustomed worship, against your will.

²⁸² εἰ δ᾽ ἐκπικρανθεὶς εἰς ἐμὲ τρέψει τὸ ἀνήκεστον τῆς ὀργῆς, τλήσομαι πάντα κίνδυνον καὶ πᾶσαν ταλαιπωρίαν συνιοῦσαν τῷ σώματι καὶ τῇ τύχῃ ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ ὑμᾶς τοσούσδε ὄντας ἐπὶ οὕτως ἀγαθαῖς ταῖς πράξεσι διολλυμένους θεωρεῖν.

²⁸² But if Gaius, becoming embittered, turns the incurable weight of his anger against me, I will endure every danger and every wretchedness that may come upon my body and my fortune, rather than see so many of you perishing for such noble deeds.

²⁸² But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all that danger and that affliction that may come either on my body or my soul, than see so many of you to perish, while you are acting in so excellent a manner.

²⁸² But if Gaius is angry and vents his rage on me, I will risk that danger and the consequent penalty to my body or soul, rather than see so many of you die for behaving so admirably.

²⁸³ ἄπιτε οὖν ἐπὶ ἔργα τὰ αὐτῶν ἕκαστοι καὶ τῇ γῇ ἐπιπονεῖτε. πέμψω δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome καὶ τὰ πάντα ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν δι᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων οὐκ ἀποτραπήσομαι διακονεῖν."	²⁸³ Go, therefore, each of you to your own works and labor upon the land. I myself will send to Rome and will not turn away from serving your cause through myself and my friends.'
²⁸³ Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fall to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, both by myself and by my friends."	²⁸³ So let each of you go off about your jobs and cultivate your land. I will send [information] to Rome and will not fail to serve you in all things, both personally and through my friends."

²⁸⁴ Ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τῶν τὸν σύλλογον προμηθεῖσθαι τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ γεωργίαν ἠξίου τοὺς ἐν τέλει καὶ καθομιλεῖν τὸν λαὸν ἐλπίσι χρησταῖς. Καὶ ὁ μὲν εὐθυμεῖν τὸ πλῆθος ἔσπευδεν. ὁ θεὸς δὲ παρρησίαν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅλοις σύλληψιν·

²⁸⁴ Having spoken these things and dismissed the assembly, he urged the officials to provide for the needs of agriculture and to soothe the people with good hopes. While he was hastening to encourage the multitude, God manifested His own boldness and assistance to Petronius.

²⁸⁴ When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he desired the principal of them to take care of their husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people, and encourage them to have good hope of their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the multitude to be cheerful again. And now did God show his presence to Petronius, and signify to him that he would afford him his assistance in his whole design;

²⁸⁴ When Petronius had said this and dismissed the assembled Jews, he asked their leaders to focus on their farming and speak positively to the people, urging them to have good hope in this matter, and this quickly brought the masses to a cheerful spirit, and God gave Petronius confidence of his help in this whole matter.

²⁸⁵ ἅμα τε γὰρ ἐπαύετο τοῦ λόγου, ὃν πρὸς τοὺς εἶπεν, καὶ αὐτίκα ὑετὸν ἠφίει μέγαν παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις γενόμενον διὰ τὸ ἐκείνην τὴν‎ ἡμέραν αἴθριον ἕωθεν οὖσαν οὐδὲν ὄμβριον ἀποσημαίνειν ἐκ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν ἔτος αὐχμῷ μεγάλῳ κατεσχημένον ἐπ᾽ ἀπογνώσει ποιεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὕδατος τοῦ ἄνωθεν, εἰ καὶ σύννεφόν ποτε θεάσαιντο τὸν οὐρανόν.

²⁸⁵ For as soon as he finished the speech he spoke to the Jews, He immediately sent a great rain, which came beyond all human expectation. For on that day, the sky had been clear from dawn, showing no sign of rain in the heavens; moreover, the entire year had been gripped by a great drought, causing the people to despair of water from above, even if they occasionally saw the sky grow cloudy.

²⁸⁵ for he had no sooner finished the speech that he made to the Jews, but God sent down great showers of rain, contrary to human expectation; for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the appearance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the whole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heavens overcast with clouds;

²⁸⁵ No sooner had he finished the speech to the Jews than great showers of rain began to fall, contrary to all hope, for it was a clear day and the sky gave no sign of any rain. The whole year had been one of great droughts that made people despair of any water from above, even at times when they saw the heavens overcast.

²⁸⁶ ὥστε δὴ τότε πολλοῦ καὶ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἑτέρῳ δόξαν ἀφιγμένου ὕδατος τοῖς τε ἐλπὶς ἦν ἐπ᾽ οὐδαμοῖς ἀτυχήσειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δεόμενον, ὅ τε κατεπέπληκτο μειζόνως ὁρῶν ἐναργῶς τὸν θεὸν τῶν προμηθούμενον καὶ πολλὴν ἀποσημήναντα τὴν‎ ἐπιφάνειαν, ὡς μηδ᾽ ἂν τοῖς προθεμένοις τἀναντία φρονεῖν ἰσχὺν ἀντιλέξεως καταλελεῖφθαι.

²⁸⁶ Therefore, since so much water arrived—contrary to custom and contrary to what anyone expected—the Jews had hope that Petronius would not fail in his petition on their behalf. Petronius himself was struck with even greater amazement, seeing clearly that the God of the Jews was providing for them and had signaled His manifestation (epiphaneia) so powerfully that even those who had intentionally set their minds on the opposite course were left with no strength for contradiction.

²⁸⁶ insomuch that when such a great quantity of rain came, and that in an unusual manner, and without any other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that Petronius would by no means fail in his petition for them. But as to Petronius, he was mightily surprised when he perceived that God evidently took care of the Jews, and gave very plain signs of his appearance, and this to such a degree, that those that were in earnest much inclined to the contrary had no power left to contradict it.

²⁸⁶ Now that such an unusual amount of rain did come so unexpectedly, the Jews had hope that Petronius would not fail in his petition for them, and Petronius himself was amazed to see how God very clearly showed his providence toward the Jews, to the extent that even those who thought contrary to them could no longer doubt it.

²⁸⁷ ὡς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸν σὺν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἔγραφεν, ἐπαγωγὰ δὲ ἦν τὰ πάντα καὶ παντοίως παρακαλοῦντα μὴ τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἀπονοεῖν, ἃς εἰ κτείνοι, οὐ γὰρ δίχα γε πολέμου παραχωρήσειν τοῦ νομίμου τῆς θρησκείας, προσόδου τε τῆς ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποστερεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ τροπαίῳ τῆς ἀρᾶς ὑποτίθεσθαι τὸν μέλλοντα αἰῶνα.

²⁸⁷ In the letters he wrote to Gaius, along with everything else, he used every persuasive argument, urging him not to drive so many tens of thousands of men to despair. He warned that if he killed them (for they would not yield their religious law without war), he would be deprived of their revenue and would subject future ages to a trophy of a curse.

²⁸⁷ This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, and by all means to entreat him not to make so many ten thousands of these men go distracted; whom, if he should slay, (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside,) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages.

²⁸⁷ This was also among the things he wrote to Gaius, to persuade him not to drive so many thousands of them to desperation. Also, if he killed them, and they would not let the laws of their religion be set aside without a war, he would lose the taxes they paid him and be cursed by them for all future ages.

²⁸⁸ κἄλλως θείου τοῦ προεστηκότος αὐτῶν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ὡς ἀκραιφνῆ ἀπέφαινεν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνδοίαστον ἐπὶ δυνάμει τῇ αὐτῆς ἐπιδείκνυσθαι καταλείπουσαν. Καὶ ΠετρώνιοςPetronius μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.	²⁸⁸ Furthermore, he pointed out that the power of the Divine who presided over them was pure and left no doubt regarding its strength. In such a state did matters stand with Petronius."
²⁸⁸ Moreover, that God, who was their Governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left no room for doubt about it. And this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in.	²⁸⁸ Moreover, the God who ruled them had clearly shown his power in their favour in a way that left no room for doubt. This was now what Petronius was engaged in.

The Rhetoric of Advocacy (Συνηγορίᾳ)
Petronius makes a sophisticated legal pivot. He moves from being the Emperor’s "executor" to being the Jews’ "συνηγορίᾳ" (advocate/legal representative). He frames the Jewish refusal not as rebellion (stasis), but as "ἀρετῇ τοῦ νόμου" (virtue of the Law). By doing so, he provides Gaius with a "noble" reason to back down, rather than a humiliating political defeat.

The "Divine Sign" (Ἐπιφάνειαν)
Josephus places the miracle of the rain immediately after Petronius's speech. In the ancient world, rain during a drought was the ultimate "seal of approval" from the heavens. Note the contrast Josephus draws: the "clear sky from dawn" versus the "sudden great rain." For Petronius, this was not just a weather event; it was an "ἐπιφάνειαν" (an epiphany or divine manifestation). It provided the Roman general with the psychological "permission" he needed to disobey a mortal Emperor in favor of a higher God.

The "Trophy of a Curse" (Τροπαίῳ τῆς ἀρᾶς)
This is a haunting phrase. Petronius warns Gaius that if he proceeds with the massacre, he won't be remembered for a military victory, but for a "trophy of a curse" that will haunt his name forever. It is a brilliant appeal to Gaius's vanity. Petronius knows that Gaius is obsessed with his legacy; he warns him that this path leads to infamy, not divinity.

Human Device vs. Divine Power (Ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς)
Petronius openly admits that God's authority is "βελτίων ἀνθρωπίνης μηχανῆς" (better than human machine/device). This is a stunning admission for a Roman governor. It reflects the high regard Josephus wants his Roman readers to have for the Jewish God—that even their own greatest generals recognized the "mechanical" limits of Rome when faced with the "pure power" of the Almighty.

The Economic Threat: Revenue (Προσόδου)
Even in the midst of a theological crisis, Petronius doesn't forget the bottom line. He reminds Gaius that dead subjects pay no taxes. The loss of the "προσόδου" (revenue) from Judea would be a permanent blow to the imperial treasury. This provides a "secular" justification for his disobedience, should Gaius be unmoved by the talk of miracles.

²⁸⁹ δὲ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐτύγχανεν γὰρ ἐπὶ διαιτώμενος, προύκοπτε φιλίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν μειζόνως. καί ποτε προθεὶς δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ πρόνοιαν ἔχων πάντας ὑπερβαλέσθαι τέλεσί τε τοῖς εἰς τὸ δεῖπνον καὶ παρασκευῇ τοῦ εἰς ἡδονὴν φέροντος,

²⁸⁹ "Now King Agrippa, who happened to be living in Rome, was advancing even further in his friendship with Gaius. On one occasion, having provided a banquet for him and taking care to surpass everyone else in the expense of the meal and the preparation of everything that brings pleasure,

²⁸⁹ But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favor of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparations as might contribute most to his pleasure;

²⁸⁹ Meanwhile king Agrippa, who was now living in Rome, came more and more into favour with Gaius, and once gave a dinner for him, intending to excel all expectations, both in lavishness and in all details designed to please.

²⁹⁰ ὡς μὴ ὅπως ἄν τινα τῶν λοιπῶν, ἀλλὰ μηδ᾽ αὐτὸν πιστεύειν ποτε ἰσωθῆναι θελήσοντα οὐχ ὅπως ὑπερβαλέσθαι· τοσοῦτον ὁ ἀνὴρ τῇ παρασκευῇ πάντας ὑπερῆρεν καὶ τῷ τὰ πάντα ἢ ἐκφροντίσας παρασχεῖν.

²⁹⁰ he succeeded so well that not only did no one else expect to equal him, but even Gaius himself did not believe he could ever wish to equal it, let alone surpass it. To such a degree did the man exceed all others in his preparation, having thought out and provided everything as if for a Caesar.

²⁹⁰ nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken beforehand to exceed all men, and particularly to make all agreeable to Caesar);

²⁹⁰ It was so exceptional that even Gaius could not equal, much less exceed it, such care had the man taken to surpass all others and have everything to Caesar’s taste.

²⁹¹ καὶ ὁ ἐκθαυμάσας τήν τε διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ μεγαλοπρέπειαν, ὡς ἐπ᾽ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ βιάζοιτο καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν τῶν χρημάτων εὐπορίᾳ χρήσασθαι, βουλόμενός τε μιμήσασθαι τὴν‎ φιλοτιμίαν ἐφ᾽ ἡδονῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ πρασσομένην, ἀνειμένος ὑπὸ οἴνου καὶ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν εἰς τὸ ἱλαρώτερον ἐκτετραμμένος, φησὶν ἐν συμποσίῳ παρακαλοῦντος εἰς πότον·

²⁹¹ Gaius, being struck with wonder at his mind and his magnificence—seeing how he forced himself to use an abundance of money beyond his means to please him—wished to imitate Agrippa’s ambition exerted for his pleasure. Being relaxed by wine and having his mind turned toward a more cheerful state, Gaius said during the symposium, while Agrippa was urging him to drink:

²⁹¹ hereupon Caius admired his understanding and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted in order to please him. So Caius, when he had drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drunk to him:

²⁹¹ Gaius admired his ingenuity and the generosity that drove him to do all to please him, even spending more than he could afford, and wished to equal Agrippa in the generosity he had shown to please him. After plenty of wine at the dinner, and in a merry frame of mind while drinking to him he said,

²⁹² " , καὶ πρότερον μέν σοι τιμὴν συνῄδειν ᾗ ἐχρῶ τὰ πρὸς ἐμὲ καὶ πολλὴν εὔνοιαν μετὰ κινδύνων ἀποδειχθεῖσαν, οἷς ὑπὸ περιέστης δι᾽ αὐτήν, ἐπιλείπεις τε οὐδὲν καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι τῇ πρὸς ἡμᾶς. ὅθεν, αἰσχρὸν γὰρ ἡσσᾶσθαί με ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς σπουδῆς, ἀναλαβεῖν βούλομαι τὰ ἐλλελειμμένα πρότερον·

²⁹² 'Agrippa, I was already aware of the honor you showed me and the great goodwill you demonstrated in the face of dangers, which you suffered under Tiberius because of it. You leave nothing undone and use your virtue toward us even beyond your power. Therefore—since it would be a shame for me to be outdone by your zeal—I wish to make up for what was previously lacking.

²⁹² "I knew before now how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even beyond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. I am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient;

²⁹² "Agrippa, I already knew your great respect for me and the kindness you have shown me, in spite of the personal risks you took on that account under Tiberius. As you have stopped at nothing to show your goodwill toward us, even beyond your means, it would be a shame for me to be outdone by your affection, so I want to make up for all my former neglect.

²⁹³ ὀλίγον γὰρ πᾶν ὁπόσον σοι δωρεῶν ἐχόμενον ἀπεμοιρασάμην. τὸ πᾶν, ὅπερ σοι ῥοπὴν ἂν προσθείη τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, δεδιακονήσεται γάρ σοι προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐμῇ. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγεν οἰόμενος γῆν τε πολλὴν τῆς προσόδου αἰτήσεσθαι ἢ καί τινων προσόδους πόλεων,

²⁹³ For all the gifts I have shared with you so far seem small. Everything that could add weight to your prosperity shall be performed for you by my eagerness and my power.' Gaius said these things thinking that Agrippa would ask for a vast amount of land for revenue or perhaps the revenues of certain cities.

²⁹³ for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Everything that may contribute to thy happiness shall be at thy service, and that cheerfully, and so far as my ability will reach." And this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large country, or the revenues of certain cities.

²⁹³ All I have given to you up to now is but little, but whatever you want for your happiness shall be at your service, cheerfully in so far as is in my power." This he said, expecting him to ask for some large country, or the revenues of some cities.

²⁹⁴ ὁ δὲ καίπερ τὰ πάντα ἐφ᾽ οἷς αἰτήσαι παρασκευασάμενος οὐκ ἐφανέρου τὴν‎ διάνοιαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος τὸν , ὅτι μήτε πρότερον κέρδος τὸ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καραδοκῶν παρὰ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς θεραπεύσειεν αὐτὸν οὔτε νῦν πράσσειν τι τῶν εἰς χάριν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου κερδῶν οἰκείων ἔν τισι λήψεσι.

²⁹⁴ But Agrippa, although he had prepared everything regarding what he might ask, did not reveal his mind immediately. Instead, he quickly replied to Gaius that he had not courted him previously in expectation of gain (despite Tiberius’s letters), nor was he now doing anything for his favor for the sake of his own private profit.

²⁹⁴ But although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius immediately: That it was not out of any expectation of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tiberius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his own advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him;

²⁹⁴ But though he had planned in advance what to ask, he had not made his intentions known, but immediately said to Gaius that it was not from any hope of gain that he had shown him respect from the start, in spite of the written orders of Tiberius, nor were his present actions to please him aimed at getting anything from him.

²⁹⁵ μεγάλα δὲ εἶναι τὰ προδεδωρημένα καὶ περαιτέρω τοῦ θράσει χρωμένου τῶν ἐλπίδων· καὶ γὰρ εἰ τῆς σῆς ἐλάττονα γέγονεν δυνάμεως, τῆς γ᾽ ἐμοῦ τοῦ εἰληφότος διανοίας τε καὶ ἀξιώ μείζονα.	²⁹⁵ He said that the gifts already granted were great and beyond the hopes of even a daring man; for though they might be less than Gaius's power to give, they were greater than the mind and dignity of him who received them.
²⁹⁵ that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power, [who art the donor,] yet are they greater than my inclination and dignity, who am the receiver.	²⁹⁵ What Caesar had already given him were gifts beyond the hopes of rashness. "For while they may be below your power to give, they are above any wants or claims of mine."

²⁹⁶ καὶ ὁ ἐκπλαγεὶς τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ‎ πλειόνως ἐνέκειτο εἰπεῖν, ὅ τι χαρίζοιτ᾽ ἂν αὐτῷ παρασχόμενος. ὁ δέ, " ἐπεί περ, ὦ δέσποτα, προθυμίᾳ τῇ σῇ δωρεῶν ἄξιον ἀποφαίνεις, αἰτήσομαι τῶν μὲν εἰς ὄλβον φερόντων οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ μεγάλως με ἐνδιαπρέπειν οἷς ἤδη παρέσχες·

²⁹⁶ Gaius, being astonished at his virtue, pressed him even more to say what he could provide that would gratify him. Agrippa then said: 'Since, O Master, by your own eagerness you declare me worthy of gifts, I shall ask for nothing that leads to wealth, for I already shine greatly by what you have provided.

²⁹⁶ And as Caius was astonished at Agrippa’s inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, "Since thou, O my lord! declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask nothing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein;

²⁹⁶ When Gaius was impressed by this sentiment and pressed him still more to make a request for something he could grant him, he replied, "Since you, my lord, so readily declare me worthy of your gifts, I will ask nothing for my own benefit, for what you have already given to me has made me greatly content.

²⁹⁷ ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν σοὶ δόξαν προσποιοῖ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς καὶ τὸ θεῖον σύμμαχον ἐφ᾽ οἷς θελήσειας παρακαλοῖ κἀμοὶ πρὸς εὐκλείας γένοιτο παρὰ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις, ὡς μηθενὸς ὧν χρησαίμην ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς ἐξουσίας ἀτυχεῖν πώποτε γνόντι· ἀξιῶ γάρ σοι τοῦ ἀνδριάντος τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν, ἣν ποιήσασθαι κελεύεις εἰς τὸ ἱερόν, μηκέτι πράσσειν διανοεῖσθαι."

²⁹⁷ But I ask for that which will bring you the reputation of piety and call the Divine to be your ally in whatever you desire, and which would bring me good fame among those who hear of it—showing that I have never failed to obtain anything I sought from your authority. My request is this: that you no longer think of carrying out the dedication of the statue which you ordered Petronius to set up in the Jewish Temple.'"

²⁹⁷ but I desire somewhat which may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honor to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee; for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius."

²⁹⁷ What I desire is something that will make you splendid for piety and get the Deity to help your plans and do me honour among those who inquire, showing how I never fail to get from you what I desire. My wish is that you no longer think about dedicating the statue which you have ordered to be set up by Petronius in the Jewish temple."

The Power of the Symposium (Ἐν συμποσίῳ)
In Roman political life, the banquet was not just a social event; it was a legislative arena. Josephus emphasizes that Gaius was "ἀνειμένος ὑπὸ οἴνου" (relaxed by wine) and in a "ἱλαρώτερον" (more cheerful/merry) state. Agrippa, knowing the Emperor’s volatile temperament, waited for the precise moment when Gaius’s ego was at its peak and his defenses were down. The "investment" in the meal was effectively a bribe for a hearing.

The Rhetoric of "Outdoing" (Ἡσσᾶσθαι)
The dialogue hinges on the Greco-Roman concept of Philotimia (love of honor/ambition). Gaius says it would be "αἰσχρὸν" (shameful) for him to be outdone by Agrippa’s generosity. This is a brilliant trap. By bankrupting himself to throw a party for Gaius, Agrippa forced the Emperor into a position of "divine debt." Gaius felt he had to give something massive just to maintain his status as the superior patron.

The "Anti-Greed" Gambit
When Gaius offers "everything," he expects Agrippa to ask for land or taxes. By refusing wealth, Agrippa performs a "virtue" (ἀρετή) that shocks Gaius. This selfless stance makes it nearly impossible for Gaius to say "no" when the actual request is finally made. It transforms a political favor into a matter of "εὐσεβοῦς" (piety) and "εὐκλείας" (good fame).

Calling the Divine Ally (Τὸ θεῖον σύμμαχον)
Agrippa uses a very specific argument: he tells Gaius that by relenting on the statue, he will gain the "Divine as an ally" for his future endeavors. This appealed to Gaius’s own self-image as a god-like figure. Agrippa isn't saying "Our God is better than you"; he is saying "If you respect this Temple, the power associated with it will support your reign." It is a diplomatic way of framing a retreat as a strategic alliance with a local deity.

The Stakes of "Good Fame"
Agrippa notes that if he fails in this request, it will damage his "εὐκλείας" (reputation). He is essentially telling Gaius: "The whole world knows we are friends. If you don't do this for me, people will think I have no influence over you." He ties his personal dignity to the fate of the Temple, making it a matter of imperial "face."

²⁹⁸ Καὶ ὁ μὲν καίπερ ἐπικίνδυνον τοῦτο ἡγούμενος, εἰ γὰρ μὴ πιθανὰ ἔκρινε ΓάιοςGaius, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἐς θάνατον ἔφερεν, διὰ τὸ μεγάλα νομίζειν τε καὶ εἶναι κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἡγεῖτο.	²⁹⁸ "Now Agrippa, although he considered this request extremely dangerous—for if Gaius did not find his words persuasive, it would lead to nothing other than his death—nevertheless thought it a matter of great importance and felt it was necessary to 'throw the dice' regarding these issues.
²⁹⁸ And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for had not Caius approved of it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life.	²⁹⁸ He asked this, knowing that if Gaius did not grant it, it could result in no less than his own death, but considering it very important and that the dice must be thrown in this matter.

²⁹⁹ δὲ [καὶ] ἅμα τε τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ ἀνειλημμένος καὶ ἄλλως ἀπρεπὲς ὑπολαμβάνων ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε μαρτύρων ψευδὴς γενέσθαι περὶ ὧν προθύμως ἐβιάζετο αἰτεῖσθαι τὸν μετὰ τοῦ ὀξέος μεταμέλῳ χρώμενος,

²⁹⁹ Gaius, being both caught up in his obligation to Agrippa and otherwise considering it unseemly to appear false in the presence of so many witnesses (since he had so eagerly pushed Agrippa to make a request), felt a sudden pang of regret;

²⁹⁹ So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa’s obliging behavior, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonorable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many witnesses, in points wherein he had with such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of what he had said,

²⁹⁹ But Gaius was very taken by Agrippa’s attentiveness and felt it shameful to renege in front of so many witnesses and change his mind after so forcing Agrippa to make the petition.

³⁰⁰ ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῦ τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν θαυμάσας, ἐν ὀλίγῳ αὔξειν τὴν‎ οἰκείαν ἀρχὴν ἤτοι προσόδοις χρημάτων ἢ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει τοῦ κοινοῦ δὲ τῆς εὐθυμίας ἐπιμελοῖτο πρεσβεύων τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὸ θεῖον, συνεχώρει καὶ γράφει πρὸς τὸν , ἐκεῖνον τῆς τε ἀθροίσεως τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐπαινῶν καὶ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπεσταλκότος·

³⁰⁰ yet, at the same time, he wondered at Agrippa’s virtue—that in so short a time, instead of increasing his own dominion with revenues of money or other power, he chose to care for the common tranquility, prioritizing the laws and the Divine. Therefore, he relented and wrote to Petronius.

³⁰⁰ and because he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue, in not desiring him at all to augment his own dominions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquillity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he granted him what he had requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his assembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs.

³⁰⁰ Also he greatly admired Agrippa’s virtue in not asking for the least increase of his realm, or larger income or more authority, but being concerned for the public good, the laws and the Divinity. So he granted him his request and wrote to Petronius about it, commending him for mustering his army and then consulting him about the matter.

³⁰¹ " νῦν οὖν εἰ μὲν φθάνεις τὸν ἑστακώς, ἑστάτω· εἰ δὲ μήπω πεποίησαι τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν, μηδὲν περαιτέρω κακοπαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τόν τε στρατὸν διάλυε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐφ᾽ ἃ τὸ πρῶτόν σε ἔστειλα ἄπιθι· οὐδὲν γὰρ ἔτι δέομαι τῆς ἀναστάσεως τοῦ ἀνδριάντος χαριζόμενος ἀνδρὶ παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ τιμωμένῳ μειζόνως ἢ ὥστε με χρείᾳ τῇ

³⁰¹ In that letter, he praised Petronius for the gathering of the army and for having written to him about these matters. [He wrote]: 'Now, therefore, if you have already succeeded in setting up the statue, let it stand. But if you have not yet made the dedication, trouble yourself no further; rather, disband the army and go back to the place I first sent you. For I no longer have any need for the erection of the statue, out of favor to Agrippa—a man honored by me so highly that I cannot oppose his need or his requests.'

³⁰¹ "If therefore," said' he, "thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself further about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favor to Agrippa, a man whom I honor so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him."

³⁰¹ "If you have already erected my statue, let it stand, but if you have not yet dedicated it, do not bother any more about it, but dismiss your army and go back to the matters for which I sent you. I no longer need to have the statue erected for I have granted this as a favour to Agrippa, whom I honour so much that I cannot refuse what he needs or asks of me."

³⁰² ἐκείνου καὶ οἷς κελεύσειεν ἀντειπεῖν. μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γράφει πρὸς τὸν πρότερον ἢ ἐντυχεῖν ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει καταδόξας αὐτοὺς ἐπείγεσθαι, μηδὲν γὰρ ἕτερον ἀποσημαίνειν τὴν‎ διάνοιαν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ πόλεμον ἄντικρυς ἀπειλεῖν.

³⁰² Gaius wrote these things to Petronius before he had received the letter [from Petronius] which made him suspect the Jews were hastening toward revolt—for he believed their mindset signaled nothing else but an outright threat of war against the Romans.

³⁰² And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about the statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else.

³⁰² Gaius wrote this to Petronius, before he heard that the Jews were ready to revolt and that they seemed to threaten no less than actual war against the Romans.

³⁰³ καὶ περιαλγήσας ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτοῦ‎ τετολμηκότων, ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἥσσων μὲν τοῦ αἰσχροῦ, κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ ἐφ᾽ οἷστισι κρίνειεν ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι παρ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ἐπειγόμενος παίδευσιν αὐτῆς οὐδ᾽ ἡντινοῦν προστιθείς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἡδονῇ τιθεὶς τῇ ἐκείνης τὴν‎ κρίσιν τοῦ εὐδαίμονος, γράφει πρὸς τὸν ·

³⁰³ When he did receive it, he was cut to the heart, feeling they had dared to test his sovereignty. Being a man who was always a slave to what was shameful but a master over what was best—and one who used his anger more impulsively than anyone else, adding no restraint to it but making his pleasure the sole judge of what was fortunate—he wrote again to Petronius:

³⁰³ When therefore Caius was much displeased that any attempt should be made against his government as he was a slave to base and vicious actions on all occasions, and had no regard to What was virtuous and honorable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger, and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admonition, but thought the indulging his anger to be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius:

³⁰³ He was much displeased that they dared threaten his authority, since he was always subject to base passion and cared nothing for good ideals, and if resolved to show his anger against anyone for any reason, he would heed no warning, but felt real pleasure in indulging his anger. So he wrote to Petronius:

³⁰⁴ " ἐπειδὴ δῶρα σοι οἱ παρέσχον ἐν μείζονι λόγῳ τῶν ἐμῶν πεποίησαι ἐντολῶν διακονεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐκείνων ἀρθεὶς ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν ἐμῶν ἐντολῶν, κελεύω σε σαυτῷ. κριτὴν γενόμενον λογίσασθαι περὶ τοῦ ποιητέου σοι ὑποστάντα ὀργῇ τῇ ἐμῇ, ἐπεί τοι παράδειγμα ποιοῖντό σε οἵ τε νῦν πάντες καὶ ὕστεροι γένοιντ᾽ ἄν, μηδαμῶς ἀκυροῦν αὐτοκράτορος ἀνδρὸς ἐντολάς."

³⁰⁴ 'Since you have considered the gifts the Jews gave you to be of greater account than my commands, and have seen fit to serve them in everything to please them, thereby transgressing my orders, I command you to become your own judge—to consider what you must do now that you are subject to my wrath. For I shall make you an example to all men now living and to all who shall come hereafter, that no one should ever dare to nullify the commands of an Emperor.'"

³⁰⁴ "Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than my commands, and art grown insolent enough to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure; for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they. may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor."

³⁰⁴ "Seeing that you value the gifts given to you by the Jews more highly than my commands, and are so insolent as to disobey my commands, I appoint you as your own judge; consider what you must do, now that you stand under my wrath. I will make you an example to the present and all future ages, not to contradict the commands of their emperor in any way."

The "Dice" of Diplomacy (Κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν)
The phrase "κύβον ἀναρριπτεῖν" (to cast/throw the dice) is the Greek equivalent of Caesar’s famous alea iacta est. Josephus uses it here to emphasize that Agrippa wasn't just making a request; he was gambling his life. If Gaius had perceived the request as a sign of disloyalty rather than "virtue," Agrippa would have been executed on the spot.

The Trap of "Public Witnesses" (Τοσῶνδε μαρτύρων)
Josephus reveals a key psychological weakness in Caligula: his obsession with his public image. He couldn't back down from his promise to Agrippa not because he was kind, but because he had made the offer in front of "many witnesses." In the honor-shame culture of the Roman elite, for an Emperor to break a "blank check" promise made at a banquet would be a sign of weakness and inconsistency.

The "Two-Letter" Disaster
This passage highlights the tragic lag of ancient communication.

1) Letter A: Gaius's "Mercy" (influenced by Agrippa's banquet).

2) Letter B: Gaius's "Death Sentence" (triggered by Petronius's report of Jewish resistance).

If Petronius's report had arrived just a few hours earlier, Agrippa’s banquet would have failed. If Gaius's first letter had been delayed, Petronius might have been forced to act. The fate of the Temple literally hung on the speed of Mediterranean courier ships.

The Charge of Bribery (Δῶρα ὁπόσα σοι)
Gaius's second letter to Petronius contains a stinging accusation: that Petronius was bribed by the Jews ("δῶρα"). To a narcissist like Caligula, the only reason anyone would disobey him is corruption. He cannot fathom that Petronius acted out of moral conviction or a desire to prevent a senseless war.

"Become Your Own Judge" (Σαυτῷ κριτὴν γενόμενον)
This is a chilling Roman euphemism. By telling Petronius to "become his own judge," Caligula is ordering him to commit suicide. It was a "mercy" often extended to high-ranking officials—an invitation to take their own lives before the executioner arrived, thereby sparing their families the legal consequences of a public execution.

The Character of Caligula (Ἥσσων μὲν τοῦ αἰσχροῦ)
Josephus’s description of Gaius as "a slave to the shameful, but a master over the best" (meaning he suppressed his better instincts) is a classic piece of ancient character assassination. It paints a portrait of a "Totalitarian Ego" where "ἡδονῇ" (pleasure) is the only metric for justice.

³⁰⁵ Ταύτην μὲν γράφει τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν, οὐ μὴν φθάνει γε ζῶντος δεξάμενος αὐτὴν βραδυνθέντος τοῦ πλοῦ τοῖς φέρουσιν εἰς τοσόνδε, ὥστε γράμματα πρὸ αὐτῆς ἀφικέσθαι, δι᾽ ὧν μανθάνει τὴν‎ τελευτήν.

³⁰⁵ "This, then, was the letter he wrote to Petronius. However, Petronius did not happen to receive it while Gaius was still living, because the ship carrying it to those parts was delayed to such an extent that the news of Gaius’s death reached Petronius before it did.

³⁰⁵ This was the epistle which Caius wrote to. Petronius; but Petronius did not receive it while Caius was alive, that ship which carried it sailing so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead;

³⁰⁵ This was the letter he wrote to Petronius, but Petronius did not receive it while he [Gaius] was still alive, because the ship bringing it sailed so slowly that other letters reached Petronius first, from which he learned of the death of Gaius.

³⁰⁶ θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἀμνημονήσειν ἔμελλε κινδύνων, οὓς ἀνειλήφει ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν χάριτι καὶ τιμῇ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀποσκευασάμενος ὀργῆς ὧν ἐπὶ σεβασμῷ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ πράσσειν ἐτόλμησε, τὸν μισθὸν χρεολυτεῖν Συνευεργετεῖν τῷ ἥ τε καὶ πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχή, μάλιστα δ᾽ τῆς βουλῆς προύχοιεν ἀξιώματι, διὰ τὸ εἰς ἐκείνους ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ χρῆσθαι τὸν .

³⁰⁶ For God, as it seems, was not going to be unmindful of the dangers Petronius had undertaken out of favor toward the Jews and honor toward Himself. Rather, having cast off Gaius for the sake of his [Gaius's] wrath—which he dared to exert even against the worship of God—He ensured that Rome and the entire empire (and especially those of highest dignity in the Senate) joined in rewarding Petronius as a benefactor, because Gaius had used his unmixed anger against them.

³⁰⁶ for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honor. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of what he had so insolently attempted in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that dominion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he had been unmercifully severe to them;

³⁰⁶ For God did not forget the risks Petronius had taken on behalf of the Jews and for his own honour, but removed Gaius, angry with his insolent attempt to usurp divine honour. Both Rome and all the empire, especially those of the senate, conspired with Petronius to take revenge on Gaius, who had been unmercifully severe to them.

³⁰⁷ καὶ τελευτᾷ μὲν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἢ γράψαι τῷ ΠετρωνίῳPetronius τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τῷ θανεῖν ἀνακειμένην ἐπιστολήν, τὴν‎ δ᾽ αἰτίαν, ἐξ ἧς τελευτᾷ, καὶ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον ἀφηγήσομαι προιόντος τοῦ λόγου.	³⁰⁷ Gaius died not long after writing the letter to Petronius that commanded his death; and as for the cause of his death and the manner of the conspiracy against him, I shall relate those things as the history proceeds.
³⁰⁷ for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with death. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration.	³⁰⁷ For he died not long after writing the letter threatening Petronius with death. The cause of his death and the nature of the plot against him, I will tell in due time.

³⁰⁸ δὲ προτέρα μὲν παρῆν ἡ διασαφοῦσα τοῦ τὴν‎ τελευτὴν , μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἡ κελεύουσα αὐτὸν τελευτᾶν αὐτόχειρα, καὶ ἥσθη τε τῇ συντυχίᾳ τοῦ ὀλέθρου, ὃς τὸν κατέλαβεν,

³⁰⁸ To Petronius, the letter clarifying the end of Gaius arrived first, and not long after, the one commanding him to take his own life by his own hand. He rejoiced at the coincidence of the destruction that had overtaken Gaius,

³⁰⁸ Now that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius’s death came first, and a little afterward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at this coincidence as to the death of Caius,

³⁰⁸ The letter informing Petronius of Gaius' death arrived first, and a little later the one ordering him to die by his own hand, so he was glad at how Gaius had met his end.

³⁰⁹ καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ πρόνοιαν ἐξεθαύμασεν οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος μισθὸν αὐτῷ τιμῆς τε τῆς εἰς τὸν ναὸς καὶ βοηθείας τῆς σωτηρίας παρασχομένου. Καὶ μὲν οὕτως μὴ ἂν τοπασθεὶς διεφεύχθη ῥᾳδίως ὁ κίνδυνος τοῦ θανεῖν.

³⁰⁹ and he marveled at the Providence of God, who, without any delay but with great speed, had provided him a reward for his honor toward the Temple and his assistance in the salvation of the Jews. Thus, Petronius escaped the danger of death by a means that could never have been imagined."

³⁰⁹ and admired God’s providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death, which he could not foresee.

³⁰⁹ He also wondered greatly at the providence of God, who quickly and immediately rewarded him for his respect for the temple and helping to save the Jews. And so the danger of death to Petronius was easily escaped.

The Theology of the "Delayed Ship"
Josephus presents the Mediterranean weather as an instrument of the Divine. In the ancient world, winter sailing was notoriously dangerous and slow. By having the second letter (the death warrant) arrive after the news of the assassination, Josephus illustrates a "just-in-time" miracle. To the Greek-speaking world, this was a perfect example of Kairos—the opportune moment where God intervenes in human time.

Suicide as a Command (Τελευτᾶν Αὐτόχειρα)
The Greek phrase "τελευτᾶν αὐτόχειρα" (to die by one's own hand) confirms that Gaius had issued a formal order for Petronius to commit suicide. This was the standard Roman "courtesy" for high-ranking officials who had lost imperial favor. The fact that Petronius "rejoiced" (ἥσθη) underscores the absolute terror he must have been living under during those months of waiting.

The Universal Tyrant
Josephus notes that it wasn't just the Jews who benefited from Gaius’s death, but "all the empire" and the "Senate." By framing Gaius as a universal enemy of the human race and of "the Divine" (τὸ θεῖον), Josephus aligns Jewish interests with the interests of the Roman aristocracy. He portrays the God of Israel as a defender of order against madness, a theme that would have resonated deeply with his Roman audience.

Providence as "Speedy Reward" (Μισθὸν... ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος)
Usually, in Josephus, justice is a slow-moving force. However, here he marvels that the reward was provided "without any delay" (οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς). This rapid response—Gaius dying almost immediately after signing the death warrant—serves as an "exclamation point" on the sanctity of the Temple.

Transition to the Conspiracy
Josephus mentions he will explain the "manner of the conspiracy" (τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὸν τρόπον) later. This refers to the famous assassination of Caligula by the Praetorian Guard (led by Cassius Chaerea) during the Palatine Games. This event is one of the most detailed sections of Josephus's writing, likely because he had access to eye-witness accounts from the Roman elite.

Chapter 9
[310-379]
The disaster of the Jews at Nisibis, in Babylonia

☜ ☞

³¹⁰ Γίνεται δὲ καὶ περὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν‎ οἰκοῦντας συμφορὰ δεινὴ καὶ οὐδεμιᾶς ἧστινος ἐλάσσων φόνος τε αὐτῶν πολὺς καὶ οὐχ ἱστορημένος πρότερον. περὶ ὧν δὴ τὰ πάντα ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβὲς διηγησάμενος ἐκθήσομαι καὶ τὰς αἰτίας, ἀφ᾽ ὧν αὐτοῖς τὸ πάθος συνέτυχεν.

³¹⁰ "There also occurred a terrible calamity among the Jews who inhabited Mesopotamia, and especially Babylonia—a slaughter of them so great that none before it was ever recorded as being equal to it. I shall set forth all these matters accurately, explaining the causes from which this passion befell them.

³¹⁰ A very sad calamity now befell the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had gone before, and came together with a great slaughter of them, and that greater than any upon record before; concerning all which I shall speak more accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them.

³¹⁰ A terrible disaster no less than their former woes now befell the Jews living in Mesopotamia and especially those in Babylonia, causing the death of more of them than any recorded before. I will describe this in detail and explain the reasons why they suffered this.

³¹¹ Νέερδα τῆς ἐστὶ πόλις ἄλλως τε πολυανδροῦσα καὶ χώραν ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλὴν ἔχουσα καὶ σὺν ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς καὶ ἀνθρώπων ἀνάπλεως. ἔστιν δὲ καὶ πολεμίοις οὐκ εὐέμβολος περιόδῳ τε τοῦ πᾶσαν ἐντὸς αὐτὴν ἀπολαμβάνοντος καὶ κατασκευαῖς τειχῶν.

³¹¹ Neerda [Nehardea] is a city of Babylonia, exceptionally populous and possessing much fertile land; it is filled with men and other good things. Moreover, it is not easily accessible to enemies, being entirely enclosed by the circuit of the Euphrates and by its own fortifications.

³¹¹ There was a city of Babylonia called Neerda; not only a very populous one, but one that had a good and large territory about it, and, besides its other advantages, full of men also. It was, besides, not easily to be assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates encompassing it all round, and from the walls that were built about it.

³¹¹ There was a thriving city in Babylonia called Neerda, surrounded by a good, broad territory and with the added advantages of being very populous and hard to attack by its enemies, as on all sides it was surrounded by the river Euphrates and protected by its walls.

³¹² ἔστιν δὲ καὶ πόλις κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦ ποταμοῦ περίρρουν, ὅθεν τῇ φύσει τῶν χωρίων πεπιστευκότες τό τε δίδραχμον, ὃ τῷ θεῷ καταβάλλειν ἑκάστοις πάτριον, ταύτῃ κατετίθεντο καὶ δὲ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, ἐχρῶντό τε ὥσπερ ταμιείῳ ταῖσδε ταῖς πόλεσιν.

³¹² There is also the city of Nisibis on the same bend of the river. The Jews, trusting in the natural strength of these places, deposited there the didrachm [half-shekel]—which it was their ancestral custom for each man to pay to God—along with whatever other offerings they had. They used these cities as their treasuries.

³¹² There was also the city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which every one, by the custom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him; for they made use of these cities as a treasury,

³¹² The city of Nisibis was situated on the same branch of the river, and so the Jews, trusting in the nature of these places, deposited in them that half shekel which by our national custom each individual offers to God, along with other things devoted to him, using these cities as a bank-vault.

³¹³ ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἀνεπέμπετο ᾗ καιρός, πολλαί τε ἀνθρώπων μυριάδες τὴν‎ κομιδὴν τῶν χρημάτων παρελάμβανον δεδιότες τὰς ΠαρθυαίωνParthians ἁρπαγὰς ὑποτελούσης ἐκείνοις τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia.	³¹³ From there, at the appropriate time, these funds were sent up to Jerusalem. Many tens of thousands of men took part in the transport of the money, fearing the robberies of the Parthians, since Babylonia was subject to them.
³¹³ whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many ten thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.	³¹³ From there, they were transferred to Jerusalem at the proper time, and large groups of people were involved in bringing the donations, for fear of the raids of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject.

³¹⁴ καὶ ἦσαν γὰρ Ἀσιναῖος καὶ Ἀνιλαῖος Νεερδᾶται μὲν τὸ γένος, ἀλλήλων δὲ ἀδελφοί. Καὶ αὐτούς, πατρὸς δ᾽ ἦσαν ὀρφανοί, ἡ μήτηρ προσέταξεν ἱστῶν μαθήσει ποιήσεως, οὐκ ὄντος ἀπρεποῦς τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ὥστε τοὺς ἄνδρας ταλασιουργεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς. τούτοις ὁ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐφεστώς, καὶ γὰρ ἐμεμαθήκεσαν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, βραδυτῆτα ἐπικαλέσας τῆς ἀφίξεως ἐκόλασε πληγαῖς.

³¹⁴ Now there were two brothers, Asinaeus and Anilaeus, natives of Neerda. They were orphans, and their mother had put them to the learning of the weaver's art; for it was not considered unseemly among the locals for men to work in wool. The man who presided over their work—for they had learned under him—charged them with being late in their arrival and punished them with blows.

³¹⁴ Now there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father, and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed a disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now he that taught them that art, and was set over them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes;

³¹⁴ There were two men from Neerda, Asineus and Anileus, brothers whose father was dead and whose mother sent them to learn the art of weaving curtains, as it was no disgrace in that area for men to do that sort of work. The overseer from whom they were learning complained when they came late to their work and punished them with a beating.

³¹⁵ οἱ δὲ ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει τὴν‎ δικαίωσιν λογιζόμενοι, κατασπάσαντες τῶν ὅπλων πολλὰ ἦν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας φυλασσόμενα ᾬχοντο εἴς τι χωρίον, διάρρηξιν μὲν ποταμῶν λεγόμενον, νομὰς δὲ ἀγαθὰς παρασχεῖν πεφυκὸς καὶ χιλὸν εἰς τὸν χειμῶνα ἀποτιθοῖντο. συνῄεσάν τε ὡς αὐτοὺς τῶν νέων οἱ ἀπορώτατοι, καὶ τούτους τοῖς ὅπλοις φραγνύντες στρατηγοί τε ἦσαν καὶ τῶν κακῶν ἡγεμόνες οὐκ ἐκωλύοντο εἶναι.

³¹⁵ Considering this punishment an insult, they snatched down many of the weapons that were kept in the house and went off to a certain place called the 'Breaking of Rivers,' a place naturally suited to provide good pastures and fodder for those who stored it for winter. There, the most destitute of the young men joined them. Arming these men, they became generals and leaders of the lawless, and none could prevent them.

³¹⁵ but they took this just punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that house, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers, and was a place naturally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into mischief;

³¹⁵ This deserved punishment they took as an insult and so they stole the many weapons he kept in the house, and went to an area called "between the rivers" which was very suited for feeding livestock and for preserving fodder and grain in storage for the winter. The most deprived kind of young men gathered around them, whom they armed with the weapons they had taken; then they became their officers, with nothing to stop them leading them into mischief.

³¹⁶ προελθόντες γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμαχον καὶ κατασκευάσαντες ἀκρόπολιν διέπεμπον πρὸς τοὺς νέμοντας φόρον αὐτοῖς κελεύοντες καταβάλλειν τῶν βοσκημάτων, ἣ ἀρκοῦσα ἐπιτροφὴ γίνοιτ᾽ ἄν, προστιθέντες φιλίαν τε πειθομένοις καὶ ἄμυναν τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν ποθὲν πολεμίων, σφαγὰς δὲ τῶν ποιμνίων ἀπειθοῦσιν.

³¹⁶ Advancing to an impregnable spot and constructing a citadel, they sent word to the local shepherds, commanding them to pay a tax on their livestock that would be sufficient for their support. They offered friendship to those who obeyed and protection from any other enemies, but threatened the slaughter of the flocks for those who were disobedient.

³¹⁶ for as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their other enemies on every side, but that they would kill the cattle of those that refused to obey them.

³¹⁶ When they had become invincible and had built a fortress, they sent to the herders of livestock, demanding that they pay a tax to support them, offering to be their friends if they submitted to them and to defend them from all enemies on every side, whereas they would kill the livestock of any who refused to obey them.

³¹⁷ οἱ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἕτερα παρ᾽ αὐτὰ ποιεῖν, ἠκροῶντο καὶ τῶν προβάτων ἔστελλον κελευσθεῖεν, ὥστε δὴ καὶ πλείων αὐτοῖς συνελέγετο ἰσχὺς κύριοί τε ἦσαν ἐφ᾽ οἷς βουλεύσειαν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐλαύνοντες κακουργεῖν. θεραπεύειν τε αὐτοὺς ἦρκτο πᾶς προστυγχάνων, καὶ ἦσαν φοβεροὶ καὶ τοῖς πειρασομένοις, ὥστ᾽ ἤδη προύκοπτε λόγος περὶ αὐτῶν κἀπὶ τοῦ βασιλέως.

³¹⁷ The shepherds, since they had no other choice, listened and sent as many sheep as they were commanded. Consequently, the brothers' strength increased, and they became masters of their own designs, rushing out quickly to commit their raids. Everyone who encountered them began to pay them court, and they became a terror to those who might test them, so that word of them eventually reached even the King of Parthia."

³¹⁷ So they hearkened to their proposals, (for they could do nothing else,) and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.

³¹⁷ They agreed, as there was nothing else they could do, and sent them as many sheep as were demanded, so that their forces grew and they became masters to do as they pleased, for they were quick to march out and do harm. All who had to do with them chose to respect them and they were feared by any who came to attack them, until news about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself.

Nehardea: The Jewish Fortress
Josephus highlights Nehardea as a strategic hub. Located on the Euphrates, it was not just a city but a "treasury" for the Temple Tax. Because the Parthian Empire was often unstable, these Jewish cities acted as fortified banks. The "tens of thousands" who escorted the money to Jerusalem were essentially a private Jewish army, showing the sheer scale of the Jewish presence in the East.

From Weaving to Warfare
The detail about the brothers being weavers is fascinating. In many cultures, weaving was female labor, but Josephus notes that in Babylonia, it was "not unseemly" (οὐκ ὄντος ἀπρεποῦς) for men. Their "origin story" is a classic trope of the social bandit: an unjust beating by a superior triggers a rebellion. They trade the loom for the sword, reflecting a theme of humiliated masculinity reclaiming honor through violence.

The "Breaking of Rivers" (Διάρρηξιν ποταμῶν)
The brothers establish their base in a marshy, riverine area. This was a classic tactical choice for rebels (much like the "Greenwood" in Robin Hood legends). The geography of Mesopotamia, with its canals and shifting riverbeds, provided a natural defense against the heavy cavalry of the Parthian Empire.

The Protections Racket
The brothers’ rise follows the classic pattern of a protection racket. They don't just steal; they offer a service: "protection from other enemies" in exchange for a livestock tax. By formalizing their robbery into a tax, they transitioned from "bandits" to "rulers." They filled a power vacuum in a region where the Parthian central government was too weak or distant to provide security.

The Reach of the Parthian King
The fact that news reached the King of Parthia (likely Artabanus II) indicates that this wasn't just a local nuisance. The brothers had effectively created a semi-autonomous Jewish "micro-state" within the heart of the Parthian Empire. Josephus uses this story to show that Jewish strength was not limited to Judea; in the Diaspora, they were capable of military and political independence.

³¹⁸ Ὁ δὲ τῆς σατράπης μαθὼν ταῦτα καὶ βουληθεὶς ἔτι φυομένους κωλῦσαι πρίν τι μεῖζον κακὸν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀναστῆναι, συλλέξας στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ τῶν καὶ τῶν ἤλασε πρὸς αὐτοὺς, φθῆναι θέλων προσβαλὼν ἐξελεῖν πρὶν ἐξάγγελτος γενέσθαι κατασκευάζων τὸν στρατόν.

³¹⁸ "Now the Satrap of Babylonia, having learned of these things and wishing to check them while they were still growing—before some greater evil should arise from them—collected the largest army he could of both Parthians and Babylonians and marched against them. He intended to strike a preemptive blow and destroy them before he could be detected while preparing his army.

³¹⁸ But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and marched against them, thinking to attack them and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together.

³¹⁸ When the satrap of Babylonia understood this he wanted to put a stop to them before they grew too strong and caused even greater evils, so he gathered as large an army of Parthians and Babylonians as possible, and set out, hoping to attack and destroy them before it was known that he had mustered the army.

³¹⁹ περικαθίσας δὲ τὸ ἕλος ἡσύχαζεν, καὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ , ἦν δὲ σάββατον ἀργίας παντὸς χρήματος ἡμέρα, οἰόμενος οὐ τολμήσειν ἀντιστατήσειν αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ ἀμαχεὶ λαβὼν ἄξειν δεδεμένους, κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προσῄει χρῄζων αἰφνίδιον ποιεῖσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπίπτωσιν.

³¹⁹ He took up a position around the marsh and remained quiet. On the following day, which was the Sabbath—a day of rest from all business for the Jews—he believed the enemy would not dare to resist him, but that he would take them without a fight and lead them away in bonds. He approached gradually, intending to make his assault a sudden surprise.

³¹⁹ He then encamped at a lake, and lay still; but on the next day (it was the Sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prisoners, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden.

³¹⁹ He encamped at the marsh and rested there, but on the next day, a sabbath, which among Jews is a day of rest from work of all sorts, he thought the enemy would not dare to fight him, but that he could take them prisoner without a fight. So he moved forward in stages, planning to attack them by surprise.

³²⁰ Ἀσιναῖος δὲ ἐτύγχανε σὺν τοῖς ἑταίροις καθεζόμενος καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παρέκειτο αὐτοῖς " ἄνδρες, φησί, χρεμετισμός μοι ἵππων προσέπεσεν οὐ φορβάδων, ἀλλ᾽ οἷος γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπιβεβηκότων, ἐπεὶ καί τινος ἀνακρούσεως αἰσθάνομαι χαλινῶν· δέδια, μὴ λελήθασιν ἡμᾶς οἱ πολέμιοι περιστάντες. Ἀλλά τις προίτω κατόπτης ἀπαγγελίαν ἡμῖν σαφῆ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων ποιησόμενος. εἴη δὲ ἐπὶ ψευδέσι μοι λελέχθαι τὰ εἰρημένα. Καὶ ὁ μὲν τάδε εἶπεν,

³²⁰ Asinaeus happened to be sitting with his companions, and their weapons lay beside them. 'Men,' he said, 'the neighing of horses has reached me—not of horses at pasture, but such as would come from men mounted upon them. Moreover, I perceive the jingling of bridles. I fear the enemy has surrounded us without our noticing. Let someone go forward as a scout to bring us a clear report of what is happening. May it be that what I have said proves false.'

³²⁰ Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them; upon which he said, "Sirs, I hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; I also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to encompass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm."

³²⁰ Now Asineus was sitting with the others, all armed and ready, when he said, "Men, I hear the sound of horses, not like those that are feeding, but those with men on their backs. From the sound of bridles I fear that some enemies have secretly surrounded us. Let someone go and look around and report how things stand, and may my words turn out to be a false alarm."

³²¹ καὶ ᾤχοντό τινες προσκοποῦντες τὸ γινόμενον καὶ ᾗ τάχος παρελθόντες, " καὶ οὔτε αὐτὸς ψεύδῃ σαφὴς εἰκαστὴς εἶναι τῶν πρασσομένων τοῖς πολεμίοις οὔτε ἐκεῖνοι πλειόνως ἐπιτρέψειν ἤμελλον ἡμῖν ὑβριεῖν.	³²¹ He spoke these things, and some went out to scout what was occurring and returned with all speed. He himself had not been a false or unclear guesser of the enemy's actions, nor were they [the scouts] going to allow the enemy to insult them further.
³²¹ And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that "neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer.	³²¹ When he had said this, some of them went out to check out what was the matter, and they came back immediately and said, "You were not mistaken about what our enemies were doing, and those enemies were not about to let us insult them any longer.

³²² περιειλήμμεθα δόλῳ μηδὲν βοσκημάτων διαφέροντες· τοσῆσδε ἵππου πλῆθος ἐπελαύνουσιν ἡμῖν ἐν ἀπορίᾳ χειρῶν κειμένοις διὰ τὸ κατείργεσθαι προαγορεύσει	³²² 'We are caught in a trap,' they said, 'differing in no way from livestock. A vast multitude of cavalry is charging us while we lie here with our hands powerless, restricted by the proclamation of our ancestral laws to remain idle.'
³²² We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are restrained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day]."	³²² We are caught like wild animals in a trap and there is a large force of cavalry coming upon us, and we cannot even use our weapons since our ancestral laws say that we must rest."

³²³ τῶν πατρίων εἰς τὸ ἀργεῖν. Ἀσιναῖος δὲ οὐκ ἄρα γνώμῃ τοῦ κατασκόπου κρίνειν ἔμελλεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις, ἀλλὰ νομιμώτερον ἡγησάμενος τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἀπράκτοις τελευτῶντας εὐφραίνειν τοὺς πολεμίους τὸ ἀλκῆς δεξάμενος αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀνάγκης εἰς ἣν ἐνεπεπτώκει παρανομεῖν τιμωρίαν ἀπολαμβάνοι, εἰ δέοι τελευτᾶν, αὐτός τε ἀναλαμβάνει τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ θάρσος ἐνεποίει τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ ὅμοια ἀρετῆς.

³²³ But Asinaeus was not going to judge what must be done based on the opinion of the scout. He considered it more lawful to take up a defense—even if he must violate the law due to the necessity into which he had fallen—rather than to die inactively and thus delight the enemy. If it were necessary to die, he would at least take vengeance. He himself took up his arms and instilled in those with him a courage for similar excellence.

³²³ But Asiueus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this necessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing nothing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself.

³²³ Asineus did not at all agree with this opinion of his lookout about what must be done, for in this crisis he thought it more legitimate to raise their spirits and break the law and defend themselves, even if they died in the action than play into their enemies' hands by doing nothing and letting themselves be killed; so he seized his weapons and inspired his companions to follow his good example.

³²⁴ ὁμόσε ἴασι τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ πολλοὺς κτείναντες αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ὡς ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτοιμα χωρεῖν εἰς φυγὴν τρέπονται τὸ λοιπόν.	³²⁴ They closed with the enemy, and having killed many of them—because the enemy had advanced with contempt, as if toward a ready prey—they turned the rest to flight."
³²⁴ So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them and came as to a certain victory, and put the rest to flight.	³²⁴ Then they fell on their enemies and killed many of those who had scorned them as if certain of victory, and routed the rest.

The Sabbath Strategy
The Satrap employs a tactic that would become a "standard operating procedure" for enemies of the Jews throughout antiquity (most famously utilized by Pompey at the Siege of Jerusalem in 63 BCE). He assumes that religious law acts as a physical paralysis. Josephus uses this to set up a moral dilemma: Is it more "lawful" to keep the Sabbath and be slaughtered like "βοσκημάτων" (livestock), or to "sin" in order to preserve the people of the Law?

Asinaeus’s "Acoustic Intelligence"
Josephus paints Asinaeus as a highly intuitive leader. His ability to distinguish between the sounds of "φορβάδων" (pastured horses) and "ἀνδρῶν αὐτοῖς ἐπιβεβηκότων" (mounted warhorses) marks him as a natural soldier despite his background as a weaver. The mention of the "ἀνακρούσεως χαλινῶν" (jingling of bridles) adds a sensory, cinematic quality to the narrative.

The Evolution of Halakha (Religious Law)
This scene mirrors the famous decision of Mattathias during the Maccabean Revolt (1 Maccabees 2:39–41). Early in Jewish history, many chose to die rather than fight on the Sabbath. Asinaeus reaches the same pragmatic conclusion: if the enemy uses the Law as a weapon, the Law must be defended by the sword. He frames his "transgression" as a form of "ἀρετῆς" (excellence/virtue) because it prevents the enemy from "delighting" in a bloodless victory.

The Arrogance of the Satrap (Καταφρονοῦντας)
The Satrap's defeat is attributed to "καταφρονήσεως" (contempt/disdain). He viewed the Jews not as combatants, but as "τὰ ἑτοιμα" (ready prey). This is a classic military lesson: over-reliance on a psychological advantage (the Sabbath) led to a lack of tactical readiness. The Parthian and Babylonian forces were likely in a loose formation, expecting a surrender, when the Jews launched a desperate, coordinated counter-attack.

The "Hero-Outlaw" Motif
By defeating a formal Satrap and his provincial army, the brothers transition from local bandits to regional powers. They have successfully defended their territory against the legitimate government, which in the ancient world was the first step toward being recognized as a legitimate "client-ruler."

³²⁵ Ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεύς, ἐπεὶ ἀφίκετο αὐτῷ ἡ ἀγγελία τῆς μάχης, ἐκπλαγεὶς τῷ τολμήματι τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐπεθύμησεν αὐτοῖς ἐλθεῖν δι᾽ ὄψεως καὶ λόγων, καὶ πέμπει τὸν πιστότατον τῶν λέγοντα,

³²⁵ "Now when the news of the battle reached the King of the Parthians, he was astonished at the daring of the brothers and desired to meet them face to face and speak with them. He sent the most faithful of his bodyguards with a message:

³²⁵ But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desirous to see them, and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them:

³²⁵ When the king of Parthia got news of this battle he was impressed by the audacity of these brothers and wished to see them and speak with them. So he sent the most trusted of all his guards to tell them:

³²⁶ ὅτι βασιλεὺς Ἀρτάβανος καίπερ ἠδικημένος ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπιχειρήσεως αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ ἀρχῇ γενομένης ἐν ἐλάσσονι τὴν‎ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ὀργὴν τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς ποιησάμενος ἀπέστειλέν με δεξιάς τε καὶ πίστιν δώσοντα ὑμῖν, συγχωρῶν ἄδειάν τε καὶ ἀσυλίαν ὁδῶν, χρῄζων ἐπὶ φιλίᾳ προσχωρεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν δόλου τε καὶ ἀπάτης χωρίς, δῶρά τε δώσειν ὑπισχνεῖται καὶ τιμήν, ἥτις ὑμῖν πρὸς τῇ νῦν οὔσῃ ἀρετῇ μελλήσει δυνάμει τῇ ἐκείνου ὠφελεῖν. Ἀσιναῖος δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπερβάλλεται ὁδοὺς τὰς ἐκεῖ,

³²⁶ 'King Artabanus, although he has been wronged by your attempt against his government, has nevertheless considered his own anger of less importance than your excellence (arete). He has sent me to give you his right hand and his pledge, granting you safety and immunity on the roads. He desires that you come to him for friendship without trickery or deceit, and he promises to give you gifts and honor, which, added to your current excellence, will serve you by his power.'

³²⁶ "That king Artabanus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behavior, than to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right hand and security; and he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road; and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as friends, without meaning any guile or deceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and thereby be of advantage to you."

³²⁶ "King Artabanus, though wronged by your challenge to his rule, is more interested in your bravery than in being angry with you. He has sent me to offer you a guarantee of safety, to let you come to him safe and unharmed on the journey, as he wants to have you approach him as friends, meaning you no guile or deceit; indeed, he promises you gifts and honour, if you put your bravery at his service."

³²⁷ τὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ Ἀνιλαῖον ἐκπέμπει μετὰ δώρων πορίσαι ἦν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ᾤχετο καὶ εἴσοδος αὐτῷ γίνεται παρὰ βασιλέα. Ἀρτάβανος δὲ ἐπεὶ θεᾶται τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον καταμόνας ἥκοντα, ἤρετο τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ καὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον ἐφυστερηκότος.

³²⁷ Asinaeus himself delayed the journey, but he sent his brother Anilaeus with such gifts as he was able to provide. Anilaeus went and was granted an audience with the King. When Artabanus saw Anilaeus arriving alone, he asked the reason why Asinaeus had stayed behind.

³²⁷ Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was admitted to the king’s presence; and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to come along with him;

³²⁷ Asineus postponed going there but sent his brother Anileus to him with whatever gifts he could muster. He arrived and was admitted to the king’s presence, and when Artabanus saw Anileus coming alone, he asked why Asineus had stayed behind.

³²⁸ ἐπεὶ δὲ πυνθάνεται αὐτὸν δείσαντα ἐν τῷ ἕλει ὑπομένειν, ὁ δὲ τούς τε πατρῴους θεοὺς ἐπώμνυτο μηδὲν κακὸν δράσειν αὐτοὺς πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ προσκεχωρηκότας, καὶ τὴν‎ δεξιὰν ἐδίδου, ὅπερ μέγιστον παρὰ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐκείνῃ βαρβάροις παράδειγμα τοῦ θαρσεῖν γίνεται τοῖς ὁμιλοῦσιν·

³²⁸ When he learned that Asinaeus had remained in the marsh out of fear, the King swore by his ancestral gods that he would do no evil to them once they had come to him on his pledge. He gave his right hand, which among all the barbarians in that region is the greatest sign of reassurance for those who deal with them.

³²⁸ and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of his country, that he would do them no harm, if they came to him upon the assurances he gave them, and gave him his right hand. This is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them;

³²⁸ When he learned that he was afraid and stayed in the marsh, he swore by the gods of his country that he would do them no harm if they came to him under his solemn pledge. Then he gave him his right hand, which is of the utmost significance with all these barbarians and is the best security to those who come to talk with them.

³²⁹ οὐ γὰρ ἂν ψεύσαιτό τις δεξιῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δόσεων γενομένων οὐδὲ πιστεύειν ἐνδοιάσειεν, εἰ τοιᾶσδε ἀσφαλείας δόσις γίνοιτο παρὰ τῶν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ ἀδικήσειν καθεστηκότων. Καὶ Ἀρτάβανος μὲν ταῦτα πράξας ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον πείσοντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐπανελθεῖν,

³²⁹ For no one would prove false once the giving of the right hand has been performed by him, nor would anyone doubt to trust it, if such a gift of security should come from those who might otherwise be suspected of doing wrong. Having done this, Artabanus sent Anilaeus back to persuade his brother to return with him.

³²⁹ for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one doubt of their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his brother to come to him.

³²⁹ None of them will deceive you once they have given you his right hand, nor need one have further doubts about safety once it is given, even if previously one suspected their intentions. When Artabanus had done this, he sent Anileus off to persuade his brother to come to him.

³³⁰ ἔπρασσεν δὲ ταῦτα βασιλεὺς χρῄζων ἐνστομισμάτων τῇ ἀρετῇ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς φιλίαν κτήσασθαι τῶν ἐκείνου σατραπειῶν ἐν ἀποστάσει τε οὐσῶν καὶ διανοίᾳ τοῦ ἀποστησομένου μέλλων ἐλάσειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς.

³³⁰ The King did this because he desired to use the excellence of the Jewish brothers as a 'bridle' (ἐνστομισμάτων), winning them over to friendship while his own satrapies were in revolt or intending to revolt, as he was about to march against them.

³³⁰ Now this the king did, because he wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, had they been sent on an expedition against them.

³³⁰ The king did this in order to avail of the courage of these Jewish brothers to curb his own satraps, who were ready for a revolt and were disposed to rebel from him and enter an alliance with them.

³³¹ ἐδεδίει γάρ, μὴ καὶ περιεχομένου πολέμῳ τῷ ἐκείνῃ κατὰ χείρωσιν τῶν ἀφεστηκότων αὐξηθῶσιν ἐπὶ μέγα οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον καὶ τὴν‎ ἤτοι γε συστήσονται ἐπ᾽ ἀκροάσει τῇ αὐτῶν ἢ καὶ τούτου γε ἀποτυχόντες τοῦ κακῶσαι μειζόνως οὐ διαμάρτοιεν.

³³¹ For he feared that while he was occupied with the war there to subdue the rebels, the power of Asinaeus might grow to a great height, and that the people of Babylonia would either join them in obedience or, failing that, the brothers would certainly not fail to cause even greater damage."

³³¹ He was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus, and those in Babylonia, should be augmented, and either make war upon him, when they should hear of that revolt, or if they should be disappointed in that case, they would not fail of doing further mischief to him.

³³¹ He feared that once he went to war to subdue those rebellious satraps, the party of Asineus would grow in strength and might try to take power in Babylonia, or even if they did not succeed, they would not fail to do him further harm.

The "Pledge of the Right Hand" (Δεξιάς)
Josephus takes a moment to explain Parthian cultural norms to his Western readers. In the Persian and Parthian tradition, the dexiosis (giving the right hand) was more than a greeting; it was a sacred, unbreakable treaty. For a King to offer his hand to an "outlaw" weaver was a massive social elevation for Asinaeus. It signaled that Artabanus II viewed them not as criminals to be hung, but as a sovereign power to be allied with.

The King’s Pragmatism: The "Bridle" (Ἐνστομισμάτων)
Josephus uses the vivid term "ἐνστομισμάτων" (literally a bit or a bridle used for a horse). Artabanus was facing internal instability—rebellious satraps were a constant feature of the decentralized Parthian Empire. Rather than wasting his own troops trying to root out the Jews from the Babylonian marshes, he decided to "bridle" the region by making the Jewish brothers his official enforcers.

Asinaeus’s Caution
Asinaeus’s refusal to go personally at first shows he was a shrewd judge of character. He understood that even with a "pledge," entering the heart of the Ctesiphon court was a massive risk. By sending Anilaeus first, he tested the waters. This caution is what allowed the brothers to survive in a landscape defined by betrayal.

The Demographic Power of Babylonia
The King’s fear that Babylonia would "join them in obedience" (συστήσονται ἐπʼ ἀκροάσει) suggests that the Jewish population in the region was so dense and influential that they could effectively tip the scales of a civil war. Artabanus realized that if he didn't bring the brothers into the imperial fold, they could become the nucleus of a new, independent Mesopotamian state.

Excellence Over Anger (Ὑμετέρας ἀρετῆς)
Artabanus claims to value the brothers' "arete" (excellence/valor) more than his own "orge" (anger). This is a classic kingly trope in ancient literature—the idea that a true monarch recognizes and rewards merit, even in an enemy. It also reflects the "Hero-Outlaw" status Josephus is building for the brothers; they are so skilled in war that even the Great King must respect them.

³³² Ὁ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον, ὁ δὲ ἦν τῷ ἀδελφῷ τήν τε ἄλλην προθυμίαν εἰσηγούμενος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ὅρκιον τὸ γεγενημένον, ὥστε δὴ ἠπείγοντο ὡς τὸν .

³³² "Having resolved upon these things, the King sent back Anilaeus, who persuaded his brother by reporting the King’s great eagerness and the oath that had been made; thus, they hastened to Artabanus.

³³² When the king had these intentions, he sent away Anileus, and Anileus prevailed on his brother [to come to the king], when he had related to him the king’s good-will, and the oath that he had taken. Accordingly, they made haste to go to Artabanus,

³³² With these intentions, he sent off Anileus and he persuaded his brother by reporting about the king’s goodwill and the oath he had given; so they hurried to Artabanus.

³³³ ὁ δὲ ἡδονῇ αὐτοὺς δέχεται παραγενομένους ἐθαύμαζεν τε τὸν Ἀσιναῖον τοῦ ἐν ταῖς πράξεσιν εὐψύχου, θεωρῶν παντελῶς ὄντα ὀφθῆναι βραχύν τε καὶ τοῖς τὸ πρῶτον ὄψει συνελθοῦσιν ἐνδοῦναι καταφρονήματος ἀφορμὰς ὡς οὐδενὶ κρίνοιεν αὐτόν, φησί τε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ὡς μείζονα ἐν τῇ παραθέσει παρέχοιτο τὴν‎ ψυχὴν τοῦ σώματος, παρά τε πότον δεικνὺς τὸν Ἀσιναῖον Ἀβδαγάσῃ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ στρατοπεδάρχῃ τό τε ὄνομα διασαφεῖ καὶ τὴν‎ πᾶσαν ἀρετήν, ᾗ χρῷτο εἰς πόλεμον.

³³³ The King received them with pleasure upon their arrival. He marveled at Asinaeus for the courage shown in his deeds, seeing that he was altogether small to look upon, and to those who first met him by sight, he provided grounds for contempt, as they would judge him to be a nobody. The King said to his friends that Asinaeus possessed a soul greater than his body in comparison. At a banquet, the King showed Asinaeus to Abdagases, his commander-in-chief, making clear his name and all the excellence (arete) he displayed in war.

³³³ who received them when they were come with pleasure, and admired Asineus’s courage in the actions he had done, and this because he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared contemptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all. He also said to his friends, how, upon the comparison, he showed his soul to be in all respects superior to his body; and when, as they were drinking together, he once showed Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army, and told him his name, and described the great courage he was of in war,

³³³ He received them with pleasure, full of admiration for Asineus' active courage seeing how small in stature he was, a man who at first sight seemed of no significance at all. He said to his friends, that in contrast he showed that his soul was in all respects superior to his body, and when, as they were drinking together, he once pointed out Asineus to Abdagases, one of the generals of his army and told him his name and described his great courage in war,

³³⁴ τοῦ δὲ Ἀβδαγάσου κελεύοντος συγχώρημα αὐτῷ γενέσθαι κτείναντα αὐτὸν ἄποινα ἀπολαβεῖν ὑπὲρ ὧν ὑβρίσειεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχήν " ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἄν, εἶπεν ὁ βασιλεύς, συγχώρημα διδοίην ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ πίστει τῇ εἰς ἐμὲ τεθαρρηκότι καὶ προσέτι δεξιάν τε πέμψας καὶ θεῶν ὅρκοις γενέσθαι σπουδάσας.

³³⁴ But when Abdagases asked that it be permitted for him to kill the man to take vengeance for the insults he had committed against the Parthian empire, the King replied: 'I would never grant such a thing for a man who has trusted in my pledge, especially since I sent my right hand and took pains to be persuasive by oaths to the gods.

³³⁴ and Abdagases had desired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict on him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, "I will never give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after I have sent him my right hand, and endeavored to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods.

³³⁴ Abdagases had asked leave to kill him and thereby punish him for the harm he had done to Parthian rule, the king answered, "I will never let you kill a man who has trusted in my word, especially since I shaken his hand and won his trust by oaths made by the gods.

³³⁵ εἰ δὲ ἀνὴρ τυγχάνεις τὰ πολέμια ἀγαθός, μηδὲν ἐπιορκίαςfalse oath, perjury χρῄζων τῆς ἐμῆς ΠαρθυαίωνParthians ἐκδίκει τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν περιυβρισμένην· ἐπαναχωροῦντι γὰρ ἐπιθέμενος περιγίνου κράτει τῷ	³³⁵ But if you happen to be a man good in war, avenge the insulted Parthian empire without requiring me to commit perjury. Attack him as he returns home and overcome him by your own strength, without my knowledge.'
³³⁵ But if thou be a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when he is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity."	³³⁵ But if you are truly a warrior, you have no need to perjure me. Go and avenge the Parthian rule; attack this man on his return home without letting me know, and defeat him with the forces under your command."

³³⁶ περὶ σὲ καὶ μετ᾽ ἀγνοίας τῆς ἐμῆς. ἕωθεν δὲ μετακαλέσας τὸν Ἀσιναῖον " ‎ὥρα σοι, φησίν, ὦ νεανία, χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ σαυτοῦ, μὴ καὶ πλείοσιν τῶν ἐνθάδε στρατηγῶν τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἐρεθίσειας σου τῇ σφαγῇ καὶ δίχα γνώμης τῆς ἐμῆς.

³³⁶ At dawn, having summoned Asinaeus, the King said: 'It is time for you, young man, to go to your own place, lest you provoke the anger of even more of the generals here to attempt your slaughter against my will.

³³⁶ Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, "It is time for thee, O thou young man! to return home, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any further, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation.

³³⁶ So the king called for Asineus and said to him, "Young man, it is time for you to return home and no longer provoke the anger of my generals here, in case they try to murder you without my approval.

³³⁷ παρακαταθήκην δέ σοι δίδωμι τὴν‎ γῆν ἀλῄστευτόν τε καὶ ἀπαθῆ κακῶν ἐσομένην ὑπὸ τῶν σῶν φροντίδων. ἄξιον δέ μοι τυγχάνειν σου χρηστοῦ ἀνεπίκλητόν σοι παρασχόμενος τὴν‎ ἐμαυτοῦ πίστιν, οὐκ

³³⁷ I entrust to you the land of Babylonia as a deposit (parakatatheke), that it may remain free from robbery and suffering under your care. It is fitting for me to find you useful, since I have provided my own pledge to you without reproach—not for light matters, but for those pertaining to your salvation.'

³³⁷ I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviolable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me."

³³⁷ I entrust to you the district of Babylonia, to keep it free from brigands and other evils. I have kept my pledge to you in no small matters about your safety, so now I deserve that you be loyal to me."

³³⁸ ἐπὶ κούφοις ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰς σωτηρίαν ἀνακειμένοις. ταῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ δῶρα δοὺς τοτηνίκα ἐκπέμπει τὸν Ἀσιναῖον. ὁ δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκείαν παραγενόμενος φρούρια κατασκευάζει καὶ πρότερον ὠχύρου, μέγας τε ἐν ὀλίγῳ γεγόνει καὶ οἷος οὐκ ἄλλος τῶν πρότερον ἐκ τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς ἅψασθαι πραγμάτων ἐν τόλμῃ γεγονότων,

³³⁸ Having said these things and given gifts, he then sent Asinaeus away. Upon returning to his own territory, Asinaeus constructed fortresses and strengthened those he had previously fortified. In a short time, he became great, such as no other had ever been who began with similar circumstances and daring.

³³⁸ When he had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; who, when he was come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him.

³³⁸ When he had said this and given Asineus gifts, he immediately sent him away. And when he arrived home, he built fortresses and soon became strong and managed things with more courage and success than anyone of such lowly origins ever before.

³³⁹ τε αὐτὸν ἐθεράπευον οἱ ταύτῃ καταπεμπόμενοι στρατηγοί· μικρὸν γὰρ ἐδόκει καὶ τῆς κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἧσσον ἀρετῆς ἡ ἐκ προιοῦσα τιμή. ἦν τε ἐν ἀξιώματι καὶ δυνάμει, πάντα τε ἤδη τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦρτο πράγματα, προύκοπτέν τε αὐτῶν ἡ εὐδαιμονία ἐπὶ ἔτη πεντεκαίδεκα.

³³⁹ The Parthian generals sent to that region began to court him; for the honor coming from the Babylonians seemed small and inferior to his own excellence. He was in high standing and power, and all the affairs of Mesopotamia were now dependent upon him. Their prosperity continued to advance for fifteen years."

³³⁹ Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great respect; and the honor that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although he were in no small dignity and power there; nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him, and he more and more flourished in this happy condition of his for fifteen years.

³³⁹ The Parthian officers who were sent to him paid him great respect, and the honour paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them even less than he deserved. So he held dignity and power there and ruled the affairs of Mesopotamia and flourished like this for fifteen years.

The "Small Man" Trope (Βραχύν τε)
Josephus employs a classic literary motif here: the hero whose physical stature belies his internal power. The Parthians, known for their tall, imposing cavalrymen, initially viewed Asinaeus with "καταφρονήματος" (contempt) because of his small frame. This serves to elevate the concept of "εὐψύχου" (courage/high-spiritedness)—the idea that the soul (psyche) is the true engine of military success, not physical bulk.

The Honor of Artabanus vs. the Malice of Abdagases
Abdagases represents the entrenched military elite who cannot stomach the idea of a "weaver-rebel" being honored at the King's table. Artabanus’s response is a fascinating study in ancient ethics: he refuses to break his personal oath (perjury), but he essentially tells his general, "If you can kill him in a fair fight on the road, go ahead—just don't make me a liar." It’s a pragmatic compromise between royal "face" and imperial vengeance.

Babylonia as a "Deposit" (Παρακαταθήκην)
The King uses a legal term, "parakatatheke," which implies a sacred trust or a bailment. By calling Babylonia a "deposit" in Asinaeus’s hands, Artabanus effectively legitimizes the brothers. They are no longer bandits; they are the officially sanctioned "Wardens of the East." This was a cost-effective way for the King to secure a volatile frontier without stationing his own expensive legions there.

The 15-Year "Pax Judaica"
Josephus notes that this arrangement lasted for fifteen years. During this decade and a half, the region experienced a rare period of stability. This suggests that the brothers were efficient administrators. They transitioned from raiding to building "φρούρια" (fortresses), indicating a shift from offensive banditry to defensive governance.

Diplomacy through "Arete"
The fact that other Parthian generals began to "court" (ἐθεράπευον) Asinaeus shows the gravitational pull of power. In the decentralized Parthian system, a local strongman with a loyal militia and the King’s ear was a more valuable ally than a distant satrap. The brothers had successfully integrated themselves into the feudal hierarchy of the Parthian Empire.

³⁴⁰ Ἀκμαζόντων δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀρχὴ αὐτοὺς ἐπικαταλαμβάνει κακῶν ἐκ τοιᾶσδε αἰτίας, ἐπειδὴ τὴν‎ ἀρετήν, ᾗ προύκοψαν ἐπὶ μέγα δυνάμεως, ἐκτρέπουσιν εἰς ὕβριν ἐπὶ παραβάσει τῶν πατρίων ὑπὸ ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ ἡδονῆς ἐμπεσόντες τῶν τινί, στρατηγὸς δὲ ἀφίκετο τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων,

³⁴⁰ "But while their prosperity was at its peak, a beginning of evils overtook them from the following cause: they turned the excellence (arete) by which they had advanced to great power into insolence (hybris), falling into transgression of ancestral laws through their surrender to desire and pleasure. One of the Parthian generals arrived in those parts,

³⁴⁰ But as their affairs were in so flourishing a state, there sprang up a calamity among them on the following occasion. When once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the dominion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts,

³⁴⁰ But as their affairs were flourishing, things began to go wrong for them, for some reason like this. Though their courage had raised them to great power, they turned aside to arrogance and transgressed their ancestral laws, to follow their lusts and pleasures, once a certain Parthian general arrived in those parts.

³⁴¹ ᾧ δὴ καὶ εἵπετο γαμετὴ τά τε ἄλλα καὶ εἰς τὸ ἐπαινεῖσθαι προειληφυῖα πασῶν καὶ μείζονα ῥοπὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λαμβάνουσα θαύματι τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς.	³⁴¹ accompanied by a wife who surpassed all women in other praises but especially carried a decisive influence over her husband due to the wonder of her beauty.
³⁴¹ had a wife following him, who had a vast reputation for other accomplishments, and particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty.	³⁴¹ He had a wife of various fine qualities but who was particularly admired above all other women for her beauty.

³⁴² ταύτης εἴτε ἀκοῇ τῆς εὐπρεπείας ἐκμαθὼν εἴτε καὶ ἄλλως αὐτόπτης γενόμενος Ἀνιλαῖος ὁ τοῦ Ἀσιναίου ἀδελφὸς ἐραστής τε ἐγεγόνει καὶ πολέμιος, τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ μὴ ἄλλως ἐλπίζειν ἐκπράσσεσθαι τὴν‎ σύνοδον τῆς γυναικὸς μὴ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ὡς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ κτηθείσῃ παραλαβών, τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δυσαντίλεκτον κρίνειν τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν.

³⁴² Whether he heard of her beauty by report or saw her with his own eyes, Anilaeus (the brother of Asinaeus) became both her lover and her enemy. He became her lover because he had no other hope of achieving a union with the woman unless he seized authority over her as a captive; and he became her enemy because he judged his desire to be irresistible.

³⁴² Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself also, and so became at once her lover and her enemy; partly because he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtaining power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he could not conquer his inclinations for her.

³⁴² Anileus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of her beauty from others, or perhaps saw her himself and so became both her lover and her enemy; because he could not hope to enjoy this woman except by taking her prisoner and because he felt he could not conquer his lust for her.

³⁴³ ἅμα τε οὖν πολέμιος ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ κεχειροτόνητο κτείνων κιτιῶν καὶ μάχης ἐπάκτου γενομένης πεσόντος ἀνῃρημένου ἁλοῦσα ἐγεγάμητο τῷ ἐραστῇ. οὐ μὴν δίχα γε μεγάλων δυστυχιῶν Ἀνιλαίῳ τε ἅμα αὐτῷ καὶ Ἀσιναίῳ ἡ γυνὴ ἀφίκετο εἰς τὸν οἶκον αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ σύν τινι μεγάλῳ κακῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν·

³⁴³ Therefore, the husband was immediately marked for death as an enemy, and after a battle was brought on, he fell and was slain; once captured, she was married to her lover. Yet the woman did not come into their house without great misfortunes both for Anilaeus himself and for Asinaeus, but rather brought a great evil for this reason:

³⁴³ As soon therefore as her husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfortunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asineus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following.

³⁴³ So as soon as her husband had been declared their enemy and had fallen in battle, he married his beloved, the widow of the deceased. But the woman did not come into their house without bringing great misfortunes, both on Anileus himself and on Asineus too, but the main evil she caused was as follows.

³⁴⁴ ἐπεὶ γὰρ τἀνδρὸς τεθνηκότος αἰχμάλωτος ἤγετο, τὰ ἀφιδρύματα τῶν θεῶν, ἅπερ τῷ ἀνδρὶ καὶ αὐτῇ πατρῷα ἦν, ἐπιχώριον δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνῃ πᾶσίν ἐστιν ἐπί τε τῆς οἰκίας ἔχειν σεβάσματα καὶ ἰοῦσιν ἐπὶ ξένης συνεπάγεσθαι, περιστέλλουσα καὶ ταύτῃ τοῦ πατρίου τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔθος συναπήγετο, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον λεληθότως αὐτῶν θρησκείαν ἐποιεῖτο, γαμετὴ δὲ ἀποδειχθεῖσα ἤδη τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῆς εἰωθότι καὶ μεθ᾽ οἵων νομίμων ἐπὶ τοῦ προτέρου ἀνδρὸς ἐθεράπευεν αὐτούς.

³⁴⁴ When she was being led away as a captive after her husband’s death, she carried with her the images of the gods which had belonged to her father and her husband. For it is the custom for all in that region to have objects of worship in their houses and to take them along when traveling abroad. Wrapping them up, she brought along the ancestral custom regarding them; at first, she practiced their worship in secret, but once she was officially declared a wife, she began to serve them in her accustomed manner and with the same rites she used under her former husband.

³⁴⁴ Since she was led away captive, upon the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those gods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself: now it was the custom of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeable to which custom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now at first she performed her worship to them privately; but when she was become Anileus’s married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband’s days;

³⁴⁴ When she was taken prisoner at the death of her husband she concealed the images of the local gods, worshipped by her husband and to herself, for it was the custom of that country for all to keep in their houses the idols they worshipped and to take them with them when going into a foreign land, and following this custom, she brought her idols with her. At first she worshipped them in secret, but once she had become his wife, she worshipped them in the customary manner, with the same ceremonies as in her former husband’s days.

³⁴⁵ καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων οἱ μάλιστα τιμώμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐδαμῶς πράσσοι Ἑβραικὰ οὐδὲ νόμοις τοῖς αὐτῶν πρόσφορα γυναῖκα ἠγμένος ἀλλόφυλον καὶ παραβαίνουσαν θυσιῶν καὶ σεβασμῶν τῶν αὐτοῖς εἰωθότων τὴν‎ ἀκρίβειαν· ὁρᾶν οὖν, μὴ τὰ πολλὰ τῇ ἡδονῇ τοῦ σώματος συγχωρῶν ἀπολέσειε τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς καὶ τὴν‎ εἰς νῦν ὑπὸ τοῦ θείου προελθοῦσαν ἐξουσίαν.

³⁴⁵ The most honored of their companions at first protested, saying that he [Anilaeus] was doing nothing in a 'Hebrew' manner nor according to the laws advantageous to them by marrying a foreign woman and violating the precision of their accustomed sacrifices and worship. They warned him to see to it that by yielding so much to the pleasure of his body, he might not lose the leadership of his dignity and the authority which had proceeded from the Divine until now.

³⁴⁵ upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one that transgressed the accurate appointments of their sacrifices and religious ceremonies; that he ought to consider, lest, by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality, on account of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, by God’s blessing, he had arrived at.

³⁴⁵ His best friends blamed him at first, for not acting as a Hebrew should according to their laws. He had married a foreign wife who transgressed their strict ways about sacrifices and worship, so he should consider whether indulging in the pleasures of the body for the sake of his wife’s beauty might lose him his office and the high authority he had reached by the blessing of God.

³⁴⁶ ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον, ἀλλὰ καί τινα αὐτῶν τὸν μάλιστα τιμώμενον ὅτι πλέονι παρρησίᾳ χρήσαιτο ἀπέκτεινε, καὶ ὃς θεώμενος εὐνοίας τε τῶν νόμων καὶ τοῦ κτείνοντος αὐτὸν τιμωρίαν ἐπηράσατο αὐτῷ τε Ἀνιλαίῳ καὶ Ἀσιναίῳ καὶ πᾶσιν ἑταίροις ὁμοίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπαχθεῖσαν γενέσθαι τελευτήν,

³⁴⁶ But when they achieved nothing, and when Anilaeus actually killed one of them—the most honored among them—because he had used too much plainness of speech (parrhesia), the dying man, seeing his own devotion to the laws and the punishment of the one killing him, called down a curse upon both Anilaeus and Asinaeus and all their companions: that they might meet a similar end at the hands of their enemies

³⁴⁶ But when they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their companions might come to a like end from their enemies;

³⁴⁶ Not only did they fail to persuade him, but also he killed one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, for taking such liberty with him. But fixing his gaze upon the laws, this man called a curse on his murderer Anileus and on Asineus too, that their enemies might bring all of their company to a similar end,

³⁴⁷ τοῖς μὲν ὡς ἡγεμόσι παρανομιῶν γεγονόσι, τοῖς δέ, ὅτι μὴ βοηθοῖεν αὐτῷ τοιάδε πάσχοντι διὰ τὸ ἐκδικεῖν τοῖς νόμοις, οἱ δὲ ἐβαρύνοντο μέν, ἠνείχοντο δέ, μνημονεύοντες οὐκ ἐξ ἄλλης αἰτίας ἀλλ᾽ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐκείνων τῇ εὐδαιμονίᾳ συνελθόντες.

³⁴⁷ the leaders because they were the authors of lawlessness, and the others because they did not help him when he suffered such things for defending the laws. The companions were burdened by this, yet they endured it, remembering that they had attained their prosperity through no other cause than the strength of those brothers.

³⁴⁷ upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist him when he suffered in the defense of their laws. Now these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remembered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude.

³⁴⁷ the first two as the principal agents of this crime and the rest for not helping him when he suffered in defence of their laws. The latter felt grief, but tolerated the situation, recalling that their present happy state was due to nothing other than their fortitude.

³⁴⁸ ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ θεραπείαν ἀκροῶνται τῶν θεῶν τῶν Παρθυαίοις τιμωμένων, οὐκέτι ἀνεκτὸν ἡγούμενοι τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου τὸ ὑβρίζον εἰς τοὺς νόμους ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀσιναῖον ἐλθόντες καὶ πλέονες ἤδη κατεβόων τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου,

³⁴⁸ But when they actually heard the service being paid to the gods honored by the Parthians, they judged Anilaeus’s insult against the laws to be no longer tolerable. They went to Asinaeus and raised a great outcry against Anilaeus.

³⁴⁸ But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus offered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of them came to Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus,

³⁴⁸ But when they heard also about the worship of the gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the contempt Anileus had shown to their laws could be endured no longer, and a large number of them came to Asineus and loudly complained of Anileus.

³⁴⁹ φάμενοι καλῶς ἔχειν, εἰ μὴ πρότερον κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἑώρα τὸ ὠφελοῦν ἀλλὰ νῦν γοῦν ἐπιστροφὴν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ γεγονότος πρὶν ἢ τὴν‎ ἁμαρτίαν ἐκείνῳ τε καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις γενέσθαι εἰς ὄλεθρον ἀνακειμένην, τόν τε γάμον τῆς ἀνθρώπου λέγοντες οὐ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν οὐδ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἰωθότων τεθεῖσθαι νόμων καὶ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν ἣν ἐπιτηδεύοι ἡ γυνὴ ἐπ᾽ ἀτιμώσει θεοῦ τοῦ αὐτοῖς σεβασμίου πράσσεσθαι.

³⁴⁹ They said it was well that he [Asinaeus] had not seen what was beneficial before, but that now at least he should make a turning back from what had happened before the sin brought destruction upon him and all the rest. They said the marriage of the woman was not established according to their laws or customs, and that the worship the woman practiced was an insult to the God they revered.

³⁴⁹ and told him that it had been well that he had of himself seen what was advantageous to them; but that however it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped.

³⁴⁹ They said it would be better if he himself had taken care of their good, but that now it was time to change things, before the crime proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added that he had married this woman without their consent and in disregard to their ancient laws, and that her religious practice was an insult to the God they worshipped.

³⁵⁰ ὁ δὲ καὐτὸς ᾔδει μὲν τὴν‎ ἁμαρτάδα τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μεγάλων αἰτίαν οὖσαν κακῶν καὶ ἐσομένην, οὐ μὴν ἀπείχετό γε εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ συγγενοῦς νικώμενος καὶ συγγνώμην νέμων ὡς ὑπὸ κρείσσονος κακοῦ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας νικωμένου.

³⁵⁰ Asinaeus himself knew that his brother’s error was and would be the cause of great evils; yet he was overcome by his goodwill toward his kinsman and granted him pardon, seeing him conquered by the 'superior evil' of desire.

³⁵⁰ Now Asineus was sensible of his brother’s offense, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to him, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations.

³⁵⁰ He already knew that his brother’s offence had caused great evils and would do so in the future, but tolerated it out of goodwill toward so close a relative and forgave it because his brother was quite mastered by his wicked inclinations.

³⁵¹ ἐπεὶ δὲ πλείους τε ὁσημέραι συνεστρέφοντο καὶ πλείους ἦσαν αἱ καταβοαί, τηνικαῦτα δή φησιν περὶ αὐτῶν πρὸς Ἀνιλαῖον τοῖς τε πρῶτον γεγονόσιν ἐπιτιμῶν καὶ παύσασθαι τὸ λοιπὸν κελεύων τὴν‎ ἄνθρωπον ἀποπεμψάμενον εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς.

³⁵¹ But as more people gathered daily and the outcries grew louder, he finally spoke to Anilaeus about these matters, rebuking him for what had first occurred and commanding him to stop and send the woman back to her kinsmen.

³⁵¹ But as more and more still came about him every day, and the clamors about it became greater, he at length spake to Anileus about these clamors, reproving him for his former actions, and desiring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her relations.

³⁵¹ But as every day more people lobbied him and complained ever more loudly, he finally spoke to Anileus about it, reproving him for his former actions and wanting him to give them up in future and send the woman back to her relatives.

³⁵² ἐπράσσετο δὲ οὐδὲν ἐκ τῶν λόγων· καὶ ἡ γυνὴ δὲ αἰσθανομένη μὲν τοῦ θροῦ τοῦ κατέχοντος τοὺς λαοὺς δι᾽ αὐτήν, δεδοικυῖα δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ἀνιλαίου, μὴ καί τι πάθοι τῷ πρὸς αὐτήν, φάρμακον τῷ Ἀσιναίῳ δοῦσα ἐν τοῖς σιτίοις μεθίστατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀδεής τε ἦν ἐπὶ κριτῇ τῶν περὶ αὐτὴν πραχθησομένων τῷ ἐραστῇ γενομένη.

³⁵² But nothing was achieved by these words. The woman, perceiving the murmur that gripped the people because of her and fearing for Anilaeus—lest he suffer something for his love for her—gave Asinaeus poison in his food. Thus she removed the man, and she was now without fear, having her own lover as the judge of her actions."

³⁵² But nothing was gained by these reproofs; for as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she infused poison into Asineus’s food, and thereby took him off, and was now secure of prevailing, when her lover was to be judge of what should be done about her.

³⁵² But his words were of no avail, since when the woman saw what a fuss they were making on her account and feared that Anileus would suffer some harm because of his love for her, she got rid of Asineus by putting poison into his food, and was now sure of victory, with her lover to be the judge of what should be done about her.

The Anatomy of Hybris (Εἰς ὕβριν)
Josephus frames the downfall as a spiritual failure. The "excellence" (ἀρετή) that built the kingdom was replaced by ὕβρις (insolence/outrage). In Josephus’s worldview, political power is a gift from the Divine (τοῦ θείου) contingent on keeping the Law. Once the brothers violate the Law, they lose their "divine mandate," and their fall becomes inevitable.

The "Foreign Woman" Motif
This story echoes the biblical narrative of Solomon or the warnings in Nehemiah regarding foreign wives who bring their "alien gods" into the house. The specific detail of her carrying the "ἀφιδρύματα τῶν θεῶν" (images of the gods/idols) mirrors Rachel stealing Laban's household gods (Genesis 31), but with a darker outcome. In Josephus's context, the presence of idols in a Jewish warlord's home is the ultimate "pollution" of the camp.

Parrhesia vs. Tyranny
The death of the "most honored companion" for his "παρρησίᾳ" (boldness/plainness of speech) signifies the transition of the brothers from popular leaders to petty tyrants. Parrhesia was a cherished Greek and Jewish value—the right to speak truth to power. By killing his own loyal counselor to protect his illicit affair, Anilaeus severs the bond of trust that held his army together.

The Curse of the Martyr
The dying man’s curse provides the "theological foreshadowing" for the rest of the book. In ancient literature, the words of a dying man were considered prophetic and binding. He curses the leaders for "παρονομιῶν" (lawlessness) and the followers for "ἀπάθεια" (apathy/failure to act). This sets the stage for the total destruction of the Mesopotamian Jewish colony.

Fratricide by Proxy
The climax of this passage is the murder of Asinaeus. While Anilaeus doesn't kill his brother directly, his refusal to handle his domestic crisis allows his wife to commit the murder. The "pardon" Asinaeus gave his brother ("συγγνώμην νέμων") ironically became his death warrant. The woman kills the "good" brother to protect the "weak" brother, effectively decapitating the leadership of the Jewish state.

The "Superior Evil" of Desire (Κρείσσονος κακοῦ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας)
Josephus uses a very specific phrase: Asinaeus saw his brother conquered by the "superior evil" of desire. This reflects a common Stoic and Jewish philosophical view of the time: that unchecked passion (epithumia) is a literal force that enslaves the mind, making a man incapable of rational self-governance.

³⁵³ Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ καταμόνας ἤδη τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβὼν ἐξάγει στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τὰς κώμας ἀνδρὸς πρώτου ἐν τῇ Παρθυηνῇ καὶ βασιλέως Ἀρταβάνου τὴν‎ θυγατέρα γεγαμηκότος, διὰ τε ἦγεν αὐτάς, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν χρήματα καὶ ἀνδράποδα εὑρίσκεται, πολλὰ δὲ πρόβατα ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπὶ προσλήψει τοῦ εὐδαίμονος ὠφελεῖ τοῖς ἔχουσιν.

³⁵³ "Anilaeus, having now taken over the leadership alone, led an army against the villages of Mithridates, a man of the first rank in Parthia who had married the daughter of King Artabanus. He pillaged them, finding a great deal of money and slaves, as well as many sheep and other things that bring profit to their owners.

³⁵³ So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthin, and had married king Artabanus’s daughter; he also plundered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make men’s condition happy.

³⁵³ So Anileus took over the sole command and led his army against the villages of Mithridates, the highest authority in Parthia, who had married king Artabanus' daughter. He plundered them and among the booty took a lot of money and many slaves and sheep and other things that bring prosperity to their owners.

³⁵⁴ δέ, ἐτύγχανε γὰρ τῇδε ὤν, ἐπειδὴ ἀκούει τῶν κωμῶν τὴν‎ ἅλωσιν ἐν δεινῷ φέρων, μὴ προάρξαντος ἀδικεῖν Ἀνιλαῖος ἄρξαιτο καὶ παρόντος τοῦ ἀξιώματος ὑπεριδών, ἱππέας συναγαγὼν πλείστους ὅσους ἐδύνατο καὶ τῶν πλείστων τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ παρῆν ὡς προσμίξων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον καὶ ἔν τινι κώμῃ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ σχὼν ἡσύχαζεν, ὡς τῇ ἐπιούσῃ μαχησόμενος διὰ τὸ εἶναι σαββάτων ἡμέραν τοῖς ἐν ἀργίᾳ διαγομένην.

³⁵⁴ Now Mithridates happened to be in that region; when he heard of the capture of the villages, he took it very ill—that Anilaeus had begun the wrongdoing without any prior provocation, and that he had shown contempt for Mithridates' high standing. Collecting as many horsemen as he could, and specifically those of the best age for war, he arrived to engage Anilaeus. He took up a position in one of his own villages and remained quiet, intending to fight on the next day because it was the Sabbath, the day of rest for the Jews.

³⁵⁴ Now when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure him, and to affront him in his present dignity, when he had not offered any injury to him beforehand; and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus; and when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the Sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest.

³⁵⁴ Mithridates, who was there at the time, seeing his villages taken, was enraged that Anileus had taken this initiative, which wronged and insulted him despite his high dignity though he had done him no harm; so he gathered as many cavalry as he could from those old enough for war and came to fight the forces of Anileus. Reaching one of his villages, he stayed there quietly, intending to fight him on the following day, as it was the sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest.

³⁵⁵ Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ ταῦτα πυθόμενος παρὰ ἀνδρὸς Σύρου ἀλλοφύλου ἐξ ἑτέρας κώμης τέ τε ἄλλα φράζοντος ἀκριβῶς καὶ τὸ χωρίον, ἔνθα ἤμελλεν δαίνυσθαι, δειπνοποιησάμενος καθ᾽ ὥραν ἤλαυνε νυκτὸς ἀμαθέσι τῶν ποιουμένων χρῄζων τοῖς Παρθυαίοις ἐπιπεσεῖν.

³⁵⁵ But Anilaeus learned of this from a Syrian man, a foreigner from another village, who accurately described the location where Mithridates was intending to feast. Having dined at the usual hour, Anilaeus marched through the night, wishing to fall upon the Parthians while they were unaware of his movements.

³⁵⁵ And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave him an exact account of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the Parthians while they were unapprised what they should do;

³⁵⁵ Anileus was told of this by a Syrian stranger from another village, who not only described the area to him an exactly, but also told him where Mithridates would be feasting, for he dined at a regular hour and marched by night, intending to fall on the Parthians unawares.

³⁵⁶ καὶ περὶ τετάρτην φυλακὴν ἐπιπεσὼν τοὺς μὲν ἔτι κοιμωμένους ἀναιρεῖ τοὺς δὲ εἰς φυγὴν τρέπει, δὲ ζωγρίᾳ λαβὼν ἦγεν ὡς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ ὄνον γυμνὸν ἀναθέμενος, ἥπερ ἀτιμιῶν μεγίστη νομίζεται παρὰ Παρθυαίοις.

³⁵⁶ Falling upon them around the fourth watch, he slew some while they were still sleeping and turned others to flight. He took Mithridates alive and led him away, mounting him naked upon a donkey—which is considered the greatest possible insult among the Parthians.

³⁵⁶ so he fell upon them about the fourth watch of the night, and some of them he slew while they were asleep, and others he put to flight, and took Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible.

³⁵⁶ So about the fourth watch of the night he attacked them, and some of them he killed in their sleep and others he put to flight and took Mithridates alive and set him naked upon an ass which, among the Parthians, is regarded as the greatest possible insult.

³⁵⁷ καταγαγὼν δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ὕλην μετὰ τοιοῦδε ὁρίσματος, [καὶ] κελευόντων τῶν φίλων ἀναιρεῖν τὸν ἀνεδίδασκεν αὐτοὺς σπεύδων αὐτὸς ἐναντία· μὴ γὰρ καλῶς ἔχειν ἀναιρεῖν ἄνδρα γένους τε ὄντα τοῦ πρώτου παρὰ Παρθυαίοις καὶ ἐπιγαμίᾳ τῇ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μειζόνως τιμώμενον·

³⁵⁷ Having led him into the forest with such a boundary set, and with his friends urging him to kill Mithridates, Anilaeus argued against them, hastening to the opposite course. He said it was not well to slay a man who was of the first rank among the Parthians and even more honored by his marriage alliance to the King.

³⁵⁷ And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly honored with matching into the royal family;

³⁵⁷ When he had brought Mithridates into a wood in this ridiculous state, and his friends wanted him to kill him, he told them he was against it, for it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians and greatly honoured through his marriage into the royal family.

³⁵⁸ νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἀνεκτὰ εἶναι τὰ πεπραγμένα· καὶ γὰρ εἰ περιύβρισται ΜιθριδάτηςMithridates, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν σωτηρίᾳ τῆς ψυχῆς εὐεργετούμενον χάριτος μνήσεσθαι τοῖς τὰ τοιάδε παρασχοῦσιν,	³⁵⁸ For now, he argued, the things done were tolerable; even if Mithridates had been greatly insulted, he would remember the favor of those who granted him the salvation of his life.
³⁵⁸ that so far as they had hitherto gone was tolerable; for although they had injured Mithridates, yet if they preserved his life, this benefit would be remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him;	³⁵⁸ What they had done so far was tolerable, for although they had insulted Mithridates, if they now spared his life this good deed would be remembered by him to their advantage,

³⁵⁹ παθόντος δέ τι ἀνήκεστον οὐκ ἀτρεμήσειν βασιλέα μὴ οὐ μεγάλην σφαγὴν τῶν ἐν , ὧν φείδεσθαι καλῶς ἔχειν διά τε τὴν‎ συγγένειαν καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀναστροφὴν εἶναι ἂν αὐτοῖς πταίσματός τινος γενομένου τὸ κατ᾽ ἐκείνους ἀκμῆς πληθύι χρώμενον.

³⁵⁹ But if anything incurable happened to him, the King would not remain quiet until he had made a great slaughter of the Jews in Babylon—whom it was proper to spare because of their kinship and because there would be no place of refuge for them should any disaster occur, given the flourishing population in those parts.

³⁵⁹ but that if he were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaughter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; "to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and because if any misfortune befall us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him."

³⁵⁹ but if were put to death, the king would not rest until he had killed many of the Jews who lived in Babylon; "whose safety we must consider because of our relationship with them and if any misfortune happens to us, we have nowhere else to go, since he has the flower of their youth in his service."

³⁶⁰ καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς καὶ φράσας ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ ἦν ἀφίεταί τε , ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὠνείδιζεν ἡ γυνή, εἰ μὴ προμηθήσεται βασιλέως τε γαμβρὸς ὢν καὶ ταύτῃ τιμωρῶν τιμωρηθήσεσθαι τοὺς ὑβρίσαντας εἰς αὐτὸν περιορώμενος,

³⁶⁰ Having reasoned thus and spoken in the assembly, he was persuasive, and Mithridates was released. But when he returned, his wife reproached him, asking if he—being the King's son-in-law—intended to take no precautions or seek no vengeance against those who had insulted him,

³⁶⁰ By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act accordingly; so Mithridates was let go. But when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it,

³⁶⁰ By saying this to the group he persuaded them and Mithridates was released. When he got home his wife rebuked him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he failed to take revenge on those who had insulted him.

³⁶¹ ἀγαπῶν δὲ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν μετὰ αἰχμαλωσίαν ὑπὸ ἸουδαίωνJews ἀνδρῶν γενομένην· καὶ νῦν ἐπανάδραμε τὴν‎ ἀρετήν, ἢ θεοὺς ἐπόμνυμι τοὺς βασιλείους ἦ μὴν παραλυθήσεσθαι	³⁶¹ but instead was content with his life after being taken captive by Jewish men. She said: 'Now recover your excellence (arete), or I swear by the royal gods that I will truly dissolve my marriage with you.'
³⁶¹ but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to have escaped them; and she bid him either to go back like a man of courage, or else she sware by the gods of their royal family that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him.	³⁶¹ Was he content to have been made a captive by the Jews and to have escaped them, and do nothing about it? She said he either should go back like a man of courage, or else she swore by the gods of their royal family that she would dissolve her marriage with him.

³⁶² τῆς πρὸς σὲ ἐπὶ γάμῳ κοινωνίας. ὁ δὲ αὖ τοῦτο μὲν τῶν ὀνειδῶν τὴν‎ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἀχθηδόνα μὴ φέρων, τοῦτο δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν‎ μεγαλοφροσύνην δεδιώς, μὴ παραλύοιτο αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν γάμων, ἄκων μὲν καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος συνάγει δ᾽ οὖν στρατὸν ὅσον ἐδύνατο πλεῖστον καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν ὑπολαμβάνων ἔτι καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν, εἰ Παρθυαῖος ὢν ὑπὸ περιωθοῖτο ἀντιπολεμοῦντος.

³⁶² He, partly because he could not bear the daily bitterness of her reproaches, and partly because he feared his wife’s high-mindedness (lest she actually dissolve the marriage), collected the largest army he could against his will and desire. He marched out, no longer considering even his own life tolerable if he, a Parthian, were pushed aside by a Jew in open warfare."

³⁶² Upon which, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and partly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as himself thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian, should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war.

³⁶² So, partly because he could not bear the daily annoyance of her taunts and partly because he was afraid that in her insolence she really would dissolve their marriage, unwillingly and against his own judgment he again gathered as large an army as he could and marched with them, thinking it dishonourable for him, a Parthian, to owe his safety to the Jews, when they had been victorious over him in the war.

The Strategy of the Sabbath (Again)
Once again, the Sabbath serves as the tactical pivot of the narrative. Mithridates, like the Satrap before him, assumes the Jews will be paralyzed by their Law. However, Anilaeus demonstrates that the Jewish forces have become fully "secularized" in their military thinking; they use the enemy's expectation of their piety as a cloak for a night attack.

The Donkey and the Nakedness: Symbolic Warfare
The act of placing Mithridates "γυμνὸν ἐπὶ ὄνον" (naked upon a donkey) is a calculated psychological strike. In the honor-shame culture of the Parthian nobility—who defined themselves by their fine clothing and their magnificent warhorses—being stripped and placed on the "lowliest" beast of burden was a "social death." Anilaeus wasn't just defeating a general; he was attempting to destroy the man's dignitas.

The Logic of the Hostage
Anilaeus’s decision to spare Mithridates shows he still possessed some of his brother's political pragmatism. He recognized the "συγγένειαν" (kinship) and the vulnerability of the wider Jewish population in Babylon. He hoped to turn Mithridates into a "grateful" debtor. This reflects a recurring theme in Josephus: the leader must weigh personal victory against the collective safety of the Diaspora.

The "Lady Macbeth" of Parthia
The intervention of Artabanus's daughter is the most dramatic element here. She represents the "unyielding pride" of the Arsacids. For her, her husband’s life was less valuable than his honor. By threatening to dissolve the marriage ("παραλυθήσεσθαι τῆς κοινωνίας"), she effectively forces Mithridates to choose between a comfortable life of "shame" and a potentially fatal war of "honor."

The "Fourth Watch" (Τετάρτην φυλακὴν)
The mention of the "fourth watch" (the time just before dawn, roughly 3:00 AM to 6:00 AM) highlights the exhaustion of Mithridates’ troops. They had likely spent the evening feasting ("δαίνυσθαι"), assuming they were safe until the Sabbath ended. This highlights the "bandit-warrior" discipline of the Jews vs. the "imperial-aristocratic" laxity of the Parthians.

The "Incurable" Act (Ἀνήκεστον)
Anilaeus warns that killing the King's son-in-law would be an "incurable" act. This term is often used in Josephus to describe a line that, once crossed, prevents any future reconciliation. While Anilaeus spared the man, he had already committed an "incurable" social insult by the donkey incident, which the wife correctly identified as a stain that only blood could wash out.

³⁶³ Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ ὡς μανθάνει προσελαύνοντα δυνάμει πολλῇ τὸν ἄδοξον ἡγησάμενος τὸ μένειν ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ φθάσας ὑπαντιάζειν τοὺς πολεμίους, εὐτυχίᾳ τε τῇ πρότερον ἐλπίζων ὅμοια πράξειν καὶ τήν τε ἀρετὴν τοῖς τολμῶσι καὶ εἰωθόσιν θαρρεῖν παρατυγχάνειν, ἐξῆγε τὴν‎ δύναμιν.

³⁶³ "Now Anilaeus, when he learned that Mithridates was approaching with a great force, considered it a matter of dishonor to remain in the marshes. Instead, he intended to be the first to meet the enemy, hoping to achieve results similar to his previous successes, believing that excellence (arete) always accompanies those who are daring and accustomed to being confident. Thus, he led out his force.

³⁶³ But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before; as also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly, he led out his army,

³⁶³ When Anileus learned that Mithridates was coming up with a large army, he felt ashamed to stay in the marsh and not to take the first chance of meeting the enemy, hoping for success and victory just as they had before, so he boldly led out his force against them.

³⁶⁴ πολλοί τε πρὸς τῷ οἰκείῳ στρατῷ προσεγεγόνεσαν αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἁρπαγὴν τῶν ἀλλοτρίων τραπησόμενοι καὶ ὄψει πᾶν προεκπλήξοντες τοὺς πολεμίους.	³⁶⁴ A great multitude had joined his own army, men intent on turning to the plundering of others’ goods and hoping to overwhelm the enemy by their mere appearance.
³⁶⁴ and a great many more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plunder the people, and in order to terrify the enemy again by their numbers.	³⁶⁴ Many more joined themselves to his local force, hoping to plunder the people and terrify the enemy again by their numbers.

³⁶⁵ προιοῦσι δὲ αὐτοῖς εἰς σταδίους ἐνενήκοντα καὶ διὰ τῆς ἀνύδρου τῆς πορείας γενομένης καὶ μεσημβρίας τά τε ἄλλα περιῆν τότε τὸ δίψος καὶ ἐπιφανεὶς προσέβαλε τεταλαιπωρημένοις ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ πιεῖν καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ τὴν‎ ὥραν φέρειν τὰ ὅπλα μὴ δυναμένοις.

³⁶⁵ As they advanced ninety stadia, their march took them through a waterless region, and it being midday, thirst overcame them above all else. At that moment, Mithridates appeared and attacked them while they were exhausted from lack of drink and, because of the heat and the hour, unable even to carry their weapons.

³⁶⁵ But when they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry [and sandy] places, and about the midst of the day, they were become very thirsty; and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account, and on account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons.

³⁶⁵ But after marching ninety furlongs, travelling through a waterless place in the heat of the day, they had become very thirsty, and Mithridates appeared and attacked them just when they were distressed for lack of water, and for this reason and due to the time of the day, were unable to bring their weapons to bear.

³⁶⁶ τροπή τε οὖν γίνεται τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον διὰ τὸ ἀπηγορευκότας ἀκραιφνέσι προσφέρεσθαι καὶ φόνος πολὺς πολλαί τε μυριάδες ἔπεσον ἀνδρῶν, Ἀνιλαῖος δὲ καὶ ὅσον περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν συνεστηκὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ὕλης ἐπανεχώρουν φυγῇ μεγάλην νίκης τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς χαρὰν παρεσχηκότες.

³⁶⁶ Consequently, there was a rout of Anilaeus's men, for they were too spent to face fresh troops. There was a great slaughter, and many tens of thousands of men fell. Anilaeus and the remnant gathered around him retreated in flight into the forest, having provided Mithridates with a great joy in his victory over them.

³⁶⁶ So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that were fresh and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood firm about him, ran away as fast as they were able into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them.

³⁶⁶ So Anileus' side was routed, as his exhausted forces had to attack others who were refreshed, so there was a great slaughter and many thousands fell. Now Anileus and those closest to him, ran away as fast as they could into a wood, giving Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them.

³⁶⁷ Ἀνιλαίῳ δὲ προσῄει πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν πονηρῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν ποιουμένων ῥᾳστώνης χάριτι τῆς εἰς τὸ παρόν, ὥστε ἀντανίσωμα τὴν‎ τούτων πρόσοδον γενέσθαι πλῆθος τῶν ἀπολωλότων· οὐ μὴν ὅμοιοί γε ἦσαν τοῖς πεπτωκόσι διὰ τὸ ἀμελέτητον.

³⁶⁷ A destitute multitude of wicked men then flocked to Anilaeus—men who valued their safety at a low price for the sake of momentary ease—so that their arrival equaled in number those who had been lost. However, they were not like those who had fallen, because they were untrained.

³⁶⁷ But there now came in to Anileus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gain some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multitude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because they were rash, and unexercised in war;

³⁶⁷ But once again Anileus was joined by a throng of bad men, who put little value on their own lives if only they could gain some momentary satisfaction, and their numbers made up for those who died in the fight.

³⁶⁸ οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύταις ἐπιφοιτᾷ ταῖς κώμαις τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians ἀνάστατά τε ἦν πάντα ταῦτα ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀνιλαίου ὕβρεως.	³⁶⁸ Nevertheless, he fell upon the villages of the Babylonians, and all these places were laid waste by the insolence (hybris) of Anilaeus.
³⁶⁸ however, with these he came upon the villages of the Babylonians, and a mighty devastation of all things was made there by the injuries that Anileus did them.	³⁶⁸ Though these men were not like those who had fallen, for they were raw and unused to war, with them he attacked the villages of the Babylonians and the whole region was devastated by the savagery of Anileus.

³⁶⁹ καὶ οἱ καὶ οἱ ὄντες ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ πέμπουσιν ἐς τὰ Νέερδα πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ Ἀνιλαῖον ἐξαιτούμενοι, καὶ μὴ δεξομένοις τὸν λόγον τοῦτον, οὐδὲ γὰρ βουλομένοις ἔκδοτον παρασχεῖν δυνηθῆναι, εἰρήνην προυκαλοῦντο· οἱ δὲ καὐτοὶ χρῄζειν ἔλεγον τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς εἰρήνης συμβάσεων καὶ πέμπουσι μετὰ τῶν ἄνδρας, οἳ διαλέξοιντο πρὸς τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον.

³⁶⁹ Then the Babylonians, including those who had been involved in the war, sent to Nehardea to the Jews there, demanding that Anilaeus be handed over. Since the Jews did not accept this proposal—not because they were unwilling but because they were unable to surrender him—the Babylonians called for peace. The Jews themselves said they desired terms of peace and sent men along with the Babylonians to negotiate with Anilaeus.

³⁶⁹ So the Babylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But although they did not agree to their demands, (for if they had been willing to deliver him up, it was not in their power so to do,) yet did they desire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, and sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them.

³⁶⁹ So the Babylonians and those who had been in the war sent to the Jews in Neerda demanding the surrender of Anileus. But though they did not agree to their demands, and even if they had been willing to hand him over, they were unable to do so, they said they wished to make peace with them. So they sent men along with the Babylonians, to negotiate a peace with Anileus.

³⁷⁰ οἱ δὲ κατοπτίας αὐτοῖς γενομένης μαθόντες τὸ χωρίον, ἐν ᾧ ἱδρυμένος ὁ Ἀνιλαῖος ἦν, ἐπιπεσόντες κρύφα νυκτὸς μεθύουσι καὶ καθ᾽ ὕπνον τετραμμένοις κτείνουσιν ἀδεῶς πάντας ὅσους ἐγκατέλαβον καὶ Ἀνιλαῖον αὐτόν.

³⁷⁰ But the Babylonians, having acted as scouts and learned the location where Anilaeus was camped, fell upon them secretly by night while they were drunk and turned toward sleep. They killed without fear everyone they caught, including Anilaeus himself."

³⁷⁰ But the Babylonians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them, without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also.

³⁷⁰ But the Babylonians, on getting sight of where Anileus and his men were camped, fell secretly upon them as they were drunk and asleep and without any danger killed all of them they caught, including Anileus himself.

The Fallacy of Constant Fortune (Εὐτυχίᾳ)
Anilaeus falls into a classic strategic trap: he assumes his past "εὐτυχίᾳ" (good fortune/success) is a permanent trait. Josephus observes that Anilaeus relied on "τόλμῶσι" (daring) rather than the careful deliberation that characterized his late brother, Asinaeus. In ancient literature, arete (excellence) is a discipline, but Anilaeus treats it as a lucky charm that justifies reckless behavior.

Logistics and the "Waterless Region"
The defeat is fundamentally a failure of logistics. Marching ninety stadia (roughly 10–11 miles) through an arid region at "μεσημβρίας" (midday) left his troops "τεταλαιπωρημένοις" (distressed/exhausted). Mithridates, likely using local knowledge, waited for the heat to do the work for him. By the time the battle began, the Jews could not even bear the weight of their own "τὰ ὅπλα" (weapons).

The Quality of the "Wicked Multitude" (Πονηρῶν)
After the defeat, Anilaeus replenishes his numbers with "ἄπορον πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν πονηρῶν" (a destitute multitude of wicked men). Josephus makes a sharp distinction between the original soldiers and these new recruits. They were attracted by "ῥᾳστώνης" (ease/lack of discipline) and plundering. This illustrates the "bandit cycle": when a revolutionary movement lose its ideological or religious core (the Law), it attracts only those who wish to exploit the chaos.

Internal Jewish Tensions: Nehardea vs. Anilaeus
A critical political shift occurs here. The established Jewish community in Nehardea (Neerda) is asked by the Babylonians to hand over Anilaeus. The Jews respond that they are "unable" to do so. This implies that Anilaeus was no longer their protector, but a rogue element they could no longer control. The community was caught between their kinship with the rebels and their need for peace with their neighbors.

Death by "Drunken Sleep" (Μεθύουσι καὶ καθʼ ὕπνον)
The end of Anilaeus is the mirror image of his first victory. Earlier, he had attacked the Satrap's army while they were unprepared; now, he and his men are slaughtered while "μεθύουσι" (drunk) and "καθʼ ὕπνον" (asleep). This "poetic justice" emphasizes his moral decay. The man who began as a disciplined weaver died as a drunken bandit, surprised by the very "secret night attack" he once mastered.

The Lingering "Hybris"
Josephus uses the word "ὕβρεως" (hybris) to describe Anilaeus's final raids on Babylonian villages. This is the ultimate "sin" in Josephus's historical framework. By attacking non-combatant neighbors, Anilaeus broke the social contract that allowed Jews to live in the Diaspora. His death was not just a military loss; it was a removal of a "cancer" that threatened the entire Jewish population of Mesopotamia.

³⁷¹ δὲ ἀπαλλαγέντες τῆς Ἀνιλαίου βαρύτητος, ἐπιστόμισμα γὰρ ἦν αὐτῶν μίσει τῷ πρὸς τοὺς , ἀεὶ γὰρ ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ διάφοροι καθεστήκεσαν αἰτίᾳ τῆς ἐναντιώσεως τῶν νόμων καὶ ὁποτέροις παραγένοιτο θαρρεῖν πρότεροι ἀλλήλων ἥπτοντο εἰ μὴ καὶ τότε οὖν ἀπολωλότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀνιλαῖον ἐπετίθεντο τοῖς οἱ .

³⁷¹ "Now the Babylonians, having been delivered from the heavy hand of Anilaeus—for he had been a 'bridle' (ἐπιστόμισμα) against their hatred toward the Jews (since for the most part they had always been at odds because of the opposition of their laws, and whichever side happened to feel confident would be the first to attack the other)—now that Anilaeus and his men had perished, the Babylonians set upon the Jews.

³⁷¹ The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus’s heavy incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews; for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contrariety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus’s party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews,

³⁷¹ The Babylonians were now freed from the burden of Anileus, who had greatly restrained their hatred for the Jews. They were almost always at odds with them, because of the strangeness of their laws, and whichever side felt more daring attacked the other. Now, after the ruin of Anileus' party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews.

³⁷² οἱ δ᾽ ἐν δεινῷ τιθέμενοι τὴν‎ ὕβριν τὴν‎ ἐκ τῶν καὶ μήτε ἀντιτάξασθαι μάχῃ δυνάμενοι μήτε ἀνεκτὸν ἡγούμενοι τὴν‎ συνοικίαν ᾬχοντο εἰς τῶν ἐκείνῃ πόλιν ἀξιολογωτάτην κτίσαντος αὐτὴν τοῦ Νικάτορος. οἰκοῦσιν δ᾽ αὐτὴν πολλοὶ μὲν , πλεῖστοι δὲ , ἔστιν δὲ καὶ οὐκ ὀλίγον τὸ ἐμπολιτευόμενον.

³⁷² The Jews, considering the insults of the Babylonians to be terrible, and being neither able to offer resistance in battle nor considering the shared living arrangement tolerable, departed for Seleucia. This is the most notable city in that region, founded by Seleucus Nicator. It is inhabited by many Macedonians, but the greatest number are Greeks, and there is also no small number of Syrians among the citizens.

³⁷² which made those Jews so, vehemently to resent the injuries they received from the Babylonians, that being neither able to fight them, nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the principal city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabited by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few of the Syrians also dwelt there;

³⁷² These so resented what the Babylonians did to them, that being neither able to fight them, nor able to coexist with them, they went to the fine city of Seleucia, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. Many Macedonians lived there, and even more Greeks, along with quite a few Syrians.

³⁷³ εἰς μὲν δὴ ταύτην καταφεύγουσιν οἱ καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν πέντε ἔτη ἀπαθεῖς κακῶν ἦσαν, τῷ δὲ ἕκτῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὸ πρῶτον φθορὰ ἐν ἐγένετο αὐτῶν καὶ καιναὶ κτίσεις ἐκ τῆς πόλεως καὶ δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἄφιξις εἰς τὴν‎ ἐκδέχεται μείζων αὐτοὺς συμφορὰ δι᾽ αἰτίαν, ἣν ἀφηγήσομαι.

³⁷³ The Jews took refuge in this city and for five years were free from evils. But in the sixth year after their first arrival, a destruction occurred among them in Babylon, and new migrations from that city [Babylon] took place; because of this, an even greater calamity awaited those who had arrived in Seleucia, for a reason which I shall now relate."

³⁷³ and thither did the Jews fly, and lived there five years, without any misfortunes. But on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new removals of men’s habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it happened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that accountwhich I am going to relate immediately.

³⁷³ There the Jews fled and lived peacefully for five years, but on the sixth year a plague came on the people in Babylon, which caused many to leave that city and go to Seleucia; as a result they [the Jews] met a further disaster, which I shall now recount.

The "Bridle" of the Strongman (Ἐπιστόμισμα)
Josephus uses the word "ἐπιστόμισμα" (a muzzle or a bridle), the same metaphor used earlier when the King of Parthia spoke of "bridling" the region. It is a cynical but realistic observation of ancient politics: the "peace" between the Jews and Babylonians was not based on mutual respect but on the fear of Anilaeus’s sword. Once the "heavy hand" (βαρύτητος) was removed, the inherent ethnic friction was unleashed.

The Conflict of Laws (Ἐναντιώσεως τῶν νόμων)
Josephus identifies the root cause of the hatred as the "opposition of the laws." This refers to the distinct Jewish dietary, social, and religious practices that prevented total assimilation. In a world where "religion" was synonymous with "civic participation," the Jews' refusal to participate in local cults was seen by the Babylonians not just as a religious choice, but as a political "opposition" to the city itself.

Seleucia: The Hellenistic Metropolis
The Jews chose Seleucia on the Tigris as their refuge. Josephus takes care to mention its founder, Seleucus Nicator (one of Alexander the Great's generals), to emphasize its pedigree as a bastion of Greek culture. By moving there, the Jews were attempting to leverage the complex ethnic dynamics of a "pluralistic" city. They hoped that in a city divided between Macedonians, Greeks, and Syrians, a fourth group (Jews) might find safety in the cracks between the other factions.

The Geometry of the Diaspora
This passage shows the Jews shifting from rural/marshland independence back to urban living. After fifteen years of living in fortresses and military camps under the brothers, they were forced back into the traditional Diaspora role of "resident aliens" in a Greek polis. This transition from "warriors" to "refugees" is a recurring cycle in Josephus’s history.

The Five-Year Respite
Josephus notes a five-year period of peace in Seleucia. This is a literary device common in ancient historiography—the "calm before the storm." It heightens the tragedy of the upcoming massacre. The Jews believed they had found a permanent home, but Josephus hints that their arrival actually upset the delicate balance of the city's existing ethnic rivalries.

Foreshadowing the "Greater Calamity"
The text ends with a "hook." Josephus suggests that the very presence of more Jewish refugees fleeing Babylon for Seleucia (the "καιναὶ κτίσεις") would be the catalyst for a disaster even worse than what they fled. This sets the stage for the final, catastrophic event of Book 18: the Seleucia massacre, where 50,000 Jews would eventually perish.

³⁷⁴ Σελευκέων τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς ὡς ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐν στάσει καὶ διχονοίᾳ ἐστὶν ὁ βίος καὶ κρατοῦσιν οἱ . τότε οὖν συνοικούντων αὐτοῖς γενομένων ἐστασίαζον, καὶ οἱ καθυπέρτεροι ἦσαν ὁμολογίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλοκινδύνων τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ πολεμεῖν προθύμως ἐντεταγμένων.

³⁷⁴ "Life for the Greeks of Seleucia was, for the most part, spent in factional strife and discord against the Syrians, and the Greeks usually held the upper hand. At that time, since the Jews had come to live among them, they were divided; the Syrians became superior through their alliance with the Jews, who were men fond of danger and eagerly disposed to war.

³⁷⁴ Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, which were Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Syrians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition, and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despise dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion.

³⁷⁴ The life of the Seleucians is marked by strife and discord between the Greeks and Syrians, in which the Greeks have the upper hand. When the Jews arrived there and lived among them, a revolt arose and with the help of the Jews, who despised dangers and were very ready to fight, the Syrians defeated the others.

³⁷⁵ καὶ οἱ περιωθούμενοι τῇ στάσει καὶ μίαν ὁρῶντες αὐτοῖς ἀφορμὴν τοῦ τὸ πρότερον ἀξίωμα, εἰ δυνηθεῖεν παῦσαι ταὐτὸν λέγοντας καὶ , διελέγοντο ἕκαστοι πρὸς τῶν τοὺς αὐτοῖς συνήθεις πρὸ τοῦ γεγονότας εἰρήνην τε καὶ φιλίαν ὑπισχνούμενοι.

³⁷⁵ The Greeks, being pushed aside by this faction and seeing only one means of recovering their former dignity—if they could manage to stop the Jews and Syrians from speaking with one voice—spoke individually to those among the Syrians who had previously been their acquaintances, promising them peace and friendship.

³⁷⁵ Now when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discoursed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with them.

³⁷⁵ When the Greeks had the worst in this rebellion and saw that their best way to recover their former authority was if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they each spoke with any Syrians they had known before, promising to be at peace and friendship with them.

³⁷⁶ οἱ δὲ ἐπείθοντο ἄσμενοι. ἐγίνοντο οὖν ἀφ᾽ ἑκατέρων λόγοι καὶ τῶν πρώτων παρ᾽ ἑκατέροις ἀνδρῶν προασσόντων ἐπιδιαλλαγὰς τάχιστα ἡ σύμβασις ἐγένετο, ὁμονοήσαντές τε μέγα τεκμήριον ἑκάτεροι εὐνοίας [ παρ'] ἀλλήλοις ἠξίουν παρασχεῖν τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἔχθος, ἐπιπεσόντες τε αἰφνίδιον αὐτοῖς κτείνουσι μυριάδας ὑπὲρ πέντε ἀνδρῶν, ἀπώλοντό τε πάντες πλὴν εἴ τινες φίλων ἢ γειτόνων ἐπιχωρηθὲν αὐτοῖς ἔφυγον.

³⁷⁶ The Syrians gladly consented. Discussions took place on both sides, and with the leading men of each faction brokering the reconciliation, an agreement was reached very quickly. Once they were of one mind, each side considered that the greatest proof they could provide of their mutual goodwill was their shared hatred toward the Jews. Falling upon them suddenly, they slaughtered over fifty thousand men. All perished except for a few who escaped through the mercy of friends or neighbors.

³⁷⁶ Accordingly, they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation; and when they were so agreed, they both knew that the great design of such their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly, they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them; nay, the Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbors afforded them, in order to let them fly away.

³⁷⁶ They gladly agreed to this, and when the leaders of both nations had done so, they were soon reconciled, agreeing that the great sign of their union would be their common hatred to the Jews. So they attacked and killed about fifty thousand of them, and the Jews were destroyed, except for a few who were allowed to escape by the pity of their friends or neighbours.

³⁷⁷ τούτοις δὲ ἦν εἰς Κτησιφῶντα ἀποχώρησις πόλιν καὶ τῆς πλησίον κειμένην, ἔνθα χειμάζει τε ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος καὶ πλείστη τῆς ἀποσκευῆς αὐτοῦ‎ τῇδε ἀποκειμένη τυγχάνει. ἀσύνετα δὲ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ ἵδρυσιν πεποιημένοις τιμῇ τῆς βασιλείας Σελευκέων πεφροντικότων.

³⁷⁷ These survivors retreated to Ctesiphon, a Greek city lying near Seleucia, where the King winters every year and where most of his baggage and stores happen to be kept. However, their settlement there was insecure, for the Seleucians had no regard for the honor of the King.

³⁷⁷ These retired to Ctesiphon, a Grecian city, and situate near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are reposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Seleucia having little concern for the king’s honor.

³⁷⁷ These retreated to Ctesiphon, a Greek city and situated near to Seleucia, where the king lives in winter every year and where most of his riches are kept, but the Jews had here no firm settlement, since those in Seleucia had little concern for the king’s honour.

³⁷⁸ ἐφοβήθη δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ τῇδε ἔθνος τούς τε καὶ τοὺς Σελευκεῖς, ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὁπόσον ἦν ἐμπολιτεῦον τοῖς τόποις ταὐτὸν ἔλεγον τοῖς Σελευκεῦσιν ἐπὶ πολέμῳ τῷ πρὸς τοὺς .

³⁷⁸ Then the entire Jewish nation in those parts became afraid of both the Babylonians and the Seleucians, especially since all the Syrians who lived in those places joined with the Seleucians in a war against the Jews.

³⁷⁸ Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews;

³⁷⁸ The whole Jewish nation was in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians who lived there sided with the Seleucians in a war against the Jews.

³⁷⁹ καὶ συνελέγησαν ὥστε πολὺ εἴς τε τὰ Νέερδα καὶ τὴν‎ Νίσιβιν ὀχυρότητι τῶν πόλεων κτώμενοι τὴν‎ ἀσφάλειαν, καὶ ἄλλως πληθὺς ἅπασα μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν κατοικεῖται. Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ἐν τῇ κατῳκημένους τοιαῦτα ἦν.

³⁷⁹ Consequently, they gathered in great numbers in Nehardea and Nisibis, seeking safety in the strength of those cities, which were inhabited by a great multitude of fighting men. These, then, were the affairs of the Jews settled in Babylonia."

³⁷⁹ so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.

³⁷⁹ So most of them gathered and went off to Neerda and Nisibis and felt secure there on account of the strength of those cities, whose numerous inhabitants were all warlike men. This was the state of the Jews at this time in Babylonia.

The Geometry of Ethnic Conflict
Josephus describes a classic "triangular" conflict.

1) Faction A: Greeks (The former ruling elite).

2) Faction B: Syrians (The local population).

3) Faction C: Jews (The powerful newcomers).

By siding with the Syrians, the Jews inadvertently tipped the balance of power, making the Greeks desperate. The Greeks realized that the only way to regain their "ἀξίωμα" (dignity/standing) was to break the Syrian-Jewish alliance. This is a recurring theme: the "kingmaker" minority is often the first to be sacrificed once the two larger factions reconcile.

The Logic of the Common Enemy
The most chilling part of the text is the phrase "μέγα τεκμήριον εὐνοίας... τὸ πρὸς τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἔχθος" (the greatest proof of goodwill... was their hatred toward the Jews). Josephus observes that nothing unites two enemies faster than a shared victim. The "peace" between Greeks and Syrians was literally signed with the blood of the Jewish community.

The Scale of the Massacre (Μυριάδας ὑπὲρ πέντε)
Josephus records the death toll at over 50,000. While ancient numbers are often debated, the scale suggests a total collapse of the urban Jewish Diaspora in the Tigris-Euphrates valley. This massacre ranks as one of the largest single-day losses of Jewish life in the Roman-Parthian period, comparable to the violence in Alexandria during the reign of Caligula.

Ctesiphon vs. Seleucia
The refugees fled to Ctesiphon, which was just across the river from Seleucia. Although Josephus calls it a "Greek city," it was actually the administrative winter capital of the Parthian Kings. The Jews hoped the "τιμῇ τῆς βασιλείας" (honor of the King) would protect them. However, Josephus notes that the Seleucians—being a semi-autonomous Greek polis—had little respect for the King’s authority when it came to their local ethnic purges.

Return to the Fortress-Cities
The narrative ends where it began: in Nehardea and Nisibis. The Jews realized that urban life in the Hellenistic cities was too dangerous. They retreated to their own fortified enclaves, which were "ὀχυρότητι" (fortified) and filled with "μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν" (fighting men). The era of peaceful "co-habitation" with Greeks and Syrians had ended; the era of the armed Jewish ghetto had begun.

The "Fondness for Danger" (Φιλοκινδύνων)
Josephus describes the Jews of this era as "fond of danger" and "eager for war." This is a stark contrast to the later Diaspora image of the scholarly, non-military Jew. In the first century, the Babylonian Jews were seen as a formidable military caste—a trait that made them valuable allies but also terrifying neighbors.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 18

From Archelaus' exile to the departure of the Diaspora Jews from Babylon

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 18