FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 17

Herod, from the death of Aristobulus to the exile of Archelaus

Chapter 1 Antipater's fratricide. His bribes. Herod's wives and children
Chapter 2 Trachonitis a buffer zone. Pharisees plot against against Herod
Chapter 3 Herod's brother Pheroras is murdered. Herod sends Antipater to Caesar
Chapter 4 A plot to poison Herod is revealed, and linked to his son Antipater
Chapter 5 Antipater is prosecuted and defence. Caesar's judgment is awaited
Chapter 6 Herod falls gravely ill, people riot against his rule; savage reprisals
Chapter 7 Herod thinks of suicide, but instead has Antipater killed
Chapter 8 Herod's final Will. Antipas, Archelaus and Philip. Herod' end
Chapter 9 Riots against Archelaus. He and Antipas supported by Caesar in Rome
Chapter 10 Rebellion during Archelaus' absence is quelled by Varus
Chapter 11 Caesar confirms Herod's last testament
Chapter 12 "Look-alike" claims Herod's throne but is unmasked by Caesar.
Chapter 13 Archelaus is accused, then banished by Caesar to Vienne

Chapter 1
[001-022]
Antipater is hated for his fratricide. His bribes in Rome and Syria. Herod's wives and children

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¹ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater δὲ ἀραμένῳ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀσεβείᾳ τε τῇ ὑστάτῃ καὶ ἀλαστορίᾳ τῇ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸν πατέρα περιβεβληκότι οὔτι κατὰ γνώμας ἡ ἐλπὶς τοῦ αὖθις βίου ἦν · ἀπαλλαγεὶς γὰρ φόβου τοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ διὰ τὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν μὴ ἐπικοινωνῆσον , ἐργωδέστερον καὶ ἄπορονwithout passage αὐτῷ εὕρισκεν τὸ τῆς βασιλείας περιγενέσθαι · τοσόνδ᾽ ἐφύη τῷ ἔθνει μῖσος πρὸς αὐτόν .
¹ When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies for what he had done, his hopes did not succeed to his mind, as to the rest of his life; for although he was delivered from the fear of his brethren being his rivals as to the government, yet did he find it a very hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of the nation against him on that account was become very great;	¹ When Antipater had done away with his brothers and led his father to such impiety that he was haunted by the furies. For the rest of his life, things did not succeed as he hoped. For though safe from any fear of his brothers contesting the leadership, he still found it hard and almost impossible to gain the crown, because the nation had such hatred for him.
¹ Barach

² ὄντος δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦδε χαλεποῦ πλειόνως παρελύπει τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἀλλοτρίως ἔχονto have, hold τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς αὐτόν , εἰς οὓς τὰ πάντα ἦν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀνακείμενα τοῦ οἰκείου ἀσφαλοῦς , ὁπότεwhen τύχοι τὸ ἔθνος νεωτέρων ὀριγνώμενον πραγμάτων · τοσόνδε κίνδυνον ἐμνήστευσεν αὐτῷ ὁ ὄλεθρος τῶν ἀδελφῶν .
² and besides this very disagreeable circumstance, the affair of the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated from him, from which yet these kings derived all the safety which they had, whenever they found the nation desirous of innovation: and all this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction of his brethren.	² Besides this, the matter of the soldiers grieved him still more, on whom kings must depend for their safety; for they were alienated from him, on seeing the nation eager for change. He brought this danger upon himself by doing away with his brothers.
² Barach

³ οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ συνῆρχέν γε τῷ πατρὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ὡς βασιλεὺς ὢν καὶ ἐπιστεύετο παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μειζόνως , ἐξ ὧν ἀπολωλέναι καλῶς εἶχεν εὐνοίας βεβαιώματα εὑρημένος , ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ σωτηρίας τῆς ἩρώδουHerod τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἐνδεδειχώς , ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔχθρᾳ τῇ πρὸς ἐκείνους καὶ πρὸ αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τοιαίδε αὐτὸν περιεσπένδον ἀραί .
³ However, he governed the nation jointly with his father, being indeed no other than a king already; and he was for that very reason trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for the which he ought himself to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed his brethren out of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself: and this was the accursed state he was in.	³ Now he ruled the nation jointly with his father, being already no less than a king, and he was the more trusted and firmly depended on, for the very reason for which he ought himself to have been put to death, since he seemed to have betrayed his brothers from concern for the safety of Herod rather than from ill-will to them, and, before them, to his father himself. Such was his accursed state.
³ Barach

⁴ ἅπερ δὴ πάντα μηχαναὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd ὁδοῦ ἵσταντο ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater , ἐρημοῦντι αὐτὸν μὲν κατηγόρων ἐφ᾽ οἷς πράττειν διενοεῖτο , ἩρώδηνHerōd δὲ καταφυγῆς οἳ βοηθοῖεν αὐτῷ τοῦ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater φανερῶς πολεμίου καταστάντος ·
⁴ Now all Antipater’s contrivances tended to make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him in the vile practices he was devising: and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater for their open enemy;	⁴ Now all Antipater's plans were preparing his way to remove Herod. Since no one could accuse his vile plotting, for that would make Antipater their open enemy, Herod was given no refuge or helper.
⁴ Barach

⁵ ὥστε μίσει μὲν τῷ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἔπρασσεν τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν τῶν ἀδελφῶν , τὸ δὲ ἥπτετο μειζόνως τοῦ ἐγχειρῶν μὴ ἀφίεσθαι τῆς πράξεως · ἀποθνήσκοντος μὲν γὰρ ἩρώδουHerod , βεβαίως αὐτῷ περιγενομένης τῆς ἀρχῆς , ἐξικνουμένου δὲ εἰς τὸ πλέον ἔτι ζῆν , κινδύνων ἀντιπεριστάντων ἐξαγγέλτου γενομένης τῆς πράξεως , ἧς συνθέτης γεγονὼς πολέμιον ἠνάγκαζε τὸν πατέρα καταστῆναι .
⁵ insomuch that the very plots he had laid against his brethren were occasioned by the hatred he bore his father. But at this time he was more than ever set upon the execution of his attempts against Herod, because if he were once dead, the government would now be firmly secured to him; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he should be in danger, upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had been the contriver, and his father would of necessity then become his enemy.	⁵ Indeed, even his plots against his brothers were caused by his hatred for his father. But now he was more than ever determined to do away with Herod, because once he was dead, the leadership would be firmly his, while if he were let live any longer, there was danger of his plotting being found out, and his father would then necessarily become his enemy.
⁵ Barach

⁶ καὶ διὰ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι πολυτελὴςcostly, valuable ἦν τοὺς περὶ τὸν πατέρα , κέρδεσι μεγάλοις ἐκπλήσσων τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων μῖσος πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome φίλους πομπαῖς μεγάλων δωρεῶν εὔνους καθιστάμενος , πρὸ πάντων δὲ ΣατορνῖνονSaturninus τὸν τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἐπιμελητήν .
⁶ And on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his father’s friends, and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against him. And he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their good-will; and above all to Saturninus, the president of Syria.	⁶ This was why he became very bountiful to his father's friends and bestowed large amounts on several of them, in order to surprise men with his good deeds and remove their hatred against him. He sent great gifts to his friends in Rome particularly, to gain their goodwill, and above all to Saturninus, the ruler of Syria.
⁶ Barach

⁷ ὑπάξεσθαί τε ἦν ἐλπὶς αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν ΣατορνίνουSaturninus ἀδελφὸν μεγέθει δώρων , ἃ ἐδίδου , καὶ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνδρὶ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ τὸν ἩρώδηνHerōd συνοικοῦσαν τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ χρώμενος . ψευσάμενός τε φιλίαν πρὸς τοὺς ὁμιλοῦντας δεινότατός τις ἦν πεπιστεῦσθαι καὶ μῖσος ἀράμενος ἐφ᾽ οὕστινας ἐπικρύψασθαι συνετώτατος .
⁷ He also hoped to gain the favor of Saturninus’s brother with the large presents he bestowed on him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king’s sister, who had married one of Herod’s chief friends. And when he counterfeited friendship to those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief, and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did hate.	⁷ He also hoped to gain the favour of Saturninus' brother through large gifts given to him, and he used the same method with the king's sister, who had married one of Herod's closest friends. When he pretended friendship with his conversation partners, he was very subtle in gaining their confidence and was cunning in concealing his hatred against any whom he really did hate.
⁷ Barach

⁸ οὐ μὴν ἠπάτα γε τὴν‎ τηθίδα προκατανενοηκυῖαν ἐκ πλείονος αὐτὸν καὶ μηκέθ᾽ οἷαν οὖσαν παραλογισθῆναι καὶ διὰ τὸ ἤδη παρασκευῇ τῇ πάσῃ‎ ἀντιτετάχθαι αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τὸ κακότροπον .
⁸ But he could not impose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long time, and was a woman not easily to be deluded, especially while she had already used all possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs.	⁸ But he could not fool his aunt, who understood him from long ago and was not easily tricked, as she had already used all possible caution to avert his evil plans.
⁸ Barach

⁹ καίτοι θυγατρὶ αὐτῆς συνῴκει θεῖος πρὸς μητρὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater προνοίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου καὶ διαπράξει παραλαβὼν τὴν‎ κόρην πρότερον ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous γεγαμημένην · τὴν‎ δὲ ἑτέραν ὁ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς Καλλέα παῖς γυναῖκα εἶχεν . ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ κατανοεῖσθαι πονηρὸν ὄντα ἦν ἡ ἐπιγαμία τεῖχος , ὥσπερ οὐδ᾽ ἡ πρότερον συγγένεια πρὸς τὸ οὐ μεμισῆσθαι .
⁹ Although Antipeter’s uncle by the mother’s side was married to her daughter, and this by his own connivance and management, while she had before been married to Aristobulus, and while Salome’s other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of him.	⁹ Although Antipater's uncle by the mother's side had managed to marry her daughter, though she had been formerly married to Aristobulus, and though Salome's other daughter of that husband was married to the son of Calleas, knowing how wicked he was, that marriage did not prevent her from revealing his plans, just as her former relationship to him could not prevent her hating him.
⁹ Barach

¹⁰ τὴν‎ δὲ ΣαλώμηνSalome ἩρώδηςHerod ἐσπουδακυῖαν ΣυλλαίῳSyllaeus τῷ ἌραβιArabian γαμηθῆναι κατ᾽ ἐρωτικὴν ἐπιθυμίαν βιάζεται τῷ ἈλεξᾷAlexas συνοικεῖν συμπρασσούσης αὐτῷ ἸουλίαςJulias καὶ πειθούσης τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome μὴ ἀνήνασθαι τὸν γάμον , μὴ καὶ ἔχθρα καθίσταιτο αὐτοῖς προύπτως ὀμωμοκότος ἩρώδουHerod μὴ ἂν εὐνοήσειν ΣαλώμῃSalome μὴ ὑποδεξαμένῃ τὸν ἈλεξᾶAlexas γάμον . Καὶ ἐπείθετο Καίσαρός τε οὔσῃ γυναικὶ τῇ ἸουλίᾳJulia καὶ ἄλλως συμβουλευούσῃ πάνυ συμφέροντα .
¹⁰ Now Herod had compelled Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had taken a fondness for him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted to at the instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with Salome, if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she submitted to Julia as being Caesar’s wife; and besides that, she advised her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage.	¹⁰ Herod had compelled Salome to marry Alexas, though she was in love with Syllaeus the Arabian. She submitted to this match for the sake of Livia, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it in case he should become openly hostile to them, for Herod had sworn never to be friends with Salome if she refused to marry Alexas. So she submitted to Livia, who was Caesar's wife and on other occasions gave her no advice except what was much to her advantage.
¹⁰ Barach

¹¹ ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus θυγατέρα τοῦ βασιλέως ἩρώδηςHerod ὡς τὸν αὐτῆς πατέρα ἐξέπεμψεν ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander συνῳκηκυῖαν ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ προῖκα ἀποδούς , ὥστε ἀμφισβήτημα αὐτοῖς μηδὲν εἶναι .
¹¹ At this time also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus’s daughter, who had been Alexander’s wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about it.	¹¹ Meanwhile Herod sent back king Archelaus' daughter, the former wife of Alexander, to her father, returning with her from his own estate the dowry he had received, to avoid any dispute about it between them.
¹¹ Barach

¹² Ἀνέτρεφεν δὲ αὐτὸς τῶν παίδων τὰ τέκνα πάνυ ἐπιμελῶς · ἦσαν γὰρ τῷ μὲν ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander ἐκ ΓλαφύραςGlaphyra ἄρσενες δύο , ἈριστοβούλῳAristobulous δὲ ἐκ ΒερενίκηςBerenice τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome θυγατρὸς ἄρσενές τε τρεῖς καὶ θήλειαι δύο .
¹² Now Herod brought up his sons’ children with great care; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome’s daughter, and two daughters;	¹² He reared his sons' children with great care, for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, and Aristobulus had three sons by Berenice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters.
¹² Barach

¹³ καί ποτε παρόντων αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων παραστησάμενος τὰ παιδάρια καὶ τῶν υἱέων ἀνακλαύσας τὴν‎ τύχην ηὔχετο μηδὲν τοιόνδε παισὶν τοῖς ἐκείνων συνελθεῖν , αὐξηθέντας δὲ ἀρετῇ καὶ συμφορᾷ τοῦ δικαίου τὰς τροφὰς ἀμείψασθαι , ἃς ποιοῖτο .
¹³ and as his friends were once with him, he presented the children before them; and deploring the hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befall these who were their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their education.	¹³ Once, in company with his friends, he brought the children before them and deploring his sons, prayed that their children would not meet a similar fate but would grow in virtue and get what they deserved and repay him for his care of their education.
¹³ Barach

¹⁴ ἐγγεγύητό τε εἰς γάμον , ὁπότεwhen ἀφικοίατο εἰς ὥραν τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ , τῷ μὲν πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander παίδων ΦερώρουPheroras θυγατέρα , τῷ δὲ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus τὴν‎ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater , καὶ θυγατέρα τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus ἐπωνόμαζε παιδὶ τῷ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater , τὴν‎ δὲ ἑτέραν τῶν ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus θυγατέρων ἩρώδῃHerod παιδὶ τῷ αὑτοῦ · γίνεται δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ οὗτος ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρός · πάτριον γὰρ πλείοσιν ἐν ταὐτῷ ἡμῖν συνοικεῖν .
¹⁴ He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper age of marriage; the elder of Alexander’s sons to Pheroras’s daughter, and Antipater’s daughter to Aristobulus’s eldest son. He also allotted one of Aristobulus’s daughters to Antipater’s son, and Aristobulus’s other daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by the high priest’s daughter; for it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at the same time.	¹⁴ He had them betrothed when they reached the proper age for marriage, the elder of Alexander's sons to Pheroras' daughter and Antipater's daughter to Aristobulus' eldest son. He assigned one of Aristobulus' daughters to Antipater's son and Aristobulus' other daughter to his own son Herod, who was born to him by the high priest's daughter, for it is our ancient practice to have several wives at the same time.
¹⁴ Barach

¹⁵ ἔπρασσε δὲ τὰς μνηστείας τῶν παίδων ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐλέῳpity, mercy τῶν ὀρφανῶν εἰς εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιγαμίαν τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater προκαλούμενος .
¹⁵ Now the king made these espousals for the children, out of commiseration of them now they were fatherless, as endeavoring to render Antipater kind to them by these intermarriages.	¹⁵ The king made these espousals for the children, out of mercy to them now they were fatherless, and trying to win Antipater's favour for them by these marriages.
¹⁵ Barach

¹⁶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater δὲ γνώμῃ τῇ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς πολιτεύειν οὐκ ἐνέλιπεν καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῖς γεγονότας , ἥ τε τοῦ πατρὸς σπουδὴ περὶ αὐτοὺς ἠρέθιζενto arouse to anger αὐτὸν μείζονας ἔσεσθαι τῶν ἀδελφῶν προσδεχόμενον , καὶ μάλιστα ὁπότεwhen ἀνδρωθεῖεν , ἈρχελάουArchelaus προσληψομένου τοῖς θυγατριδοῖς βασιλέως ἀνδρὸς καὶ ΦερώρουPheroras τῷ ληψομένῳ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα · τετράρχης δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἦν .
¹⁶ But Antipater did not fail to bear the same temper of mind to his brothers’ children which he had borne to his brothers themselves; and his father’s concern about them provoked his indignation against them upon this supposal, that they would become greater than ever his brothers had been; while Archelaus, a king, would support his daughter’s sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would accept of one of the daughters as a wife to his son.	¹⁶ But Antipater did not cease to regard his brothers' children the same way that he had his brothers themselves, and his father's concern for them made him angry with them, thinking they would become greater than his brothers had been, and that Archelaus, as king, would support his daughter's sons and Pheroras, as tetrarch, would take one of the daughters as a wife to his son.
¹⁶ Barach

¹⁷ ἐπήγειρε δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ πᾶν πλῆθος ἐλέῳpity, mercy μὲν τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ὀρφανοὺς χρώμενον , μίσει δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὰ πάντα ἐξαγαγεῖν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένον κακοτροπίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς . ἐμηχανᾶτο οὖν διάλυσιν τῶν τῷ πατρὶ ἐγνωσμένων , ἐν δεινῷ τιθέμενος προσλήψει τοσῆσδε αὐτοὺς ὁμιλῆσαι δυνάμεως .
¹⁷ What provoked him also was this, that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children, and so hate him [for making them fatherless], that all would come out, since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren. He contrived, therefore, to overturn his father’s settlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that they should be so related to him, and be so powerful withal.	¹⁷ It also provoked him that the people pitied these orphans and so hated him that all would come out, for they knew of his vile disposition toward his brothers. So he managed to overturn his father's settlements, thinking it wrong for his relatives to be so powerful.
¹⁷ Barach

¹⁸ καὶ μετέπιπτεν ἩρώδηςHerod εἴκων δεήσει τῇ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater , ὥστε αὐτὸν μὲν τὴν‎ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus θυγατέρα γαμεῖν καὶ τὴν‎ ΦερώρουPheroras τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ . Καὶ τὰ μὲν τῶν ὁμολογιῶν τοῦ γάμου τοῦτον κινεῖται τὸν τρόπον ἄκοντος τοῦ βασιλέως .
¹⁸ So Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the determination now was, that Antipater himself should marry Aristobulus’s daughter, and Antipater’s son should marry Pheroras’s daughter. So the espousals for the marriages were changed after this manner, even without the king’s real approbation.	¹⁸ Herod yielded to him and changed his plan at Antipater's request, so that now he was to marry Aristobulus' daughter and Antipater's son marry Pheroras' daughter. But the espousals were changed in this way without the king's real approval.
¹⁸ Barach

¹⁹ ἩρώδῃHerod δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον συνῴκουν ἐννέα γυναῖκες , ἥ τε ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μήτηρ καὶ ἡ θυγάτηρ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως , ἐξ ἧς δὴ καὶ ὁμώνυμοςhaving the same name αὐτῷ παῖς γεγόνει · ἦν δὲ καὶ ἀδελφοῦ παῖς αὐτῷ μία γεγαμημένη καὶ ἀνεψιὰ σὺν αὐτῇ . Καὶ ταῖσδε μὲν τέκνον οὐδὲν ἐφύη .
¹⁹ Now Herod the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater’s mother, and another the high priest’s daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother’s daughter, and another his sister’s daughter; which two had no children.	¹⁹ King Herod at this time had nine wives; one of them was Antipater's mother and another the high priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother's daughter and another his sister's daughter, neither of whom had children.
¹⁹ Barach

²⁰ ἦν δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶν κἀκ τοῦ ΣαμαρέωνSamaritans ἔθνους μία καὶ παῖδες αὐτῆς ἈντίπαςAntipas καὶ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus καὶ θυγάτηρ ὈλυμπιάςOlympias . Καὶ ταύτην μὲν ὕστερον ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus γαμεῖ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς ὤν , ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ καὶ ἈντίπαςAntipas ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome παρά τινι ἰδίῳ τροφὰς εἶχον .
²⁰ One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olympias; which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the king’s brother’s son; but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at Rome.	²⁰ One of his wives was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus and whose daughter was Olympias. She later married Joseph, the king's brother's son, but Archelaus and Antipas were reared by a private citizen in Rome.
²⁰ Barach

²¹ ΚλεοπάτραCleopatra δὲ Ἱεροσολυμῖτις γεγάμητο αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδες ἐξ αὐτῆς ἩρώδηςHerod τε ἐγεγόνεισαν καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip , ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν ῬώμῃRome τροφὰς εἶχεν . Καὶ Παλλὰς δὲ ἐν ταῖς γαμεταῖς ΦασάηλονPhasael πεποιημένη παῖδα αὐτῷ , πρός γε μὴν ταύταις Φαῖδρα καὶ ἐλπίς , ἐξ ὧν θυγατέρες δύο ἦσαν ῬωξάνηRoxana καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome .
²¹ Herod had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Rome. Pallas also was one of his wives, which bare him his son Phasaelus. And besides these, he had for his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome.	²¹ Cleopatra of Jerusalem also married him and his children by her were Herod and Philip, the latter of whom was reared in Rome. Pallas was another of his wives, and bore him his son Phasael. Other wives of his were Phedra and Elpis, by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome.
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²² τὰς δὲ πρεσβυτέρας αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατέρας ὁμομητρίας τῶν περὶ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander , ὧν περιεώρα ΦερώραςPheroras τὸν γάμον , συνῴκουν ἡ μὲν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφῆς παιδὶ ὄντι , ΦασαήλῳPhasael δὲ ἡ ἑτέρα · καὶ οὗτος ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφοῦ παῖς ἐγεγόνει . Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἩρώδουHerod τὸ γένος ἦν .
²² As for his elder daughters by the same mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Pheroras neglected to marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king’s sister’s son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother’s son. And this was the posterity of Herod.	²² His elder daughters by the same mother as Alexander, the girls whom Pheroras would not marry, were given in marriage, one to Antipater, the king's sister's son and the other to Phasael, his brother's son. This was Herod's family.
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Chapter 2
[023-045]
Through Zamaris, Trachonitis becomes a buffer zone.
Pharisees friendly with Pheroras' wife,
plot against against Herod

☜ ☞

²³ Τότε δὲ βουλόμενος πρὸς ΤραχωνίταςTrachonitis ἀσφαλὴς εἶναι , κώμην πόλεως μέγεθος οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν ἔγνω ἸουδαίωνJews κτίσαι ἐν μέσῳ , δυσέμβολόν τε ποιεῖν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐξ ἐγγίονος ὁρμώμενος ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος κακουργεῖν .
²³ And now it was that Herod, being desirous of securing himself on the side of the Trachonites, resolved to build a village as large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his own country difficult to be assaulted, and whence he might be at hand to make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief.	²³ Wanting to be secure against the Trachonites, he resolved to build in the middle of that land a village as large as a city for the Jews, to secure his country and as a base from which he could raid the enemy with a sudden attack.
²³ Barach

²⁴ καὶ ἐπιστάμενος ἄνδρα ἸουδαῖονJew ἐκ τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia σὺν πεντακοσίοις ἱπποτοξόταις πᾶσι καὶ συγγενῶν πλήθει εἰς ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν τὸν ΕὐφράτηνEuphrates διαβεβηκότα κατὰ τύχας ἐν ἈντιοχείᾳAntioch τῇ ἐπὶ Δάφνῃ τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria διαιτᾶσθαι ΣατορνίνουSaturninus τοῦ τότε στρατηγοῦντος εἰς ἐνοίκησιν αὐτῷ δεδωκότος χωρίον ,
²⁴ Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred horsemen, all of whom could shoot their arrows as they rode on horde-back, and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, who was then president, had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha,	²⁴ When he learned that a Jew had arrived from Babylon with five hundred mounted archers who had crossed the Euphrates with a hundred of his relatives, and now lived in Antioch beside Daphne of Syria, where Saturninus, the then ruler, had given them a place named Oulatha to live in.
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²⁵ ΟὐλαθὰOulatha ὄνομα αὐτῷ , μετεπέμπετο τοῦτον σὺν τῷ πλήθει τῶν ἑπομένωνto follow, obey , παρέξειν ὑπισχνούμενος γῆν ἐν τοπαρχίᾳ τῇ λεγομένῃ ΒαταναίᾳBatanea , ὡρίζετο δὲ αὕτη τῇ ΤραχωνίτιδιTrachonitis, βουλόμενος πρόβλημα τὴν‎ κατοίκησιν αὐτοῦ‎ κτᾶσθαι , ἀτελῆ τε τὴν‎ χώραν ἐπηγγέλλετο καὶ αὐτοὺς εἰσφορῶν ἀπηλλαγμένουςto wish to be delivered from ἁπασῶν , αἳ εἰωθυῖαι ἐγκατοικεῖν τὴν‎ γῆν ἄπρακτον παρασχόμενος .
²⁵ he sent for this man, with the multitude that followed him, and promised to give him land in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with Trachonitis, as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. He also engaged to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him tax-free.	²⁵ Sending for this man and his large body of followers, he promised them land in the district called Batanea which borders on Trachonitis, wishing to use his territory as a defensive buffer-zone, and exempted them from all taxation so that they could occupy that territory free of the customary tributes.
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²⁶ Τούτοις πεισθεὶς ὁ ΒαβυλώνιοςBabylonian ἀφικνεῖται καὶ λαβὼν τὴν‎ γῆν φρούρια ᾠκοδομήσατο καὶ κώμην , ΒαρθύρανBathyra ὄνομα αὐτῇ θέμενος . πρόβλημά τε ἦν οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ΤραχωνίταςTrachonitis καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews τοῖς ἐκ ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ἀφικνουμένοις κατὰ θυσίαν ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem τοῦ μὴ λῃστείαις ὑπὸ τῶν ΤραχωνιτῶνTrachonites κακουργεῖσθαι , πολλοί τε ὡς αὐτὸν ἀφίκοντο καὶ ἁπανταχόθεν , οἷς τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews θεραπεύεται πάτρια .
²⁶ The Babylonian was reduced by these offers to come hither; so he took possession of the land, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabitants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Trachonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed,	²⁶ These offers induced the Babylonian to come, and he took over the land and built in it fortresses and a village named Bathyra. So this man became a defence to the inhabitants against the Trachonites and a haven for Jews coming from Babylon to sacrifice in Jerusalem, from being harmed by the Trachonite brigands, so that many people devoted to the ancestral Jewish ways came to him from all parts.
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²⁷ καὶ ἐγένετο ἡ χώρα σφόδρα πολυάνθρωπος ἀδείᾳ τοῦ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἀτελοῦςimperfect, impious , ἃ παρέμεινεν αὐτοῖς ἩρώδουHerod ζῶντος . ΦίλιπποςPhilip δὲ ΝαχώρηςNahor ἐκείνου παραλαβὼν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὀλίγα τε καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγοις αὐτοὺς ἐπράξατο ,
²⁷ and the country became full of people, by reason of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made them pay some small taxes, and that for a little while only;	²⁷ The district became very populous because of its exemption from taxes, which lasted throughout Herod's lifetime, but when his son Philip came to rule after him he made them pay some minor taxes for a short while.
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²⁸ ἈγρίππαςAgrippa μέντοι γε ὁ μέγας καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ὁμώνυμοςhaving the same name καὶ πάνυ ἐξετρύχωσαν αὐτούς , οὐ μέντοι τὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας κινεῖν ἠθέλησαν . παρ᾽ ὧν ῬωμαῖοιRomans δεξάμενοι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν τοῦ μὲν ἐλευθέρου καὶ αὐτοὶ τηροῦσιν τὴν‎ ἀξίωσινto think worthy , ἐπιβολαῖς δὲ τῶν φόρων εἰς τὸ πάμπαν ἐπίεσαν αὐτούς . Καὶ τάδε μὲν ᾗ καιρὸς ἀκριβώσομαι προιόντος τοῦ λόγου .
²⁸ and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I shall treat more accurately in the progress of this history.	²⁸ Later, although they harassed them greatly, neither Agrippa the Great nor his son of the same name removed this exemption and in turn when the Romans took power, they still left them the privilege of their freedom but oppress them entirely with the burden of their taxes. I shall treat more fully of this matter as my story progresses.
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²⁹ Τελευτᾷ δὲ Ζάμαρις ὁ ΒαβυλώνιοςBabylonian , ὃς ἐπὶ κτήσει τῆσδε τῆς χώρας ἩρώδῃHerod προσποιεῖται , ζήσας τε μετὰ ἀρετῆς καὶ παῖδας λειπόμενος ἀγαθούς , Ἰάκειμον μέν , ὃς ἀνδρείᾳ γενόμενος ἐπιφανὴς ἱππεύειν συνεκρότησε τὸ ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ ΒαβυλώνιονBabylonian , καὶ ἴλη τῶνδε τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐδορυφόρει τούσδε τοὺς βασιλέας .
²⁹ At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to whom Herod had given that country for a possession, died, having lived virtuously, and left children of a good character behind him; one of whom was Jacim, who was famous for his valor, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses; and a troop of them were guards to the forementioned kings.	²⁹ Finally the Babylonian, Zamaris, to whom Herod had entrusted the territory, died after a virtuous life and leaving worthy children behind him, one of them Jakeimos, who was famous for his bravery and taught his Babylonians how to ride horses, and a troop of them were bodyguards to the aforesaid kings.
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³⁰ καὶ Ἰάκειμος δὲ ἐν γήρᾳ τελευτῶν ΦίλιππονPhilip τὸν υἱὸν κατέλιπεν ἄνδρα κατὰ χεῖρας ἀγαθὸν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι παρ᾽ ὁντινοῦν ἀξιόλογον . διόπερ φιλία
³⁰ And when Jacim was dead in his old age, he left a son, whose name was Philip, one of great strength in his hands, and in other respects also more eminent for his valor than any of his contemporaries;	³⁰ When Jakeimos died in old age, he left a son called Philip, a very strong man and in many ways as eminent as the best of his contemporaries.
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³¹ τε πιστὴ καὶ εὔνοια ἀσφαλὴς αὐτῷ πρὸς ἈγρίππανAgrippa γίνεται τὸν βασιλέα , στρατιάν τε ὁπόσην ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔτρεφενto feed οὗτος ἀσκῶν διετέλει καὶ ὅπη ἐξοδεύειν δεήσειεν ἡγούμενος .
³¹ on which account there was a confidence and firm friendship between him and king Agrippa. He had also an army which he maintained as great as that of a king, which he exercised and led wheresoever he had occasion to march.	³¹ For this reason he was linked in friendship and goodwill with king Agrippa, and he trained any army maintained by the king and usually led it wherever it was going on campaign.
³¹ Barach

³² ἩρώδουHerod δ᾽ ἐν οἷς εἶπον ὄντος ἀφεώραto look away from all else τὰ πάντα πράγματα εἰς ἈντίπατρονAntipater , κἀφ᾽ οἷς ὠφελήσειεν κυροῦν οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο ἐξουσίας ἐπικεχωρηκότος τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἐλπίδι εὐνοίας καὶ πίστεως , καὶ περαιτέρω κτᾶσθαι τὴν‎ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν τολμηρὸς καθιστάμενος διὰ τὸ ἄδηλος τῷ πατρὶ εἶναι κακουργῶν κἀφ᾽ οἷς εἴπειεν πιστότατος .
³² When the affairs of Herod were in the condition I have described, all the public affairs depended upon Antipater; and his power was such, that he could do good turns to as many as he pleased, and this by his father’s concession, in hopes of his good-will and fidelity to him; and this till he ventured to use his power still further, because his wicked designs were concealed from his father, and he made him believe every thing he said.	³² When Herod was in the state already described, all public matters depended upon Antipater, and he had the power to help anyone he pleased, as his father gave him free rein, hoping to retain his goodwill and loyalty. This led him to expand his authority still further, for his schemes were concealed from his father, who believed everything he said.
³² Barach

³³ ἦν τε πᾶσιν φοβερὸς οὐχ οὕτως ἰσχύι τῆς ἐξουσίας , ὡς τοῦ κακοτρόπου τῷ προμηθεῖ · μάλιστα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ΦερώραςPheroras ἐθεράπευεν καὶ ἀντεθεραπεύετο δεινῶς , πάνυ τοῦ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater περιστοιχίσαντος αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν‎ γυναικωνῖτιν συνισταμένου τὰ πρὸς αὐτόν ·
³³ He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand; but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, who received the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly encompassed him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about him;	³³ He was also feared by all, not so much for his powerful authority as for his vile plotting. Pheroras mainly courted his friendship and was courted in return, and Antipater knew all about him through the women with whom he surrounded him.
³³ Barach

³⁴ ἐδεδούλωτο γὰρ ΦερώραςPheroras γαμετῇ τε καὶ μητρὶ ταύτης καὶ ἀδελφῇ καὶ ταῦτα μισῶν τὰς ἀνθρώπους ὕβρει θυγατέρων αὐτοῦ‎ παρθένων · ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἠνείχετο , πράσσειν τε οὐδὲν ἦν δίχα τῶν γυναικῶν ἐκπεριωδευκυιῶν τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ ἀλλήλαις εὐνοίᾳ συμπράσσειν τὰ πάντα μὴ ἀπηλλαγμένων ,
³⁴ for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her mother, and to her sister; and this notwithstanding the hatred he bare them for the indignities they had offered to his virgin daughters. Yet did he bear them, and nothing was to be done without the women, who had got this man into their circle, and continued still to assist each other in all things,	³⁴ Pheroras was in thrall to his wife and her mother and sister, despite his hatred of them for their insults to his virgin daughters. Yet he bore with them and could do nothing without the women, who had the man well surrounded and continued to operate in harmony with each other.
³⁴ Barach

³⁵ ὥστε παντοίως ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ὑπῆκτο αὐτὰς καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ διὰ τῆς μητρός · ταὐτὸν γὰρ αἵδε αἱ τέσσαρες γυναῖκες ἔλεγον . Καὶ ΦερώρᾳPheroras δὲ πρὸς ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐπ᾽ οὐδαμινοῖς τισιν αἱ γνῶμαι διήλλασσον .
³⁵ insomuch that Antipater was entirely addicted to them, both by himself and by his mother; for these four women, said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater were different in some points of no consequence.	³⁵ Antipater had them under his control, both directly and through his mother, for the four women shared the same outlook, and any differences between Pheroras and Antipater were on points of little consequence.
³⁵ Barach

³⁶ ἀντίσπασμα δ᾽ ἦν αὐτοῖς βασιλέως ἡ ἀδελφὴ περισκοποῦσά τε ἐκ πλείονος τὰ πάντα καὶ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ κακοῖς τοῖς ἩρώδουHerod πρασσομένην εἰδυῖά τε καὶ μηνύειν οὐκ ἀποτετραμμένη .
³⁶ But the king’s sister [Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all their affairs, and was apprised that this their friendship was made in order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of it.	³⁶ But the king's sister opposed them, who for a good while had looked into all their affairs and realizing that their friendship was intended to do Herod some harm, she wanted to inform the king on them.
³⁶ Barach

³⁷ καὶ γνόντες ἐν ἀπεχθείᾳ βασιλεῖ τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν οὖσαν ἐπινοοῦσιν ὥστε φανερὰν μὲν μὴ εἶναι τὴν‎ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτῶν σύνοδον , μίσους δὲ καὶ λοιδοριῶν ᾗ καιρὸς προσποίησιν , καὶ μάλιστα ἩρώδουHerod παρατυγχάνοντος ἢ οἳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπαγγέλλειν ἔμελλον , κρυπτῶς δὲ τὰ τῆς εὐνοίας ὀχυρώτερα καθίστασθαι .
³⁷ And since these people knew that their friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do him a mischief, they contrived that their meetings should not be discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and to abuse one another when time served, and especially when Herod was present, or when any one was there that would tell him: but still their intimacy was firmer than ever, when they were private. And this was the course they took.	³⁷ Since they knew that the king was averse to their friendship as something that could harm him, they would meet in secret and pretended in public to hate each other and insulted each other when occasion should arise, especially if Herod was present, or anyone was there who would tell him; but when they were in private their intimacy was all the closer. Such was their procedure.
³⁷ Barach

³⁸ καὶ ἔπρασσον οὕτως . ἐλάνθανεν δὲ τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome οὔτε πρῶτον ἡ διάνοια αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ὡρμημένων οὔτε ἐπειδὴ Χρῆσθαι οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο αὐτή · πάντα δὲ ἀνίχνευέν τε καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν μειζόνως ἐκδεινοῦσα ἀπεσήμαινεν συνόδους τε κρυπτὰς καὶ πότους βουλευτήριά τε ἀφανῶς κατεσκευασμένα , ὧν μὴ ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τῷ ἐκείνου συντιθεμένων κἂν πεφανερῶσθαι μὴ κεκωλῦσθαι .
³⁸ But they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance, when they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some progress in them; but she searched out every thing; and, aggravating the relations to her brother, declared to him, as well their secret assemblies and compotations, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner, which if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have been open and public.	³⁸ But they could not conceal from Salome either their first intent, when they set about their project, or when they came closer to acting upon it, but she looked into everything, and reported ominously to her brother about their secret meetings and drinking sessions and cabals, which could have been open and in public if they were not in order to destroy him.
³⁸ Barach

³⁹ νῦν δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ προὔπτου διαφόρους καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐπὶ βλάβῃ τῇ ἀλλήλων λέγοντας , εἰς δὲ τὸ ἀφανὲς τοῖς πολλοῖς τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν ἀνατιθεμένους καὶ ὁπότεwhen ἀλλήλοις συμμονωθεῖεν φίλια πράσσειν μὴ ἀπηλλαγμένουςto wish to be delivered from , ὁμολογεῖν πολεμεῖν πρὸς οὓς λανθάνειν χρώμενοι εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἀλλήλων ἐσπουδάκοιεν .
³⁹ But to appearance they are at variance, and speak about one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well together when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they are alone by themselves, they act in concert, and profess that they will never leave off their friendship, but will fight against those from whom they conceal their designs.	³⁹ Openly they seemed to be at variance and spoke as if intending to wound each other, but were in harmony when out of sight of others, for then they professed undying friendship, in opposition to those from whom they concealed their plans.
³⁹ Barach

⁴⁰ καὶ ἡ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἀνίχνευέν τε καὶ ἀκριβῶν τυγχάνουσα τῷ ἀδελφῷ ἀνέφερεν συνιέντι μὲν ἤδη τὰ πολλὰ καὶ δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ , εἰς δὲ τὸ θαρσεῖν οὐ διακενῆς ὑπονοῶν καθισταμένῳ διαβολαῖς τῆς ἀδελφῆς .
⁴⁰ And thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge of them, and then told her brother of them, who understood also of himself a great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it, because of the suspicions he had of his sister’s calumnies.	⁴⁰ She found out these things in detail and told them to her brother. However, though he already knew much about it, he still dared not to depend upon his sister's allegations because of his suspicions about her.
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⁴¹ καὶ ἦν γὰρ μόριόν τι ἸουδαικὸνJewish ἀνθρώπων ἐπ᾽ ἐξακριβώσει μέγα φρονοῦν τοῦ πατρίου καὶ νόμων οἷς χαίρει τὸ θεῖον προσποιουμένων , οἷς ὑπῆκτο ἡ γυναικωνῖτις , ΦαρισαῖοιPharisees καλοῦνται , βασιλεῖ δυναμένῳ μάλιστα πράσσειν προμηθεῖς κἀκ τοῦ προὔπτου εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν τε καὶ βλάπτειν ἐπηρμένοι .
⁴¹ For there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made men believe they were highly favored by God, by whom this set of women were inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pharisees, who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were, and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief.	⁴¹ There was also a Jewish party called Pharisees, who claimed to set a high value on detailed knowledge of the ancestral laws which are pleasing to God, by whose guidance this circle of women was ruled. This party could have greatly helped the king but were set on opposing and harming him.
⁴¹ Barach

⁴² παντὸς γοῦν τοῦ ἸουδαικοῦJewish βεβαιώσαντος δι᾽ ὅρκων ἦ μὴν εὐνοήσειν ΚαίσαριCaesar καὶ τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασιν , οἵδε οἱ ἄνδρες οὐκ ὤμοσαν ὄντες ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχίλιοι , καὶ αὐτοὺς βασιλέως ζημιώσαντος χρήμασιν ἡ ΦερώρουPheroras γυνὴ τὴν‎ ζημίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν εἰσφέρει .
⁴² Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king’s government, these very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras’s wife paid their fine for them.	⁴² When all the rest of the Jews swore allegiance to Caesar and the rule of the king, more than six thousand of these men did not swear, and when the king imposed a financial penalty on them, Pheroras' wife paid the fine on their behalf.
⁴² Barach

⁴³ οἱ δὲ ἀμειβόμενοι τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν αὐτῆς , πρόγνωσιν δὲ ἐπεπίστευντο ἐπιφοιτήσει τοῦ θεοῦ , προύλεγον , ὡς ἩρώδῃHerod μὲν καταπαύσεως ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ θεοῦ ἐψηφισμένης αὐτῷ τε καὶ γένει τῷ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ , τῆς δὲ βασιλείας εἴς τε ἐκείνην περιηξούσης καὶ ΦερώρανPheroras παῖδάς τε οἳ εἶεν αὐτοῖς .
⁴³ In order to requite which kindness of hers, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod’s government should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the kingdom should come to her and Pheroras, and to their children.	⁴³ To repay her goodwill, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of the future under divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's rule would end and the royalty be taken from his descendants and come to her and Pheroras and their children.
⁴³ Barach

⁴⁴ καὶ τάδε , οὐ γὰρ ἐλάνθανεν τὴν‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome , ἐξάγγελτα βασιλεῖ ἦν , καὶ ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὴν‎ αὐλὴν διαφθείροιέν τινας . Καὶ βασιλεὺς τῶν τε ΦαρισαίωνPharisees τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους ἀναιρεῖ καὶ ΒαγώανBagoas τὸν εὐνοῦχον ΚᾶρόνCarus τέ τινα τῶν τότε προύχοντα ἀρετῇ τοῦ εὐπρεποῦς καὶ παιδικὰ ὄντα αὐτοῦ‎ . κτείνει δὲ καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι τοῦ οἰκείου συνειστήκει οἷς ὁ ΦαρισαῖοςPharisee ἔλεγεν .
⁴⁴ These predictions were not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they had perverted some persons about the palace itself; so the king slew such of the Pharisees as were principally accused, and Bagoas the eunuch, and one Carus, who exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that was his catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented to what the Pharisees foretold;	⁴⁴ This prediction, of which Salome was also aware, was reported to the king, and how they had perverted some people around the court, so the king had the most seriously accused of the Pharisees killed as well as the eunuch Bagoas and the king's playmate, a man named Carus, whose beauty surpassed all others at that time. He also killed all in his own household who had agreed with what the Pharisee had said.
⁴⁴ Barach

⁴⁵ ἦρτο δὲ ὁ ΒαγώαςBagoas ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς πατήρ τε καὶ εὐεργέτης ὀνομασθησόμενος τοῦ ἐπικατασταθησομένου προρρήσει βασιλέως · κατὰ χεῖρα γὰρ ἐκείνῳ τὰ πάντ᾽ εἶναι , παρέξοντος αὐτῷ γάμου τε ἰσχὺν καὶ παιδώσεως τέκνων γνησίων .
⁴⁵ and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by them, as though he should be named the father and the benefactor of him who, by the prediction, was foretold to be their appointed king; for that this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas to marry, and to have children of his own body begotten.	⁴⁵ Bagoas was misled by them to think he would be named the father and benefactor of the one who was to be set up as king, who would have power to do everything and could enable him to marry and beget children of his own.
⁴⁵ Barach

Chapter 3
[046-060]
Herod tries to make Pheroras put away his shameless wife.
He sends his son Antipater to Caesar.

☜ ☞

⁴⁶ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ κολάσας τῶν ΦαρισαίωνPharisees τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ἐληλεγμένους συνέδριόν τε ποιεῖται τῶν φίλων καὶ κατηγορίαν τῆς ΦερώρουPheroras γυναικός , τήν τε ὕβριν τῶν παρθένων τῇ τόλμῃ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀνατιθεὶςto lay upon, burden καὶ ἔγκλημα ταύτην ἀτιμίαν αὐτῷ ποιούμενος ,
⁴⁶ When Herod had punished those Pharisees who had been convicted of the foregoing crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and accused Pheroras’s wife; and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the impudence of that woman, brought an accusation against her for the dishonor she had brought upon them:	⁴⁶ When Herod had punished the Pharisees convicted on those counts, he held a meeting of his friends and accused the wife of Pheroras, criticizing her impudent insults to the young girls and blaming her for the dishonour she had brought on them.
⁴⁶ Barach

⁴⁷ ὥστε ἀγωνοθετῶν στάσιν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν πόλεμον ἐκ φύσεως αὐτοῖς καὶ λόγῳ καὶ δι᾽ ἔργων ὁπόσαhow great, how much δύναιτο , τήν τε διάλυσιν τῆς ζημίας τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπιβληθείσης τέλεσι διαφευχθείσης τοῖς ἐκείνης , τῶν τε νῦν πεπραγμένων οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐ μετ᾽ αὐτῆς .
⁴⁷ that she had studiously introduced a quarrel between him and his brother, and, by her ill temper, had brought them into a state of war, both by her words and actions; that the fines which he had laid had not been paid, and the offenders had escaped punishment by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done had been done without her;	⁴⁷ Like a games-master she had sown an unnatural discord between him and his brother, doing all in her power to foster it by word and deed, and paying the imposed fines, so that through her the offenders escaped punishment, and none of the recent doings was done without her help.
⁴⁷ Barach

⁴⁸ ἀνθ᾽ ὧν , ὦ ΦερώραPheroras , καλῶς εἶχεν οὐ δεήσει οὐδὲ γνωμῶν εἰσηγήσεως τῶν ἐμῶν αὐτοκέλευστον ἀποπέμπεσθαι γυναῖκα ταύτην ὡς πολέμου τοῦ πρός μέ σοι αἰτίαν ἐσομένην · καὶ νῦν , εἴπερ ἀντιποιῇ συγγενείας τῆς ἐμῆς , ἀπείπασθαι τήνδε τὴν‎ γαμετήν · μενεῖς γὰρ
⁴⁸ “for which reason Pheroras would do well, if he would of his own accord, and by his own command, and not at my entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest thy relation to me, put this wife of thine away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me.”	⁴⁸ "So then Pheroras," he said, "you would do well to put aside your wife on your own initiative and not because I say so, for between you and me she will always be a cause of conflict. If you value your ties with me, end this marriage so that you can remain my brother and not lose your affection for me."
⁴⁸ Barach

⁴⁹ οὕτως ἀδελφός τε καὶ στέργειν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένος . ΦερώραςPheroras δὲ καίπερ λόγων ἀρετῇ περιωθούμενος οὔτε συγγενείας τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔλεγε κινήσειν δίκαιον οὐδὲν οὔτε τῶν πρὸς τὴν‎ γαμετὴν εὐνοιῶν , αἱρεῖσθαί τε πρότερον θανεῖν ἢ ζῶν τολμᾶν ἀπεστερῆσθαι γυναικὸς αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένης .
⁴⁹ Then said Pheroras, (although he was pressed hard by the former words,) that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die than to live, and be deprived of a wife that was so dear unto him.	⁴⁹ Though much moved by those words, Pheroras said that he would neither renounce his family loyalty to his brother nor cease in his devotion to his wife, for he would rather risk death than live deprived of the woman so dear to him.
⁴⁹ Barach

⁵⁰ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ΦερώρᾳPheroras μὲν ὑπερεβάλλετο τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργὴν καίπερ ἀνήδονον τιμωρίαν εἰσπεπραγμένος , ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater δὲ ἀπεῖπε καὶ μητρὶ τῇ ἐκείνου ΦερώρᾳPheroras τε μὴ ὁμιλεῖν καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν φυλάσσεσθαι τὸ εἰς ταὐτὸν συνεσόμενον .
⁵⁰ Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation with Pheroras, and bid them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the women;	⁵⁰ This caused Herod to check his anger at Pheroras although he would willingly have punished her himself. But he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conversation with Pheroras and told them to stop the women from meeting together.
⁵⁰ Barach

⁵¹ οἱ δ᾽ ὡμολόγουν μέν , συνῄεσαν δὲ ᾗ καιρὸς καὶ συνεκώμαζον ΦερώραςPheroras καὶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater . ἐφοίτα δὲ λόγος ὁμιλεῖν καὶ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater τὴν‎ ΦερώρουPheroras γυναῖκα συμπρασσούσης αὐτοῖς τὰ εἰς τὴν‎ σύνοδον τῆς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητρός .
⁵¹ which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion served, and both Ptieroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings. The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras’s wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater’s mother.	⁵¹ They promised this but still they met whenever they could and Pheroras and Antipater continued their association. Rumour also had it that Antipater and Pheroras' wife were lovers and that Antipater's mother helped to arrange their meetings.
⁵¹ Barach

⁵² Ὑφορώμενος δὲ τὸν πατέρα καὶ δεδιώς , μὴ εἰς πλεῖον προχωροίη τὰ τοῦ μίσους ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ , γράφει πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ῬώμῃRome φίλους κελεύων ἐπιστέλλειν ἩρώδῃHerod πέμπειν ᾗ τάχος ἈντίπατρονAntipater ὡς ΚαίσαραCaesar .
⁵² But Antipater had now a suspicion of his father, and was afraid that the effects of his hatred to him might increase; so he wrote to his friends at Rome, and bid them to send to Herod, that he would immediately send Antipater to Caesar;	⁵² Antipater was now suspicious of his father and feared that his hatred toward him might increase, so he wrote to his friends in Rome asking them to contact Herod with a request to send Antipater to Caesar very soon.
⁵² Barach

⁵³ οὗ γενομένου ἔπεμπεν ἩρώδηςHerod ἈντίπατρονAntipater δῶρα συμπέμψας ἀξιολογώτατα καὶ διαθήκην , ἐν ᾗ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἀπεδείκνυε βασιλέα , ἢ φθάντος τελευτῆσαι ἩρώδηνHerōd τὸν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως θυγατρὸς υἱὸν αὐτῷ γεγενημένον .
⁵³ which when it was done, Herod sent Antipater thither, and sent most noble presents along with him; as also his testament, wherein Antipater was appointed to be his successor; and that if Antipater should die first, his son [Herod Philip] by the high priest’s daughter should succeed.	⁵³ Herod did send Antipater, along with very expensive gifts and his testament where Antipater was appointed as his successor, but if Antipater should predecease Herod, the succession went to his son by the high priest's daughter.
⁵³ Barach

⁵⁴ συνεξορμᾷ δ᾽ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater καὶ Σύλλαιος ὁ ἌραψArab μηδὲν ὧν προσέταξε ΚαῖσαρCaesar διαπεπραγμένος , καὶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater αὐτοῦ‎ κατηγορεῖ ἐπὶ ΚαίσαροςCaesar περὶ ὧν πρότερον ΝικόλαοςNicolaus . κατηγορεῖτο δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ ἈρέταAretas Σύλλαιος , ὡς πολλοὺς ἀπεκτονὼς τῶν ἐν ΠέτρᾳPetra ἀξιολόγων παρὰ γνώμην τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ μάλιστα ΣόαιμονSohemus ἄνδρα τῇ ἐς πάντα ἀρετῇ τιμᾶσθαι δικαιότατον , ἀνῃρηκέναι δὲ καὶ ΦάβατονPhabatus ΚαίσαροςCaesar δοῦλον .
⁵⁴ And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome Sylleus the Arabian, although he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipater also accused him of the same crimes of which he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleus was also accused by Aretas, that without his consent he had slain many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved to be honored by all men; and that he had slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar.	⁵⁴ At the same time as Antipater, Syllaeus the Arab also went there, though he had fulfilled none of Caesar's orders and Antipater accused him of the same crimes as Nicholaus had earlier done. Syllaeus was also accused by Aretas of executing many of the principal people of Petra without his consent, and Soemus in particular, a virtuous man worthy of esteem by all, and that he had killed Fabatus, a servant of Caesar.
⁵⁴ Barach

⁵⁵ καὶ Σύλλαιος αἰτίαν εἶχεν ἐκ τοιῶνδε ἐγκλημάτων · ΚόρινθοςCorinthus ἦν ἩρώδουHerod σωματοφύλαξ τοῦ βασιλέως μάλιστα πιστευόμενος ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ . τοῦτον πείθει Σύλλαιος ἐπὶ χρήμασι μεγάλοις ἩρώδηνHerōd ἀποκτεῖναι , καὶ ὑπέσχετο . μαθὼν οὖν ΦάβατοςPhabatus ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰρηκότος διηγεῖται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα .
⁵⁵ These were the things of which Sylleus was accused, and that on the occasion following: There was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of the guards of the king’s body, and one who was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had persuaded this man with the offer of a great sum of money to kill Herod; and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he informed the king of it;	⁵⁵ As Syllaeus stood accused of these things, by the offer of a large amount of money he persuaded Corinthus, Herod's bodyguard and a much trusted man, to kill Herod and he had promised to do it. When Fabatus learned of this, for Syllaeus himself told him, he told it to the king
⁵⁵ Barach

⁵⁶ ὁ δὲ τόν τε ΚόρινθονCorinthus βασανίζει συλλαβὼν καὶ πάντα ἀνάπυστα ἦν αὐτῷ . συλλαμβάνει δὲ καὶ δευτέρους ἌραβαςArabs καταγορεύσει τῇ Κορίνθου πειθόμενος τὸν μὲν φύλαρχον ὄντα τὸν δὲ ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus φίλον .
⁵⁶ who caught Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus,	⁵⁶ who had Corinthus arrested and tortured and extracted from him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabs whom Corinthus had accused, one of them the head of a tribe and the other a friend to Syllaeus.
⁵⁶ Barach

⁵⁷ οἳ καὐτοί , βασανίζει γὰρ αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεύς , ὡμολόγουν ὅτι παρεῖεν ἐξοτρύνοντες μὴ μαλακίζεσθαι ΚόρινθονCorinthus καὶ εἴ που δεήσειεν καὶ συγχειρουργήσοντες αὐτῷ τὸν φόνον . Καὶ ΣατορνῖνοςSaturninus δηλώσεως αὐτῷ πάντων ὑπὸ ἩρώδουHerod γενομένης εἰς ῬώμηνRome ἐξέπεμψεν αὐτούς.
⁵⁷ who both were by the king brought to the torture, and confessed that they were come to encourage Corinthus not to fail of doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturninns, upon Herod’s discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome.	⁵⁷ These were also tortured by the king and confessed that they had come to encourage Corinthus not to fail in his undertaking and, if need be, to offer him their own help in the murder. When Herod had told all this to Saturninus, he sent them to Rome.
⁵⁷ Barach

⁵⁸ ΦερώρανPheroras δὲ ἰσχυρῶς ἐμμένοντα εὐνοίᾳ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀναχωρεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ αὑτοῦ ἩρώδηςHerod κελεύει . ὁ δὲ ἀσμένως ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τετραρχίαν ἀπῆρεν , πολλὰ ὀμόσας οὐ πρότερον ἥξειν ἢ πύθοιτο ἩρώδηνHerōd τετελευτηκότα , ὥστε καὶ νοσήσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως ἀξιωθεὶς ἥκειν ἐπί τινων πίστεσιν ἐντολῶν , εἰ μέλλοι τελευτᾶν , οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ ὅρκου .
⁵⁸ At this time Herod commanded Pheroras, that since he was so obstinate in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and sware many oaths that he would not come again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that he might intrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath, that he would not come to him;	⁵⁸ Since Pheroras strongly persisted in his devotion to his wife, Herod made him go to his own region, and he willingly retired to the tetrarchy, swearing solemnly not to return until he heard of Herod's death. But when the king was ill and about to die, and he was asked to visit him before he died, to be entrusted with some instructions, he did not keep his oath.
⁵⁸ Barach

⁵⁹ οὐ μὴν ἩρώδηςHerod γε μιμεῖται τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἐκείνου γνώμην προαποφηνάμενον ἣν ἔχει , ἀλλ᾽ ἧκεν ὡς τὸν ΦερώρανPheroras , ἐπειδὴ ὕστερον ἄρχεται νοσεῖν , καὶ μετακλήσεως αὐτῷ μὴ γενομένης , θανόντα δὲ περιστείλας ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἀγόμενος ταφῆς ἠξίου καὶ πένθος μέγα ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ προέθετο .
⁵⁹ yet did not Herod so retain his hatred to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him], which he before had, and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but as soon as he began to be ill, he came to him, and this without being sent for; and when he was dead, he took care of his funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, and appointed a solemn mourning for him.	⁵⁹ Herod did not imitate him in stating his intention in advance, but went uninvited to visit Pheroras when he fell ill, and when he died, took care of his funeral and arranged for his body to be brought to Jerusalem and buried there and decreed a solemn mourning for him.
⁵⁹ Barach

⁶⁰ τοῦτο ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater καίτοι γε ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome πεπλευκότι κακῶν ἐγένετο ἀρχὴ τῆς ἀδελφοκτονίας αὐτὸν τινυμένου θεοῦ . διηγήσομαι δὲ τὸν πάντα περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ λόγον παράδειγμα τῷ ἀνθρωπείῳ γενησόμενον τοῦ ἀρετῇ πολιτεύσοντος ἐπὶ πᾶσιν .
⁶⁰ This [death of Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater’s misfortunes, although he were already sailed for Rome, God now being about to punish him for the murder of his brethren, I will explain the history of this matter very distinctly, that it may be for a warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their whole lives by the rules of virtue.	⁶⁰ Though Antipater had already sailed for Rome this became the start of his troubles, for God was to punish him for the murder of his brothers. I will explain all about this matter very clearly, to serve as a warning to mankind to conduct their whole lives by the standards of virtue.
⁶⁰ Barach

Chapter 4
[061-082]
A plot to poison Herod is linked to his son Antipater.

☜ ☞

⁶¹ Ἐπειδὴ ΦερώραςPheroras τελευτᾷ ταφνίται ἐγεγόνεισαν αὐτοῦ‎ ἀπελεύθεροι δύο τῶν ΦερώρᾳPheroras τιμίων οὗτοι προσελθόντες ἩρώδῃHerod ἠξίουν μὴ ἀνεκδίκητον καταλιπεῖν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ τὸν νεκρόν , ἀλλὰ ζήτησιν ποιεῖσθαι τῆς ἀλόγου τε καὶ δυστυχοῦς μεταστάσεως .
⁶¹ As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras’s freed-men, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to examine into such an unreasonable and unhappy death.	⁶¹ When Pheroras died and his funeral was over, two of his freedmen, held in esteem by Pheroras, came to Herod asking him not to leave his brother's murder unavenged, but to hold an inquiry into such an unexpected and untimely end.
⁶¹ Barach

⁶² τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιστραφέντος τοῖς λόγοις , πιστὰ γὰρ ἐδόκει , δειπνῆσαι μὲν αὐτὸν ἔλεγον παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ τῇ προτέρᾳ τῆς νόσου , φάρμακον δὲ προσκομισθὲν ἐν βρώμασι μὴ πρότερον εἰωθότι ἐμφαγόντα ὑπὸ τούτου τελευτῆσαι · κομιστὸν μέντοι γενέσθαι τὸ φάρμακον ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἐκ τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ προσποιήσεσιν ἐρώτων , φίλτρον γὰρ δὴ ὄνομα αὐτῷ εἶναι , τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς ἐπὶ τῇ ΦερώρουPheroras τελευτῇ .
⁶² When he was moved with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat; but that when he had eaten, he died of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretense indeed as a love-potion, for that was its name, but in reality to kill Pheroras;	⁶² As he was moved by these words which seemed to him true, they said that the man had dined with his wife the day before he fell sick and that poison had been brought to him in a kind of food not usually part of his diet, and that he died after eating it. This poison had been brought from Arabia by a woman as though it were an aphrodisiac for she called it a love-potion, but in truth it was meant to kill Pheroras.
⁶² Barach

⁶³ φαρμακιστόταται δέ εἰσι γυναικῶν αἱ ἐκ τῆς ἈραβίαςArabia · ᾗ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπεκάλουν καὶ τῆς ΣυλλαίουSyllaeus ἐρωμένης ἐν ταῖς μάλιστα ὡμολόγητο εἶναι φίλη , πείσουσαί τε αὐτὴν ἐπὶ πράσει τοῦ φαρμάκου εἰς τοὺς τόπους ἐληλύθεσαν ἥ τε μήτηρ τῆς τοῦ ΦερώρουPheroras γυναικὸς καὶ ἡ ἀδελφὴ καὶ ἐπανῆκον αὐτὴν ἀγόμεναι τοῦ δείπνου πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ .
⁶³ for that the Arabian women are skillful in making such poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this was confessedly a most intimate friend of one of Sylleus’s mistresses; and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras’s wife had been at the places where she lived, and had persuaded her to sell them this potion, and had come back and brought it with them the day before that of his supper.	⁶³ For the women of Arabia are skillful poisoners and they said that this woman was very friendly with the mistress of Syllaeus, and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras' wife had gone to where she lived, to persuade her to sell them this potion, and had brought it back with them the day before Herod's big supper.
⁶³ Barach

⁶⁴ ὑπὸ τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν λόγων παροξυνθεὶς δούλας τε ἐβασάνιζε τῶν γυναικῶν καί τινας καὶ ἐλευθέρας , καὶ ὄντος ἀφανοῦς τοῦ πράγματος διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν ἐξειπεῖν τελευταία τις περιουσῶν αὐτῆς τῶν ἀλγηδόνων ἄλλο μὲν ἔφη οὐδέν , θεὸν δ᾽ ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τοιαῖσδε αἰκίαις δώσειν περιβαλεῖν τὴν‎ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μητέρα κακῶν τῶν ἐπεχόντων αἰτίαν πᾶσιν γενομένην .
⁶⁴ Hereupon the king was provoked, and put the womenslaves to the torture, and some that were free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said no more but this, that she prayed that God would send the like agonies upon Antipater’s mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to all of them.	⁶⁴ Enraged by this, the king had the women slaves tortured and some free women too, but the truth did not emerge, as none of them would confess to it, until finally one of them, in the direst agony, called upon God to send the same agony to Antipater's mother, who had caused these woes to all of them.
⁶⁴ Barach

⁶⁵ ταῦτα εἰς ἐπίστασιν ἩρώδηνHerōd ἄγει , καὶ τὰ πάντα βασάνοις τῶν γυναικῶν ἀνάπυστα ἦν , οἵ τε κῶμοι καὶ κρυπταὶ σύνοδοι καὶ δὴ καὶ λόγων πρὸς μόνον τὸν υἱὸν εἰρημένων ἐξοίσεις πρὸς τὰς ΦερώρουPheroras γυναῖκας · ἦν δὲ ταλάντων ἑκατὸν δωρεὰς ἐπικρύπτεσθαι φράζειν πρὸς ΦερώρανPheroras τῷ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater κέλευσις ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός ·
⁶⁵ This prayer induced Herod to increase the women’s tortures, till thereby all was discovered; their merry meetings, their secret assemblies, and the disclosing of what he had said to his son alone unto Pheroras’s women. (Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred talents to him not to have any conversation with Pheroras.)	⁶⁵ This piqued Herod still more and he tortured the women until all was revealed, their trysts and secret meetings and then telling Pheroras' women all that he had said in private to his son, and about the hundred talents he gave him not to speak to Pheroras, which Herod had instructed Antipater to keep secret.
⁶⁵ Barach

⁶⁶ μῖσός τε πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ ὀλοφυρμοὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ μητέρα , ὡς ἐπὶ μήκιστον τοῦ πατρὸς βιοῦν ἐξηγμένου καὶ αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἐλάσσονος τοῦ γήρως ἐπικειμένου , ὡς μηδ᾽ ἂν ἐλθοῦσαν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὁμοίως εὐφρᾶναί ποτ᾽ αὐτόν · παρατρέφεσθαί τε πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ ἀδελφοὺς καὶ ἀδελφῶν παῖδας οὐδαμῶς ἀδεῆ τὴν‎ ἐλπίδα παρεχομένους τἀσφαλοῦς ·
⁶⁶ And what hatred he bore to his father; and that he complained to his mother how very long his father lived; and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the kingdom should come to him, it would not afford him any great pleasure; and that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers’ children, bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself, all which made his own hopes of it uncertain;	⁶⁶ They spoke of his hatred for his father, and how he complained to his mother that his father was living too long, while he himself was growing so old that he could not enjoy the kingship if it ever came to him, and that there were many of his brothers, or their children, being prepared for the kingship, making his own hopes of it uncertain.
⁶⁶ Barach

⁶⁷ καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ νῦν , εἴ τι πάσχειν , αὐτὸν ἀδελφῷ μᾶλλον ἢ παιδὶ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ κελεύειν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν δίδοσθαι . ὠμότητά τε πολλὴν κατηγόρει τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰς σφαγὰς τῶν υἱέων , φόβῳ τε μὴ καὶ αὐτῶν ἅπτοιτο ἤδη τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἄρασθαι τέχνην ἐπινοῆσαι , ΦερώρανPheroras δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ τετραρχίας .
⁶⁷ for that even now, if he should himself not live, Herod had ordained that the government should be conferred, not on his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy.	⁶⁷ Even at that moment, if anything should happen, Herod had arranged for power to pass not to his son but to his own brother. He had also accused the king of much brutality and of killing his sons, and that it was the fear of the same happening to himself that made him arrange to go to Rome and drove Pheroras off to his own tetrarchy.
⁶⁷ Barach

⁶⁸ Ταῦτα συνῇδεν γὰρ τοῖς λόγοις τῆς ἀδελφῆς , καὶ πολὺ τοῦ μὴ ἀπιστίαν ἔτι ὑποπτεύεσθαι συνῆγεν αὐτοῖς , ὁ βασιλεὺς κρατυνάμενος ἐπὶ κακίᾳ τῇ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater τὴν‎ ΔῶρινDoris τὴν‎ μητέρα αὐτοῦ‎ πάντα τὸν περὶ αὐτὴν κόσμον ταλάντων πολλῶν ὄντα ἀφελόμενος ἔπειτα αὐτὴν ἀποπέμπεται καὶ ταῖς ΦερώρουPheroras γυναιξὶν φιλίαν ἐσπείσατο .
⁶⁸ These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater’s mother, as well as himself, bore to him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents, and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras’s women.	⁶⁸ This agreed with what his sister had told him and strongly supported her testimony and freed her from the suspicion of being untrue to him. So having learned how Antipater's mother, Doris, wished him ill, the king took back all her fine ornaments, which were worth many talents and dismissed her and became friendly with Pheroras' women.
⁶⁸ Barach

⁶⁹ μάλιστα δ᾽ ἐξώτρυνεν εἰς ὀργὴν κατὰ τοῦ παιδὸς τὸν βασιλέα Σαμαρείτης ἀνὴρ ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐπιτροπεύων τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ βασιλέως ἈντίπατρονAntipater , ἄλλα τε αὐτοῦ‎ ἐν ταῖς βασάνοις κατειπὼν καὶ ὅτι παρασκευασάμενος φάρμακον θανάσιμον δοίη ΦερώρᾳPheroras κελεύσας παρὰ τὴν‎ ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ‎ , ἵν᾽ ὡς πλεῖστον ἀφεστήκοι τῶν ἐν τοιούτοις ὑποτοπασμῶν , τῷ πατρὶ δοῦναι .
⁶⁹ But he who most of all irritated the king against his son was one Antipater, the procurator of Antipater the king’s son, who, when he was tortured, among other things, said that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give it to his father during his absence, and when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon him thereto relating;	⁶⁹ But the man who most angered the king against his son was the agent of Antipater himself, who, when he was tortured, said among other things, that Antipater had prepared a deadly potion and given it to Pheroras, asking him to give it to his father during his absence, when he would be too far away for the least suspicion about it to attach to him.
⁶⁹ Barach

⁷⁰ καὶ κομίσαι μὲν ἈντίφιλονAntiphilus ἐξ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὸ φάρμακον ἕνα τῶν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater φίλων , σταλῆναι δὲ ὡς ΦερώρανPheroras διὰ ΘευδίωνοςTheudio μητρὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως παιδός , καὶ οὕτως ἐλθεῖν τὸ φάρμακον εἰς τὴν‎ γυναῖκα τὴν‎ ΦερώρουPheroras δόντος φυλάσσειν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς .
⁷⁰ that Antiphilus, one of Antipater’s friends, brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Theudion, the brother of the mother of Antipater, the king’s son, and by that means came to Pheroras’s wife, her husband having given it her to keep.	⁷⁰ He said that one of Antipater's friends, Antiphilus, had brought the potion from Egypt, and that it was sent to Pheroras by Theudinos, the brother of Antipater's mother, and so it came to the wife of Pheroras when her husband gave it to her to keep.
⁷⁰ Barach

⁷¹ ἡ δὲ ὡμολόγει μὲν ἀνακρίναντος τοῦ βασιλέως , καὶ δραμοῦσα ὡς κομίσειεν ῥίπτει κατὰ τέγους ἑαυτήν , οὐ μὴν τελευτᾷ ἐπὶ πόδας τῆς πτώσεως γενομένης .
⁷¹ And when the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top; yet did she not kill herself, because she fell upon her feet;	⁷¹ When the king asked her, she confessed it, and as she hurried to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top but did not kill herself because she fell upon her feet.
⁷¹ Barach

⁷² καὶ οὕτως ἐπεὶ ἀνεκτήσατο αὐτὴν ἄδειάν τε αὐτῇ ὑπισχνούμενος καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις μηδὲν ἐπ᾽ ἀφανισμῷ τἀληθοῦς τρεπομένῃ , τρίψειν γε μὴν κακοῖς τοῖς ὑστάτοις ἀγνωμονεῖν προθεμένην , ὑπισχνεῖται καὶ ὤμοσεν ἦ μὴν ἐρεῖν τὰ πάντα ὃν ἐπράχθη τρόπον , λέγουσα μὲν , ὡς ἔφασανto affirm, say οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀληθῆ τὰ πάντα .
⁷² by which means, when the king had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him, but had threatened her with the utmost miseries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed any thing]: so she promised, and swore that she would speak out every thing, and tell after what manner every thing was done; and said what many took to be entirely true,	⁷² After he comforted her and had promised to pardon her and her household if they concealed nothing from him, while threatening the most extreme penalties if she remained obstinate, she promised and swore to tell everything and how it all was done; and most people accept that she told the whole truth.
⁷² Barach

⁷³ " κεκόμισται γὰρ ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὸ φάρμακον ὑπ᾽ ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus , ἀδελφὸς δ᾽ ἐκείνῳ ἰατρὸς ὢν ἐπόρισεν , καὶ ΘευδίωνοςTheudio ὡς ἡμᾶς κομίσαντος ἐφύλασσον αὐτὴ παρὰ ΦερώρουPheroras λαβοῦσα ἐπὶ σὲ ἡτοιμασμένον ὑπὸ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater .
⁷³ that the potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus; and that his brother, who was a physician, had procured it; and that “when Theudion brought it us, she kept it upon Pheroras’s committing it to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee.	⁷³ "The poison was brought from Egypt by Antiphilus, provided by his brother who was a physician, and when Theudion supplied it to us, I took charge of it for Pheroras, though Antipater had prepared it for you.
⁷³ Barach

⁷⁴ ἐπεὶ οὖν ἐνόσει ΦερώραςPheroras καὶ ἐθεράπευες αὐτὸν ἀφικόμενος , ὁρῶν σου τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν , ᾗ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐχρῶ , ἐπεκλάσθη τε τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ μετακαλέσας με , " ὦ γύναι , φησίν , περιώδευσέ με ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἐπὶ πατρὶ μὲν τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ , ἀδελφῷ δὲ τῷ᾽ μῷ , θανάσιμόν τε γνώμην συνθεὶς καὶ φάρμακον ᾧ διακονήσοιτο αὐτῇ πεπορισμένος .
⁷⁴ When, therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby. So he called me to him, and said to me, ‘O woman! Antipater hath circumvented me in this affair of his father and my brother, by persuading me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient thereto; do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion,	⁷⁴ When Pheroras fell ill and you came and took care of him and he saw your goodwill, his attitude was changed and he called for me and said 'Listen, woman! Antipater has gotten me involved against his father, my own brother, planning to murder him, and has got a poison to serve that purpose.
⁷⁴ Barach

⁷⁵ νῦν οὖν , ἐπειδὴ ὅ τε ἀδελφὸς οὐδὲν ἀρετῇ πρότερον ᾗ ἐχρῆτο περὶ ἐμοῦ ὑφαιρῶν ὦπται ἐμέ τε ἐλπὶς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀπέσεσθαι τοῦ βίου , φέρε μὴ γνώμῃ ἀδελφοκτόνῳ ἀποτισοίμην προπάτορας τοὺς ἐμαυτοῦ , τὸ φάρμακον καίειν τε ἐμοῦ βλέποντος , κομίσασά τε οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς πράσσειν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς
⁷⁵ (since my brother appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he had formerly, and I do not expect to live long myself, and that I may not defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother,) and burn it before my face:’ that accordingly she immediately brought it, and did as her husband bade her;	⁷⁵ But now that my brother still seems to feel his former goodwill toward me, and as I do not expect to live long, so that I may not defile my ancestors by a fratricide go and fetch the potion and burn it here in my sight."
⁷⁵ Barach

⁷⁶ τὰς ἐπιστολάς. Καὶ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον καύσασαν τοῦ φαρμάκου τυχεῖν , ὑπολιπέσθαι δὲ ὀλίγον , ἵνα εἰ ΦερώρουPheroras μεταστάντος περιέποι κακῶς αὐτὴν ὁ βασιλεύς , μεθίσταιτο αὐτῷ διάδρασιν ποιουμένη τῶν ἀναγκῶν .
⁷⁶ and that she burnt the greatest part of the potion; but that a little of it was left, that if the king, after Pheroras’s death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself, and thereby get clear of her miseries.”	⁷⁶ Without delay she brought it and did as her husband requested, and burned most of the poison, keeping just a little of it aside so that if the king should ill-treat her after Pheroras had died, she could do away with herself and so escape being tortured.
⁷⁶ Barach

⁷⁷ ταῦτα εἰποῦσα τό τε φάρμακον καὶ τὴν‎ πυξίδα εἰς τὸ μέσον παρῆγεν . Καὶ ἀδελφὸς δὲ ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus ἕτερος καὶ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ‎ ἀνάγκαις τε καὶ βασάνων σφοδρότητι ταὐτὰ ἔλεγον καὶ ἐγνώριζον τὴν‎ πυξίδα .
⁷⁷ Upon her saying thus, she brought out the potion, and the box in which it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought out of Egypt].	⁷⁷ Having said this, she brought the poison and its container out into plain view. Now there was another brother of Antiphilus and his mother who, under duress and extreme torture, confessed the same things and recognized the container.
⁷⁷ Barach

⁷⁸ κατηγορεῖτο δὲ καὶ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως ἡ θυγάτηρ , γυνὴ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως , ὡς πάντων ἵστωρ τούτων γενομένη κρύπτειν προθυμηθεῖσα αὐτά . Καὶ διὰ τάδε ἩρώδηςHerod ἐκείνην τε ἐξέβαλεν καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῆς ἐξήλειψε τῶν διαθηκῶν εἰς ὃ βασιλεύσοι μενουσῶν , καὶ τὸν πενθερὸν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφείλετο ΣίμωναSimon τὸν τοῦ ΒοηθοῦBoethus , καθίσταται δὲ Ματθίαν τὸν Θεοφίλου ἹεροσολυμίτηνJerusalem γένος .
⁷⁸ The high priest’s daughter also, who was the king’s wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high priest in his room.	⁷⁸ The high priest's daughter too, the king's own wife, was accused of being aware of all this and of intending to conceal it, and so Herod divorced her and wrote her son out of his will, where he had been named as the person to rule after him, and he deposed his father-in-law, Simon, son of Boethus, of the high priesthood, appointing in his place Matthias, the son of Theophilus, a native of Jerusalem.
⁷⁸ Barach

⁷⁹ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ΒάθυλλοςBathyllus ἐκ ῬώμηςRome ἀπελεύθερος ἈντιπάτρουAntipater παρῆν καὶ βασανισθεὶς εὑρίσκεται φάρμακον κομίζων δώσειν τε τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μητρὶ καὶ ΦερώρᾳPheroras , ὡς εἰ τὸ πρότερον μὴ ἅπτοιτο τοῦ βασιλέως , τούτῳ γοῦν μεταχειρίζοιντο αὐτόν .
⁷⁹ While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater’s freed-man, came from Rome, and, upon the torture, was found to have brought another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater’s mother, and of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might carry him off.	⁷⁹ At this time Antipater's freedman, Bathyllus, came from Rome, and under torture was found to have brought another potion, to give to Antipater's mother and Pheroras, so that if the earlier potion did not work on the king, at least this would dispose of him.
⁷⁹ Barach

⁸⁰ ἀφίκετο δὲ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν ἐν ῬώμῃRome φίλων τῷ ἩρώδῃHerod γνώμῃ καὶ ὑπαγορεύσει ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ ἈρχελάουArchelaus καὶ ΦιλίππουPhilip συγκείμεναto lie down together , ὡς δῆθεν διαβάλλοιέν τε τὸν πατέρα ἐπὶ σφαγῇ τῶν περὶ ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus καὶ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander , δι᾽ οἴκτου δὲ καὶ αὑτοὺς λαμβάνοιεν · ἤδη γὰρ καὶ ἐκαλοῦντο ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός , οὐχ ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἑτέροις , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς κἀκείνους προσαπολωλεκόσι κατακλήσεως αὐτῶν γινομένης .
⁸⁰ There came also letters from Herod’s friends at Rome, by the approbation and at the suggestion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of Alexander and Aristobulus, and as if they commiserated their deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home, (for their father had already recalled them,) they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed.	⁸⁰ Letters also came from Herod's friends in Rome, with Antipater's knowledge and approval, accusing Archelaus and Philip of blaming their father for murdering Alexander and Aristobulus and expressing pity for their deaths and saying that, since they were recalled home by their father, they guessed they too were doomed to be killed.
⁸⁰ Barach

⁸¹ ταῦτα δὲ μεγάλων μισθῶνwages οἱ φίλοι τῷ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater συνέπρασσον . γράφει δὲ καὐτὸς ἈντίπατροςAntipater τῷ πατρὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ μεγίσταις τῶν αἰτιῶν καὶ παντελὲς ἀπαλλάσσειν φάσκων τὰ μειράκια , τῶν δὲ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τὴν‎ ἀνάθεσιν ποιούμενος . Αὐτὸς δὲ τὰ περὶ Σύλλαιον ἠγωνίζετο καὶ θεραπεία τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν ἐγεγόνει κόσμος τε ἀξιοπρεπὴς ταλάντων ἐώνητο διακοσίων .
⁸¹ These letters had been procured by great rewards by Antipater’s friends; but Antipater himself wrote to his father about them, and laid the heaviest things to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse them of any guilt, and said they were but young men, and so imputed their words to their youth. But he said that he had himself been very busy in the affair relating to Sylleus, and in getting interest among the great men; and on that account had bought splendid ornaments to present them withal, which cost him two hundred talents.	⁸¹ These letters had been bought by Antipater's friends for large bribes. Antipater himself also wrote to his father about them, excusing the lads of the most serious allegations while saying that their words must be attributed to their youth. He claimed to be busy in the struggle with Syllaeus and in making himself known to the great men, and that he had bought valuable furnishings, costing two hundred talents.
⁸¹ Barach

⁸² θαυμάσειε δ᾽ ἄν τις , ὅτι τοσούτων ἐν ἸουδαίᾳJudea κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ κεκινημένων μησὶ πρότερον ἑπτὰ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ δῆλον γένοιτο · αἴτιον δ᾽ ἦν ἥ τε ἀκρίβεια καὶ φυλακὴ τῶν ὁδῶν καὶ μῖσος τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὰ πρὸς ἈντίπατρονAntipater · οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἦν , ὃς προθύμως κινδύνῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ ποριστὴς τῶν ἐκείνου ἀσφαλειῶν καθίστατο .
⁸² Now one may wonder how it came about, that while so many accusations were laid against him in Judea during seven months before this time, he was not made acquainted with any of them. The causes of which were, that the roads were exactly guarded, and that men hated Antipater; for there was nobody who would run any hazard himself to gain him any advantages.	⁸² One might wonder how, with so many accusations made against him in Judea over the previous seven months, none of them was brought to his attention. The reasons were that the roads were closely monitored and that people hated Antipater, so that no one would run any risk to himself for the sake of his safety.
⁸² Barach

Chapter 5
[083-145]
Antipater's prosecution and defence.
He is condemned to death.
Caesar's judgment is awaited.

☜ ☞

⁸³ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater γεγραφότος πρὸς αὐτόν , ὡς τὰ πάντα ᾗ χρῆν διαπεπραγμένος ἥξοι ἐν τάχει , ἐπικρυψάμενος τὴν‎ ὀργὴν ἀντεπετίθει , κελεύων μὴ ἀπιέναι τῆς εἰς τὴν‎ ὁδὸν , μὴ καί τι πάσχοι παρὰ τὴν‎ ἐκδημίαν αὐτοῦ‎ , καὶ ἅμα τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ‎ κατηγορῶν ὡς ὀλίγον καταθήσεσθαι μέμψεις ἐπαγγελλόμενος τὰς πρὸς αὐτήν ,
⁸³ Now Herod, upon Antipater’s writing to him, that having done all that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, he would suddenly come to him, concealed his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and bid him not delay his journey, lest any harm should befall himself in his absence. At the same time also he made some little complaint about his mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should return.	⁸³ When Antipater wrote to say he would come to him soon, after he had seen to everything, Herod concealed his anger and wrote back telling him not to delay on the journey in case anything should happen to him in the meantime. He also made a small complaint about his mother, but promised to pardon her on his return.
⁸³ Barach

⁸⁴ ὁπότεwhen ἐκεῖνος ἀφίκοιτοto reach , παντί τε τρόπῳ φιλότητα τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεδείκνυτο , δεδιὼς μὴ καί τι ὑποτοπηθεὶς ὑπερβάλλοιτο μὲν ὁδοὺς τὰς πρὸς αὐτόν , τῇ δὲ ῬώμῃRome ἐνδιαιτώμενος κτήσεις ἐφεδρεύοι τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ δὴ καὶ διαπράσσοι τι αὐτῇ .
⁸⁴ He withal expressed his entire affection for him, as fearing lest he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and lest, while he lived at Rome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and, moreover, do somewhat against himself.	⁸⁴ He showed affection for him in every way, for fear he might somehow grow suspicious and postpone his journey to him, or that while living in Rome, he might plot to take the kingdom or take some action against it.
⁸⁴ Barach

⁸⁵ τούτοις ἐν ΚιλικίαιCilicia τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐπιτυγχάνει , τοῖς δὲ τὴν‎ ΦερώρουPheroras τελευτὴν διασαφοῦσιν ἐν ΤάραντιTarentum πρότερον , δεινῶς τε ἤνεγκεν οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ΦερώρουPheroras , διότι δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν‎ ἀναίρεσιν οὐ διαπραξάμενος ὥσπερ ὑπέσχετο ἀπέθανε .
⁸⁵ This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but had received an account of Pheroras’s death before at Tarentum. This last news affected him deeply; not out of any affection for Pheroras, but because he was dead without having murdered his father, which he had promised him to do.	⁸⁵ He came upon this letter in Cilicia, but had earlier at Tarentum received the bad news about Pheroras, which deeply troubled him, not from any affection for Pheroras, but because he had died without having fulfilled his promise to murder his father.
⁸⁵ Barach

⁸⁶ περὶ δὲ ΚελένδερινCelenderis τῆς ΚιλικίαςCilicia γενόμενος ἐνεδοίαζεν ἤδη περὶ τοῦ οἴκαδε πλοῦ δεινῶς τῇ ἐκβολῇ τῆς μητρὸς λελυπημένος , καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ μὲν ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν Ταῦτά πῃ καραδοκοῦντα ἀνέχειν , οἱ δὲ μὴ διαμέλλειν τὸν οἴκαδε πλοῦν · λύσειν γὰρ παραγενόμενον αἰτίαν πᾶσαν , ὡς καὶ νῦν οὔτι ἑτέρωθεν , ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνου ἀπουσίαν ἰσχὺν τοῖς κατηγόροις ὑπογενέσθαι .
⁸⁶ And when he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with himself about his sailing home, as being much grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now some of his friends advised him that he should tarry a while some where, in expectation of further information. But others advised him to sail home without delay; for that if he were once come thither, he would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nothing afforded any weight to his accusers at present but his absence.	⁸⁶ When he was at Celenderis in Cilicia, he began to deliberate about the wisdom of sailing home, being much grieved at the expulsion of his mother. Some of his friends advised him to wait there for a time to see what would happen while others advised him to sail home without delay, where he would soon put an end to all accusations, since now nothing but his absence gave any weight to the accusations against him.
⁸⁶ Barach

⁸⁷ τούτοις πεισθεὶς ἔπλει τε καὶ προσέσχε τῷ ΣεβαστῷAugustus λιμένι λεγομένῳ , ὃν κατασκευάσας ἩρώδηςHerod πολλῶν χρημάτων ἐπὶ τιμῇ τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καλεῖ Σεβαστόν .
⁸⁷ He was persuaded by these last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven called Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast expenses in honor of Caesar, and called Sebastus.	⁸⁷ Persuaded by the latter, he sailed on and landed at the harbour named Sebastus, which Herod had built at great expense and called Sebastus in honour of Caesar.
⁸⁷ Barach

⁸⁸ ἐν προύπτοις δ᾽ ἦν ἈντίπατροςAntipater ἤδη τοῖς κακοῖς μήτε προσιόντος αὐτῷ μηδενὸς μήτε προσαγορεύοντος ὥσπερ ὅτ᾽when ἐξῄει μετ᾽ εὐχῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπιφημισμάτων Ταῖς ἐναντιωτάταις ἀραῖς οὐκ ἐκωλύοντο αὐτὸν δέχεσθαι ποινὴν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἀποτίνειν ὑπειληφότες .
⁸⁸ And now was Antipater evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they did at his going away, with good wishes of joyful acclamations; nor was there now any thing to hinder them from entertaining him, on the contrary, with bitter curses, while they supposed he was come to receive his punishment for the murder of his brethren.	⁸⁸ Antipater now was in a quandary, as no one came to him or greeted him by name as at his departure, with prayers and joyful greetings, but met him with bitter curses, thinking he had come to receive his punishment for the murder of his brothers.
⁸⁸ Barach

⁸⁹ Ἐτύγχανεν δ᾽ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ΟὔαροςVarus Κοιντίλιος , διάδοχος μὲν ΣατορνίνῳSaturninus τῆς ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria ἀρχῆς ἀπεσταλμένος , ἥκων δὲ αὐτός τε σύμβουλος ἩρώδῃHerod περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων αὐτῷ δεηθέντι .
⁸⁹ Now Quintilius Varus was at this time at Jerusalem, being sent to succeed Saturninus as president of Syria, and was come as an assessor to Herod, who had desired his advice in his present affairs;	⁸⁹ Quintilius Varus who had been sent to succeed Saturninus as ruler of Syria was at this time in Jerusalem, having come as an assessor to Herod, who had asked his advice in his present situation.
⁸⁹ Barach

⁹⁰ καὶ αὐτῶν συνεδρευόντων παρῆν ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ ἐκπύστου γεγονότος . εἴσεισιν δὲ εἰς τὸ βασίλειον ἔτι πορφυρίδας ἀμπεχόμενος , καὶ αὐτὸν μὲν δέχονται οἱ ἐπὶ θύραις , ἀνείργουσι δὲ τοὺς φίλους .
⁹⁰ and as they were sitting together, Antipater came upon them, without knowing any thing of the matter; so he came into the palace clothed in purple. The porters indeed received him in, but excluded his friends.	⁹⁰ As they were sitting together, Antipater appeared, and knowing nothing of the matter, he arrived in the palace clothed in purple, and while the porters admitted him they kept his friends out.
⁹⁰ Barach

⁹¹ ἐθορυβεῖτο δὲ ἤδη σαφῶς οἷ ἐληλύθει κατανοῶν , ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὁ πατὴρ προσιόντα αὐτὸν ὡς ἀσπάσαιτο ἀπεώσατο , ἀδελφοκτονίαν τε ἐπικαλῶν καὶ βούλευσιν ὀλέθρου τοῦ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ , πάντων τε ἀκροατὴν καὶ δικαστὴν ἔσεσθαι ΟὔαρονVarus τῇ αὔριον .
⁹¹ And now he was in great disorder, and presently understood the condition he was in, while, upon his going to salute his father, he was repulsed by him, who called him a murderer of his brethren, and a plotter of destruction against himself, and told him that Varus should be his auditor and his judge the very next day;	⁹¹ As soon as he grasped his situation he was troubled, and when he went to greet his father, he pushed him aside and denounced him for fratricide and for plotting his own destruction, and told him that Varus would be his auditor and judge the very next day.
⁹¹ Barach

⁹² καὶ ὁ μὲν τοιούτου κακοῦ ἅμα τε ἀκροαθέντος καὶ παρόντος τῷ μεγέθει περιφερόμενος ᾤχετο , ὑπαντιάζουσιν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἥ τε μήτηρ καὶ γυνή , αὕτη δὲ ἦν ἤδη ἈντιγόνῳAntigonus παῖς τῷ πρὸ ἩρώδουHerod ἸουδαίωνJews βεβασιλευκότι , παρ᾽ ὧν τὰ πάντα ἐκμαθὼν ἐν παρασκευαῖςpreparation, supply τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἦν .
⁹² so he found that what misfortunes he now heard of were already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in confusion; upon which his mother and his wife met him, (which wife was the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of the Jews before Herod,) from whom he learned all circumstances which concerned him, and then prepared himself for his trial.	⁹² When he found out what great trouble he was in and was going away in confusion, he was met by his mother and his wife, who was the daughter of Antigonus, Herod's predecessor as king of the Jews, from whom he learned the details and then prepared himself for his ordeal.
⁹² Barach

⁹³ Τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς συνήδρευεν μὲν Οὔαρός τε καὶ ὁ βασιλεύς , εἰσεκλήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀμφοῖν φίλοι καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς βασιλέως ΣαλώμηSalome τε ἡ ἀδελφή , εἶτ᾽ εἴ τινες μηνύσειν ἔμελλον καὶ ὧν βάσανοι γεγόνασιν , δοῦλοί τε μητρῷοι τοῦ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater μικρῷ πρότερον συνειλημμένοι ἢ κεῖνον ἥκειν , ἐπιστολὴν φέροντες , ἧς τὸ κεφάλαιον τῶν γεγραμμένων ἦν μὴ ἐπανιέναι ὡς πάντων τῷ πατρὶ ἡκόντων εἰς πύστιν , μόνην τε ἂν καταφυγὴν αὐτῷ λείπεσθαι ΚαίσαραCaesar καὶ σὺν αὐτῇ τὸ μὴ πατρὶ ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι .
⁹³ On the next day Varus and the king sat together in judgment, and both their friends were also called in, as also the king’s relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as had been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater’s mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater’s coming, and brought with them a written letter, the sum of which was this: That he should not come back, because all was come to his father’s knowledge; and that Caesar was the only refuge he had left to prevent both his and her delivery into his father’s hands.	⁹³ The next day, Varus and the king sat in judgment and the friends of both of them were called in, and the king's relatives, his sister Salome and any who had things to say after being tortured; and with them slaves of Antipater's mother who had been captured just before his arrival, bringing a letter from her saying, briefly, that he should not come back, because his father had come to know all and that Caesar was his only refuge to prevent both him and her from falling into his father's hands.
⁹³ Barach

⁹⁴ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater δὲ προσπεσόντος τῷ πατρὶ πρὸς τὰ γόνατα καὶ ἱκετεύοντος μὴ προδιεγνωσμένην καταστῆναι δίκην , ἀλλ᾽ ἀκροάσεως αὐτοῦ‎ γενομένης παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ἀκεραίως μένειν δυναμένῳ , τοῦτον κελεύσας ἩρώδηςHerod ἀπάγειν εἰς μέσον αὐτὸς ὠλοφύρατο τῶν παίδων τῆς ποιήσεως , ἣν ἐπὶ τοιαύταις αὐτῷ τύχαις γενομένην πρότερον ἢ τῆς δυσμενείας ἀνασπάσασθαι τῶν πρότερον εἰς ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ γῆρας , τροφάς τε καὶ παιδεύσεις ἃς ποιήσαιτο αὐτῶν ἐξηγούμενος καὶ πλούτου εὐπορίαν ἐν καιροῖς ὡς θελήσειαν προτεθεῖσαν εἰς πάντα ·
⁹⁴ Then did Antipater fall down at his father’s feet, and besought him not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be first heard by his father, and that his father would keep himself unprejudiced. So Herod ordered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself about his children, from whom he had suffered such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up what maintenance and what education he had given them; and what seasonable supplies of wealth he had afforded them, according to their own desires;	⁹⁴ Antipater fell down at his father's knees and implored him not to judge his case until the facts were known, but to grant him a hearing by a father who was genuinely unprejudiced. Herod ordered him brought into the centre and said he was to be pitied about his children who had caused him such misfortunes, including Antipater's attacking him in his old age, despite his feeding and educating them, and all the money he had often sent at their request.
⁹⁴ Barach

⁹⁵ ὧν οὐδὲν ἐπ᾽ ἐμποδίσματι γενέσθαι τοῦ μὴ οὐκ ἐπιβουλῇ τῇ ἐκείνων κινδυνεῦσαι τελευτᾶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ θᾶσσον δυσσεβῶς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παραλαβεῖν ἢ φύσεως νόμῳ μεταστάντος εὐχῇ τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ δίκῃ .
⁹⁵ none of which favors had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into danger, in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father’s wishes, or justice required that that kingdom should come to them;	⁹⁵ None of this had prevented them from plotting against him and in order to gain his kingdom, impiously threatening his very life, before their father should rightfully and willingly hand it over to them according to the law of nature itself.
⁹⁵ Barach

⁹⁶ τόν τε ἈντίπατρονAntipater θαυμάζειν , τίνων ἐλπίδι ἐπαρθεὶς θαρσήσειεν ἐπὶ τοιαῦτα χωρεῖν μὴ ἀποτραπῆναι · διάδοχον μὲν γὰρ ἀποφήνασθαι διὰ γραμμάτων τῆς ἀρχῆς , ζῶντος δὲ ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ μειονεκτεῖν ἀξιώματός τε ἐπιφανείᾳ καὶ δυνάμει ἐξουσίας , πεντήκοντα μὲν τάλαντα ἐπέτειον πρόσοδον κομισάμενον , δωρεὰν δ᾽ εἰληφότα ὁδοῦ τῆς εἰς ῬώμηνRome τριακοσίων ταλάντων ἀριθμόν .
⁹⁶ and that he wondered what hopes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in writing declared him his successor in the government; and while he was alive, he was in no respect inferior to him, either in his illustrious dignity, or in power and authority, he having no less than fifty talents for his yearly income, and had received for his journey to Rome no fewer than thirty talents.	⁹⁶ He was amazed that Antipater, despite his hopes, should dare to attempt such a thing, for he had designated him in writing to succeed him as ruler. Even while his father lived, he was in no way less than him in splendour, power or authority, having a yearly income of fifty talents and another thirty talents for his journey to Rome .
⁹⁶ Barach

⁹⁷ ἐπεκάλει δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰ μὲν πονηρῶν γεγονότων κατηγορίαν προθεμένῳ μιμητῇ γεγονότι , διακενῆς δὲ τοιῶνδε ἐπαγωγὰς ἐπάγοντι αὐτῇ τῶν συγγενῶν ·
⁹⁷ He also objected to him the case of his brethren whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example; and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near relations;	⁹⁷ He brought up the accusation he had made against his brothers, saying that if indeed they were guilty he had imitated them and if not, he had wronged his own kinsmen in vain.
⁹⁷ Barach

⁹⁸ τὰ γὰρ πάντα οὐδαμόθεν ἀλλὰ μηνύσει τῇ ἐκείνου μεμαθηκότα πρᾶξαι τὰ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πεπραγμένα γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου , οὓς ἀπολύειν κακοῦ παντὸς κληρονόμον τῆς πατροκτονίας αὐτοῖς καθιστάμενον .
⁹⁸ for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what was done by his approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by becoming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide.	⁹⁸ Yes, it was he and no one else who had reported all those things of him, and under his guidance that he had done those deeds, so that having become heir to their role as patricides he now absolved them from all suspicion of guilt.
⁹⁸ Barach

⁹⁹ Ταῦθ᾽ ἅμα λέγων εἰς δάκρυα τρέπεται λέγειν τε ἄπορος ἦν . Καὶ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus ὁ ΔαμασκηνόςDamascenes , Φίλος τε ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὰ πάντα συνδιαιτώμενος ἐκείνῳ καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν ὃν πραχθεῖεν τρόπον παρατετευχώς , δεηθέντι τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ λοιπὰ εἰπεῖν ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἀποδείξεών τε καὶ ἐλέγχων ἐχόμενα ἦν .
⁹⁹ When Herod had thus spoken, he fell aweeping, and was not able to say any more; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being the king’s friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, proceeded to what remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evidences of the facts.	⁹⁹ After saying this he broke down in tears and could say no more, but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, his friend and constant companion who knew all about his activities, went on at the king's request to explain all the proofs and evidences of the facts.
⁹⁹ Barach

¹⁰⁰ καὶ τοῦ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater κατὰ δικαιολογίαν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τετραμμένου καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much παραδείγματα τῆς εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτὸν διεξιόντος , τὰς τιμὰς αἳ ὑπῆρχον αὐτῷ προφερόμενος , ἃς μὴ ἄν ποτε γενέσθαι μὴ οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἀξίῳ περὶ αὐτὸν γεγονότι ·
¹⁰⁰ Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defense, turned himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given of his good-will to him; and instanced in the honors that had been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous concern about him;	¹⁰⁰ In self defence, Antipater turned to his father and spoke of the many signs he had given him of his goodwill, and the honours shown to him, which would not have been so if he had not deserved them by his virtuous concern for him.
¹⁰⁰ Barach

¹⁰¹ καὶ γὰρ ὁπόσαhow great, how much προιδεῖν δεήσειε πάντων προβεβουλευκέναι σωφρόνως , εἴ τέ τινα ἐδεῖτο χειρῶν , πόνῳ τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ ἐκπεπρᾶχθαι τὰ πάντα , εἰκός τε οὐκ εἶναι τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν ἐπιβουλῶν τὸν πατέρα ἐξελόμενον αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλευτὴν καταστῆναι ἀφανίζοντα ἀρετήν , ἣ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἐμαρτυρεῖτο αὐτῷ , κακίᾳ τῇ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε μελλούσῃ συνεῖναι .
¹⁰¹ for that he had made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occasion for the labor of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from so many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be himself in a plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it;	¹⁰¹ He had cared for him in every way and given him his best advice, and whenever called upon, had spared no efforts on his behalf. It was surely impossible that after saving his father from so many plots, he should then plot against him himself and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by following it up in this way.
¹⁰¹ Barach

¹⁰² καίτοι γε τοῦ μέλλοντος διάδοχον προαποδεδεῖχθαι καὶ τοῦ συναπολαυσομένου τιμῶν , αἳ εἰς τὸ παρὸν περιῆσαν , οὐκ ἐπικεκωλῦσθαι · εἰκός τε οὐκ εἶναι τὸν ἁπάντων ἀκινδύνως καὶ μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἔχοντα τὴν‎ ἡμίσειανhalf μετὰ ψόγων καὶ κινδύνου ἐφίεσθαι τοῦ ὅλου ἄδηλον εἰ δυναμένου περιγενέσθαι , καὶ ταῦτα τεθεαμένον τὴν‎ ζημίαν τῶν ἀδελφῶν καὶ μηνυτὴν μὲν καὶ κατηγορητὴν γενόμενον λανθάνειν δυναμένων , κολαστὴν δ᾽ ἐπεὶ φανεροὶ κατέστησαν πονηροὶ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ὄντες .
¹⁰² and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honor with his father also at present; and that there was no likelihood that a person who had the one half of that authority without any danger, and with a good character, should hunt after the whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful whether he could obtain it or not; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a time when they might not otherwise have been discovered; nay, was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father;	¹⁰² All the more so, since now that he was named as successor there was nothing to stop him from enjoying royal honours along with his father. Was it likely that a person who securely held the half of it all with a good reputation, would seek the rest of it at the risk of infamy and danger, when it was doubtful if he could gain it or not? Also, the sad example of his brothers would deter him, whom he had unmasked and accused when they might otherwise have escaped detection and had them punished when they had clearly done wrong to their father.
¹⁰² Barach

¹⁰³ καὶ τάδε μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν ἐνταῦθα ἠγωνισμένων παραδείγματα εἶναι τῶν ἀκράτῳ εὐνοίᾳ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα πεπολιτευμένων · τῶν δ᾽ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome μάρτυρα εἶναι ΚαίσαραCaesar ἐπίσης τῷ θεῷ ἀπατηθῆναι μὴ οἷόν τε ὄντα .
¹⁰³ and that even the contentions there were in the king’s family were indications that he had ever managed affairs out of the sincerest affection to his father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who yet was no more to be imposed upon than God himself;	¹⁰³ These domestic struggles showed how he had always managed affairs with sincere regard for his father. What he had done in Rome was witnessed by Caesar, who could no more to be imposed upon than God himself,
¹⁰³ Barach

¹⁰⁴ ὧν πίστιν εἶναι τὰ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου γράμματα ἐπεσταλμένα , ὧν οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν ἰσχυροτέρας εἶναι τὰς διαβολὰς τῶν στασιάζειν αὐτοὺς προθεμένων τὰς πλείους ἀποδημίᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ συντεθῆναι σχολῆς τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐγγενομένης , ἣν οὐκ ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐπιδημοῦντος παραγενέσθαι .
¹⁰⁴ of whose opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence; and that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise disturbances before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there.	¹⁰⁴ and his views are clear from the letters he sent here. Surely it was right to trust those letters rather than people who had earlier tried to cause trouble, most of whose allegations were made in his absence, when his enemies had time to invent them, as they could not have done had he been present.
¹⁰⁴ Barach

¹⁰⁵ διαβάλλοντος δὲ καὶ τὰς βασάνους εἰς ψευδολογίαν , ὡς τῆς ἀνάγκης φύσιν ἐχούσης διδάσκειν τοὺς ὑποπεσόντας τὰ πολλὰ ἡδονῇ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων λέγειν , καὶ παρέχοντος αὑτὸν εἰς βάσανον ,
¹⁰⁵ Moreover he showed the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false, because the distress men are in under such tortures naturally obliges them to say many things in order to please those that govern them. He also offered himself to the torture.	¹⁰⁵ He denounced the lies people had told under torture, under the pain of which people are forced to say whatever will please those in power, and he even offered himself to be put under torture.
¹⁰⁵ Barach

¹⁰⁶ ἐπὶ τούτοις τροπῆς τοῦ συνεδρίου γενομένης , σφόδρα γὰρ ᾤκτειραν τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater δάκρυσίν τε καὶ αἰκίαις τοῦ προσώπου χρώμενον , ὥστε καὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς δι᾽ οἴκτου καταστῆναι φανερὸν δὲ ἤδη καὶ ἩρώδηνHerōd εἶναι καμπτόμενόν τι τῇ γνώμῃ καίπερ μὴ βουλόμενον ἔκδηλον εἶναι , ΝικόλαοςNicolaus ἀρξάμενος οἷς τε ὁ βασιλεὺς κατήρξατο λόγοις παλιλλογεῖ μειζόνως ἐκδεινῶν καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐκ βασάνων ἢ μαρτυριῶν συνῆγεν τὴν‎ ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ ἐγκλήματος .
¹⁰⁶ Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they greatly pitied Antipater, who by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable to his sad case made them commiserate the same, insomuch that his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself was affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all the evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies.	¹⁰⁶ At this a change was visible in the assembly who showed sympathy for Antipater due to his tears and agonized expression, so that even his enemies were moved to pity, and Herod's own attitude was clearly affected, though he did not want it to be obvious; still Nicolaus very sharply began as the king had done, with an even more damning resumé of all the evidence gathered from the tortures or from witnesses.
¹⁰⁶ Barach

¹⁰⁷ μάλιστα δὲ τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν ἐπιπολὺ ἐξηγεῖτο τοῦ βασιλέως , ᾗ περὶ τε τροφὰς καὶ παιδεύματα χρησάμενος τῶν υἱέων οὐδαμόθεν εὕροιτο ὀνησιφόρον αὐτὴν περιπταίων ἑτέροις ἀφ᾽ ἑτέρων .
¹⁰⁷ He principally and largely cried up the king’s virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to another.	¹⁰⁷ He dwelt on the goodness shown by the king in his sons' upkeep and education, from which he had never gained any return, but fell in one misfortune after another.
¹⁰⁷ Barach

¹⁰⁸ καίτοι γε οὐχ οὕτως θαυμάζειν τῶν προτέρων τὴν‎ ἀβουλίαν , νεωτέρους γὰρ καὶ κακίᾳ συμβούλων διεφθαρμένους ἀπαλεῖψαι τὰ τῆς φύσεως δικαιώματα ἀρχῆς θᾶσσον ἢ χρῆν μεταποιεῖσθαι σπουδάσαντας ,
¹⁰⁸ Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behavior of his former sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counselors, who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds the righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to the government sooner than they ought to do;	¹⁰⁸ He admitted that the earlier misbehaviour of his sons was not so surprising, for they were young and misled by bad advisers so as to forget the dictates of nature and seek to rule sooner than was proper.
¹⁰⁸ Barach

¹⁰⁹ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater δ᾽ ἂν δικαίως τὴν‎ μανίαν καταπλαγῆναι μὴ μόνον οἷς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εὐεργετηθείη τὸν λογισμὸν ὥσπερ τὰ ἰοβολώτατα τῶν ἑρπετῶν μὴ μαλαχθέντος , καίτοι γε κἀκείνοις τινὸς ἐγγινομένης μαλακίας τοῦ ἀδικεῖν τοὺς εὐεργέτας , ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τὰς τύχας τῶν ἀδελφῶν πρὸς τὸ οὐ μιμητὴν αὐτῶν καταστῆναι τῆς ὠμότητος ἐμποδὼν στάντος .
¹⁰⁹ yet that he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wickedness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benefits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet could not be more tamed than the most envenomed serpents; whereas even those creatures admit of some mitigation, and will not bite their benefactors, while Antipater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethren be any hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to imitate their barbarity notwithstanding.	¹⁰⁹ But he was astonished at the wickedness of Antipater, who, though his heart should have been softened by all the benefits given to him by his father, could no more be tamed than the most venomous of snakes, for even such creatures can be tamed by those who feed them, but Antipater learned no lesson from the fate of his brothers, but went on to imitate their cruelty.
¹⁰⁹ Barach

¹¹⁰ καίτοι γε , ὦ ἈντίπατρεAntipater , τῶν ἀδελφῶν μηνυτής τε ὧν τολμήσειαν αὐτὸς ἦς καὶ ἐρευνητὴς τῶν ἐλέγχων καὶ κολαστὴς πεφωραμένων . Καὶ οὐ τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἐγκαλοῦμεν θυμῷ χρῆσθαι μὴ ἐλλιπόντος , ἀλλὰ τοῦ μιμεῖσθαι τὴν‎ ἀσέλγειαν αὐτῶν σπουδάσαντος ἐκπεπλήγμεθα , εὑρίσκοντες κἀκεῖνά σοι οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀσφαλείᾳ τοῦ πατρός , ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πεπραγμένα , ὅπως μισοπονηρίᾳ τῇ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν φιλοπάτωρ εἶναι πεπιστευμένος ἀδεεστέραν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ κακουργεῖν παραλάβοις δύναμιν , ὃ δὴ καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις παρέστησας .
¹¹⁰ “Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thyself confessed,) the informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing thee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavors to imitate their profligate behavior; and we discover thereby that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the destruction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions indeed demonstrate.	¹¹⁰ "Yes, Antipater, as you have admitted, you denounced your brothers' crimes and searched for the evidence against them and when it was found, saw to their punishment. We do not accuse you for your zeal but we are astonished with you for imitating their lack of control, which shows that you were not acting on behalf of your father's safety but to destroy your brothers, hoping by such hatred of their impiety to seem to love your father, and thereby have the power to harm him with impunity. Your actions indeed show your intention.
¹¹⁰ Barach

¹¹¹ ἅμα γὰρ καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀνῄρεις ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἤλεγχες πονηροὺς γεγονότας καὶ τοὺς ὁμοπραγήσαντας αὐτοῖς οὐχ ὑπεδίδους , φανερὸν τοῖς πᾶσιν καθιστάς , ὡς καὶ συνθήκην πρὸς αὐτοὺς κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ποιησάμενος ἐπανείλω κατηγορεῖν ,
¹¹¹ It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because thou didst convict theft of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men that thou madest a covenant with them against thy father, when thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren,	¹¹¹ Yes, you disposed of your brothers after convicting them of plotting, but you did not hand over their accomplices, which makes it clear to all that even when you chose to make the accusation, you had already made a pact with them against your father.
¹¹¹ Barach

¹¹² βουλόμενος σοὶ τὴν‎ ἐπιβουλὴν τῆς πατροκτονίας κερδαίνεσθαι καταμόνας καὶ δυοῖν ἀγώνοιν εὐφροσύνην καρπούμενος τρόπου τοῦ σοῦ ἀξίαν , φανεροῦ μὲν τοῦ κατὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν , ᾧ καὶ ἠγάλλου ὡς ἐπὶ τοῖς μεγίστοις , καὶ ἦν ἄξιον οὕτως φρονεῖν ,
¹¹² as desirous to gain to thyself alone this advantage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, which thou has openly showed against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behavior unworthy of thee. But if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they:	¹¹² You wanted the patricide to benefit yourself alone and so to enjoy a double pleasure, truly worthy of you. In your ill-will toward your brothers, you triumphed in their downfall; and you would have been right, except that you are worse than they.
¹¹² Barach

¹¹³ εἰ δὲ μήγε σὺ χείρων ἦς , κρυπτοῦ δέ , ὃν κατὰ τοῦ πατρὸς συντιθεὶς ἐκείνους μὲν οὐχ ὡς τῷ πατρὶ ἐπιβεβουλευκότας μισῶν , οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐξώκειλας αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πρᾶξιν παραπλησίαν , ἀλλ᾽ ὡς διαδόχους τῆς ἡγεμονίας σου δικαιότερον ἂν γενομένους , τὸν δὲ πατέρα ἐπισφάζειν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ,
¹¹³ while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them, not as plotters against thy father, for in that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself.	¹¹³ While succeeding in hiding your own treachery to your father, your hatred of them was not for plotting against him, for then you would not have plotted such a crime yourself, but for their having more right than yourself to succeed to his throne.
¹¹³ Barach

¹¹⁴ ἵνα θᾶσσον ὡς ἐκείνων τε ἐπικαταψεύσαιο μὴ ἐλεγχθῇς καὶ ὧν αὐτὸς δίκας παρασχεῖν ἄξιος γένοιο ταύτην παρὰ τοῦ δυστυχοῦς εἰσπράξαιο πατρός , ἐπινοῶν πατροκτονίαν οὐ κοινήν , ἀλλ᾽ οἵαν μέχρι νῦν οὐχ ἱστόρησεν ὁ βίος .
¹¹⁴ Thou wouldst kill thy father after thy brethren, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected; and lest thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw.	¹¹⁴ After slaying your brothers you sought to slay your father, in case your lies against them be detected. To avoid your just punishment, you wanted to kill your unfortunate father and planned a rare patricide such as history has never seen.
¹¹⁴ Barach

¹¹⁵ οὐχ ΝαχώρηςNahor γὰρ μόνον πατρὶ ἐπεβούλευες , ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλοῦντι καὶ εὐεργετηκότι , κοινωνὸς τῆς βασιλείας ὢν τοῖς ἔργοις καὶ διάδοχος προφανθεὶς καὶ τὴν‎ μὲν ἡδονὴν τῆς ἐξουσίας ἤδη προλαμβάνειν μὴ ἐπικεκωλυμένος , ἐλπίδα δὲ τὴν‎ εἰσαῦθις γνώμῃ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ γράμμασιν προησφαλισμένος .
¹¹⁵ For thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, had made thee in reality his partner in the kingdom, and had openly declared thee his successor, while thou wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the firm hope of what was future by thy father’s determination, and the security of a written testament;	¹¹⁵ Despite being his son you schemed against your father who loved you and had done you good, and gave you a share in the kingship and publicly declared you his successor, and did not stop you from already tasting the pleasure of authority, for your father enshrined your hope for the future by the guarantee of his written testament.
¹¹⁵ Barach

¹¹⁶ ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἄρα τῇ ἩρώδουHerod ἀρετῇ τὰ πράγματα , γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ πονηρίᾳ ἔκρινες τῇ σεαυτοῦ , βουλόμενος τοῦ πάντων σοι ὑπακούσαντος πατρὸς καὶ τὸ μέρος ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ ὃν προσεποιοῦ τοῖς λόγοις σώζειν τοῖς ἔργοις τοῦτον ἀφανίσαι ζητῶν ,
¹¹⁶ but, for certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father’s various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and inclinations; and was desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve.	¹¹⁶ But it was not according to Herod's virtue but according to your own thoughts and malice that you judged things, and wanting to take away the rest from the father who indulged you in every way, sought in practice to destroy the man whom you verbally professed to save.
¹¹⁶ Barach

¹¹⁷ καὶ μὴ μόνον αὐτὸς πονηρὸς καθιστάμενος , ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν‎ μητέρα ὧν ἐπενόεις πιμπλὰς καὶ στασιοποιῶν τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ τολμῶν θηρίον ἀποκαλεῖν τὸν πατέρα , παντὸς ἑρπετοῦ χαλεπωτέραν τὴν‎ διάνοιαν κατεσκευασμένος , ᾗ τὸν ἐκείνων ἰὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς συγγενεστάτους καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τοσούτοις εὐεργέτας παρεκάλεις ἐπὶ συμμαχίαις φυλάκων καὶ τέχναις ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν φρασσόμενος κατὰ τοῦ γέροντος , ὥσπερ οὐκ ἀρκούσης τῆς διανοίας μῖσος τὸ ὑποικουροῦν παραστῆσαι .
¹¹⁷ Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst thy mother’s head with thy devices, and raised disturbances among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent, whence thou sentest out that poison among thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides, by the artifices of both men and women, against an old man, as though that mind of thine was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou baredst to him.	¹¹⁷ Not content with being a villain yourself, you filled your mother's head with your plots and created dissension among your brothers, even daring to call your father a beast. In fact it is your mind that is worse than any snake, spreading poison among your nearest relatives and benefactors, asking them to help and guard you and protecting yourself on all sides, by the ruses of both men and women, against an old man, as though your own mind were not sufficient to house all the hatred you bear him.
¹¹⁷ Barach

¹¹⁸ καὶ νῦν ἐλήλυθας μετὰ βασάνους ἐλευθέρων οἰκετῶν ἀνδράσι γυναιξὶν διὰ σὲ γεγονυίας μηνύσεις τῶν συνωμοτῶν ἀντιλογεῖν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ σπεύδων , καὶ μονονουχὶ τὸν πατέρα ἀναιρεῖν μεμελετηκὼς ἐκ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου , ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ νόμον τὸν κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένον καὶ τὴν‎ ἀρετὴν τὴν‎ ΟὐάρουVarus καὶ τοῦ δικαίου τὴν‎ φύσιν ,
¹¹⁸ And here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellowconspirators, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world, but to disannul that written law which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice;	¹¹⁸ After torturing free men and domestics, men and women, all interrogated for your sake, here you stand, briefed by your fellow conspirators, ready to contradict the truth and well-prepared not only to get rid of your father but also to annul the statute against you and the virtue of Varus and the very nature of justice.
¹¹⁸ Barach

¹¹⁹ οὕτως ἄρα τῇ ἀναιδείᾳ πέποιθας , ὥστε καὶ βασανίζεσθαι ἀξιοῖς , καὶ ψευδεῖς λέγων τὰς βασάνους τῶν προβεβασανισμένων , ἵν᾽ οἱ μὲν ῥυόμενοί σου τὸν πατέρα ἐκκρουσθῶσιν τοῦ ἠληθευκέναι , αἱ δὲ σαὶ βάσανοι δοκῶσι πισταί ;
¹¹⁹ nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries of his kindred?	¹¹⁹ With shameless confidence you ask to be put to torture yourself, as though those already tortured had lied, so that those who are saving your father from you may be rejected as untrue, but that you under torture will tell the truth.
¹¹⁹ Barach

¹²⁰ οὐ ῥύσῃ ΟὔαρεVarus τὸν βασιλέα τῆς ἐπηρείας τῶν συγγενῶν ; οὐδὲ πονηρὸν θηρίον , ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν εὔνοιαν προσποιούμενον τοῦ πατρός , ἔνθα δὲ μέλλοι καταμόνας ταχέως ἀποίσεσθαι τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πάντων αὐτῷ θανασιμώτατον ἀναφαινόμενον ; γνοὺς ὅτι πατροκτονία κοινόν ἐστιν ἀδίκημα καὶ τῆς φύσεως καὶ τοῦ βίου τὴν‎ πεφηνυῖαν ὡς οὐδὲν ἡσσόνως τοῦ βεβουλευμένου καὶ ὁ μὴ κολάζων ἀδικεῖ τὴν‎ φύσιν ."
¹²⁰ Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kindness to his father, in order to destroy his brethren; while yet he is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and appears to be the most bloody butcher to him of them all? for thou art sensible that parricide is a general injury both to nature and to common life, and that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its perpetration; and he who does not punish it is injurious to nature itself.”	¹²⁰ Will you not, Varus, defend the king from the plots of his relatives? Will you not destroy this evil beast, who pretended concern for his father only in order to destroy his brothers, but is himself preparing to seize the kingdom soon and seems the most deadly menace of them all to him? You know how both in nature and in life to intend to commit patricide is no less criminal than to carry it out, so that wanting to leave it unpunished does wrong to nature itself."
¹²⁰ Barach

¹²¹ Προσετίθει δὲ ἤδη τὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ὁπόσαhow great, how much πρός τινας ἦν κουφολογίᾳ γυναικείῳ εἰρημένα , μαντείας τε καὶ θυσίας ἐπὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ γεγονυίας καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much μετὰ τῶν ΦερώρουPheroras γυναικῶν ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater ἠσέλγητο μετὰ οἴνου καὶ λύμης ἐρωτικῆς , τῶν τε βασάνων ἀνακρίσεις καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much μαρτυριῶν ἐχόμενα · πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παντοῖα ἦν τὰ μὲν προητοιμασμένα , τὰ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ ὀξέως ἀπαγγέλλεσθαί τε καὶ βεβαιοῦσθαι ἐφευρημένα ·
¹²¹ Nicolaus added further what belonged to Antipater’s mother, and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman; as also about the predictions and the sacrifices relating to the king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Pheroras’s women; the examination upon torture; and whatsoever concerned the testimonies of the witnesses, which were many, and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden answers, which further declared and confirmed the foregoing evidence.	¹²¹ He continued with what Antipater's mother had said in her empty womanly way and the prophecies and sacrifices against the king, and about the drunken indecencies of Antipater and his affairs with Pheroras' women; the results of the torture, and the testimonies heard, which were many and varied, some of them well prepared others spontaneous, which clarified and confirmed what they had found out.
¹²¹ Barach

¹²² οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι κἂν εἴ τι κατὰ φόβον τοῦ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater , μὴ διαδρὰς ἀμύνοιτο αὐτούς , σιγῇ παρεδίδοσαν , ὁρῶντες αὐτὸν ἐπιβατὸν ταῖς κατηγορίαις τῶν ἀρξάντων γεγονότα καὶ τὴν‎ ποτὲ πολλὴν αὐτῷ συστήσαντες τύχην προφανῶς αὐτὸν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς παραδεδωκυῖαν , οἳ καὶ ἀπλήστως μίσους τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεφοροῦντο ·
¹²² For those men who were not acquainted with Antipater’s practices, but had concealed them out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations of the former witnesses, and that his great good fortune, which had supported him hitherto, had now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to him, told all they knew of him.	¹²² For the people who out of fear had concealed Antipater's actions, now, when they saw him accused by the earlier witnesses and that the good luck which up to then had supported him had now clearly handed him over to his enemies, gave full vent to their bitter hatred of him.
¹²² Barach

¹²³ κατέσπευδε δὲ τότε οὔτι τῇ ἔχθρᾳ τῶν ἐπικεχειρηκότων κατηγορεῖν , ὡς μεγέθει τόλμης ὧν ἐπενόησεν κακιῶν καὶ δυσμενείας τῆς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφούς , στάσεως καὶ ἀλληλοφθοριῶν ἀναπεπληκὼς τὸν οἶκον καὶ μήτε μίσει κατὰ δίκην μήτε φιλίᾳ δι᾽ εὔνοιαν χρώμενος , ἀλλ᾽ ὡς μελλήσοι αὐτῷ συμφέρειν ·
¹²³ And his ruin was now hastened, not so much by the enmity of those that were his accusers, as by his gross, and impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as served his own turn.	¹²³ His ruin was now brought on less by the enmity of his accusers than by his own gross audacity and the ill-will he had practiced to his father and brothers. For he had filled their house with disturbance and caused them to be mutually murderous and was neither fair in his hatred, nor kind in his friendship, but only did what served his own purpose.
¹²³ Barach

¹²⁴ ὧν ἁπάντων ἐκ πλέονος αὐτοῖς οἱ πολλοὶ προανεσκοπημένων , οἵπερ δὴ μάλιστα ἀρετῇ κρίνειν πεφύκασιν ἐπὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν διὰ τὸ καὶ ὀργῆς ἀπηλλαγμένως ἐπιψηφίζειν τοῖς γινομένοις , καταβοὰς ἐν τοῖς πρὶν εἱρχθέντες ποιεῖσθαι παραγενομένης ἀδείας ἐξέφερον εἰς μέσον ὁπόσαhow great, how much εἰδεῖεν .
¹²⁴ Now there were a great number who for a long time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were used to determine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained from making any open complaints before; these, upon the leave now given them, produced all that they knew before the public.	¹²⁴ There were many who for a long time already had seen all this and especially those who by nature tended to judge matters virtuously and without passion, but had up to now been restrained from speaking out, who now felt free to publicly tell all that they knew.
¹²⁴ Barach

¹²⁵ πολύτροποί τε κακιῶν ἀποδείξεις ἦσαν οὐδαμόθεν ψεύδους αἰτίαν ἐγκαλεῖσθαι δυνάμεναι διὰ τὸ μήτ᾽ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd λέγειν τοὺς πολλοὺς μήτε ὑποψίᾳ κινδύνων σιγῆς ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἔχοιεν εἰπεῖν ἐγκαλουμένης , ἀλλὰ τῷ πονηρά τε ἡγεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα , καὶ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater οὐκ ἀσφαλείᾳ τῇ ἩρώδουHerod , πονηρίᾳ δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ πάσης ἄξιον τιμωρίας .
¹²⁵ The demonstrations also of these wicked facts could no way be disproved, because the many witnesses there were did neither speak out of favor to Herod, nor were they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they were in; but they spake what they knew, because they thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed not so much for Herod’s safety, as on account of the man’s own wickedness.	¹²⁵ The multiple proofs of his wrongdoings were incontestable, since the many accusers were speaking neither to win Herod's favour, nor were they in any danger for revealing the facts; they spoke out because they thought such actions were very wrong and that Antipater deserved every punishment, not so much for Herod's safety as for his own wickedness.
¹²⁵ Barach

¹²⁶ πολλά τε ἦν καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν οἷς μὴ παρήγγελτο εἰπεῖν ἀγορευόμενα , ὥστε τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater καίπερ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον πάντα δεινότατον ὄντα ψεύσασθαι καὶ ἀπερυθριάσαι μηδὲ ὅσον ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐπ᾽ ἀντιλέξει τὴν‎ ἰσχὺν εἰσφέρεσθαι .
¹²⁶ Many things were also said, and those by a great number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them, insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary.	¹²⁶ Much was therefore said by many persons who were under no constraint, so that Antipater, who was generally so shrewd at impudently concocting lies, was powerless to say a word to the contrary.
¹²⁶ Barach

¹²⁷ ΝικολάουNicolaus τε παυσαμένου τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τῶν ἐλέγχων ΟὔαροςVarus ἐκέλευσεν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἐπ᾽ ἀπολογίᾳ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων χωρεῖν , εἴ τινες αὐτῷ παρασκευαὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐνόχῳ τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις εἶναι , καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς εὔχεσθαι τὸν πατέρα εἰδέναι τῶν ὁμοίων εὐχόμενον μηδὲν αὐτὸν ἀδικοῦντα φωρᾶν .
¹²⁷ When Nicolaus had left off speaking, and had produced the evidence, Varus bid Antipater to betake himself to the making his defense, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner desirous also, to have him found entirely innocent.	¹²⁷ When Nicolaus ended his speech and had produced the evidence, Varus ordered Antipater to set about his defence, if he had prepared anything to show that he was not guilty of the accusations, for he hoped, and knew that his father hoped too, that he could prove his complete innocence.
¹²⁷ Barach

¹²⁸ ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ στόμα ἔκειτο ἀνατετραμμένος τε τῷ θεῷ καὶ πᾶσι προτιθεὶς τὸ ἐπιμαρτυρῆσον αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν , ἢ τεκμηρίοις ἐμφανέσι παραστῆσαι μὴ οὐκ ἐπίβουλον αὐτὸν τοῦ πατρὸς γεγονέναι ,
¹²⁸ But Antipater fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men for testimonials of his innocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that he had not laid any plot against his father.	¹²⁸ The accused fell down on his face and appealed to God and everyone present to testify to his innocence, hoping that by some miracle God would show that he had not been involved in any plot against his father.
¹²⁸ Barach

¹²⁹ εἰωθότες μὲν καὶ πάντες οἷς ἐπιλείπει ἀρετῆς , ὁπότεwhen μὲν ἐγχειρηταί τινα κακῶν εἶεν τοῦ θείου τὸ πᾶσιν παρατυγχάνειν ἀφορίσαντες γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα χωρεῖν , ὁπότεwhen δὲ φωρώμενοι κινδυνεύοιεν δίκην ὑποσχεῖν , κατ᾽ ἐπίκλησιν αὐτοῦ‎ μαρτυρῶν τὰ πάντα ἐκτρέπειν .
¹²⁹ This being the usual method of all men destitute of virtue, that when they set about any wicked undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as if they believed that God was unconcerned in human affairs; but when once they are found out, and are in danger of undergoing the punishment due to their crimes, they endeavor to overthrow all the evidence against them by appealing to God;	¹²⁹ It is commonly the case with people of no virtue, that when they set about some wicked deed they do exactly as they feel inclined, as if they believe that God has no concern for human affairs, but once they are found out and are in danger of being punished for their crimes, they try to overturn the evidence against them by appealing to God.
¹²⁹ Barach

¹³⁰ ὃ δὴ καὶ τῷ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater συμβεβήκει · τὰ πάντα γὰρ ὡς ἐν ἐρημίᾳ τοῦ θείου διαπεπραγμένος , κατειργούσης αὐτὸν πανταχόθεν τῆς δίκης ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀλλαχόθεν δικαιωμάτων , οἷς ἀπολύσαιτο τὰ ἐγκεκλημένα , αὖθις ἐνεπαροίνει τῇ ἀρετῇ τοῦ θείου , μαρτυρίαν ἐπισκήπτων αὐτῷ περὶ ἰσχύι τῇ ἐκείνου περιτο ἕως εἰς μέσους παραγαγόντος ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ πράσσειν τολμᾶν οὐκ ἐνέλιπεν .
¹³⁰ which was the very thing which Antipater now did; for whereas he had done everything as if there were no God in the world, when he was on all sides distressed by justice, and when he had no other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the accusations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power that he had been preserved hitherto; and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting for his father’s preservation.	¹³⁰ This was the case now with Antipater, for whereas he had always acted as if there were no God in the world, now that justice hemmed him in on all sides and he could find no justification to disprove the accusations, he insulted the divine virtue by making claims which by God's help had already been rejected and continued to harp on about all he had done for his father's safety.
¹³⁰ Barach

¹³¹ Ὁ δὲ ΟὔαροςVarus ἐπειδὴ πολλάκις ἀνακρίνων τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater οὐδὲν εὑρίσκετο πλέον τῆς ἀνακλήσεως τοῦ θεοῦ , ὁρῶν ἀπέραντον ὂν τὸ γινόμενον ἐκέλευσε τὸ φάρμακον εἰς μέσους ἐνεγκεῖν , ἵν᾽ εἰδῇ τὴν‎ περιοῦσαν αὐτῷ δύναμιν .
¹³¹ So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself, found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bid them bring the potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in it;	¹³¹ After Varus had repeatedly questioned Antipater and found that he had nothing to say besides his appeal to God he saw that it could go on endlessly, he told them to bring the poison into the court, to see what strength it still had.
¹³¹ Barach

¹³² καὶ κομισθέντος τῶν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τις ἑαλωκότων πίνει κελεύσαντος ΟὐάρουVarus καὶ παραχρῆμα ἔθανεν . τότε δὲ ἐξαναστὰς ἀπῄει τοῦ συνεδρίου καὶ τῇ ἑξῆς ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch , ᾗπερ δὴ καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἦσαν αὐτῷ διατριβαὶ διὰ τὸ ΣύροιςSyrians τοῦτο βασίλειον εἶναι . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ παραχρῆμα μὲν ἔδησε τὸν υἱόν .
¹³² and when it was brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus’s command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the court, and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod laid his son in bonds.	¹³² When at Varus' command it was brought and a condemned man drank it, he died on the spot. Then he got up and left the court and went away the next day to Antioch, where his usual residence was, as that was the royal city of the Syrians; and Herod then put his son in chains.
¹³² Barach

¹³³ ἄδηλοι δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἦσαν αἱ ΟὐάρουVarus πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁμιλίαι καὶ τί εἰπὼν ἀπεληλύθει . εἰκάζετο δὲ τοῖς πολλοῖς γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου πράσσειν ὁπόσαhow great, how much περὶ τὸν ἈντίπατρονAntipater ἔπραξεν . δήσας δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς ῬώμηνRome ὡς ΚαίσαραCaesar ἐκπέμπει γράμματα περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ γλώσσης διδάξοντας τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar τὴν‎ κακίαν τοῦ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater καὶ ΚωπωνίουCoponius γνώμαις τὴν‎ ΚαίσαροςCaesar .
¹³³ But what were Varus’s discourses to Herod was not known to the generality, and upon what words it was that he went away; though it was also generally supposed that whatsoever Herod did afterward about his son was done with his approbation. But when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Caesar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Caesar of Antipater’s wickedness.	¹³³ But what Varus said to Herod was not revealed to the public, nor what he said as he left, though it was generally held that what Herod later did to Antipater was done with his approval, for he put him in chains and sent letters to Caesar in Rome about him, with messengers who would orally inform Caesar of Antipater's wickedness.
¹³³ Barach

¹³⁴ ἁλίσκεται δὲ ὑπὸ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας καὶ ἐπιστολὴepistle ὑπὸ ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus πρὸς ἈντίπατρονAntipater γεγραμμένη , ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt δὲ αὐτὸς διέτριβεν , καὶ λυθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως τάδε ἐδήλου · " ἔπεμψάto send, dispatch σοι τὴν‎ παρ᾽ ἀκμῆς ἐπιστολὴν μὴ φεισάμενος τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς · οἶσθα γὰρ , ὅτι αὖθις κινδυνεύω ὑπὸ δύο οἰκιῶν , εἰ γνωσθείην .
¹³⁴ Now at this very time there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain what follows: “I have sent thee Acme’s letter, and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest that I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered.	¹³⁴ Within some days a letter was seized which had been written to Antipater by Antiphilus from Egypt, where he was then staying, and when it was opened by the king, it read : "I have sent you Acme's letter at the risk of my own life, for you know that I am in danger from two families, if I am discovered. I wish you success in your affair."
¹³⁴ Barach

¹³⁵ σὺ δ᾽ εὐτυχοίης περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα . Καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐπιστολὴepistle τάδε ἐδήλου . ἐζήτει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὴν‎ ἑτέραν ἐπιστολήν , οὐ μὴν φανερά γε ἦν , καὶ τοῦ ἈντιφίλουAntiphilus δοῦλος ὃς τὴν‎ ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἔφερεν ἠρνεῖτο ἑτέραν παραλαβεῖν .
¹³⁵ I wish thee good success in thy affair.” These were the contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for it did not appear; and Antiphilus’s slave, who brought that letter which had been read, denied that he had received the other.	¹³⁵ That was what this letter said, but the king also inquired about the other letter which had not appeared, and Antiphilus' slave, who brought the letter which had been read, denied having received the other.
¹³⁵ Barach

¹³⁶ ἀπορίαςperplexity οὖν ἐχούσης τὸν βασιλέα τῶν φίλων τις τῶν τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod θεώμενος ὑπερραμμένον τοῦ δούλου τὸν ἐντὸς χιτῶνα , ἐνεδεδύκει γὰρ δύο , εἴκασεν ἐντὸς τῆς ἐπιπτυχῆς κρύπτεσθαι τὰ γράμματα · καὶ ἦν δὲ οὕτως .
¹³⁶ But while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod’s friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth, (for he had two coats on,) he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly proved to be true.	¹³⁶ But while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends noticed a seam on the slave's inner garment for it was two-layered, and guessed that the letter might be hidden within that layer, and so it proved to be.
¹³⁶ Barach

¹³⁷ λαμβάνουσιν οὖν τὴν‎ ἐπιστολὴν ἐγγεγραμμένα τε ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ τάδε · " Ἀκμὴ ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater . ἔγραψα τῷ πατρί σου οἵαν ἤθελες ἐπιστολὴν καὶ ἀντίγραφον ποιήσασα τῇ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐμὴν κυρίαν ὡς παρὰ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἔγραψα , ἣν ἀναγνοὺς οἶδ᾽ ὅτι τιμωρήσεται
¹³⁷ So they took out the letter, and its contents were these: “Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which, when thou readest, I know that Herod Will punish Salome, as plotting against him?’	¹³⁷ They took out the letter therefore, and its contents were as follows: "Acme to Antipater. I have written to your father the kind of letter that you asked me. I have also taken a copy and sent it as if it came from Salome to my mistress, and I know that when he reads it, he will punish Salome, as plotting against him."
¹³⁷ Barach

¹³⁸ ΣαλώμηνSalome ὡς ἐπίβουλον . ἦν δὲ ἡ παρὰ τῆς ΣαλώμηςSalome δοκοῦσα εἶναι πρὸς τὴν‎ δέσποιναν αὐτῆς ὑπ᾽ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τῷ ΣαλώμηςSalome ὅσα γοῦν ἡ διάνοια θέλοι ὑπηγορευμένη , λέξει δὲ συνέκειτο αὐτῆς .
¹³⁸ Now this pretended letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme.	¹³⁸ This pretended letter to Acme's mistress was composed in the name of Salome,with ideas suggested by Antipater, but written in the style of Salome.
¹³⁸ Barach

¹³⁹ τὰ δὲ γεγραμμένα ἦν τοιάδε · " Ἀκμὴ βασιλεῖ ἩρώδῃHerod . ἐγὼ ἔργον ποιουμένη μηδέν σε λανθάνειν τῶν κατὰ σοῦ γινομένων , εὑροῦσα ἐπιστολὴν ΣαλώμηςSalome πρὸς τὴν‎ ἐμὴν κυρίαν κατὰ σοῦ γεγραμμένην ἐπικινδύνως ἐμαυτῇ σοὶ δὲ ὠφελίμως ἐξεγραψάμην καὶ ἀπέστειλά σοι . ταύτην δὲ ἐκείνη ἔγραψεν γήμασθαι θέλουσα ΣυλλαίῳSyllaeus . κατάσχισον οὖν τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν , ἵνα μὴ κἀγὼ τῷ ζῆν κινδυνεύσω .
¹³⁹ The letter was this: ‘Acme to king Herod. I have done my endeavor that nothing that is done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I have written out a copy, and sent it to thee; with hazard to myself, but for thy advantage.’ The reason why she wrote it was this, that she had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I may not come into danger of my life.”	¹³⁹ The writing was this: "Acme to king Herod. I have done my best that nothing that is done against you be unknown to you. So, when I found a letter of Salome written against you to my mistress, I have made a copy and sent it to you, at risk to myself, but for your good. It is one that she wrote when she wanted to be married to Syllaeus. Tear up this letter so that my life may not be in danger."
¹³⁹ Barach

¹⁴⁰ πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν ἐγέγραπτο ἈντίπατρονAntipater διασαφούσης , ὅτι διακονουμένη κελεύσματι τῷ ἐκείνου αὐτή τε γράψειε πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd , ὡς ΣαλώμηςSalome ἐπιβούλως αὐτῷ πράσσειν >ἐπειγομένης τὰ πάντα , καὶ ἀντίγραφον τῆς ὡς πρὸς δέσποιναν τὴν‎ αὐτῆς πεμφθείσης ἐπιστολῆς ὑπὸ ΣαλώμηςSalome ἀποπέμψειεν αὐτῷ .
¹⁴⁰ Now Acme had written to Antipater himself, and informed him, that, in compliance with his command, she had both herself written to Herod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot entirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her lady.	¹⁴⁰ She had written to Antipater himself telling him how at his instructions she had written to Herod, to the effect that Salome was making all kinds of plots against him and she had also sent a copy of a letter, that purported to come from Salome to her mistress.
¹⁴⁰ Barach

¹⁴¹ ἦν δὲ ἡ ἀκμὴ ἸουδαίαJudea μὲν τὸ γένος , ἐδούλευε δὲ ἸουλίᾳJulia τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar γυναικὶ καὶ ἔπρασσε ταῦτα φιλίᾳ τῇ ἈντιπάτρουAntipater ὠνηθεῖσα ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μεγάλῃ δόσει χρημάτων συγκακουργεῖν κατά τε τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ κατὰ τῆς τηθίδος .
¹⁴¹ Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Caesar’s wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father and his aunt.	¹⁴¹ Now Acme was a Jewess by birth and a slave of Caesar's wife, Julia, and was acting out of friendship toward Antipater, who had bribed her with a large gift of money to help in his dangerous plans against his father and his aunt.
¹⁴¹ Barach

¹⁴² ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ ἐκπλαγεὶς μεγέθει τῆς ἈντιπάτρουAntipater κακίας ὥρμησεν μὲν καὶ παραχρῆμα αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν ὡς κύκηθρον μεγάλων γεγονότα πραγμάτων καὶ μὴ μόνον αὐτῷ ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ ἀδελφῇ ἐπιβεβουλευκότα καὶ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar διεφθαρκότα τὴν‎ οἰκίαν , ἐξώτρυνεν δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ ἡ ΣαλώμηSalome στερνοτυπουμένη καὶ κτείνειν αὐτὴν κελεύουσα , εἴ τινος ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε πίστεως αἰτίαν ἀξιόχρεων οἵα τε παρασχεῖν γένοιτο .
¹⁴² Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain immediately, as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only against himself, but against his sister also, and even corrupted Caesar’s own domestics. Salome also provoked him to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credible testimony that she had acted in that manner.	¹⁴² Astounded at the scale of Antipater's wickedness, Herod was about to order him to be killed immediately, as the instigator of major troubles, who had schemed not only against himself but also against his sister and had even corrupted some of Caesar's own staff. Salome incited him too, by beating her breast and saying he should kill her if he could show any credible proof that she had acted in this way.
¹⁴² Barach

¹⁴³ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ μεταπέμψας ἀνέκρινεν τὸν υἱὸν κελεύων εἴ τι ἀντειπεῖν ἔχοι λέγειν μηδὲν ὑπιδόμενον , ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀχανὴς ἦν , ἤρετο αὐτόν , ἐπειδὴ τὰ πάντα πανταχοῦ πεφώραται πονηρὸς ὤν , τοὺς γοῦν συγκακουργήσαντας αὐτῷ τὰ πράγματα μὴ μελλῆσαι κατειπεῖν .
¹⁴³ Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bid him contradict it if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villainy, that he would make no further delay, but discover his associates in these his wicked designs.	¹⁴³ Herod also sent for his son and asked him about this matter, ordering him to speak out openly and contradict it if he could. When he said nothing, being fully caught out in his villainy, he was made to reveal his associates in the affair.
¹⁴³ Barach

¹⁴⁴ ὁ δὲ Ἀντιφίλῳ τὴν‎ πάντων αἰτίαν ἀνετίθει , ἕτερον δ᾽ οὐδένα προυτίθει . ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ περιαλγῶν ὥρμησεν μὲν πέμπειν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome τὸν υἱὸν ὡς ΚαίσαραCaesar λόγον ὑφέξοντα τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖσδε βουλευμάτων ,
¹⁴⁴ So he laid all upon Antiphilus, but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Rome to Caesar, there to give an account of these his wicked contrivances.	¹⁴⁴ He blamed it all on Antiphilus, but did not denounce anyone else; and Herod was so aggrieved, that he was ready to send his son to Rome, there to account to Caesar about his scheming.
¹⁴⁴ Barach

¹⁴⁵ ἔπειτα δείσας , μὴ καὶ βοηθείᾳ φίλων εὑρίσκοιτο τοῦ κινδύνου διαφυγάς , αὐτὸν μὲν δέσμιον ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἐφύλασσεν , αὖθις δὲ πρέσβεις ἐξέπεμπε καὶ γράμματα ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τοῦ υἱέος ὁπόσαhow great, how much τε ἀκμὴ συγκακουργήσειεν αὐτῷ καὶ ἀντίγραφα τῶν ἐπιστολῶν .
¹⁴⁵ But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in; so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what assistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before mentioned.	¹⁴⁵ But then he feared that if he did so he might find a means of escape with the help of his friends, so he kept him under guard as before and sent more envoys and letters to accuse his son and tell of the help Acme had given him in his scheming, along with copies of the letters.
¹⁴⁵ Barach

Chapter 6
[146-181]
Herod falls ill and the crowd riot against his rule.
He takes savage reprisals.

☜ ☞

¹⁴⁶ Καὶ οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἠπείγοντο ὁπόσαhow great, how much τε ἀνακρινομένους δεήσοι λέγειν προσεκδιδαχθέντες καὶ τὰ γράμματα φέροντες · εἰς νόσον δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐμπεσὼν διαθήκας γράφει τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν υἱῶν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν διδοὺς μίσει τῷ τε πρὸς τὸν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus καὶ ΦίλιππονPhilip ἐκ τῶν ἈντιπάτρουAntipater διαβολῶν , ΚαίσαρίCaesar τε ταλάντων χιλίων καὶ γυναικὶ ἸουλίᾳJulia τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ τέκνοις καὶ φίλοις καὶ ἀπελευθέροις ΚαίσαροςCaesar πεντακοσίων .
¹⁴⁶ Now Herod’s ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the questions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Archelaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Antipater had raised against them. He also bequeathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and five hundred to Julia, Caesar’s wife, to Caesar’s children, and friends and freed-men.	¹⁴⁶ The envoys hurried to Rome, bringing the letters and were instructed in advance what they were to reply to any questions. But the king now fell ill and made his will, bequeathing his kingdom to his youngest son, in his hatred of Archelaus and Philip on account of Antipater's allegations. He also willed a thousand talents to Caesar and five hundred to Caesar's wife Julia, and Caesar's children and friends and freedmen.
¹⁴⁶ Barach

¹⁴⁷ ἔνεμε δὲ καὶ τοῖς υἱέσιν χρήματα καὶ προσόδους καὶ ἀγροὺς καὶ υἱέσι τοῖς ἐκείνων , ΣαλώμηνSalome δὲ ἐπὶ μέγα ἐπλούτιζεν τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν εὔνουν τε αὐτῷ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν διαμεμενηκυῖαν καὶ μηδαμόθι θρασυνομένην κακουργεῖν .
¹⁴⁷ He also distributed among his sons and their sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome his sister very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm;	¹⁴⁷ He distributed his money, revenues and lands among his sons and their sons, and made his sister Salome very rich, because she had continued faithful to him through it all and had never rashly intended him any harm.
¹⁴⁷ Barach

¹⁴⁸ ἀπεγνωκὼς δὲ περιοίσειν , καὶ γὰρ περὶ ἔτος ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἦν , ἐξηγρίωσεν ἀκράτῳ τῇ ὀργῇ καὶ πικρίᾳ εἰς πάντα χρώμενος · αἴτιον δὲ ἦν δόξα τοῦ καταφρονεῖσθαι καὶ ἡδονῇ τὰς τύχας αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ἔθνος φέρειν · ἄλλως τ᾽ ἐπειδή τινες τῶν δημοτικωτέρων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἐπανέστησαν αὐτῷ διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν .
¹⁴⁸ and as he despaired of recovering, for he was about the seventieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and indulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows.	¹⁴⁸ In his despair of recovering, for he was about seventy years old, he grew embittered and gave free rein to his fierce anger in all directions, because he felt himself scorned and that the nation was pleased by his misfortunes. Besides, some people with a popular following raised a revolt against him, as I shall now explain.
¹⁴⁸ Barach

¹⁴⁹ Ἦν ἸούδαςJudas ὁ Σαριφαίου καὶ ΜατθίαςMattathias, Matthias ὁ Μεργαλώθου ἸουδαίωνJews λογιώτατοι καὶ παρ᾽ οὕστινας ἐξηγηταὶ τῶν πατρίων νόμων , ἄνδρες καὶ δήμῳ προσφιλεῖς διὰ παιδείαν τοῦ νεωτέρου · ὁσημέραι γὰρ διημέρευον αὐτοῖς πάντες οἷς προσποίησις ἀρετῆς ἐπετετήδευτο .
¹⁴⁹ There was one Judas, the son of Saripheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus, two of the most eloquent men among the Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of the Jewish laws, and men wellbeloved by the people, because of their education of their youth; for all those that were studious of virtue frequented their lectures every day.	¹⁴⁹ Judas, son of Saripheus and Matthias, son of Margalothus, Jews of great learning and celebrated interpreters of the ancestral laws, were well beloved by the people as educators of the youth, for all those who were eager to learn about virtue attended their lectures each day.
¹⁴⁹ Barach

¹⁵⁰ οἵ τε πυνθανόμενοι τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν‎ νόσον θεραπεύειν ἄπορονwithout passage οὖσαν ἐξῆραν τὸ νεώτερον , ὥστε ὁπόσαhow great, how much παρὰ νόμον τοῦ πατρίου κατεσκεύαστο ἔργα ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ταῦτα καθελόντες εὐσεβείας ἀγωνίσματα παρὰ τῶν νόμων φέρεσθαι · καὶ γὰρ δὴ διὰ τὴν‎ τόλμαν αὐτῶν παρ᾽ ὃ διηγόρευεν ὁ νόμος τῆς ποιήσεως τά τε ἄλλα αὐτῷ συντυχεῖν , οἷς παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου διετρίβη , καὶ δὴ καὶ τὴν‎ νόσον .
¹⁵⁰ These men, when they found that the king’s distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had erected contrary to the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod’s rashness in making such things as the law had forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now afflicted, came upon him;	¹⁵⁰ When they discovered that the king's illness was incurable, they stirred up the young men to pull down all the structures the king had built contrary to the ancestral law and so win the rewards for piety promised in the law; since it was from Herod's rashness in making such things forbidden by the law that his other troubles came, more than was usual among mankind, and this illness of his too.
¹⁵⁰ Barach

¹⁵¹ ἦν γὰρ τῷ ἩρώδῃHerod τινὰ πραγματευθέντα παρὰ τὸν νόμον , ἃ δὴ ἐπεκάλουν οἱ περὶ τὸν ἸούδανJudas καὶ Ματθίαν . κατεσκευάκει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μεγάλου πυλῶνος τοῦ ναοῦ ἀνάθημα καὶ λίαν πολυτελές , ἀετὸν χρύσεον μέγαν · κωλύει δὲ ὁ νόμος εἰκόνων τε ἀναστάσεις ἐπινοεῖν καί τινων ζῴων ἀναθέσεις ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι τοῖς βιοῦν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν προῃρημένοις .
¹⁵¹ for Herod had caused such things to be made which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Judas and Matthias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the temple. Now the law forbids those that propose to live according to it, to erect images or representations of any living creature.	¹⁵¹ Herod was accused by the circle around Judas and Matthias of doing certain things contrary to the law, and indeed the king had at great expense built a large golden eagle over the main gate of the temple, while the law forbids those who claim to live under it from setting up or dedicating images or representations of any living creature.
¹⁵¹ Barach

¹⁵² ὥστε ἐκέλευον οἱ σοφισταὶ τὸν ἀετὸν κατασπᾶν · καὶ γὰρ εἴ τις γένοιτο κίνδυνος τῷ εἰς θάνατον ἀνακειμένῳ , πολὺ τῆς ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἡδονῆς λυσιτελεστέραν φαίνεσθαι τὴν‎ προστιθεμένην ἀρετὴν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ καὶ φυλακῇ τοῦ πατρίου μελλήσουσι τελευτᾶν διὰ τὸ ἀίδιον τοῦ ἐπαινεῖσθαι φήμην κατασκευασαμένους ἔν τε τοῖς νῦν ἐπαινεθήσεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἐσομένοις ἀειμνημόνευτον καταλείπειν τὸν βίον .
¹⁵² So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger, which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also acquire an everlasting fame and commendation; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example of life that would never be forgotten to posterity;	¹⁵² So these scholars demanded that the eagle be pulled down, and said that even though people might endanger their lives by doing this, the virtue of the proposed deed would be of more value than the pleasures of life; since they would be dying for the survival and defence of their ancestral law and so would leave this life with everlasting fame and renown.
¹⁵² Barach

¹⁵³ καίτοι γε καὶ τοῖς ἀκινδύνως διαιτωμένοις ἄφυκτον εἶναι τὴν‎ συμφοράν , ὥστε καλῶς ἔχειν τοῖς ἀρετῆς ὀριγνωμένοις τὸ κατεψηφισμένον αὐτοῦ‎ μετ᾽ ἐπαίνωνto praise, approve καὶ τιμῶν δεχομένοις ἀπιέναι τοῦ βίου .
¹⁵³ since that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers; that therefore it is a right thing for those who are in love with a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour by such behavior as may carry them out of the world with praise and honor;	¹⁵³ For one’s fate cannot be avoided just by living far from danger and it is noble for those who are devoted to virtue to face their departure from this life in a way worthy of praise and honour.
¹⁵³ Barach

¹⁵⁴ φέρειν γὰρ κούφισιν πολλὴν τὸ ἐπὶ καλοῖς ἔργοις ὧν μνηστῆρα τὸν κίνδυνον εἶναι τελευτᾶν , καὶ ἅμα υἱέσι τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ ὁπόσοιhow great, how much τοῦ συγγενοῦς καταλείποιντο ἄνδρες γυναῖκες καὶ τοῖσδε περιποιῆσαι ὄφελος εὐκλείᾳ τῇ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν .
¹⁵⁴ and that this will alleviate death to a great degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that reputation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward.	¹⁵⁴ Danger of death is easier to face in the process of risking noble deeds, whereby to leave behind to their children and relatives, men and women, a reputation that will benefit them greatly.
¹⁵⁴ Barach

¹⁵⁵ Καὶ οἱ μὲν τοιούτοις λόγοις ἐξῆραν τοὺς νέους . ἀφικνεῖται δὲ λόγος εἰς αὐτοὺς τεθνάναι φράζων τὸν βασιλέα καὶ συνέπραττε τοῖς σοφισταῖς . Καὶ μέσης ἡμέρας ἀνελθόντες κατέσπων τε καὶ πελέκεσιν ἐξέκοψαν τὸν ἀετὸν πολλῶν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διατριβόντων .
¹⁵⁵ And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men’s persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day, they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple.	¹⁵⁵ With talk like this, they roused the young men so that when, after what the scholars had said, word reached them that the king had died, they went up to the place around mid-day while many of the people were in the temple and pulled down the eagle and cut it into pieces with axes.
¹⁵⁵ Barach

¹⁵⁶ καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ βασιλέως , ἀγγέλλεται γὰρ ἡ ἐπιχείρησις πρὸς αὐτόν , ἀπὸ μείζονος διανοίας ἢ ἐπράσσετο ὑπολαβὼν ἄνεισι χεῖρα πολλὴν ἀγόμενος , ὁπόσοιhow great, how much ἀνθέξοιεν τῷ πλήθει τῶν πειρωμένων καθαιρεῖν τὸ ἀνάθημα , ἐπιπεσών τε μὴ προσδεχομένοις , ἀλλ᾽ ὁποῖα ὄχλος φιλεῖ δόξῃ μᾶλλον ἀμαθεῖ ἢ προνοίᾳ ἀσφαλεῖ τετολμηκότας , ἀσυντάκτοις τε καὶ μηδὲν τοῦ ὀνήσοντος προανεσκοπημένοις ,
¹⁵⁶ And now the king’s captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God; so he fell upon them unexpectedly, and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the multitude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage;	¹⁵⁶ Hearing about what they were doing and thinking it was something more than it proved to be, the king's army general went up with a large troop, enough to put a stop to those who were pulling down the dedicated object and attacked them off guard. For like a mob acting on impulse with no advance planning they were in disorder and had made no provision for their escape.
¹⁵⁶ Barach

¹⁵⁷ τῶν τε νέων οὐκ ἐλάσσους τεσσαράκοντα ἀνδρῶν , οἳ θάρσει ἔμενον ἐπιόντα ἐς φυγὴν τοῦ λοιποῦ πλήθους καταστάντος , λαμβάνει καὶ τοὺς εἰσηγητὰς τοῦ τολμήματος ἸούδανJudas καὶ Ματθίαν ἄδοξον ἡγουμένους ὑποχωρεῖν τὴν‎ ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ‎ , καὶ ἀνήγαγεν ἐπὶ τὸν βασιλέα .
¹⁵⁷ so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king.	¹⁵⁷ He caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who were brave enough to stay behind when the rest ran away, along with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Matthias, who thought it would be shameful to retreat at his arrival, and led them to the king.
¹⁵⁷ Barach

¹⁵⁸ ἐρομένου δὲ ἐπεὶ ἀφίκοντο ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῦ βασιλέως , εἰ τολμήσειαν αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ ἀνάθημα καθελεῖν , " ἀλλὰ καὶ πεφρόνηταί γε ἡμῖν τὰ φρονηθέντα καὶ πέπρακται τὰ πεπραγμένα μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἀνδράσι πρεπωδεστάτης · τοῦ τε γὰρ θείου τῇ ἀξιώσει βεβοήθηται ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ τοῦ νόμου ἠκρόατο τὸ σῶφρον ,
¹⁵⁸ And when they were come to the king, and he asked them if they had been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, “Yes, (said they,) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed we performed it, and that with such a virtuous courage as becomes men; for we have given our assistance to those things which were dedicated to the majesty of God,	¹⁵⁸ When they came to the king and he asked them how they dared to pull down what he had dedicated, they replied "Our thoughts and deeds stem from manly courage, for we were impelled to stand up for the majesty of God and act in a way worthy of men who hear the law.
¹⁵⁸ Barach

¹⁵⁹ θαυμαστόν τε οὐδέν , εἰ τῶν σῶν δογμάτων ἀξιωτέρους τετηρῆσθαι ἡγησάμεθα νόμους , οὓς ΜωσῆςMoses ὑπαγορεύσει καὶ διδαχῇ τοῦ θεοῦ γραψάμενος κατέλιπεν . ἡδονῇ τε τὸν θάνατον οἴσομεν καὶ τιμωρίαν ἥντινα ἐπιβάλοις διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπ᾽ ἀδίκοις ἔργοις , ἀλλὰ φιλίᾳ τοῦ εὐσεβοῦς
¹⁵⁹ and we have provided for what we have learned by hearing the law; and it ought not to be wondered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses had suggested to him, and were taught him by God, and which he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy commands. Accordingly we will undergo death, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict upon us, with pleasure, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for our love to religion.”	¹⁵⁹ It is not surprising if we value the laws written by Moses and handed on by him as taught by God more highly than your commands. So we will willingly face death and whatever punishments you inflict on us, since in our conscience we know that we shall die not for lawless actions but for our love for religion."
¹⁵⁹ Barach

¹⁶⁰ μέλλειν συνείσεσθαι τὸ ἐφομιλῆσον αὐτοῦ‎ . Καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα πάντες ἔλεγον οὐδὲν ἐλλιπεστέρᾳ τῇ τόλμῃ τοῦ λόγου χρώμενοι , ᾗ θαρσήσαντες τὸ ἔργον πράττειν οὐκ ἀπετράποντο . βασιλεὺς δὲ αὐτοὺς καταδήσας μετέπεμπεν εἰς ἹεριχοῦνταJericho ἸουδαίωνJews τοὺς ἐν τέλει ,
¹⁶⁰ And thus they all said, and their courage was still equal to their profession, and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called together the principal men among the Jews;	¹⁶⁰ So said they all and their courage was no less as they spoke than when they had set about the task itself. The king then had them chained and sent them to Jericho.
¹⁶⁰ Barach

¹⁶¹ καὶ παραγενομένων ἐξεκλησίασεν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ θέατρον ἐπὶ κλινιδίου κείμενος ἀδυναμίᾳ τοῦ στῆναι , γωνεῖστων τε ἐφόσον αἵτινες ἦσαν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς γεγονυῖαι ἀνηριθμεῖτο ,
¹⁶¹ and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theater, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labors that he had long endured on their account,	¹⁶¹ Then he called together the leading Jews and had them assemble in the theatre and because he was unable to stand, he lay upon a couch and listed all his valiant efforts on their behalf.
¹⁶¹ Barach

¹⁶² καὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τὴν‎ κατασκευὴν ὡς μεγάλοις τέλεσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ γένοιτο μὴ δυνηθέντων ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν εἰκοσιπέντε τῶν ἈσαμωναίουHasmoneus ἐν οἷς ἐβασίλευον τοιόνδε τι ἐπὶ τιμῇ πρᾶξαι τοῦ θεοῦ , κοσμῆσαι δὲ καὶ ἀναθήμασιν ἀξιολόγοις .
¹⁶² and his building of the temple, and what a vast charge that was to him; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honor of God as that was;	¹⁶² He spoke of his great expenses in the building of the temple, whereas during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government the Hasmoneans had been unable to perform so great a work as this for the honour of God.
¹⁶² Barach

¹⁶³ ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐλπίδα μὲν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι κἂν μεθὸ θάνοι καταλελείψεσθαι μνήμην τε αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ εὔκλειαν . κατεβόα τε ἤδη , διότι μηδὲ ζῶντα ὑβρίζειν ἀπόσχοιντο εἰς αὐτόν , ἀλλ᾽ ἡμέρας τε καὶ ἐν ὄψει τῆς πληθύος ὕβρει χρωμένους ἅψασθαι τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἀνακειμένων καὶ καθαίρεσιν ὑβρίζοντάς τε ποιεῖσθαι , λόγῳ μὲν εἰς αὐτόν , ἀλήθειαν δὲ εἴ τις ἐξετάζοι τοῦ γεγονότος ἱεροσυλοῦντας .
¹⁶³ that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations, on which account he hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and procured himself a reputation after his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting him, even in his lifetime, but that in the very day time, and in the sight of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to fall upon what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse had pulled it down to the ground. They pretended, indeed, that they did it to affront him; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will find that they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein.	¹⁶³ He had also adorned it with precious dedicated gifts, hoping to leave a memorial behind and to win himself a reputation after his death. Then he shouted that these had not refrained from insulting him even in his lifetime, but that in broad daylight and within sight of the crowd they had insolently attacked what he had dedicated and brazenly pulled it down. Ostensibly indeed, it was meant to insult him, but in truth if one ponders the event, it was a real sacrilege.
¹⁶³ Barach

¹⁶⁴ Οἱ δὲ διὰ τὴν‎ ὠμότητα αὐτοῦ‎ , μὴ δὴ καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐξαγριώσας εἰσπράττοιτο τιμωρίαν , οὔτε γνώμῃ ἔφασανto affirm, say αὐτὰ πεπρᾶχθαι τῇ αὐτῶν , φαίνεσθαί τε αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένα κολάσεως αὐτὰ εἶναι . ὁ δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις πραυτέρως ἔσχεν , Ματθίαν δὲ τὸν ἀρχιερέα παύσας ἱερᾶσθαι ὡς αἴτιον τοῦ μέρους τούτων γεγονότα καθίστα Ἰωάζαρον ἀρχιερέα , ἀδελφὸν γυναικὸς τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ .
¹⁶⁴ But the people, on account of Herod’s barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel and to inflict punishment on them, said what was done was done without their approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly] but he deprived Matthias of the high priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias’s wife’s brother, high priest in his stead.	¹⁶⁴ In light of his brutality and for fear he would punish them cruelly, the people said it had been done without their approval and that they thought the doers should be punished for it. But in fact he was mild enough toward others and simply deposed Matthias from the high priesthood for his part in causing it, and made Joazar, the latter's brother-in-law, high priest in his place.
¹⁶⁴ Barach

¹⁶⁵ ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Μαθθίου τούτου ἱερωμένου συμβαίνει καὶ ἕτερον ἀρχιερέα καταστῆναι πρὸς μίαν ἡμέραν , ἣν ἸουδαῖοιJews νηστείαν ἄγουσιν .
¹⁶⁵ Now it happened, that during the time of the high priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high priest for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as a fast.	¹⁶⁵ During the high priesthood of this Matthias, another person happened to be high priest for a single day, the very day which the Jews observe as a fast. The reason was this :
¹⁶⁵ Barach

¹⁶⁶ αἰτία δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἥδε · ὁ ΜατθίαςMattathias, Matthias ἱερώμενος ἐν νυκτὶ τῇ φερούσῃ εἰς ἡμέραν , ᾗ ἡ νηστεία ἐνίστατοto put in, place in , ἔδοξεν ἐν ὀνείρατι ὡμιληκέναι [γυναικί ] , καὶ διὰ τόδε οὐ δυναμένου ἱερουργεῖν ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ὁ τοῦ Ἐλλήμου συνιεράσατο αὐτῷ συγγενὴς ὤν .
¹⁶⁶ The occasion was this: This Matthias the high priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream, to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellemus, his kinsman, assisted him in that sacred office.	¹⁶⁶ On the night before the day of the fast, the high priest Matthias imagined in a dream that he had intercourse with a woman, and so could not officiate in person, but his kinsman Joseph, the son of Ellemus, took his place as priest.
¹⁶⁶ Barach

¹⁶⁷ ἩρώδηςHerod δὲ τόν τε Ματθίαν ἐπεπαύκει τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης καὶ τὸν ἕτερον Ματθίαν , ὃς ἐγηγέρκει τὴν‎ στάσιν , καὶ ἄνδρας ἐκ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ‎ ἔκαυσεν ζώους . Καὶ ἡ σελήνη δὲ τῇ αὐτῇ νυκτὶ ἐξέλιπεν .
¹⁶⁷ But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition, with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an eclipse of the moon.	¹⁶⁷ But Herod deposed this Matthias from the high priesthood and burned alive the other Matthias, who had raised the revolt, along with his companions; and the moon was eclipsed that very night.
¹⁶⁷ Barach

¹⁶⁸ ἩρώδῃHerod δὲ μειζόνως ἡ νόσος ἐνεπικραίνετο δίκην ὧν παρανομήσειεν ἐκπρασσομένου τοῦ θεοῦ · πῦρ μὲν γὰρ μαλακὸν ἦν οὐχ ὧδε πολλὴν ἀποσημαῖνον τοῖς ἐπαφωμένοις τὴν‎ φλόγωσιν ὁπόσην τοῖς ἐντὸς προσετίθει τὴν‎ κάκωσιν .
¹⁶⁸ But now Herod’s distemper greatly increased upon him after a severe manner, and this by God’s judgment upon him for his sins; for a fire glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch outwardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly;	¹⁶⁸ Now Herod's illness became much worse, as God's judgment upon him for his sins, for his mild fever gave hardly any external symptoms but burned him inwardly, like a flame.
¹⁶⁸ Barach

¹⁶⁹ ἐπιθυμία δὲ δεινὴ τοῦ δέξασθαί τι ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ , οὐ γὰρ ἦν μὴ οὐχ ὑπουργεῖν , καὶ ἕλκωσις τῶν τε ἐντέρων καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ κόλου δειναὶ ἀλγηδόνες , καὶ φλέγμα ὑγρὸν περὶ τοὺς πόδας καὶ διαυγές · παραπλησία δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἦτρον κάκωσις ἦν , ναὶ μὴν καὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου σῆψις σκώληκας ἐμποιοῦσα , πνεύματός τε ὀρθία ἔντασις καὶ αὐτὴ λίαν ἀηδὴς ἀχθηδόνι τε τῆς ἀποφορᾶς καὶ τῷ πυκνῷ τοῦ ἄσθματος , ἐσπασμένος τε περὶ πᾶν ἦν μέρος ἰσχὺν οὐχ ὑπομενητὴν προστιθέμενος .
¹⁶⁹ for it brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails were also ex-ulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, further, his privy-member was putrefied, and produced worms; and when he sat upright, he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loathsome, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which increased his strength to an insufferable degree.	¹⁶⁹ He had a terrible urge to scratch, which he could not resist, with a cramp in his intenstines with the worst of the pain in his colon. A transparent fluid had also settled around his feet and something similar afflicted his abdomen, and his penis was gangrenous with worms coming from it. Whenever he sat upright his breathing was laboured, and his breath was foul, rapid and gasping, and all parts of his body suffered from convulsions, which grew to an insufferable degree.
¹⁶⁹ Barach

¹⁷⁰ ἐλέγετο οὖν ὑπὸ τῶν θειαζόντων καὶ οἷς ταῦτα προαποφθέγγεσθαι σοφίᾳ πρόκειται , ποινὴν τοῦ πολλοῦ δυσσεβοῦς ταύτην ὁ θεὸς εἰσπράσσεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως .
¹⁷⁰ It was said by those who pretended to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to foretell such things, that God inflicted this punishment on the king on account of his great impiety;	¹⁷⁰ It was said by those who claimed divine insight and were endowed with the wisdom to declare such things, that God had imposed this penalty on the king for his great impiety.
¹⁷⁰ Barach

¹⁷¹ καίπερ δὲ μειζόνως ἢ ἀντίσχοι ἄν τις ταλαιπωρούμενος ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἀνασφαλοῦντος ἦν , ἰατρούς τε μεταπέμπων καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἀρωγὰ ὑπαγορεύσειαν χρῆσθαι μὴ ἀποτετραμμένος , ποταμόν τε περάσας ἸορδάνηνJordan θερμοῖς τοῖς κατὰ ΚαλλιρρόηνCallirrhoe αὑτὸν παρεδίδου , ἅπερ σὺν τῇ ἐς πάντα ἀρετῇ καὶ πότιμά ἐστιν · ἔξεισιν δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ τοῦτο εἰς λίμνην τὴν‎ ἀσφαλτοφόρον λεγομένην .
¹⁷¹ yet was he still in hopes of recovering, though his afflictions seemed greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physicians, and did not refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance, and went beyond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in the warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltitis.	¹⁷¹ And yet, though his sufferings seemed quite unbearable he still held some hopes of recovery. He sent for physicians and did not neglect whatever they prescribed to help him, and went across the Jordan to bathe in the thermal baths at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; this water flows into the lake called Asphaltitis.
¹⁷¹ Barach

¹⁷² κἀνταῦθα τοῖς ἰατροῖς δοκῆσαν ὥστε ἀναθάλπειν αὐτόν , καθεθεὶς εἰς πύελον πλέων ἐλαίου δόξαν μεταστάσεως ἐνεποίησεν αὐτοῖς . τῶν δὲ οἰκετῶν οἰμωγῇ χρωμένων περιενεγκὼν καὶ μηδ᾽ ἥντινα ἀμφὶ τοῦ σωθησομένου ἐλπίδα ἔχων τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀνὰ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ κελεύει νεμηθῆναι ·
¹⁷² And when the physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was just dying; but upon the lamentable cries of his domestics, he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae;	¹⁷² When the physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was thought that he was about to die, but when his household began the mourning wail he revived, and having no longer any hope of a recovery, he commanded that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae.
¹⁷² Barach

¹⁷³ πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν αὐτῶν καὶ φίλοις τοῖς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐδωρεῖτο . Καὶ παρῆν αὖθις ἐπὶ ἹεριχοῦντοςJericho μέλαινά τε αὐτὸν ᾕρει χολὴ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐξαγριαίνουσα , ὥστε δὴ τελευτῶν πρᾶξιν τοιάνδε ἐπινοεῖ ·
¹⁷³ and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so choleric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs.	¹⁷³ He also gave a large amount to their officers and his friends and then returned to Jericho, where he grew so ill-tempered that it caused him to act like a madman, and being now so near to his death, he laid the following plan.
¹⁷³ Barach

¹⁷⁴ ἀφικομένων προστάγματι τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ ἸουδαίωνJews ἀνδρῶν παντὸς τοῦ ἔθνους ὁποίποτε ἀξιολόγων · πολλοὶ δὲ ἐγένοντο ὡς τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους κατακεκλημένου καὶ πάντων ἀκροασαμένων τοῦ διατάγματος , εἰς γὰρ θάνατον ἦν ἀνακείμενα τοῖς ἀλογήσασι τῶν ἐπιστολῶν ἐμμαινομένου πᾶσιν τοῦ βασιλέως ὁμοίως τοῖς τε ἀναιτίοις καὶ παρεσχηκόσιν αἰτίαν ·
¹⁷⁴ He commanded that all the principal men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accordingly, they were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded ground for accusations;	¹⁷⁴ All the leaders of the entire Jewish nation, wherever they lived, were ordered to come to him. Many did come, because the whole nation had been called and all had heard the summons and the death penalty was threatened for any who despised the letters of convocation, for the king was in a wild rage with them all, the innocent as well as those who had given him grounds for suspicion.
¹⁷⁴ Barach

¹⁷⁵ συγκλείσας αὐτοὺς πάντας ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ τήν τε ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ‎ ΣαλώμηνSalome καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς ἈλεξᾶνAlex μεταπέμψας τεθνήξεσθαι μὲν οὐ πόρρω ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ τοσόνδε τῶν ἀλγηδόνων αὐτὸν περιεπουσῶν · καὶ τόδε μὲν οἰστόν τε καὶ πᾶσι φίλον παρατυγχάνειν , τὸ δὲ ὀλοφυρμῶν τε ἄπορονwithout passage καὶ πένθους ἐνδεᾶ ὁποῖονof what sort ἐπὶ βασιλεῖ πράσσοιτο ἂν μάλιστα αὐτῷ λυπηρὸν εἶναι ·
¹⁷⁵ and when they were come, he ordered them to be all shut up in the hyppodrome, and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: “I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king’s death.”	¹⁷⁵ He had them all shut up within the hippodrome, and sent for his sister Salome and her husband Alexas and told them : "My pain is so great that I shall die soon, and it is a fate to be cheerfully borne and accepted by all. But what mainly troubles me is that I shall die unlamented and without the kind of mourning that should accompany the death of a king.
¹⁷⁵ Barach

¹⁷⁶ οὐ γὰρ ἀποσκοποῦν τὴν‎ ἸουδαίωνJews διάνοιαν , ὡς εὐκτὸς αὐτοῖς καὶ πάνυ κεχαρισμένος ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ‎ διὰ τὸ καὶ ζῶντος ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει ἐπείγεσθαι καὶ ὕβρει τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προτιθεμένων ·
¹⁷⁶ For that he was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God	¹⁷⁶ He was not unaware of the temper of the Jews, that his death was something to which they looked forward with pleasure, because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him and to pour scorn on his projects.
¹⁷⁶ Barach

¹⁷⁷ ἔργον δ᾽ ἄρα ἐκείνων εἶναι κούφισίν τινα αὐτῷ ψηφίσασθαι τοῦ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἀλγεινοῦ · τὰ αὐτὰ γὰρ δὴ φρονῆσαι δόξῃ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ μὴ ἀπειπαμένων μέγαν τε αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν ἐπιτάφιον γενέσθαι καὶ ὁποῖος οὐδ᾽ ἄλλοις βασιλέων καὶ πένθος διὰ τοῦ ἔθνους ἅπαντος ἐκ ψυχῆς ὀλοφυραμένων ἐπὶ παιδιᾷ καὶ γέλωτι αὐτοῦ‎ .
¹⁷⁷ that it therefore was their business to resolve to afford him some alleviation of his great sorrows on this occasion; for that if they do not refuse him their consent in what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never had any king before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only.	¹⁷⁷ It would be their task to provide him with relief from this great worry, for if they do not refuse what he asked, there would be great mourning at his funeral, such as no king before him ever had, for the whole nation would be mourning from their very soul, which otherwise they would do only in sport and mockery.
¹⁷⁷ Barach

¹⁷⁸ ἐπὰν οὖν θεάσωνται τὴν‎ ψυχὴν ἀφέντα αὐτόν , περιστήσαντας τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἀγνοοῦν ἔτι τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ‎ , μὴ γὰρ πρότερον εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐξενεγκεῖν ἢ τάδε πρᾶξαι κελεύειν , ἀκοντίζεται τοὺς ἐγκαθειργμένους , καὶ πάντας τοῦτον ἀνελόντας τὸν τρόπον διχόθεν αὐτὸν οὐχ ἁμαρτήσαντας τοῦ εὐφρανοῦντος , κυρώσει τε ὧν ἐπιστείλειεν αὐτοῖς μέλλων τελευτᾶν καὶ τῷ πένθει ἀξιολόγῳ τετιμῆσθαι .
¹⁷⁸ He desired therefore, that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and that he shall have the honor of a memorable mourning at his funeral.	¹⁷⁸ As soon as they saw him dead they should station around the hippodrome soldiers who were not aware of his death, and not announce his death to the people until this is done. Then they should order them to spear all the prisoners, for this general slaughter would give him joy for two reasons: that they carried out his final wishes and that he would be honoured by a worthy mourning at his funeral.
¹⁷⁸ Barach

¹⁷⁹ καὶ ὁ μὲν μετὰ δακρύων ποτνιώμενος καὶ τοῦ συγγενοῦς τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν τοῦ θείου προσκαλῶν ἐπέσκηπτε μὴ ἠτιμῶσθαι ἀξιῶν , κἀκεῖνοι ὡμολόγουν οὐ παραβήσεσθαι .
¹⁷⁹ So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder him of this honorable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands.	¹⁷⁹ With tears in his eyes he implored them to do this as a favour that they owed him as his relatives and by their loyalty to God, not to leave him unmourned; and they promised not to disobey him.
¹⁷⁹ Barach

¹⁸⁰ Κατανοήσειεν δ᾽ ἄν τις τὴν‎ διάνοιαν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ ὅτῳ τὰ πρότερα ἤρεσκεν ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ φιλοζωεῖν πράξειε τὰ εἰς τοὺς συγγενεῖς πεπραγμένα , ἐκ γοῦν τῶν ἄρτι ἐπιστολῶν οὐδὲν ἀνθρώπειονhuman εἰσφερομένην ,
¹⁸⁰ Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man’s mind, which not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his relations, out of the love of life, but by those commands of his which savored of no humanity;	¹⁸⁰ One can easily see the character of this man who not only was pleased to do as he formerly did to his relatives, in his attachment to his own life, but also by those final, inhuman letters of his.
¹⁸⁰ Barach

¹⁸¹ εἴγε καὶ ἀπιὼν τοῦ βίου πρόνοιαν εἶχεν , ὡς ἐν πένθει καὶ ἐρημίᾳ τῶν φιλτάτων τὸ πᾶν καταστήσειεν ἔθνος , ἕνα ἀπὸ ἑκάστου οἴκου κελεύων μεταχειρίσαι μηδὲν ἄδικον μήτε εἰς αὐτὸν δεδρακότας μήτε ἐφ᾽ ἑτέροις ἐγκλήμασιν κατηγορίας αὐτῶν γενομένης , εἰωθότων οἷς προσποίησις ἀρετῆς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς δίκῃ ἐχθροὺς γεγονότας ἐν τοιοῖσδε καιροῖς τὰ μίση κατατίθεσθαι .
¹⁸¹ since he took care, when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation should be put into mourning, and indeed made desolate of their dearest kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or that was against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue to lay aside their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies.	¹⁸¹ At the point of leaving this life, he wanted the whole nation put into grief and desolation for their dear ones, by the order to kill one from every family, though they had done him no wrong and were guiltless of other crimes; while it is the custom for people with any regard to virtue to set aside their hatred at such a time, even toward those they justly saw as their enemies.
¹⁸¹ Barach

Chapter 7
[182-187]
Herod thinks of suicide, but instead has Antipater killed.

☜ ☞

¹⁸² Ταῦτα δὲ ἐπιστέλλοντος αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς τοὺς συγγενεῖς γράμματα παρῆν ὑπὸ τῶν εἰς ῬώμηνRome πρέσβεων ἀπεσταλμένων πρὸς ΚαίσαραCaesar . Καὶ ἀναγνωσθέντων τὸ κεφάλαιον ἦν , ὡς τῆς τε ἀκμῆς ὀργῇ τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀνῃρημένης ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater συγκακουργήσειεν , αὐτόν τε ἈντίπατρονAntipater ὡς ἐπὶ γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου ποιοῖτο ὡς πατρὸς καὶ βασιλέως , εἴτε φυγάδα ἐλαύνειν ἐθελήσειεν , εἴτε καὶ κτιννύειν .
¹⁸² As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambassadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which, when they were read, their purport was this: That Acme was slain by Caesar, out of his indignation at what hand, she had in Antipater’s wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Caesar left it to Herod to act as became a father and a king, and either to banish him, or to take away his life, which he pleased.	¹⁸² As he was giving these instructions to his relatives, letters arrived through the envoys he had sent to Caesar in Rome. When these were read, their purport was that Caesar had executed Acme in his anger at her share in Antipater's evildoing, but left it to himself to act toward Antipater as a father and a king and either to banish or execute him, whichever he pleased.
¹⁸² Barach

¹⁸³ τούτων ἀκροώμενος ἩρώδηςHerod βραχὺ μὲν ἀνήνεγκεν ἡδονῇ τῶν γεγραμμένων θανάτῳ τε τῆς ἀκμῆς ἐπαιρόμενος καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ παιδὶ τιμωρίας , περιουσῶν δὲ εἰς μέγα τῶν ἀλγηδόνων παρίετο τεταλαιπωρημένος σιτίων · καὶ ᾔτησε ΜῆλονMelos καὶ μαχαίριον · ἦν γὰρ ἐν ἔθει καὶ πρότερον αὐτῷ περιλέψαντι αὐτὸ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον τεμόντι ἐσθίειν .
¹⁸³ When Herod heard this, he was somewhat better, out of the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was elevated at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given him over his son; but as his pains were become very great, he was now ready to faint for want of somewhat to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife; for it was his custom formerly to pare the apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it, and eat it.	¹⁸³ When Herod heard this he felt somewhat better, pleased with the contents of the letters and delighted at the death of Acme and the power conceded to him to deal with his son. But as his pain became worse he was unable to eat anything. Once he called for an apple and a knife, for he had been accustomed to peel the apple himself and then cut and eat it.
¹⁸³ Barach

¹⁸⁴ λαβὼν δὲ καὶ περισκεψάμενος γνώμην εἶχεν παίσων ἑαυτόν , κἂν ἐπεπράχει μὴ φθάσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ καταλαβεῖν τὴν‎ δεξιὰν ἈχιάβουAchiabus · ἀνεψιὸς ἦν αὐτοῦ‎ . Καὶ μέγα ἀνακραγόντος οἰμωγή τε αὖθις ἀνὰ τὸ βασίλειον ἦν καὶ θόρυβος μέγας ὡς οἰχομένου τοῦ βασιλέως .
¹⁸⁴ When he had got the knife, he looked about, and had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held his hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon a woeful lamentation echoed through the palace, and a great tumult was made, as if the king were dead.	¹⁸⁴ When he took up the knife, he looked around and seemed about to stab himself, and would have done so if his first cousin, Achiabus, had not stopped him and held his hand and shouted aloud. A bitter lament echoed through the palace and there was a great hubbub, as if the king were dead.
¹⁸⁴ Barach

¹⁸⁵ καὶ ὁ ἈντίπατροςAntipater , πιστεύει γὰρ τέλος ἀληθῶς τὸν πατέρα ἔχειν , θάρσει τε ἐχρῆτο ἐπὶ τοῖς λόγοις ὅλος ὡς ἤδη τῶν δεσμῶν ἀφησόμενος καὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἀκονιτὶ δεξόμενος εἰς χεῖρας , καὶ τῷ εἱρκτοφύλακι περὶ ἀφέσεως ἦν αὐτοῦ‎ διάλογος μεγάλα ὑπισχνουμένουto promise to do εἰς τὸ παρὸν καὶ ταὖθις , ὡς ἂν περὶ τοιῶνδε τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐνεστηκότος .
¹⁸⁵ Upon which Antipater, who verily believed his father was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be immediately and entirely released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands without any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailer about letting him go, and in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter, as if that were the only thing now in question.	¹⁸⁵ At this Antipater, believing his father had finally died, spoke out boldly, hoping to be released from his chains immediately and take over the kingdom without any resistance. He spoke with the jailer about releasing him and promised him great things in return, both now and later, as if that were now the only thing relevant.
¹⁸⁵ Barach

¹⁸⁶ ὁ δὲ οὐ μόνον ἀπειθὴς ἦν πράσσειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠξίου ἈντίπατροςAntipater , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀποσημαίνει διάνοιαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνου πολλῇ καὶ προσεισφορᾷ παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ χρώμενος .
¹⁸⁶ But the jailer did not only refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king of his intentions, and how many solicitations he had had from him [of that nature].	¹⁸⁶ But the jailer not only refused to follow Antipater's wishes but also told the king of his intentions and about the many favours he had asked of him.
¹⁸⁶ Barach

¹⁸⁷ ὁ δὲ ἩρώδηςHerod καὶ πρότερον οὐχ ἡσσώμενος οὐδ᾽ εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ υἱέος ἐπεὶ ἤκουσε τοῦ εἱρκτοφύλακος ταῦτα εἰρηκότος , ἀνεβόησέν τε ἀνατυψάμενος τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν καίπερ ἐν τῷ ὑστάτῳ ὢν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγκῶνα περιάρας ἑαυτὸν κελεύει πέμψας τινὰ τῶν δορυφόρων μηδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος κτείνασιν αὐτὸν ἐν ὙρκανίαιHyrcanium ταφὰς ἀσήμους ποιεῖσθαι .
¹⁸⁷ Hereupon Herod, who had formerly no affection nor good-will towards his son to restrain him, when he heard what the jailer said, he cried out, and beat his head, although he was at death’s door, and raised himself upon his elbow, and sent for some of his guards, and commanded them to kill Antipater without tiny further delay, and to do it presently, and to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.	¹⁸⁷ When he heard the jailer's words, Herod, by now restrained by none of his former goodwill toward his son, shouted and struck his head, although he was at death's door. He raised himself on one elbow and sent for some of his guards and told them to kill Antipater without further delay and to bury him at Hyrcania without any honours.
¹⁸⁷ Barach

Chapter 8
[188-205]
Herod changes his Testament in favour of his three sons.
His death and burial

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¹⁸⁸ Τὰς δὲ διαθήκας αὖθις μετέγραφεν μεταβολῆς αὐτῷ περὶ τὴν‎ διάνοιαν γενομένης , ἈντίπανAntipas μέν , ᾧ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν καταλελοίπει , τετράρχην καθιστὰς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee τε καὶ ΠεραίαςPerea , ἈρχελάῳArchelaus δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν χαριζόμενος ,
¹⁸⁸ And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind; for he appointed Antipas, to whom he had before left the kingdom, to be tetrarch of Galilee and Perea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaus.	¹⁸⁸ After changing his mind, Herod changed his will again and appointed Antipas, to whom he had earlier left the kingdom, as tetrarch of Galilee and Perea and granted the kingship to Archelaus.
¹⁸⁸ Barach

¹⁸⁹ τὴν‎ δὲ ΓαυλωνῖτινGaulonitis καὶ ΤραχωνῖτινTrachonitis καὶ ΒαταναίανBatanea καὶ ΠανιάδαPaneas ΦιλίππῳPhilip παιδὶ μὲν τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus δὲ ἀδελφῷ γνησίῳ τετραρχίαν εἶναι , ἸάμνειανJamneia δὲ καὶ ἌζωτονAzotus καὶ ΦασαηλίδαPhasaelis ΣαλώμῃSalome τῇ ἀδελφῇ κατανέμει καὶ ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου μυριάδας πεντήκοντα .
¹⁸⁹ He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas to Philip, who was his son, but own brother to Archelaus by the name of a tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jarnnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver that was coined.	¹⁸⁹ He also gave Gaulonitis and Trachonitis and Paneas to his son Philip, who was a full brother to Archelaus, under the title of a tetrarchy, and bequeathed Jamneia and Azotus and Phasaelis to his sister Salome, along with five hundred thousand silver coins.
¹⁸⁹ Barach

¹⁹⁰ προυνόησε δὲ καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν , ὁπόσοιhow great, how much συγγενεῖς ἦσαν αὐτῷ , χρημάτων τε δόσεσι καὶ προσόδων ἀναφοραῖς ἑκάστους ἐν εὐπορίᾳ καθιστάμενος . ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ ἀργυρίου μὲν ἐπισήμου μυριάδας χιλίας , χωρὶς δὲ σκεύη τὰ μὲν χρυσοῦ τὰ δ᾽ ἀργύρου καὶ ἐσθῆτα πάνυ πολλοῦ τέλους , ἸουλίᾳJulia δὲ τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar γυναικὶ καί τισιν ἑτέροις πεντακοσίας μυριάδας .
¹⁹⁰ He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in a wealthy condition. He bequeathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drachmae] of coined money, besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar’s wife; and to certain others, five millions.	¹⁹⁰ He also made provision for all the rest of his relatives, giving them sums of money and annual revenues that left them all very wealthy. He further bequeathed to Caesar ten million in coin, and vessels of gold and silver and very costly garments, and besides five millions to Caesar's wife, Julia and some other people.
¹⁹⁰ Barach

¹⁹¹ ταῦτα πράξας ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ μεθ᾽ ὃ ἈντίπατρονAntipater κτείνει τὸν υἱὸν τελευτᾷ , βασιλεύσας μεθ᾽ ὃ μὲν ἀνεῖλεν ἈντίγονονAntignus ἔτη τέσσαρα καὶ τριάκοντα , μεθ᾽ ὃ δὲ ὑπὸ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἀπεδέδεικτο ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα , ἀνὴρ ὠμὸς εἰς πάντας ὁμοίως καὶ ὀργῆς μὲν ἥσσων κρείσσων δὲ τοῦ δικαίου , τύχῃ δὲ εἰ καί τις ἕτερος κεχρημένος εὐμενεῖ .
¹⁹¹ When he had done these things, he died, the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonus to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty-seven. A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration of what was right;	¹⁹¹ When he had done all this, he died, five days after having Antipater killed, having ruled for thirty-four years after having Antigonus killed, and thirty seven since being declared king by the Romans. He was a very cruel man toward all people equally and a slave to his passions and had no concern for justice; yet he was favoured by fortune as much as any man ever was.
¹⁹¹ Barach

¹⁹² ἔκ τε γὰρ ἰδιώτου βασιλεὺς καταστὰς καὶ κινδύνοις περιστοιχιζόμενος μυρίοις πάντων ποιεῖται διάδρασιν καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐξίκετο . ὁπόσαhow great, how much δὲ τὰ κατ᾽ οἶκον περὶ υἱεῖς τοὺς αὐτοῦ‎ , ὅσα μὲν γνώμῃ τῇ ἐκείνου καὶ πάνυ δεξιᾷ κεχρημένος διὰ τὸ κρίνας ἐχθροὺς κρατεῖν οὐχ ὑστερῆσαι , δοκεῖν δ᾽ ἐμοὶ καὶ πάνυ δυστυχής .
¹⁹² yet was he favored by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers, he got clear of them all, and continued his life till a very old age. But then, as to the affairs of his family and children, in which indeed, according to his own opinion, he was also very fortunate, because he was able to conquer his enemies, yet, in my opinion, he was herein very unfortunate.	¹⁹² For from being a private citizen he came to be king, and although surrounded by countless dangers, he got clear of them all and lived out his life to a good age. But in the affairs of his family and children, in which he considered himself fortunate, since he succeeded in overcoming his enemies, he was, in my opinion, very unfortunate.
¹⁹² Barach

¹⁹³ ΣαλώμηSalome δὲ καὶ Ἀλεξᾶς πρὶν ἔκπυστον γενέσθαι τὸν θάνατον τοῦ βασιλέως τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ἱππόδρομον κατακεκλημένους ἐκπέμπονται ἐπὶ τὰ αὐτῶν , φάμενοι βασιλέα κελεύειν ἀπιοῦσιν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς νέμεσθαι τὰ οἰκεῖα , πράσσεταί τε αὐτοῖς ἥδε εὐεργεσία μεγίστη εἰς τὸ ἔθνος .
¹⁹³ But then Salome and Alexas, before the king’s death was made known, dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of their own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit.	¹⁹³ Before the king's death was announced, Salome and Alexas released those who were shut inside the hippodrome telling them that the king ordered them to go back to their fields and take care of their business, which was regarded by the nation as a major concession.
¹⁹³ Barach

¹⁹⁴ ἐφανεροῦτο δ᾽ ἤδη ὁ θάνατος τοῦ βασιλέως , καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome καὶ Ἀλεξᾶς συναγαγόντες τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰς τὸ ἀμφιθέατρον τὸ ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho πρῶτον μὲν ἐπιστολὴν ἀνέγνωσαν πρὸς τοὺς στρατιώτας γεγραμμένην ἐπὶ πίστεως εὐχαριστίᾳ καὶ εὐνοίας τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν καὶ παρακλήσει τῶν ὁμοίων παροκωχῆς ἈρχελάῳArchelaus τῷ παιδὶ αὐτοῦ‎ , ὃν βασιλέα καθίσταιτο .
¹⁹⁴ And now the king’s death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery together in the amphitheater at Jericho; and the first thing they did was, they read Herod’s letter, written to the soldiery, thanking them for their fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afford his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed for their king, like fidelity and good-will.	¹⁹⁴ When the king's death was made public, Salome and Alexas called the soldiers together into the amphitheatre at Jericho and first of all read out his letter to the soldiers, thanking them for their fidelity and goodwill toward him and urging them to show the same fidelity and goodwill toward his son Archelaus, whom he had appointed as their king.
¹⁹⁴ Barach

¹⁹⁵ εἶτα μέντοι ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy τὸν σημαντῆρα τοῦ βασιλέως πεπιστευμένος τὰς διαθήκας ἀνέλεγεν , αἳ λήψεσθαι κύρωσιν οὐκ ἄλλως ἔμελλον ἢ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐντυχόντος αὐταῖς . βοὴ οὖν εὐθὺς ἦν ἐκτιμώντων ἈρχέλαονArchelaus βασιλέα , καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται κατὰ στίφη τε αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ ἡγεμόνες εὔνοιάν τε ὑπισχνοῦνται καὶ προθυμίαν τὴν‎ αὐτῶν καὶ συλλήπτορα τὸν θεὸν παρεκάλουν .
¹⁹⁵ After which Ptolemy, who had the king’s seal intrusted to him, read the king’s testament, which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand when Caesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders with them, and promised the same good-will to him, and readiness to serve him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him.	¹⁹⁵ Then Ptolemy, who was entrusted with the king's seal, read out the king's testament, which would come into force only after Caesar had inspected it. Soon afterwards Archelaus was acclaimed as king, and the soldiers came in groups with their officers and pledged him the same goodwill and service as they had shown to Herod, and prayed to God to be his helper.
¹⁹⁵ Barach

¹⁹⁶ Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ τάφον ἡτοίμαζον τῷ βασιλεῖ μελῆσαν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus πολυτελεστάτην γενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἐκκομιδὴν τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ πάντα τὸν κόσμον προκομίσαντος εἰς ὃ συμπομπεύσειε τῷ νεκρῷ .
¹⁹⁶ After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus’s care that the procession to his father’s sepulcher should be very sumptuous. Accordingly, he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the funeral.	¹⁹⁶ They then prepared for the funeral, and Archelaus took care that the procession to his father's burial vault was to be very sumptuous, and brought out all his ornaments to add to the pomp of the burial.
¹⁹⁶ Barach

¹⁹⁷ ἐφέρετο δὲ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσέας λίθοις πολυτελέσιν καὶ ποικίλοις διαπεπασμένης , στρωμνή τε ἦν ἁλουργὴς καὶ ἠμπέσχετο πορφυρίσιν ὁ νεκρὸς διαδήματι ἠσκημένος ὑπερκειμένου ΣτεφάνουStephen χρυσέου σκῆπτρόν τε τῇ δεξιᾷ παρακείμενον .
¹⁹⁷ The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple, as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a crown of gold: he also had a scepter in his right hand.	¹⁹⁷ The remains were carried on a golden bier, embossed with very precious stones of great variety and covered over with purple. The body itself wore a diadem and above it a crown of gold, and a scepter in the right hand.
¹⁹⁷ Barach

¹⁹⁸ περὶ τε τὴν‎ κλίνην οἵ τε υἱεῖς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἦν τῶν συγγενῶν , ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τὸ στρατιωτικὸν κατὰ οἰκεῖα ἔθνη ἢ προσηγορίας διέκειντο αὐτοῖς νεμηθέντες , πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ δορυφόροι , μετὰ δὲ τὸ ΘράικιονThracians , ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ὁπόσοιhow great, how much ΓερμανῶνGermnas , καὶ τὸ Γαλατικὸν μετ᾽ αὐτούς , ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ πάντες τῷ πολεμιστηρίῳ .
¹⁹⁸ About the bier were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery, distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and they were put into the following order: First of all went his guards, then the band of Thracians, and after them the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the same manner as they used to go out to war,	¹⁹⁸ Around the bier were his sons and his numerous relatives and next to them the soldiers, distinguished according to their nations and titles, in this order: First his bodyguards, then the band of Thracians and after them the Germans, and then the Galatians, each in their full battle-dress.
¹⁹⁸ Barach

¹⁹⁹ τούτων δὲ κατόπιν ἤδη πᾶς ὁ στρατὸς ὥσπερ ἐς πόλεμον ἐξοδεύοντες [ὥσπερ ] ὑπὸ λοχαγῶν ἀγόμενοι καὶ τοῖς ταξιαρχοῦσιν αὐτῶν . τούτοις ἐπετετάχατο πεντακόσιοι τῶν οἰκετῶν ἀρωματοφόροι . ᾔεσαν δὲ ἐπὶ Ἡρωδίου στάδια ὀκτώ · τῇδε γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐγένοντο αἱ ταφαὶ κελεύσματι τῷ αὐτοῦ‎ . ἩρώδηςHerod μὲν δὴ τοῦτον ἐτελεύτα τὸν τρόπον .
¹⁹⁹ and as they used to be put in array by their muster-masters and centurions; these were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they went eight furlongs to Herodium; for there by his own command he was to be buried. And thus did Herod end his life.	¹⁹⁹ Behind these came the whole army marching as they used to go out to war and set in ranks by their captains and centurions. These were followed by five hundred of his domestics carrying spices. So they went the eight furlongs to Herodium, where by his own command he was to be buried. That is how Herod's life ended.
¹⁹⁹ Barach

²⁰⁰ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν πένθος τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ τιμῶν διετέλει · τόσας γὰρ διαγορεύει τὸ νόμιμον τοῦ πατρίου . ἑστιάσας δὲ τοὺς ὁμίλους καὶ καταλύσας τὸ πένθος ἄνεισιν εἰς τὸ ἱερόν . ἦσάν τε εὐφημίαι καὶ ἔπαινοι καθ᾽ οὕστινας ἴοι ἑκάστων τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλοτιμουμένων εἰς τὸ δοκεῖν μείζοσι χρῆσθαι ταῖς εὐφημίαις .
²⁰⁰ Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law of our fathers. And when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left off his motoring, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations and praises given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with the rest who should appear to use the loudest acclamations.	²⁰⁰ Archelaus showed his father the respect of mourning him until the seventh day, which is the period assigned for it in the law of our fathers, and when he had treated the populace and ceased mourning, he went up into the temple. Acclamation and praise were heaped on him wherever he went, each man striving with his neighbour to be the loudest in his praise.
²⁰⁰ Barach

²⁰¹ ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ ὑψηλὸν βῆμα πεποιημένον ἀνελθὼνto go up καὶ ἱδρυθεὶς εἰς θρόνον χρυσοῦν [πεποιημένον ] ἀντεδεξιοῦτο τοὺς ὁμίλους χάρματι τῶν εὐφημιῶν τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν ἡδονῇ φέρων , χάριν τε ὡμολόγει , διότι μηδὲν αὐτῷ μνησικακοῖεν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ εἰς αὐτοὺς ὑβρίσειεν καὶ πειράσεσθαι μὴ ἐλλείψειν ἀμειβόμενον τὸ πρόθυμον αὐτῶν .
²⁰¹ So he ascended a high elevation made for him, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold, and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they showed to him; and returned them thanks that they did not remember the injuries his father had done them to his disadvantage; and promised them he would endeavor not to be behindhand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service, after a suitable manner;	²⁰¹ Then he ascended a high platform and took his seat on a golden throne and spoke kindly to the people, saying how gladly he welcomed their goodwill shown by their acclamations. He thanked them for not holding against him the wrongs his father had done them and promised to try to do no less than they to reward their enthusiasm.
²⁰¹ Barach

²⁰² ἄρτι μέντοι φειδὼ ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ βασιλείου ὀνόματος , τετιμῆσθαι γὰρ αὐτὸν τῇ ἀξιώσει ὅπερ βεβαίως ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἐπικυρώσειε τὰς διαθήκας , αἳ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγράφησαν αὐτοῦ‎ · δι᾽ ἣν αἰτίαν οὐδὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho τὸ διάδημα αὐτῷ περιθέσθαι προθυμουμένου δέξασθαι τὸ περιμάχητον τῆς ἐνθένδε τιμῆς διὰ τὸ μηδέπω τὸν κυρίως ἀποδώσοντα φανερὸν εἶναι παρασχόμενον .
²⁰² but that he should abstain at present from the name of king, and that he should have the honor of that dignity, if Caesar should confirm and settle that testament which his father had made; and that it was on this account, that when the army would have put the diadem on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honor, which is usually so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally concerned in bestowing it would give it him;	²⁰² For the present he would refrain from the name of king, but would be honoured with that dignity if Caesar confirmed and settled the testament his father had made, and that was why, when the army wished to crown him in Jericho, he would not accept that desirable object, as it was not yet clear that he who had power to bestow it would give it to him.
²⁰² Barach

²⁰³ περιιόντων μέν γε εἰς αὐτὸν τῶν πραγμάτων οὐ λείψειν ἀρετῆς τοῦ ἀμειψομένου τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν αὐτῶν · σπουδάσειν γὰρ ἐν πᾶσιν τὰ πρὸς αὐτοὺς φανεῖσθαι τοῦ πατρὸς ἀμείνων τὰ πάντα .
²⁰³ although, by his acceptance of the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness to him and that it should be his endeavor, as to all things wherein they were concerned, to prove in every respect better than his father.	²⁰³ But once matters were under his control he would not lack the power to reward their kindness to him and he would aim to show himself better than his father, in all that concerned them.
²⁰³ Barach

²⁰⁴ οἱ δὲ οἷον ὄχλος εἴωθεν , φιλεῖν οἰόμενοι τὰς πρώτας εἶναι τῶν ἡμερῶν τὰς διανοίας ἐμφανίζειν τῶν παριόντων ἐπὶ τοιάσδε ἀρχάς , ὅσῳas great as πρᾴως καὶ θεραπευτικῶς ὁ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus διελέγετο αὐτοῖς , τοσῷδε μειζόνως τε ἐχρῶντο τοῖς ἐπαίνοιςpraise, approval καὶ κατὰ αἰτήσεις δωρεῶν ἐτετράφατο , οἱ μὲν εἰσφορὰς ἃς ἐνιαυσίους φέροιεν ἐπικουφίζειν βοῇ χρώμενοι , οἱ δὲ αὖ δεσμωτῶν , οἳ ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod ἐδέδεντο , πολλοὶ δὲ ἦσαν κἀκ πολλῶν χρόνων , ἀπόλυσιν .
²⁰⁴ Whereupon the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those that enter upon such governments declare the intentions of those that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made application to him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamor that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were many, and had been put there at several times;	²⁰⁴ The masses believed, as they usually do, that the first days show the intentions of people entering into power, and so the more gently and obligingly Archelaus spoke to them, the more they commended him and applied to him to grant their requests. Some cried out for an easement of their annual taxes and others for the release of people imprisoned by Herod, for they were many, and some had been there for a long time.
²⁰⁴ Barach

²⁰⁵ εἰσὶν δὲ οἳ ἄρσεις τῶν τελῶν ἃ ἐπὶ πράσεσιν ἢ ὠναῖς ἐπεβάλλετο πρασσόμενα πικρῶς ᾐτοῦντο . ἀντέλεγέν τε οὐδαμῶς ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἐπειρᾶτο ὁμίλους σπουδαῖος ὢν ποιεῖν πάντα διὰ τὸ νομίζειν μέγα πρᾶγμα εἰς τήρησιν τῆς ἀρχῆς γενήσεσθαι τὴν‎ εὔνοιαν αὐτῷ τῆς πληθύος . ἐντεῦθεν δὲ θύσας τῷ θεῷ κατ᾽ εὐωχίαν τρέπεται μετὰ τῶν φίλων .
²⁰⁵ others of them required that he would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude to him, as looking upon that good-will to be a great step towards his preservation of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook himself to feast with his friends.	²⁰⁵ Some urgently asked for the abolition of the heavy taxes imposed on what was publicly sold and bought. Archelaus said nothing against all this, being keen to do everything to get the goodwill of the people, which he regarded as a major element for securing his leadership. Finally he went and offered sacrifice to God and then went off to celebrate with his friends.
²⁰⁵ Barach

Chapter 9
[206-249]
Rioting against Archelaus.
He and Antipas go to Rome for support, which Caesar grants

☜ ☞

²⁰⁶ Ἐν τούτῳ δέ τινες τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews συνελθόντες νεωτέρων ἐπιθυμίᾳ πραγμάτων Ματθίαν καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod ἀποθανόντας , οἳ παραχρῆμα τῆς εἰς τὸ πενθεῖσθαι τιμῆς φόβῳ τῷ ἐκείνου ἀπεστέρηντο , ἦσαν δὲ οἱ τῶν ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει τοῦ χρυσοῦ ἀετοῦ δεδικαιωμένων , ἐπὶ μέγα τε τῇ βοῇ καὶ οἰμωγῇ χρώμενοι καί τινα ὡς κούφισιν φέροντα τοῖς τεθνεῶσιν ἀπερρίπτουν εἰς τὸν βασιλέα .
²⁰⁶ At this time also it was that some of the Jews got together out of a desire of innovation. They lamented Matthias, and those that were slain with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourning, out of the fear men were in of that man; they were those who had been condemned for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamor and lamentation hereupon, and cast out some reproaches against the king also, as if that tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased.	²⁰⁶ Meanwhile some of the Jews gathered in a rebellious mood. They lamented the affair of Matthias and those killed by Herod along with him, the men condemned for pulling down the golden eagle, who had not been properly mourned because the people feared him. There was loud shouting and complaint about it and insults were even hurled at the king as if to bring comfort to the dead.
²⁰⁶ Barach

²⁰⁷ συνόδου τε αὐτοῖς γενομένης ἠξίουν τιμωρίαν αὐτοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus γενέσθαι κολάσεσιν τῶν ὑπὸ ἩρώδουHerod τιμωμένων , καὶ πάντων γε καὶ πρῶτον καὶ ἐκδηλότατα τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἀρχιερέα καθεστῶτα παύσαντα νομιμώτερόν τε ἅμα καὶ καθαρὸν ἀρχιερᾶσθαι ἄνδρα αἱρεῖσθαι .
²⁰⁷ The people assembled together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account, he would inflict punishment on those who had been honored by Herod; and that, in the first and principal place, he would deprive that high priest whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of greater purity, to officiate as high priest.	²⁰⁷ They met and asked Archelaus to avenge them by punishing those who had been honoured by Herod, and first of all to depose the high priest appointed by Herod and choose a more law-abiding and unsullied man to officiate as high priest.
²⁰⁷ Barach

²⁰⁸ τούτοις ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus καίπερ δεινῶς φέρων ἐπένευεν τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν‎ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ὁδὸν ἀνύεσθαι προκείμενον αὐτῷ τάχος ἐπὶ περισκοπήσει τῶν δοξάντων ΚαίσαριCaesar .
²⁰⁸ This was granted by Archelaus, although he was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed to himself to go to Rome immediately to look after Caesar’s determination about him.	²⁰⁸ Although very offended at their insistence, Archelaus conceded this because he intended to go to Rome immediately to inquire about Caesar's decision in his own regard.
²⁰⁸ Barach

²⁰⁹ πέμψας δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν πειθοῖ χρῆσθαι , καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοιούτοις μωρίας ἀποστάντας σκοπεῖν , θάνατόν τε , ὃς τοῖς φίλοις αὐτῶν συνέλθοι , μετὰ νόμων γεγονότα , καὶ τὰς αἰτήσεις ὡς ἐπὶ μέγα τοῦ ὑβρίζειν προίοιεν , τούς τε καιροὺς οὐκ ἐν τοιοῖσδε εἶναι , μᾶλλον δὲ τοῦ ὁμονοεῖν ἕως καταστησάμενος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἐπινεύσει τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀφίκοιτοto reach ὡς αὐτούς · τότε γὰρ κοινῇ βουλεύσειν περὶ ὧν ἀξιοῖεν σὺν αὐτοῖς · ἄρτι δὲ ἀνέχειν , μὴ καὶ στασιάζειν δοκοῖεν .
²⁰⁹ However, he sent the general of his forces to use persuasions, and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their friends was according to the law; and to represent to them that their petitions about these things were carried to a great height of injury to him; that the time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their unanimity until such time as he should be established in the government by the consent of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then consult with them in common concerning the purport of their petitions; but that they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious persons.	²⁰⁹ He sent the army general to persuade them not to be foolish, saying that their friends had been executed according to the law, and to point out that their petitions about it were very insulting to him and that it was not the proper time for them. They must stay united until by the consent of Caesar he was confirmed in power and returned to them; then he would consult with them about their wants, but for now they must remain calm in case they should appear to be in revolt.
²⁰⁹ Barach

²¹⁰ Καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα ὑπειπὼν καὶ διδάξας τὸν στρατηγὸν ἐκπέμπει πρὸς αὐτούς . οἱ δὲ βοῶντες λέγειν τε οὐκ εἴων καὶ εἰς κίνδυνον τοῦ ἀπολουμένου ἐκεῖνόν τε καθίστασαν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅστις γε ἐπὶ σωφρονισμῷ καὶ ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ μὴ τοιῶνδε ὀριγνᾶσθαι τολμήσειν φθέγξασθαι φανερὸς ἦν διὰ τὸ πάντα βουλήσει τῇ αὐτῶν μᾶλλον ἢ ἐξουσίᾳ τῶν ἐφεστηκότων συγχωρεῖν ,
²¹⁰ So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his general in what he was to say, he sent him away to the people; but they made a clamor, and would not give him leave to speak, and put him in danger of his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon saying openly any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and prevent their going on in their present courses, because they had more concern to have all their own wills performed than to yield obedience to their governors;	²¹⁰ Having told him what to say, the king sent the general to the people, but they roared and would not let him speak and threatened not only his life but also that of anyone else who dared speak publicly with a view to bringing them down to reality and check them from their headlong course, for they were more concerned to have their own wishes fulfilled than to obey their superiors.
²¹⁰ Barach

²¹¹ δεινὸν ἡγούμενοι , εἰ ζῶντός τε ἩρώδουHerod στερηθεῖεν τῶν φιλτάτων καὶ τελευτῆς αὐτῷ γενομένης τιμωριῶν τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς , ὠργηκότες ταῖς γνώμαις καὶ νόμιμόν τε καὶ δίκαιον ἡγούμενοι ὅ τι μελλήσοι ἡδονὴν αὐτοῖς φέρειν , κίνδυνον δὲ τὸν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ προιδέσθαι τε ἀμαθεῖς καὶ εἴ τῷ ὑποπτευθείη , ὑπερβολῆςabundance, excellency αὐτῷ γενομένης τῆς παραχρῆμα ἡδονῆς ἐκ τοῦ τιμωρήσασθαιto avenge, punish τοὺς ἐχθίστους δοκοῦντας αὐτοῖς .
²¹¹ thinking it to be a thing insufferable, that, while Herod was alive, they should lose those that were most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they could not get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs after a violent manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended to please them, and being unskillful in foreseeing what dangers they incurred; and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took in the punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigh all such considerations;	²¹¹ They thought it dreadful to have lost their dear ones in Herod's lifetime, and then after his death not see the doers punished. So they persisted in their views and reckoned whatever pleased them to be lawful and right, unable to foresee the risk they were taking, and even if they did suspect it, they set it aside for the immediate pleasure of punishing those they hated the most.
²¹¹ Barach

²¹² πολλῶν δὲ ὑπὸ ἈρχελάουArchelaus πεμπομένων , οἳ διαλέξοιντο αὐτοῖς , τῶν τε ἐνεστώτων μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ δὲ τῇ αὐτῶν δοκεῖν παριόντων , ὅπως εἰς τὸ πραύτερον καταστήσονται αὐτούς , οὐδενὸς ἠνείχοντο εἰπεῖν ἀνάστασίς τε ἦν δεύειν ὀργῇ χρωμένων , φανεροί τε ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα αὐξήσοντες τὴν‎ στάσιν πλήθους ἐπισυρρυέντος αὐτοῖς .
²¹² and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated them not as messengers sent by him, but as persons that came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one of them speak. The sedition also was made by such as were in a great passion; and it was evident that they were proceeding further in seditious practices, by the multitude running so fast upon them.	²¹² Although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, they treated them not as envoys expressing his mind but as people who came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would let none of them speak. It seemed the angry mob might stone them and it was evident that the revolt would grow all the greater, with such crowds rushing to join them.
²¹² Barach

²¹³ Ἐνστάσης δὲ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν καιρὸν ἑορτῆς , ἐν ᾗ ἸουδαίοιςJews ἄζυμα προτίθεσθαι πάτριον · φάσκα δ᾽ ἡ ἑορτὴ καλεῖται ὑπόμνημα οὖσα τῆς ἐξ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ἀπάρσεως αὐτῶν γενομένης , καὶ θύουσιν αὐτὴν προθύμως πλῆθός τε ἱερείων ὡς οὐκ ἐν ἄλλῃ κατακόπτειν ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς νόμιμον ·
²¹³ Now, upon the approach of that feast of unleavened bread, which the law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which feast is called the Passover and is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt, when they offer sacrifices with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices in number than at any other festival;	²¹³ As the festival time drew near, when the custom of the Jews is to use unleavened bread, the feast called the Pascha in memory of their departure from Egypt, when they zealously offer sacrifice and are expected to slay more victims than at any other festival,
²¹³ Barach

²¹⁴ κάτεισιν δὲ πληθὺς ἀναρίθμητος ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς ὑπερορίας ἐπὶ θρησκείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ , καὶ οἱ νεωτερισταὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν ἸούδανJudas τε καὶ Ματθίαν ἐξηγητὰς τῶν νόμων ὀδυρόμενοι συστάντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τροφῆς ηὐποροῦντο τοῖς στασιασταῖς οὐκ ὂν ἐν αἰσχύνῃ μεταιτεῖν αὐτούς .
²¹⁴ and when an innumerable multitude came thither out of the country, nay, from beyond its limits also, in order to worship God, the seditious lamented Judas and Matthias, those teachers of the laws, and kept together in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these seditious persons were not ashamed to beg it.	²¹⁴ and when unnumbered crowds came up to worship God from the country and even from beyond its borders, the rebels who were in mourning for the teachers of the law Judas and Matthias, kept together in the temple and had plenty of food for the dissidents, not being ashamed to beg for it.
²¹⁴ Barach

²¹⁵ καὶ δείσας ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus , μὴ καί τι δεινὸν βλαστήσειεν αὐτῶν τῇ ἀπονοίᾳ , πέμπει σπεῖράν τε ὁπλιτῶν χιλίαρχόν τε τὴν‎ ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐνεστηκότων πρότερον τὸν πάντα ὅμιλον τοῦ μανιώδους αὐτῶν πλέω καταστῆναι , καὶ εἴ τινες διάδηλοι πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων καθίσταιντο προθυμίᾳ τοῦ στασιάζειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀγαγεῖν .
²¹⁵ And as Archelaus was afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men’s madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious before the whole multitude should be infected with the like madness; and gave them this charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others, and more busy in tumultuous practices, they should bring them to him.	²¹⁵ Archelaus feared that some tragedy would come from their madness, so he sent an armed regiment under a tribune to suppress the violence of the rebels before the whole crowd was infected with their madness, with orders to bring to him any whom they found any more obviously rebellious and disorderly than the rest.
²¹⁵ Barach

²¹⁶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ οἱ στασιῶται τῶν ἐξηγητῶν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐξηγρίωσε βοῇ καὶ διακελευσμῷ χρώμενοι ὥρμησάν τε ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ περιστάντες λεύουσιν τοὺς πλείστους αὐτῶν . ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ ὁ χιλίαρχος τραυματίαι διέφυγον . Καὶ τοῖς μὲν ταῦτα πράξασιν διὰ χειρῶν αὖθις ἡ θυσία ἦν ·
²¹⁶ But those that were seditious on account of those teachers of the law, irritated the people by the noise and clamors they used to encourage the people in their designs; so they made an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away wounded, and their captain among them; and when they had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands.	²¹⁶ This infuriated those who were protesting about the teachers of the law, who stirred up the mob with cries of encouragement and rushed at the soldiers and the bystanders and stoned many of them. Some of them, including the tribune, ran away wounded and then the people returned to offering their sacrifices.
²¹⁶ Barach

²¹⁷ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus δὲ ἄπορονwithout passage ἐδόκει σώζεσθαι τὰ πάντα μὴ οὐκ ἀνακόψειν τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ὁρμὴν τῆς πληθύος , ἐκπέμπει δὲ πᾶν τὸ στρατόπεδον Οἳ τούς τε αὐτόθι ἐσκηνωκότας κωλύοιεν τοῖς κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν βοηθεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἐκπίπτοντας ὑπὸ τῶν πεζῶν δέχοιντο ἀντειλῆφθαι τἀσφαλοῦς ἤδη πεπιστευκότας .
²¹⁷ Now Archelaus thought there was no way to preserve the entire government but by cutting off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple from assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away from the footmen when they thought themselves out of danger;	²¹⁷ Archelaus thought there was no way to save the situation except by destroying this uproar of the crowd so he sent the whole army upon them, with the cavalry to stop the people in tents outside from assisting those inside the temple and to kill any who escaped from the infantry, just when they thought they were out of danger.
²¹⁷ Barach

²¹⁸ καὶ εἰς μὲν τρισχιλίους ἄνδρας ἔκτειναν οἱ ἱππεῖς · τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ᾤχετο ἐπὶ ὄρη τὰ πλησίον ἰόντες . ἐκήρυσσε δ᾽ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ αὑτῶν πᾶσιν . οἱ δὲ ἀπῄεσαν τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν καταλιπόντες φόβῳ κακοῦ μείζονος καίπερ θρασεῖς ὄντες διὰ τὸ ἀπαίδευτον .
²¹⁸ which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighboring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes; so they went away, and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would follow, although they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction.	²¹⁸ His cavalry killed three thousand men and the rest fled to the nearby mountains. Then Archelaus had it proclaimed that all should return to their homes; so while they had been so daring and unskilled before, they left the festival, for fear of worse to follow.
²¹⁸ Barach

²¹⁹ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δ᾽ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης κατῄει μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς Νικόλαον καὶ ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy καὶ Πτόλλαν τῶν φίλων ἐπαγόμενος , ΦιλίππῳPhilip τἀδελφῷ τὰ πάντα ἐφεὶς καθίστασθαι τοῦ οἴκου καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς .
²¹⁹ So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptolemy, and many others of his friends, and left Philip his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the public.	²¹⁹ Archelaus went down to the sea with his mother, accompanied by Nicolaus and Ptolemy and many other friends, leaving his brother Philip in charge of both his household and the government.
²¹⁹ Barach

²²⁰ συνεξῄει δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ΣαλώμηSalome ἡ ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφὴ γενεὰν ἀγομένη τὴν‎ αὐτῆς , πολλοί τε τῶν συγγενῶν , λόγῳ μὲν ὡς συναγωνιούμενοι τῷ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus ἐπὶ κτήσει τῆς βασιλείας , ἔργωιdeed δὲ ἀντιπράξοντες καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ποιησόμενοι καταβοάς .
²²⁰ There went out also with him Salome, Herod’s sister who took with her, her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers went, as they pretended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the kingdom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he had done in the temple.	²²⁰ Herod's sister Salome also went with him, taking along her children and many of her relatives, on pretext of going to help Archelaus gain the crown, but in reality opposed to him and they especially complained of what he had done in the temple.
²²⁰ Barach

²²¹ ὑπαντιάζει δ᾽ ἐν ΚαισαρείᾳCaesarea τὸν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ΣαβῖνοςSabinus ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἐπίτροπος τῶν ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria πραγμάτων εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ὡρμημένος ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν ἩρώδουHerod χρημάτων . Καὶ αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖσδε ὁρμῆς ἔσχεν ὁ ΟὔαροςVarus παρελθών · διὰ γὰρ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy μετάπεμπτος ὑπ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus παρῆν .
²²¹ But Sabinus, Caesar’s steward for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste into Judea to preserve Herod’s effects, met with Archelaus at Caesarea; but Varus (president of Syria) came at that time, and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for by Archceaus, by the means of Ptolemy.	²²¹ Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs, as he was hurrying into Judea to guard Herod's effects, met with Archelaus in Caesarea, but at that time Varus came and restrained him from meddling with them, for Archelaus had sent for him, through Ptolemy.
²²¹ Barach

²²² καὶ ΟὐάρῳVarus ΣαβῖνοςSabinus χαριζόμενος οὔτε τὰς ἄκρας , ὅσαιall who, as much ἐν τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἦσαν , παρέλαβεν οὔτε τοὺς θησαυροὺς κατεσημήνατο , εἴα δ᾽ ἔχειν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus μέχρι ΚαίσαριCaesar δόξειέν τι περὶ αὐτῶν , καὶ ἔμενεν ἐν τῇ ΚαισαρείᾳCaesarea τοῦθ᾽ ὑποσχόμενος . ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐκπλεῖ μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ῬώμηςRome ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus , ΟὐάρῳVarus δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἐγένοντο κομιδαί , ΣαβῖνοςSabinus ἐπὶ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem χωρήσας παραλαμβάνει τὰ βασίλεια .
²²² And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the treasures in them, but permitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at Caesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king’s palace.	²²² And out of respect for Varus, Sabinus neither seized any of the Jewish citadels nor sealed up the treasures in them, but left them to Archelaus until Caesar should indicate what to do with them, and after giving this guarantee, stayed in Caesarea. But when Archelaus had sailed for Rome and Varus had moved to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem and took the royal palace.
²²² Barach

²²³ μεταπέμψας δὲ τοὺς φρουράρχους καὶ ὁπόσοιhow great, how much διοικηταὶ τῶν πραγμάτων ἦσαν λόγους τε ἀπαιτεῖνto demand back πρόδηλος ἦν καὶ τὰς ἄκρας καθίστατο ᾗ αὐτῷ δοκοῖ . οὐ μὴν οἱ φύλακες ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὰς ἈρχελάουArchelaus ἐπιστολὰς ἐποιοῦντο , ἀλλ᾽ ἔμενον σώζοντες τὰ πάντα ᾗ προσετέτακτο αὐτοῖς . ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ φυλάσσειν ἕκαστ᾽ ἦν προσποίησις αὐτοῖς .
²²³ He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that had the charge of Herod’s effects, and declared publicly that he should require them to give an account of what they had; and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased; but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued to keep all things in the manner that had been enjoined them; and their pretense was, that they kept them all for Caesar.	²²³ He sent for the garrison commanders and all the administrators of Herod's effects and publicly required them to account for what they held, proposing to reorganize the citadels. But the custodians did not disregard the instructions of Archelaus and continued to keep everything just as they had been ordered, claiming that they were keeping them all for Caesar,
²²³ Barach

²²⁴ Πλεῖ δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome καὶ ἈντίπαςAntipas ἩρώδουHerod μὲν παῖς , ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἀντιποιήσει τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑποσχέσεσι ΣαλώμηςSalome ἠρμένος ἐπὶ τῷ ἄρχειν καὶ πολὺ δικαιότερον ἈρχελάουArchelaus παραλήψεσθαι τὰ πράγματα ἠξιωκὼς τῷ κατὰ τὰς προτέρας διαθήκας βασιλεὺς ἀποπεφάνθαι , ἃς ἀσφαλεστέρας εἶναι τῶν ἐπιγραφεισῶν .
²²⁴ At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod’s sons, sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester and fitter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king, which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament.	²²⁴ About that time another of Herod's sons, Antipas, sailed to Rome hoping to win the leadership, urged by the promises of Salome that he could become ruler and that he had a much better claim to it than Archelaus, since in his previous testament the king had designated him, and this was more valid than the portions added later.
²²⁴ Barach

²²⁵ ἐπήγετο δὲ οὗτος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν ΝικολάουNicolaus ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy φίλον τε ἩρώδῃHerod τιμιώτατον γεγενημένον καὶ αὐτῷ προσκείμενον .
²²⁵ Antipas also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been Herod’s most honored friend, and was now zealous for Antipas;	²²⁵ He brought with him his mother and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, who had been Herod's most honoured friend and now gave his full support to Antipas.
²²⁵ Barach

²²⁶ μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν ἐνῆγεν ἐπ᾽ ἀντιποιήσει τῆς βασιλείας φρονεῖν Εἰρηναῖος ῥήτωρ ἀνὴρ καὶ δόξῃ δεινότητος τῆς περὶ αὐτῷ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πεπιστευμένος . διὸ δὴ καὶ τῶν κελευόντων εἴκειν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus πρεσβυτέρῳ τε ὄντι κἀν ταῖς ἐπιδιαθήκαις ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγγεγραμμένῳ βασιλεῖ οὐκ ἠνείχετο .
²²⁶ but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his reputation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the kingdom; by whose means it was, that when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father’s last will, he would not submit so to do.	²²⁶ But the one who most encouraged his bid for the kingship was Irenaeus, an orator highly reputed for shrewdness, who was entrusted with the affairs of the kingdom. That is why, when others advised him to cede it to his elder brother Archelaus who was designated as king in their father's last testament, he would not yield.
²²⁶ Barach

²²⁷ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome ἀφίκετο , καὶ πάντων τῶν συγγενῶν ἀπόστασιςa revolt ἦν πρὸς αὐτόν , οὐκ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνου , μίσει δὲ τῷ πρὸς ἈρχέλαονArchelaus , μάλιστα μὲν ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἐλευθερίας καὶ ὑπὸ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin στρατηγῷ τετάχθαι , εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα τι ἀντισταίη , λυσιτελέστερον ἈρχελάουArchelaus τὸν ἈντίπανAntipas λογιζόμενοι , συνέπραττον ἈντίπᾳAntipas τὴν‎ βασιλείαν . Καὶ ΣαβῖνοςSabinus κατηγόρει παρὰ ΚαίσαριCaesar τοῦ ἈρχελάουArchelaus διὰ γραμμάτων .
²²⁷ And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar.	²²⁷ When he came to Rome, all his relatives came to his side, not because they favoured him, but out of hatred for Archelaus. In fact their first preference would be for liberty under a Roman governor, but if that were ruled out they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus and so joined forces to gain the kingdom for Antipas. Sabinus too wrote to Caesar with accusations against Archelaus.
²²⁷ Barach

²²⁸ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ἈρχελάουArchelaus τε εἰσπέμψαντος ὡς αὐτὸν γράμματα , ἐν οἷς τὰ δικαιώματα προετίθει τε αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ διαθήκην τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοὺς λογισμοὺς τῶν ἩρώδουHerod χρημάτων σὺν τῷ σημαντῆρι κομίζοντα ΠτολεμαῖονPtolemy , ἐκαραδόκει τὸ μέλλον .
²²⁸ Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father’s testament, with the accounts of Herod’s money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod’s seal, he so expected the event;	²²⁸ Archelaus also had written to Caesar, through Ptolemy, who also carried Herod's seal, pleading his claim and forwarding his father's testament and the accounts of Herod's money, and was awaiting the outcome.
²²⁸ Barach

²²⁹ ὁ δὲ Ταῦτά τε ἀναγνοὺς τὰ γράμματα καὶ τὰς ΟὐάρουVarus καὶ ΣαβίνουSabinus ἐπιστολὰς ὁπόσαhow great, how much τε χρήματα ἦν καὶ τί ἐπ᾽ ἔτος ἐφοίτα καὶ ὅσα ἈντίπαςAntipas ἐπ᾽ οἰκειώσει τῆς βασιλείας ἐπεπόμφει γράμματα συνῆγεν ἐπὶ παροκωχῇ γνωμῶν τοὺς φίλους , σὺν οἷς καὶ ΓάιονGaius τὸν ἈγρίππουAgrippa μὲν καὶ ἸουλίαςJulias τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατρὸς υἱὸν ποιητὸν δὲ αὐτῷ γεγονότα πρῶτόν τε καθεδούμενον παρέλαβε , καὶ κελεύει λέγειν τοῖς βουλομένοις περὶ τῶν ἐνεστηκότων .
²²⁹ but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus’s and Sabinus’s letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them.	²²⁹ When he read these papers and the letters from Varus and Sabinus, with the financial accounts and the annual revenue of the kingdom, and what Antipas had written of his claim to the kingdom, Caesar summoned his friends, to hear their opinions. He gave pride of place to Gaius, the son of Agrippa and his daughter Julia, whom he had adopted, and ordered any who wished to speak about the affairs now before them to do so.
²²⁹ Barach

²³⁰ καὶ πρῶτος ὁ ΣαλώμηςSalome ΝαχώρηςNahor ἈντίπατροςAntipater δεινότατός τε ὢν εἰπεῖν καὶ τῷ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus ἐναντιώτατος ἔλεγεν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus παιδιὰν τὸν περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι λόγον ἔργωιdeed τὴν‎ δύναμιν αὐτῆς πρότερον ἢ ΚαίσαραCaesar συγχωρῆσαι παρειληφότι , ἐπικαλῶν τὰ τετολμημένα ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπολωλόσι κατὰ τὴν‎ ἑορτήν ·
²³⁰ Now Antipater, Salome’s son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: That it was ridiculous in Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival;	²³⁰ First came Salome's son Antipater, a very subtle speaker and very opposed to Archelaus. He said it was laughable for Archelaus to now plead for the kingdom since he had, in effect, already taken power over it before Caesar had granted it to him, and reproached his rashness in killing people at the festival.
²³⁰ Barach

²³¹ ὧν καὶ ἀδικούντων ἄλλως ἔσχεν τὴν‎ τιμωρίαν εἰς τοὺς ἔξω χρῆσθαι δυναμένους ἀνακειμένην εἶναι , καὶ μὴ ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς πεπρᾶχθαι , εἰ μὲν βασιλέως , ἀδικοῦντος τὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar διαγνοίᾳ περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ ἔτι χρώμενον , εἰ δὲ ἰδιώτου , πολὺ χειρόνως , διὰ τὸ μὴ βασιλείας ἀντιποιουμένῳ καλῶς ἂν συγκεχωρῆσθαι , διὰ τὸ ΚαίσαραCaesar τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι .
²³¹ and if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been reserved to those that were out of the country, but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who was putting in for the kingdom could by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself].	²³¹ If they had done wrong, their punishment should have been left to those whose task it was. It should not have been done by a man who by acting as king wronged Caesar, usurping the authority before it was granted to him. But if he saw himself as a private citizen, his position was even worse, since his claim to the kingship could not be granted, now that he had already deprived Caesar of that power.
²³¹ Barach

²³² καθήπτετο δὲ αὐτοῦ‎ ἡγεμόνων τινῶν ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ μετάστασιν ἐπικαλῶν καὶ προκάθισιν ἐπὶ θρόνου βασιλείου καὶ δικῶν διάλυσιν ὡς ὑπὸ βασιλέως γενομένην κατανεύσεις τε αἰτήσεων τοῖς δημοσίᾳ αἰτουμένοις καὶ πάντων διάπραξιν , ὧν οὐδὲν ἂν μειζόνως ἐπινοῆσαι καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχήν .
²³² He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne beforehand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar.	²³² He sharply criticized him for the changing of officers in the army and prematurely sitting on the royal throne, and for judging lawsuits as if he were king. He mentioned his granting of public petitions and acting in every way as if he thought himself no less powerful than if already confirmed as king by Caesar.
²³² Barach

²³³ ἀνετίθει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου δεσμωτῶν τὴν‎ ἄφεσιν καὶ πολλὰ τὰ μὲν γεγονότα τὰ δὲ καὶ πιστεύεσθαι δυνάμενα διὰ τὸ φύσιν ἔχειν γίνεσθαι ὑπό τε νεωτέρων καὶ φιλοτιμίαι τοῦ ἄρχειν προλαμβανόντων τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν , πένθους τε τοῦ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ ἀμελείας καὶ κωμασμοὺς αὐτονυκτὶ τῇ ἐκείνου τελευτῇ γεγονότας ,
²³³ He also ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father, and with having merry meetings the very night in which he died;	²³³ He also blamed him for releasing the prisoners in the hippodrome and many other things, that either he had actually done or was believed to have done, for they were typical of young men who, in their desire to rule, prematurely seize the leadership, including his neglect of the funeral mourning for his father and holding a celebration on the very night he died.
²³³ Barach

²³⁴ ἐφ᾽ οἷς δὴ καὶ τὴν‎ πληθὺν ἀρχὴν τοῦ στασιάζειν λαβεῖν , εἰ τοιαῦτα εὐεργετήσαντος αὐτὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ οὕτως μεγάλων ἠξιωκότος τοιοῖσδε ἀμείβεσθαι τὸν νέκυν , ὥσπερ ἐπὶ σκηνῆς δακρύειν μὲν προσποιούμενον τὰς ἡμέρας , ἀπολαύοντα δὲ ἡδονῇ τῇ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅσαιall who, as much νύκτες .
²³⁴ and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of raising a tumult: and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears for him in the day time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for having gotten the government,	²³⁴ This was what caused the crowd to riot, and if Archelaus could so repay his late father, who had been so good to him and bequeathed such great things to him, pretending in daylight to weep for him, like an actor on the stage, but at night making merry for having gained power,
²³⁴ Barach

²³⁵ φανεῖσθαί τε καὶ περὶ τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar τοιόνδε ὄντα ἈρχέλαονArchelaus συγχωροῦντα τὴν‎ βασιλείαν , ὁποῖος γένοιτο καὶ περὶ τὸν πατέρα · χορεύειν γὰρ καὶ ᾄδειν ὥσπερ ἐχθροῦ πεσόντος , ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀνδρὸς οὕτως μὲν συγγενοῦς , τηλικαῦτα δ᾽ εὐεργετεῖν ἐξηγμένου .
²³⁵ he would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his funeral, that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to him.	²³⁵ he would be the same toward Caesar, if he granted him the kingdom, as he has been to his father. For he had gone dancing and singing as though an enemy of his had died, rather than mourning so close a relative, who had been such a benefactor to him.
²³⁵ Barach

²³⁶ δεινότατόν τε πάντων ἀπέφηνε τὸ νῦν ἥκειν ἐπὶ ΚαίσαροςCaesar κατανεύσει τῇ ἐκείνου χρησόμενον τῇ βασιλείᾳ πάντων αὐτῷ προπεποιημένων , ὁπόσαhow great, how much γένοιτο ἂν ὑπὸ σοῦ βεβαίως ἤδη τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος παρεσχηκότος πρασσόμενα .
²³⁶ But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now before Caesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly in the government.	²³⁶ But his greatest crime was that he came to Caesar now seeking the leadership while up to this time he had behaved as though the emperor had already confirmed his power to act in this way.
²³⁶ Barach

²³⁷ μάλιστα δὲ τὴν‎ σφαγὴν τῶν περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐδείνου τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τὴν‎ δυσσέβειαν , ὡς ἑορτῆς τε ἐνεστηκυίας καὶ ἱερείων ἐν τρόπῳ σφαχθεῖεν ἔνιοι μὲν ξένοι οἱ δὲ ἐγχώριοι , πλησθείη δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν νεκρῶν οὐχ ὑπ᾽ ἀλλοφύλου , ἀλλὰ τοῦ καὶ μετὰ νομίμων ὀνομάτων τῆς βασιλείας ἐφιεμένου τῆς πράξεως , ὅπως δυνηθείη πληρῶσαι τῆς φύσει τυραννίδος τὴν‎ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις μεμισημένην ἀδικίαν .
²³⁷ And what he most aggravated in his pleading was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompted him to, and which is hated by all men.	²³⁷ What he most stressed was the slaughter around the temple and the impiety of it during the festival, and how they were killed like sacrificial victims, both aliens and natives, until the temple was full of corpses—and this was done by no foreigner but by one who pretended to become the lawful king, in order to fulfill his natural inclination to tyranny, which is hated by all mankind.
²³⁷ Barach

²³⁸ δι᾽ ἣν μηδὲ ὄναρ ποτὲ ἑωρᾶσθαι βασιλείας αὐτῷ τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν ἀρετῇ τοῦ πατρός · ἐπίστασθαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν τρόπον καί τοι ἐχθρὸν αὐτῷ [ἐκ ] τῶν διαθηκῶν ἰσχυρότερον ἈντιπάτρῳAntipater καθίστασθαι · κληθῆναι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν οὐχὶ νοσοῦντος πρὸς τῷ σώματι καὶ τὴν‎ ψυχήν , ἀλλὰ ἀκραιφνεῖ μὲν τῷ λογισμῷ χρωμένου , ἀλκῇ δὲ σώματος τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφεστηκότος .
²³⁸ On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and in his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed; but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity when he was in a dying condition, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judgment, and of such strength of body as made him capable of managing his own affairs:	²³⁸ For this reason his father, while he was of sound mind, never even dreamed of making him his successor as king, for he knew his ways, and in his former and more valid testament, he appointed his opponent Antipas. His rival was called to that dignity by his father as he was dying both in body and mind; while Antipas was called while his he was of sound mind and in good health and fully in charge of things.
²³⁸ Barach

²³⁹ εἰ δὲ καὶ πρότερον εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπίσης τοῖς νῦν διατεθεῖσθαι τὸν πατέρα , ἀποπεφάνθαι ποταπὸς ἂν γένοιτο βασιλεὺς τὸν μὲν κύριον παρασχεῖν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ΚαίσαραCaesar ἀφῃρημένον τοῦ δοῦναι τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν , τοὺς δὲ πολίτας ἰδιώτην ὄντα ἀκμὴν σφάζειν ἐν ἱερῷ μὴ ἀποτετραμμένον .
²³⁹ and if his father had the like notion of him formerly that he hath now showed, yet hath he given a sufficient specimen what a king he is likely to be, when he hath [in effect] deprived Caesar of that power of disposing of the kingdom, which he justly hath, and hath not abstained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was but a private person.	²³⁹ But even if his father had earlier thought of him as he finally did, he had clearly shown what kind of king he would become by depriving Caesar of his proper right to dispose of the kingship, and not refraining from slaughtering his fellow citizens in the temple, while he was only a private citizen.
²³⁹ Barach

²⁴⁰ Καὶ ἈντίπατροςAntipater μὲν τοιάδε εἰπὼν καὶ μαρτύρων παραστάσεσιν τὰ εἰρημένα κρατυνάμενος πολλοῖς τῶν συγγενῶν παύεται τοῦ λέγειν . ἀνίσταται δὲ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus ὑπὲρ ἈρχελάουArchelaus καὶ ἔλεγεν τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γνώμῃ τῶν πεπονθότων ἀναθεὶςto run up; to lay upon μᾶλλον ἢ ἐξουσίᾳ τῇ ἈρχελάουArchelaus · τοὺς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἄρχοντας οὐ μόνον τῷ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὑβρίζοντι εἶναι πονηρούς , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ ἀναγκάζοντι εἰς τὴν‎ ἄμυναν τῶν εὐγνωμονεῖν προαιρουμένων .
²⁴⁰ So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by producing many witnesses from among Archelaus’s own relations, he made an end of his pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, “That what had been done at the temple was rather to be attributed to the mind of those that had been killed, than to the authority of Archelaus; for that those who were the authors of such things are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them.	²⁴⁰ When Antipater had said this and confirmed it by the testimony of many of his relatives, he ended his speech. Then Nicolaus stood up on behalf of Archelaus and said, "What happened in the temple was the fault of those who were killed rather than an abuse of authority by Archelaus, because the ringleaders in such cases do wrong not only by the insolence of their action but also by forcing peace-loving people to defend themselves.
²⁴⁰ Barach

²⁴¹ ὡς δὲ πολέμια ἔδρων λόγῳ μὲν κατ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς εἰς ΚαίσαραCaesar φανερὸν εἶναι · τοὺς γὰρ ὑβριοῦντας κωλυτὰς παραγενομένους ἢ ὑπ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus πεπομφότος κτεῖναι ἐπιθεμένους οὔτε τοῦ θεοῦ οὔτε τοῦ νόμου τῆς ἑορτῆς ἐν φροντίδι γενομένους ,
²⁴¹ Now it is evident that what these did in way of opposition was done under pretense, indeed, against Archelaus, but in reality against Caesar himself, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Archelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their doings. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival,	²⁴¹ While they claimed their fight was with Archelaus, clearly it was really aimed at Caesar himself, and they attacked and killed those whom Archelaus sent to put a stop to their doings, without respecting either God or the festival.
²⁴¹ Barach

²⁴² ὧν ἈντίπατρονAntipater οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθα ἐκδικητὴν καθιστάμενον ἐπὶ θεραπείᾳ ἔχθρας τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ πρὸς ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἢ φύσει τοῦ ἀρετῇ δικαίου . οἱ παρελθόντες καὶ μὴ πρὸς διανοουμένους ἄρχοντες ἀδίκων ἔργων , οἵδε εἰσὶν οἱ βιαζόμενοι καὶ μὴ θέλοντας τοὺς ἀμυνομένους ἐφ᾽ ὅπλα χωρεῖν .
²⁴² whom Antipater yet is not ashamed to patronize, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to arms even against their will.	²⁴² Yet Antipater is not ashamed to be their patron, whether to indulge his hostility to Archelaus, or from his aversion to virtue and justice. It is those who begin and instigate such wrongful actions who compel others even against their will to take to arms in self defence."
²⁴² Barach

²⁴³ ἀνετίθει δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν βουλῇ τῶν κατηγόρων · οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅ τι μὴ οὐ μετὰ γνώμης τῆς αὐτῶν γεγενημένον αἰτίᾳ τοῦ ἀδικεῖν ὑπάγεσθαι , οὐ τῇ φύσει τῇ οὕτως αὐτὰ γεγονότα πονηρὰ εἶναι , ἀλλὰ τῷ βλάψειν ἂν δοκεῖν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus . τοσήνδε αὐτοῖς εἶναι βουλὴν τοῦ ὑβριοῦντος εἰς ἄνδρα συγγενῆ , καὶ πατρὸς μὲν εὐεργέτου , συνήθη δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ διὰ παντὸς οἰκείως πεπολιτευμένον .
²⁴³ So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done but what was derived from them as its authors; nor are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these men’s inclination to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, their father’s benefactor, and familiarity acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them;	²⁴³ In effect he laid the blame on those who had brought the charges, for nothing that they now claimed as injustice had been done except with their approval, things that were not wrong of themselves, but were presented so as to make Archelaus seem guilty, such was their desire to harm a man related to them, their father's benefactor who knew them well and had always lived in friendship with them.
²⁴³ Barach

²⁴⁴ τάς γε μὴν διαθήκας ὑπό τε σωφρονοῦντος γεγράφθαι τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ κυριωτέρας τῶν γεγραμμένων πρότερον διὰ τὸ ΚαίσαριCaesar δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων καταλελεῖφθαι τὴν‎ κρίσιν τῶν ἐν αὐταῖς γεγραμμένων .
²⁴⁴ for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason, because Caesar is therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained;	²⁴⁴ Regarding the testament, it was made by the king when he was of sound mind and should carry more authority than his former testament, since in it Caesar was left as judge to dispose of all that was written within it.
²⁴⁴ Barach

²⁴⁵ μιμήσεσθαί τε οὐδαμῶς ΚαίσαραCaesar τὴν‎ ὕβριν αὐτῶν , οἳ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod παντοίως ἀπολαύσαντες παρ᾽ ὃν ἔζη καιρὸν δυνάμεως τὰ πάντα ἐπὶ ὕβρει γνώμης ἐπείγοιντο αὐτοῦ‎ , οὐδ᾽ αὐτῶν περὶ τὸν συγγενῆ τοιούτων γεγονότων .
²⁴⁵ and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust proceedings of those men, who, during Herod’s whole life, had on all occasions been joint partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavor to injure his determination, while they have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Archelaus had].	²⁴⁵ Caesar, surely, will not imitate the injustice of those who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions shared in his power and yet now tried to set aside his decision, showing little regard for their relationship.
²⁴⁵ Barach

²⁴⁶ οὔκουν Καίσαρά γε ἀνδρὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ πεποιημένου τὰ πάντα καὶ φίλου καὶ συμμάχου καταλύσειν τὰς διαθήκας ἐπὶ πίστει τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ γεγραμμένας , οὐδὲ μιμήσεσθαι κακίαν τὴν‎ ἐκείνων τὴν‎ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀρετὴν καὶ πίστιν πρὸς ἅπασαν τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην ἀνενδοίαστον γενομένην ,
²⁴⁶ Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, of his friend and confederate, and that which is committed to him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar’s virtuous and upright disposition, which is known and uncontested through all the habitable world,	²⁴⁶ Caesar would not therefore disannul the testament of a man who had entirely supported him as his friend and ally, and that which is entrusted to him to ratify, nor would Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition, known and accepted throughout the world,
²⁴⁶ Barach

²⁴⁷ καὶ μανίαν καὶ λογισμῶν ἔκστασιν κατακρίνειν ἀνδρὸς βασιλέως , υἱεῖ μὲν ἀγαθῷ τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν καταλελοιπότος , πίστει δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ προσπεφευγότος · οὔτ᾽ ἁμαρτάνειν ἩρώδηνHerōd ποτὲ περὶ κρίσιν τοῦ διαδόχου σωφροσύνῃ κεχρημένον ἐπὶ τῇ ΚαίσαροςCaesar γνώμῃ τὰ πάντα ποιεῖσθαι .
²⁴⁷ imitate the wickedness of these men in condemning a king as a madman, and as having lost his reason, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and to one who flies to Caesar’s upright determination for refuge. Nor can Herod at any time have been mistaken in his judgment about a successor, while he showed so much prudence as to submit all to Caesar’s determination.”	²⁴⁷ pay heed to those who branded a king as a madman out of his mind when bequeathing the succession to a good son, who had fled to his fidelity for refuge. Nor could Herod ever have erred in his judgment about a successor, while showing such prudence as to submit everything to Caesar's decision."
²⁴⁷ Barach

²⁴⁸ Καὶ ΝικόλαοςNicolaus μὲν τοιάδε διελθὼν καταπαύει τὸν λόγον · ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ ἈρχέλαονArchelaus προσπεσόντα αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰ γόνατα φιλοφρόνως τε ἀνίστηto raise up φάμενος ἀξιώτατον εἶναι τῆς βασιλείας πολλήν τε ἀπέφαινε τροπὴν γνώμης τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ οὐκ ἄλλα πράξειν , ἀλλ᾽ ὁπόσαhow great, how much αἵ τε διαθῆκαι ὑπηγόρευον καὶ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus συνέφερεν .
²⁴⁸ Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Caesar, he ended his plea; whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Archelaus, that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said that he well deserved the kingdom; and he soon let them know that he was so far moved in his favor, that he would not act otherwise than his father’s testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus.	²⁴⁸ With this Nicolaus ended his plea. Caesar was so favourable to Archelaus who had thrown himself down at his feet that he raised him up, declaring him well deserving of the kingdom, and indicating that he favoured him to the extent that he would do nothing other than validate his father's testament in favour of Archelaus.
²⁴⁸ Barach

²⁴⁹ οὐ μέντοι γε ἐκεκύρωτο οὐδέν , ὡς ἂν ἐχεγγύῳ παραδείγματι χρώμενον ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας ἈρχέλαονArchelaus εἶναι . Καὶ διαλύσεως τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενομένης ἐσκοπεῖτο καθ᾽ αὑτόν , εἴτε ἈρχελάῳArchelaus τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐπικυρωτέον , εἴτε νομὴν αὐτῆς ποιεῖσθαι παντὶ τῷ ἩρώδουHerod γένει καὶ ταῦτα πάντων πολλῆς ἐπικουρίας δεομένων .
²⁴⁹ However, while he gave this encouragement to Archelaus to depend on him securely, he made no full determination about him; and when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod’s posterity; and this because they all stood in need of much assistance to support them.	²⁴⁹ But he made no final decision about it, leaving Archelaus unsure of his intentions, and after the assembly ended, he pondered by himself whether to confirm the kingdom to Archelaus, or to divide it among all Herod's family, because they were all in need of so much support.
²⁴⁹ Barach

Chapter 10
[250-298]
A Rebellion against Rome is quelled by Varus

☜ ☞

²⁵⁰ Πρότερον δὲ ἢ κύρωσίν τινα τούτων γενέσθαι Μαλθάκη τε ἡ ἈρχελάουArchelaus μήτηρ νόσῳ τελευτᾷ καὶ παρὰ ΟὐάρουVarus τοῦ ΣυρίαςSyria στρατηγοῦ παρῆν γράμματα τὴν‎ ἸουδαίωνJews ἀπόστασινa revolt διασαφοῦντα ·
²⁵⁰ But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus’s mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came from Varus, the president of Syria, which informed Caesar of the revolt of the Jews;	²⁵⁰ But before these matters could be resolved, Malthace, Archelaus' mother, developed an illness from which she died, and letters came from Varus, the ruler of Syria, which told Caesar of the revolt of the Jews.
²⁵⁰ Barach

²⁵¹ τοῦ γὰρ ἈρχελάουArchelaus μετὰ τὸν ἔκπλουν ἐθορυβήθη τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος . Καὶ ΟὔαροςVarus αὐτὸς ἐπεὶ παρὼν ὡς τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς κινήσεως τιμωρίᾳ περιβαλὼν καὶ τοῦ πολλοῦ τῆς στάσεως ἐπίσχεσιν ποιησάμενος πολλῆς γενομένης ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch τὴν‎ ἀναζυγὴν ἐποιεῖτο , τάγμα ἓν τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem λειπόμενος τὴν‎ ἸουδαίωνJews νεωτεροποιίαν ἐπιστομιοῦντας .
²⁵¹ for after Archlaus was sailed, the whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antiocli, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation.	²⁵¹ After Archelaus had sailed, the whole nation was in uproar, and since he was there, Varus punished the authors of the disturbance, and managed to restrain the majority from joining this rebellion, even though it was widespread. Then he left for Antioch, leaving one legion of his army in Jerusalem to keep guard on the Jews, who were now very apt to rebel.
²⁵¹ Barach

²⁵² οὐ μὴν ἐπεραίνετό γε οὐδὲν ἐπὶ παύλῃ τοῦ μὴ οὐ στασιάσοντος αὐτῶν . ὅτε γὰρ ΟὔαροςVarus ἀπῄει καὶ ΣαβῖνοςSabinus ὁ ἐπίτροπος τοῦ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ὑπομείνας αὐτόθι μεγάλως τοὺς στασιώτας κατεπόνει , στρατιᾷ τε τῇ καταλελειμμένῃ πιστεύων , ὡς καὶ περιέσοιτο αὐτῶν , καὶ τῷ πλήθει ·
²⁵² Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition; for after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar’s procurator, staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there that they would by their multitude protect him;	²⁵² Still this did not avail to put an end to their revolt, for after Varus had left, Caesar's agent, Sabinus, stayed on and greatly harried the rebels, relying on the size of the forces that were left there to protect him by their sheer numbers.
²⁵² Barach

²⁵³ πολλοὺς δὲ ὄντας ὁπλίσας δορυφόροις ἐχρῆτο αὐτοῖς ἐπείγων τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews καὶ ἐκταράσσων ἐπὶ ἀποστάσει · τάς τε γὰρ ἄκρας ἐβιάζετο παραλαμβάνειν καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν χρημάτων ἐπ᾽ ἐρεύνῃ προθύμως ὥρμητο βίᾳ διὰ κέρδη καὶ πλεονεξιῶν ἐπιθυμίας .
²⁵³ for he made use of them, and armed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king’s money, in order to seize upon it by force, on account of his love of gain and his extraordinary covetousness.	²⁵³ He armed many of them as his bodyguards, and was so oppressive to the Jews that finally they rebelled; for he seized the citadels with violence and went eagerly in search of the king's money to lay hold of it, due to his greed and love of gain.
²⁵³ Barach

²⁵⁴ Ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς , ἑορτὴ δὲ ἡμῶν ἐστιν πάτριος τοῦτο κεκλημένη , οὔτι κατὰ τὴν‎ θρησκείαν μόνον παρῆσαν , ἀλλ᾽ ὀργῇ φέροντες τὴν‎ παροινίαν τῆς ΣαβίνουSabinus ὕβρεως μυριάδες συνηθροίσθησαν ἀνθρώπων καὶ πάνυ πολλαὶ ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee τε καὶ ἸδουμαίωνIdumaea , ἹεριχουντίωνJericho τε ἦν πληθὺς καὶ ὁπόσοιhow great, how much περάσαντι ἸορδάνηνJordan ποταμὸν οἰκοῦσιν , αὐτῶν τε ἸουδαίωνJews πλῆθος πρὸς πάντας συνειλέχατο καὶ πολὺ προθυμότεροι τῶν ἄλλων ἐπὶ τιμωρίᾳ τῇ ΣαβίνουSabinus ὡρμήκεσαν .
²⁵⁴ But on the approach of pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of men got together; nor did they come only to celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great number there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and inhabited those parts. This whole multitude joined themselves to all the rest, and were more zealous than the others in making an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avenged on him;	²⁵⁴ But many thousands gathered, shortly before our ancestral festival called Pentecost. They came not only from piety, but also enraged at the excessive scorn with which Sabinus treated them. Thousands gathered, Galileans and Idumaeans and many from Jericho and others who had crossed the river Jordan to join the Judean crowd. All of these very eagerly came together to make an attack on Sabinus.
²⁵⁴ Barach

²⁵⁵ καὶ τρία μέρη νεμηθέντες ἐπὶ τοσῶνδε στρατοπεδεύονται χωρίων , οἱ μὲν τὸν ἱππόδρομον ἀπολαβόντες , καὶ τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν δύο μερῶν οἱ μὲν τῷ βορείῳ τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν τετραμμένοι , οἱ δὲ ἑῴαν μοῖραν εἶχον , μοῖρα δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ τρίτη τὰ πρὸς δυόμενον ἥλιον , ἔνθα καὶ τὸ βασίλειον ἦν . ἐπράσσετο δὲ τὰ πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἁπανταχόθεν αὐτοῖς ἀποκεκλεισμένων .
²⁵⁵ so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following:—some of them seized on the hippodrome and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quarter; but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king’s palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose them on all sides.	²⁵⁵ They divided up into three groups and camped in three places. Some of them took the hippodrome and one of the other two groups occupied from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east side, and the third group held the western part of the city, near the royal palace. Their plan was to besiege the Romans and to close them in on all sides.
²⁵⁵ Barach

²⁵⁶ καὶ ΣαβῖνοςSabinus , ἔδεισε γὰρ τό τε πλῆθος αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ φρονήματα ἀνδρῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὸ θανεῖν ποιουμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡττᾶσθαι μὴ ἐθέλειν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀρετὴν κρίνειαν τὸ νικᾶν , παραχρῆμά τε ὡς τὸν ΟὔαρονVarus ἔπεμπε γράμματα καὶ τὸ σύνηθες οὐκ ἀνίει κελεύων ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος βοηθεῖν , ὡς κινδύνου μεγίστου τὸ ἐγκαταλειφθὲν στράτευμα περιεσχηκότος διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς μακρὰν ἐλπίζειν κατακοπήσεσθαι ληφθέντας αὐτούς .
²⁵⁶ Now Sabinus was afraid of these men’s number, and of their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their enemies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing with him, and entreated him to come quickly to his assistance, because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces;	²⁵⁶ Sabinus took fright from the number and resolve of these men, who had little regard for their lives and were determined not to be defeated, and made it a point of honour to score a victory, so he immediately sent a letter to Varus, as usual urging him to come quickly to his aid, because the forces he had left were in grave danger and expected to be taken soon and cut to pieces.
²⁵⁶ Barach

²⁵⁷ αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ φρουρίου τὸν ὑψηλότατον τῶν πύργων καταλαβόμενος ΦασάηλονPhasael ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod ἀδελφοῦ ΦασαήλουPhasael ᾠκοδομημένον τε καὶ οὕτως εἰρημένον τελευτῆς ὑπὸ ΠαρθυαίωνParthians αὐτῷ γενομένης , κατέσειε τοῖς ῬωμαίοιςRomans ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews , αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδ᾽ εἰς τοὺς φίλους τολμῶν κατιέναι , τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους προαποθνήσκειν αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς πλεονεξίας δικαιῶν .
²⁵⁷ while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Phasaelus, which had been built in honor of Phasaelus, king Herod’s brother, and called so when the Parthians had brought him to his death. So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of his avarice.	²⁵⁷ He himself went up to the highest tower of the Phasael fortress, built in honour of king Herod's brother Phasael, and named after him after he died at the hands of the Parthians, and from there signalled to the Romans to attack the Jews, though he himself did not dare even to come down to his friends, but expected others to risk death for the sake of his avarice.
²⁵⁷ Barach

²⁵⁸ τολμησάντων δ᾽ εἰς τὴν‎ ἔξοδον τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin μάχη συνῄει καρτερά , καὶ οἱ ῬωμαῖοιRomans πολλῶν μὲν ἔργων ἐκράτουν , οὐ μὴν τὰ φρονήματά γε τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews ἔκαμνε τῇ ὄψει τοῦ δεινοῦ πολλῶν αὐτοῖς πεπτωκότων ,
²⁵⁸ However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was made of them;	²⁵⁸ The Romans risked a sally out from the place and fought a fierce battle in which, although the Romans won, the Jews were undaunted in their resolve, even when they saw how many of them were killed.
²⁵⁸ Barach

²⁵⁹ περιοδεύσαντες δ᾽ ἀνίασιν ἐπὶ τὰς στοάς , αἵπερ ἦσαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τὸν ἔξω περίβολον περιέχουσαι , καὶ πολλοῖς ἀμάχου γενομένης λίθους τε ἠφίεσαν τοὺς μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς ὑπάραντες , οὓς δὲ σφενδονῶν , ἀθληταὶ τρόπου τοιαύτης μάχης ὄντες .
²⁵⁹ but they went round about, and got upon those cloisters which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises.	²⁵⁹ They went around and got up on the porticoes which surrounded the outer court of the temple, while the fighting raged they threw stones at the Romans, some with their hands and some with slings, being practiced in fighting of this kind.
²⁵⁹ Barach

²⁶⁰ καὶ οἱ τοξόται πάντες παρατεταγμένοι μεγάλα ἔβλαπτον τοὺς ῬωμαίουςRomans διὰ τὸ ὑπερδέξιοί τε εἶναι καὶ ἐπιχειρεῖσθαι μὲν ἄποροι διὰ τὸ ἀνέφικτον τοῖς εἰσακοντίζειν πειρωμένοις εἶναι , ῥᾴους δὲ κρατεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἔχοντες . Καὶ πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἡ μάχη συνέστη τοιάδε οὖσα .
²⁶⁰ All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their enemies. And this sort of fight lasted a great while,	²⁶⁰ The many archers standing beside them also did the Romans a large amount of harm, because they shot from above and were not easy to attack, being beyond reach of those who tried to shoot upwards at them, so that they were easily having the better of their enemy and so the fight went on for a long time.
²⁶⁰ Barach

²⁶¹ ἔπειτα ῬωμαῖοιRomans δεινῶς φέροντες τοῖς δρωμένοις πῦρ ἐνιᾶσιν ταῖς στοαῖς λαθόντες ἸουδαίωνJews τοὺς ἀναβεβηκότας ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς . Καὶ τὸ πῦρ ὑπό τε πολλῶν προστεθειμένον καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἐγείρειν φλόγα δυναμένων ἥπτετο τοῦ ὀρόφου ᾗ τάχος .
²⁶¹ till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those that were gotten upon them did not perceive it. This fire being fed by a great deal of combustible matter, caught hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters;	²⁶¹ In their desperate situation, the Romans finally set fire to the porticoes, so secretly that those who were up on the roof did not notice it. This fire, being fed by many hands and much combustible material, caught hold of the roof immediately,
²⁶¹ Barach

²⁶² ὁ δὲ ξύλωσιν παρέχων πίσσης τε καὶ κηροῦ πλέον ἔτι δὲ χρυσὸν ἐπαληλιμμένον εὐθέως ήκειν , ἔργα τε μεγάλα ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀξιολογώτατα ἠφανίζετο . Καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν στοῶν ὄλεθρος οὗτος ἀπροσδόκητος κατέλαβεν · οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ὀρόφου καταρραγέντος συγκατεφέροντο αὐτῷ , τοὺς δὲ περισταδὸν ἔβαλλον οἱ πολέμιοι ·
²⁶² so the wood, which was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were destroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who encompassed them.	²⁶² so that the wood, which contained pitch and wax and whose gold was laid on it with wax, soon yielded to the flame and those vast works of such great value were utterly destroyed, and at the same time those up on the roof unexpectedly died, for as the roof collapsed, some died in the fall and others were killed by their enemies who surrounded them.
²⁶² Barach

²⁶³ πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπορίᾳ σωτηρίας τε καὶ ἐκπλήξει κακοῦ τοῦ περιεστηκότος , οἱ μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἵεσαν αὑτούς , οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς ξίφεσι χρώμενοι διάδρασιν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐποιοῦντο , ὁπόσοιhow great, how much δὲ εἰς τὸ κατόπιν χωρήσαντες ὁδῷroad, way ᾗ ἀναβεβήκεσαν ἐσώζοντο , οἱ ῬωμαῖοιRomans πάντας ἔκτεινον γυμνούς τε ὄντας καὶ τὰ φρονήματα ἐκλελυμένους , οὐδὲν τῆς ἀπονοίας διὰ τὸ ἄνοπλον βοηθεῖν δυναμένης .
²⁶³ There was a great number more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire, or threw themselves upon their own swords, and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were all killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were destitute of armor,	²⁶³ There were many who, despairing of being saved and appalled by the awful fate facing them, jumped into the fire, or fell on their swords to escape it. Any who retreated back the way they had come up were killed by the Romans, being unarmed and with their courage failing, since their wild fury could not help them, being unarmed.
²⁶³ Barach

²⁶⁴ ἐσώθη τε τῶν ἀνελθόντωνto go up ἐπὶ τὸ τέγος οὐδ᾽ ὁστισοῦν . Καὶ οἱ ῬωμαῖοιRomans διὰ τοῦ πυρὸς ᾗ παρείκοι ὠσθέντες ἐκράτουν τοῦ θησαυροῦ , καθ᾽ ὃν ἱερὰ ἦν χρήματα . Καὶ διεκλάπη μὲν πολλὰ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν , ΣαβῖνοςSabinus δὲ περιεποίησεν εἰς τὸ φανερὸν τετρακόσια τάλαντα .
²⁶⁴ insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred money was reposited; a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers, and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents.	²⁶⁴ None of those who had gone up on the roof escaped. The Romans also rushed through the fire wherever they could do so and captured the treasury where the sacred money was kept, and most of it was stolen by the soldiers, while Sabinus himself openly got four hundred talents.
²⁶⁴ Barach

²⁶⁵ ἸουδαίουςJews δὲ ἐλύπει μὲν τὸ πάθος τῶν φίλων , οἳ ἐν τῇδε ἔπεσον τῇ μάχῃ , ἐλύπει δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀναθημάτων ἡ ἀφαίρεσις , οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ ὅπερ αὐτῶν ἐτύγχανεν συνεστραμμένον καὶ μαχιμώτατον τούτῳ ἐμπεριέχοντες τὸ βασίλειον ἠπείλουνto hold out; to keep away πῦρ τε ἐνήσειν αὐτῷ καὶ πάντας κτείνειν , κελεύοντες ᾗ τάχος ἀπιέναι καὶ πειθομένοις ὑπισχνούμενοι χρόνου καὶ ΣαβίνῳSabinus σὺν αὐτοῖς .
²⁶⁵ But this calamity of the Jews’ friends, who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set fire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out presently, and promised, that if they would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither;	²⁶⁵ The Jews were grieved by the fate of their friends who fell in this battle, and also at this theft of the sacred treasure. The most organized and warlike of them surrounded the palace and threatened to burn it and kill all who were in it, but then they ordered them to leave it without delay, promising that if they did, they and Sabinus would not be harmed.
²⁶⁵ Barach

²⁶⁶ καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν τὸ πλεῖστον ηὐτομολήκεσαν σὺν αὐτοῖς , ῬοῦφοςRufus δὲ καὶ ΓρᾶτοςGratus τρισχιλίους τὸ μαχιμώτατον τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod στρατεύματος ἔχοντες ἄνδρας τοῖς σώμασι δραστηρίους ῬωμαίοιςRomans προστίθενται . καί τι καὶ ἱππικὸν ἦν τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ Ῥούφῳ τεταγμένων , ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ προσθήκη τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ἐγεγόνει .
²⁶⁶ at which time the greatest part of the king’s troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod’s army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Ruffis, which itself went over to the Romans also.	²⁶⁶ Most of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, with three thousand of the best and fittest warriors of Herod's army, went over to the Romans. A band of cavalry under the command of Rufus also joined the Romans.
²⁶⁶ Barach

²⁶⁷ ἸουδαίοιςJews δὲ οὐκ ἠμέλητο ἡ πολιορκία , ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τείχη μετήλλευον καὶ τοῖς μεταβαλλομένοις ἐκέλευον μὴ ἐμποδισταῖς εἶναι τοῦ ἀποληψομένου χρόνῳ παροῦσαν αὐτοῖς ἐλευθερίαν τὴν‎ πάτριον .
²⁶⁷ However, the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace walls, and besought those that were gone over to the other side not to be their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country’s ancient liberty;	²⁶⁷ The Jews went on with the siege and dug mines under the palace walls and begged those who had gone over to the other side not to stop them, now that they had such an opportunity to regain their country's ancient freedom.
²⁶⁷ Barach

²⁶⁸ ΣαβίνῳSabinus μὲν οὖν εὐκτὸν ἀπιέναι μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν , πιστεύειν δ᾽ οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν διὰ τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ τὸ λίαν εὔγνωμον τῶν πολεμίων ἐπ᾽ ἀποτροπῇ τοῦ κατασταθησομένου εἶχεν , ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν ΟὔαρονVarus ἥξειν προσδοκῶν ὑπέμενε τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν .
²⁶⁸ and for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of going away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not comply with them; and so, because he expected that Varus was coming, he still bore the siege.	²⁶⁸ Much though Sabinus would have wished to leave with his soldiers, he could not trust them, due to the harm he had already done, and he took the enemy's too great generosity as a reason for not accepting, and so, because he hoped that Varus was coming, he held on under the siege.
²⁶⁸ Barach

²⁶⁹ Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα μυρία θορύβων ἐχόμενα τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea κατελάμβανεν πολλῶν πολλαχόσε οἳ κατ᾽ οἰκείων ἐλπίδας κερδῶν καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔχθρας ἐπὶ τὸ πολεμεῖν ὡρμημένων ·
²⁶⁹ Now at this time there were ten thousand other disorders in Judea, which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews.	²⁶⁹ Meanwhile countless other riots took place in Judea, for many rose up to go to war, either from hopes of gain to themselves, or from enmity to the Jews.
²⁶⁹ Barach

²⁷⁰ δισχίλιοι μὲν τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδῃHerod ποτὲ στρατευσαμένων καὶ ἤδη καταλελυκότες ἐν αὐτῇ ἸουδαίᾳJudea συστάντες προσεπολέμουν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ἀντιστατοῦντος αὐτοῖς ἈχιάβουAchiabus τοῦ ἩρώδουHerod ἀνεψιοῦ , καὶ τῶν μὲν πεδίων εἰς τὰ μετέωρα ἀνεωσμένου δι᾽ ἐμπειρίαν τὴν‎ εἰς τὰ πολεμικὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν , ταῖς δὲ δυσχωρίαις σώζοντος ὁπόσαhow great, how much δυνατά .
²⁷⁰ In particular, two thousand of Herod’s old soldiers, who had been already disbanded, got together in Judea itself, and fought against the king’s troops, although Achiabus, Herod’s first cousin, opposed them; but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could.	²⁷⁰ Two thousand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been disbanded, gathered in Judea and fought the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them, but as he was driven from the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he retreated to the most inaccessible places and saved whatever he could.
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²⁷¹ ἸούδαςJudas δὲ ἦν Ἐζεκίου τοῦ ἀρχιλῃστοῦ ΝαχώρηςNahor ἐπὶ μέγα δυνηθέντος ὑφ᾽ ἩρώδουHerod δὲ μεγάλοις ληφθέντος πόνοις . Οὗτος οὖν ὁ ἸούδαςJudas περὶ ΣέπφωρινSepphoris τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee συστησάμενος πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀπονενοημένων ἐπιδρομὴν τῷ βασιλείῳ ποιεῖται καὶ ὅπλων κρατήσας ὁπόσαhow great, how much αὐτόθι ἀπέκειτο ὥπλιζε τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν καὶ ἀποφέρεται χρήματα ὁπόσαhow great, how much κατελήφθη αὐτόθι ,
²⁷¹ There was also Judas, the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great difficulty been caught by Herod. This Judas, having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an assault upon the palace [there,] and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there;	²⁷¹ A fellow called Judas, son of the Ezekias who had been leader of the brigands and a very strong man whom Herod had captured only with great difficulty, gathered a crowd of rogues near Sepphoris in Galilee. There he attacked the palace and seized all the weapons stored there and with them armed his companions and took whatever money was kept there.
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²⁷² φοβερός τε ἅπασιν ἦν ἄγων καὶ φέρων τοὺς προστυγχάνοντας ἐπιθυμίᾳ μειζόνων πραγμάτων καὶ ζηλώσει βασιλείου τιμῆς , οὐκ ἀρετῆς ἐμπειρίᾳ τοῦ δὲ ὑβρίζειν περιουσίᾳabundance; surplus κτήσεσθαι προσδοκῶν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν γέρας .
²⁷² and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and all this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries.	²⁷² He terrorized everyone by tearing and rending those who came near him, all for self aggrandizement and an ambition to be king, which he hoped to obtain not by the practice of virtue, but by the extent he could dominate others.
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²⁷³ Ἦν δὲ καὶ ΣίμωνSimon δοῦλος μὲν ἩρώδουHerod τοῦ βασιλέως , ἄλλως δὲ ἀνὴρ εὐπρεπὴς καὶ μεγέθει καὶ ῬώμῃRome σώματος ἐπὶ μέγα προύχων τε καὶ πεπιστευμένος . Οὗτος ἀρθεὶς τῇ ἀκρισίᾳ τῶν πραγμάτων διάδημά τε ἐτόλμησε περιθέσθαι ,
²⁷³ There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to others of his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the disorderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head,	²⁷³ There was a slave of king Herod called Simon, a handsome, large and strong man who hoped for great things. Puffed up by the disorderly state of affairs, this man dared to put a crown on his head,
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²⁷⁴ καί τινος πλήθους συστάντος καὶ αὐτὸς βασιλεὺς ἀναγγελθεὶς μανίᾳ τῇ ἐκείνων καὶ εἶναι ἄξιος ἐλπίσαςto have hope, confidence παρ᾽ ὁντινοῦν τό τε ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho βασίλειον πίμπρησιν δι᾽ ἁρπαγῆς ἄγων τὰ ἐγκατειλημμένα , πολλάς τε καὶ ἄλλας τῶν βασιλικῶν οἰκήσεων πολλαχοῦ τῆς χώρας πῦρ ἐνιεὶς ἠφάνιζεν , τοῖς συνεστηκόσιν λείαν ἄγειν τὰ ἐγκαταλελειμμένα ἐπιτρέπων .
²⁷⁴ while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be a king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many other of the king’s houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in them for a prey;	²⁷⁴ while some people supported him and madly hailed him as king and he thought himself more worthy of it than anyone else. He burned down the royal palace at Jericho and plundered whatever remained from it, and set fire to many other royal residences in various parts of the country and utterly destroyed them after letting his companions plunder what was left in them.
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²⁷⁵ ἐπέπρακτο δ᾽ ἄν τι μεῖζον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μὴ ταχείας ἐπιστροφῆς γενομένης · ὁ γὰρ ΓρᾶτοςGratus ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν στρατιωτῶν ῬωμαίοιςRomans προστεθειμένος μεθ᾽ ἧς εἶχεν δυνάμεως ὑπαντιάζει τὸν ΣίμωναSimon ,
²⁷⁵ and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces he had with him, and met Simon,	²⁷⁵ He would have gone on to greater things if he had not been quickly taken in hand, for Gratus, leader of the royal forces joined with some Roman forces and faced up to Simon.
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²⁷⁶ καὶ μάχης αὐτοῖς μεγάλης ἐπὶ πολὺ γενομένης τό τε πολὺ τῶν ΠεραίωνPerea ἀσύντακτοι ὄντες καὶ τόλμῃ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπιστήμῃ μαχόμενοι ἐφθάρησαν , καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ ΣίμωνοςSimon διά τινος φάραγγος σώζοντος αὑτὸν ΓρᾶτοςGratus ἐντυχὼν τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν ἀποτέμνει .
²⁷⁶ and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that came from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skillful manner, were destroyed; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head.	²⁷⁶ The fight was hard and long and many of those who came from Perea, who were disorderly and fought with more bravery than skill, were destroyed; and though Simon escaped through a certain ravine, Gratus overtook him and cut off his head.
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²⁷⁷ κατεπρήσθη δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐπ᾽ ἸορδάνῃJordan ποταμῷ ἐν Ἀμμάθοις βασίλεια ὑπό τινων συστάντων ἀνδρῶν ΣίμωνιSimon παραπλησίων . οὕτως πολλὴ ἀφροσύνη ἐνεπολίτευσε τῷ ἔθνει διὰ τὸ βασιλέα μὲν οἰκεῖον οὐκ εἶναι τὸν καθέξοντα τὸ πλῆθος ἀρετῇ , τοὺς δ᾽ ἀλλοφύλους ἐπελθόντας σωφρονιστὰς τοῦ μὴ στασιάσοντος τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπέκκαυμα αὐτῶν διά τε τοῦ ὑβρίζειν καὶ πλεονεκτεῖν γενέσθαι .
²⁷⁷ The royal palace also at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got together, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order, and because those foreigners who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they offered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs.	²⁷⁷ The royal palace also at Amathus by the river Jordan was burned down by a party of men who were like those belonging to Simon. In this way a wild fury spread across the nation, because they had no native king of moral stature to keep the populace in order, and because the foreigners who came to quell the rebels inflamed people still more, by offensive behaviour and their greed.
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²⁷⁸ Ἐπεὶ καὶ Ἀθρόγγης ἀνὴρ οὔτε προγόνων ἐπιφανὴς ἀξιώματι οὔτε ἀρετῆς περιουσίᾳabundance; surplus ἤ τινων πλήθει χρημάτων , ποιμὴν δὲ καὶ ἀνεπιφανὴς τοῖς πᾶσιν εἰς τὰ πάντα ὤν , ἄλλως δὲ μεγέθει σώματος καὶ τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀλκῇ διαπρέπων , ἐτόλμησεν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ φρονῆσαι τῷ κτώμενόν τε αὐτὴν ἡδονῆς πλέον ὑβρίσαι καὶ θνήσκων οὐκ ἐν μεγάλοις τίθεσθαι τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ ἐπὶ τοιοῖσδε ἀνάλωμα γενησόμενον .
²⁷⁸ But because Athronges, a person neither eminent by the dignity of his progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design.	²⁷⁸ Athronges was a man neither eminent through his ancestors, nor for any personal virtue, and had been merely an unknown shepherd, yet because he was tall and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he dared to aspire to be king, in which position he could abuse others as he pleased, and did not much care if he lost his life in gaining such a goal.
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²⁷⁹ ἦσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τέσσαρες μεγάλοι τε καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἐπὶ μέγα προύχειν τῇ κατὰ χεῖρας ἀρετῇ πεπιστευμένοι , πρόεχμα εἶναι τῆς καθέξεως τῆς βασιλείας δοκοῦντες , λόχου τε αὐτῶν ἦρχεν ἕκαστος · συλλέγεται γὰρ μεγάλη πληθὺς πρὸς αὐτούς .
²⁷⁹ He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous.	²⁷⁹ He had four brothers, all tall men who were confident in their physical and whom he thought would help him achieve his desire to rule, as each of them had his own band of men, for many had joined them.
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²⁸⁰ καὶ οἵδε μὲν στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν καὶ ὑπεστράτευον αὐτῷ ὁπόσαhow great, how much εἰς τὰς μάχας φοιτῶντες δι᾽ αὐτῶν , ὁ δὲ διάδημα περιθέμενος βουλευτήριόν τε ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιητέοις καὶ τὰ πάντα γνώμῃ ἀνακείμενα εἶχεν τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ .
²⁸⁰ They were every one of them also commanders; but when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done, and all things were done according to his pleasure.	²⁸⁰ Each commanded his own group, but when they came to battle they obeyed him and fought for him, and he put a crown on his head and assembled a council to debate on what should be done and everything was done as he pleased.
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²⁸¹ διέμενέ τε ἐπὶ πολὺ τῷδε τῷ ἀνδρὶ ἡ ἰσχὺς βασιλεῖ τε κεκλημένῳ καὶ ἃ πράσσειν ἐθέλοι μὴ ἀποστερουμένῳ , φόνῳ τε καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἦσαν ἐπὶ μέγα προσκείμενοι ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τε καὶ βασιλικῶν μίσει πολιτεύοντες ὁμοίως πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους , τοῦτο μὲν ὕβρει ᾗ χρήσαιντο ἐπὶ τῆς ἩρώδουHerod ἀρχῆς , ῬωμαίουςRomans δὲ ὧν τὸ παρὸν ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖν .
²⁸¹ And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king’s forces, an managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king’s forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod’s government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them.	²⁸¹ This man held power a long time and was also called king, with nothing to stop him from doing what he wished. With his brothers he killed many of the Romans and of the king's soldiers, whom he hated and attacked on account of the licentiousness allowed them under Herod's rule, and hated the Romans for the recent wrongs they had received from them.
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²⁸² προιόντος δὲ χρόνου καὶ ἐπὶ πλέον ὁμοίως ἐξηγριώθησαν διάφευξίς τε οὐκ ἦν τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐμπεσεῖν , τὰ μὲν κέρδους ἐλπίδι , τὰ δὲ καὶ συνηθείᾳ τοῦ φονεύειν . ἐπιτίθενται δέ ποτε καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin λόχῳ κατὰ Ἐμμαοῦντα , οἳ σῖτόν τε καὶ ὅπλα τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔφερον . Καὶ περιστάντες ἌρειονArias μὲν τὸν ἑκατόνταρχον , ὃς ἡγεῖτο τοῦ παντὸς καὶ τεσσαράκοντα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πεζῶν τοὺς κρατίστους κατηκόντισαν .
²⁸² But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men, nor could any one escape from one or other of these seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slaying men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot soldiers;	²⁸² As time passed they grew more brutal to everyone, and there was no escape from one or other of them, since they killed some for the sake of gain and others from their habit of killing. In Emmaus they once attacked a company of Romans who were bringing corn and weapons to the army and surrounding Arius the centurion in charge, they speared forty of the best of his foot soldiers.
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²⁸³ οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δείσαντες πρὸς τὸ πάθος αὐτῶν ΓράτουGratus σὺν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς , οἳ περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν , σκέπης αὐτοῖς γενομένης σώζονται τοὺς νεκροὺς καταλιπόντες . Καὶ πολὺν μὲν τοιουτοτρόποις χρώμενοι χρόνον μάχαις ῬωμαίουςRomans τε παρελύπησαν οὐκ εἰς ὀλίγα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐκάκωσαν ἐπὶ μέγα .
²⁸³ but the rest of them were affrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king’s troops that were about him to their assistance. Now these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans; but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief.	²⁸³ The others were scared on seeing their fate that they left the dead behind them, but were saved by Gratus, who came to their help with his royal troops. These four brothers continued the war a long while by attacks of this kind and harried the Romans, but also did much harm to their own nation.
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²⁸⁴ Χειροῦται δὲ αὐτῶν χρόνῳ ὕστερον ὁ μὲν ΓράτῳGratus συμβαλὼν ὁ δὲ ΠτολεμαίῳPtolemy , καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἈρχελάουArchelaus λαβόντος ὁ τελευταῖος πάθει τε τῷ ἐκείνου λελυπημένος καὶ ἄπορονwithout passage ἐπὶ πλέον ὁρῶν τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν ὑπὸ μονώσεως καὶ καμάτου πολλοῦ ψιλωθεὶς τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπὶ δεξιαῖς καὶ πίστει τοῦ θείου ἈρχελάῳArchelaus παραδίδωσιν αὑτόν . Καὶ τάδε μὲν ὕστερον γίνεται .
²⁸⁴ Yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them prisoner; while the last of them was so dejected at the other’s misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labors, that he also delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his promise and oath to God [to preserve his life.] But these things came to pass a good while afterward.	²⁸⁴ But they were later subdued, one in a battle with Gratus, another with Ptolemy. Archelaus took the eldest of them prisoner, while the last of them was so dejected at the other's fate and saw so plainly that he had no way out, with his army worn down by sickness and continual effort, that he surrendered to Archelaus, on his promise and sacred oath to spare his life. But this happened a good while later.
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²⁸⁵ λῃστηρίων δὲ ἡ ἸουδαίαJudea πλέως ἦν , καὶ ὃς παρατύχοι τινῶν οἳ συστασιάσοιεν αὐτῷ βασιλεὺς προιστάμενος ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τοῦ κοινοῦ ἠπείγετο , ὀλίγα μὲν καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγοις ῬωμαίοιςRomans λυπηροὶ καθιστάμενοι , τοῦ δὲ ὁμοφύλου φόνον ἐπὶ μήκιστον ἐμποιοῦντες .
²⁸⁵ And now Judea was full of robberies; and as the several companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king immediately, in order to do mischief to the public. They were in some small measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans; but the murders they committed upon their own people lasted a long while.	²⁸⁵ Judea was full of robberies, and as the various rebel groups chose anyone they found to head them, he immediately became king, to the public ruin. They harmed only a few of the Romans, and in small ways, but committing terrible murders among their own people.
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²⁸⁶ ΟὔαροςVarus δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρῶτον πυνθάνεται [τὰ πεπραγμένα] ΣαβίνουSabinus γράψαντος πρὸς αὐτόν , δείσας περὶ τοῦ τάγματος δύο τὰ λοιπὰ ἀναλαβών , τρία γὰρ ἐπὶ ΣυρίαςSyria τὰ πάντα ἦν , καὶ ἴλας ἱππέων τέσσαρας ὁπόσαhow great, how much τε ἐπικουρικὰ καὶ οἱ βασιλεῖς οἵ τινες τετράρχαι τότε παρεῖχον , ἠπείγετο βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἐν ἸουδαίᾳJudea τότε πολιορκουμένοις .
²⁸⁶ As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus’s writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took the two other legions, (for there were three legions in all belonging to Syria,) and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea.	²⁸⁶ When Sabinus wrote to him of the state of Judea, Varus was afraid for the legion he had left there, so he took the other two of the three legions that were assigned to Syria, and four troops of cavalry, with the various allied forces given him by the kings and some of the tetrarchs and hurried to the aid of those who were under siege in Judea.
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²⁸⁷ εἴρητο δὲ πᾶσιν εἰς ΠτολεμαίδαPtolemais ἐπείγεσθαι ὁπόσοιhow great, how much προεξεπέμποντο . διδόασί τε αὐτῷ καὶ Βηρύτιοι διιόντι αὐτῶν τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπικούρους πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους , πέμπει δὲ καὶ ἈρέταςAretas ὁ ΠετραῖοςPetrea ἔχθει τῷ ἩρώδουHerod φιλίαν τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin κτώμενος οὐκ ὀλίγην χεῖρα πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων .
²⁸⁷ He also gave order that all that were sent out for this expedition, should make haste to Ptolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favor of the Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen;	²⁸⁷ He ordered all those he had sent ahead to hurry to Ptolemais and the citizens of Berytus to give him fifteen hundred allies as he passed through their city, and Aretas of Petra, who in his hatred for Herod had befriended the Romans, sent him significant numbers of infantry and cavalry.
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²⁸⁸ σταθείσης δ᾽ ἐν ΠτολεμαίδιPtolemais πάσης ἤδη τῆς δυνάμεως μέρος τι ταύτης τῷ υἱῷ παραδοὺς [καὶ ] ἑνὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ φίλων ΓαλιλαίουςGalilean ἐξέπεμπεν πολεμεῖν , οἳ ὑπὲρ τῆς ΠτολεμαίδοςPtolemais ἐχόμενοι κατοικοῦσιν .
²⁸⁸ and when he had now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighborhood of Ptolemais;	²⁸⁸ As soon as he had now collected all his forces in Ptolemais, he put part of them under his son and one of his friends and sent them to fight the Galileans in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais.
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²⁸⁹ ὃς ἐμβαλὼν τούς τε ἀντικαταστάντας εἰς μάχην τρέπεται καὶ ΣέπφωρινSepphoris ἑλὼν τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἠνδραποδίσατο , τὴν‎ δὲ πόλιν ἐνέπρησεν . Αὐτὸς δὲ ΟὔαροςVarus ἐπὶ ΣαμαρείαςSamaria τῷ παντὶ στρατῷ προιὼν τῆς μὲν πόλεως ἀπέσχετοto keep off διὰ τὸ ἀνέγκλητον ἐπὶ τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς εἶναι , στρατοπεδεύεται δὲ ἔν τινι κώμῃ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy κτήματι , Ἀροὺς ὄνομα αὐτῇ .
²⁸⁹ who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus himself pursued his march for Samaria with his whole army; yet did not he meddle with the city of that name, because it had not at all joined with the seditious; but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to Ptolemy, whose name was Arus,	²⁸⁹ The son attacked his opponents and put them to flight and took Sepphoris and enslaved its inhabitants and burned the city. Varus himself marched for Samaria with his whole army, but spared the city, because it had not joined the rebels, and camped at a village belonging to Ptolemy, named Arus.
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²⁹⁰ καὶ οἱ ἌραβεςArabs μίσει τῷ ἩρώδουHerod ἐμπιπρᾶσιν αὐτὴν ἐχθρῶς καὶ πρὸς φίλους τοὺς ἐκείνου ἔχοντες . κἀνθένδε προιόντες Σαμφὼ κώμην ἑτέραν διήρπασάν τε οἱ ἌραβεςArabs καὶ ἔκαυσαν πάνυ ἐρυμνὴν οὖσαν , καὶ ἔφυγεν ἐν τῇ προόδῳ οὐδὲν αὐτούς ,
²⁹⁰ which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose name was Sampho, which the Arabians plundered and burnt, although it was a fortified and a strong place; and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all places were full of fire and of slaughter.	²⁹⁰ This the Arabs burned, from hatred to Herod and enmity toward his friends. From there they marched to another village, Sampho, which the Arabs plundered and burned, though it was well fortified, and all along this march nothing escaped them, but all was filled with fire and slaughter.
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²⁹¹ ἀλλὰ πυρὸς καὶ φόνου τὰ πάντα μεστὰ ἦν . πίμπραται δὲ καὶ Ἐμμαοῦς ΟὐάρουVarus κελεύσαντος ἐπ᾽ ἐκδικίᾳ τῶν συντετελευτηκότων προεκλειφθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκητόρων .
²⁹¹ Emmaus was also burnt by Varus’s order, after its inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed.	²⁹¹ Emmaus too, once its inhabitants had fled, was burnt at Varus' orders to avenge those who had been killed there.
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²⁹² ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἤδη συνῆπτε , καὶ ἸουδαίωνJews οἱ κατὰ πολιορκίαν τοῦ τάγματος τῇδε στρατοπεδευόμενοι τὴν‎ ὄψιν τῆς προσόδου τῶν στρατευμάτων οὐχ ὑπομείναντες ᾬχοντο ἡμίεργον τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν καταλιπόντες .
²⁹² From thence he now marched to Jerusalem; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, and who had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army, left the siege imperfect:	²⁹² From there he marched on Jerusalem, and the Jews who were camped there besieging the Roman legion, unable to face his advancing army, abandoned the siege.
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²⁹³ οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ἸουδαῖοιJews δεινῶς τοῦ ΟὐάρουVarus σφίσιν ἐγκαλοῦντος ἀπελύοντο τὰς αἰτίας , ὡς τῆς μὲν συνόδου τῆς πληθύος διὰ τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν γενομένης , τοῦ δὲ πολέμου μηδαμὰ γνώμῃ τῇ αὐτῶν , τόλμῃ δὲ τῶν ἐπηλύδων συνελθόντες αὐτοῖς καὶ συμπολιορκηθέντες ῬωμαίοιςRomans μᾶλλον ἢ πολιορκεῖν προθυμίαν σχόντες .
²⁹³ but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the accusation, and alleged that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war was not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers, while they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them, rather than having any inclination to besiege them.	²⁹³ But when Varus bitterly rebuked the Jews in Jerusalem, they excused themselves by saying that the influx of the people was on account of the feast and that the war was not started with their approval, but by the rashness of the visitors, while they were on the side of the Romans and were besieged with them, rather than giving any support to the besiegers.
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²⁹⁴ προαπηντήκασιν δὲ τῷ ΟὐάρῳVarus ἸώσηπόςJoseph τε ἀνεψιὸς ἩρώδουHerod βασιλέως ΓρᾶτοςGratus τε καὶ ῬοῦφοςRufus τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἄγοντες καὶ τῶν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin οἱ πολιορκούμενοι . ΣαβῖνοςSabinus δὲ οὐκ ἀφίκετο ΟὐάρῳVarus εἰς ὄψιν , ἀλλ᾽ ὑπεξῆλθεν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θάλασσαν .
²⁹⁴ There also came beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-german of king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them, together with those Romans who had been besieged; but Sabinus did not come into Varus’s presence, but stole out of the city privately, and went to the sea-side.	²⁹⁴ Coming out to meet Varus were Joseph, king Herod's cousin, and Gratus and Rufus, with their soldiers and those Romans who had been besieged. Sabinus however did not come into Varus' presence, but stole secretly from the city to the coast.
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²⁹⁵ ΟὔαροςVarus δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν πέμψας τοῦ στρατοῦ μέρος ἐπεζήτει τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεωςa revolt . Καὶ σημαινομένων τοὺς μὲν ἐκόλασεν ὡς αἰτιωτάτους , εἰσὶ δ᾽ οὓς καὶ ἀφῆκενto send forth · ἐγίνοντο δὲ οἱ διὰ ταύτην τὴν‎ αἰτίαν σταυρωθέντες δισχίλιοι .
²⁹⁵ Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dismissed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account were two thousand.	²⁹⁵ Varus sent part of his army into the country, to seek out those who had started the revolt, and of those who were pointed out, he punished the most guilty and dismissed some others; and in the process two thousand were crucified.
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²⁹⁶ μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὴν‎ μὲν αὐτοῦ‎ στρατιὰν ἀποπέμπεται , χρήσιμον μὲν ὁρῶν ἐπ᾽ οὐδαμοῖς οὖσαν πράγμασιν · πολλὰ δὲ ἠτάκτητο αὐτοῖς καὶ παρήκουστο τῶν δογμάτων καὶ ὧν ἠξίου ΟὔαροςVarus ἐφέσει κερδῶν , ἃ ἐκ τοῦ κακουργεῖν περιεγίνοντο αὐτοῖς .
²⁹⁶ After which he disbanded his army, which he found no way useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do, and this out of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did.	²⁹⁶ After this he disbanded his army, which he saw as no longer useful. They behaved very badly and disobeyed whatever Varus ordered or asked them to do, simply to protect the profits they made from their misdeeds.
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²⁹⁷ αὐτὸς δὲ μυρίους ἸουδαίουςJews συνεστηκέναι πυνθανόμενος ἠπείγετο εἰς κατάληψιν αὐτῶν . οἱ δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἧκον εἰς χεῖρας , ἀλλὰ παρέδοσαν αὑτοὺς γνώμῃ τῇ ἈχιάβουAchiabus συνελθόντες . Καὶ ΟὔαροςVarus τῷ πλήθει συγχωρῶν τὰς αἰτίας τῆς ἀποστάσεωςa revolt ἔπεμπεν ἐπὶ ΚαίσαραCaesar ὁπόσοιhow great, how much ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν αὐτῶν .
²⁹⁷ As for himself, when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catch them; but they did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar,	²⁹⁷ When he was told that ten thousand Jews had gathered, he hurried after them, but they did not go so far as to fight him, but on the advice of Achiabus, they came and surrendered. Varus pardoned the people their crime of revolt, but sent their officers to Caesar.
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²⁹⁸ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δὲ τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν πολλοὺς διῆκεν , ὁπόσοιhow great, how much δὲ συγγενεῖς ὄντες ἩρώδουHerod συνεστράτευον αὐτοῖς τούσδε ἐκόλασεν μόνους , εἰ μηδὲν φροντίσαντες τοῦ δικαίου κατὰ τῶν οἰκείων ἐστράτευον .
²⁹⁸ many of whom Caesar dismissed; but for the several relations of Herod who had been among these men in this war, they were the only persons whom he punished, who, without the least regard to justice, fought against their own kindred.	²⁹⁸ Many of these Caesar dismissed, and some relatives of Herod who had taken part in this war were the only ones he executed, for fighting against their own relatives without the least regard to justice.
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Chapter 11
[299-323]
Caesar confirms Herod's last testament

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²⁹⁹ ΟὔαροςVarus μὲν δὴ ταῦτα καταστησάμενος καὶ φρουρὰν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem τὸ καὶ πρότερον καταλιπὼν τάγμα ἐπ᾽ ἈντιοχείαςAntioch ἠπείγετο . ἈρχελάῳArchelaus δ᾽ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἑτέρων πραγμάτων ἐφύοντο ἀρχαὶ κατὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας .
²⁹⁹ So when Varus had settled these affairs, and had placed the former legion at Jerusalem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following:	²⁹⁹ When Varus had settled these matters and had placed the former legion in Jerusalem, he returned to Antioch, but Archelaus in Rome had some new troubles for the following reasons.
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³⁰⁰ ἀφίκετο εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome πρεσβεία ἸουδαίωνJews ΟὐάρουVarus τὸν ἀπόστολον αὐτῶν τῷ ἔθνει ἐπικεχωρηκότος ὑπὲρ αἰτήσεως αὐτονομίας . Καὶ ἦσαν οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις οἱ ἀποσταλέντες γνώμῃ τοῦ ἔθνους πεντήκοντα , συνίσταντο δὲ αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἸουδαίωνJews ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχίλιοι .
³⁰⁰ for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition for the liberty of living by their own laws. Now the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation were fifty, to which they joined above eight thousand of the Jews that were at Rome already.	³⁰⁰ A delegation of the Jews, whom Varus had allowed the nation to send, came to Rome to petition for the freedom to live by their own laws. Fifty envoys were sent by the nation and they were joined by more than eight thousand of the Jews already living in Rome.
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³⁰¹ Καίσαρός τε συνέδριον φίλων τε τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τῶν πρώτων συνάγοντος ἐν ἱερῷ ἈπόλλωνοςApollo μεγάλοις τέλεσιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἱδρυμένῳ , οἱ μὲν πρέσβεις μετὰ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν αὐτόθι ἸουδαίωνJews ἀφικνοῦνταιto arrive at, reach , ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ μετὰ τῶν φίλων .
³⁰¹ Hereupon Caesar assembled his friends, and the chief men among the Romans, in the temple of Apollo, which he had built at a vast charge; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and his friends;	³⁰¹ Caesar assembled his friends and the leading Romans in the temple of Apollo, which he had built at vast expense, and the envoys arrived with a crowd of the Jews who were there already, as well as Archelaus and his friends.
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³⁰² ὁπόσοιhow great, how much δὲ συγγενεῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ἦσαν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus μὲν συντετάχθαι διὰ μῖσος τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑστέρουν , τοῖς δὲ πρέσβεσιν ὁμοψηφεῖν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο ἐν αἰσχύνῃ τῇ αὐτῶν οἰόμενοι γενήσεσθαι παρὰ ΚαίσαριCaesar κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου τοιάδε πράσσειν προθυμεῖσθαι .
³⁰² but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus had, they would not join themselves with him, out of their hatred to him; and yet they thought it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors [against him], as supposing it would be a disgrace to them in Caesar’s opinion to think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred.	³⁰² But many relatives of the king refused to join with Archelaus out of hatred for him, and still feared to help the envoys, thinking it would disgrace them in Caesar's eyes if they so opposed a relative of theirs.
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³⁰³ παρῆν δὲ ἤδη καὶ ΦίλιπποςPhilip ἀπὸ ΣυρίαςSyria ἐξοτρύναντος αὐτὸν ΟὐάρουVarus τὸ μὲν κεφάλαιον ἐπὶ συνηγορίᾳ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ , πάνυ γὰρ εὐνόει ΟὔαροςVarus αὐτῷ , γινομένης δὲ τῇ βασιλείᾳ μεταπτώσεως , καὶ τάδε ὑπώπτευεν ΟὔαροςVarus νέμησιν αὐτῆς γενήσεσθαι διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς εἶναι τοὺς αὐτονομίας γλιχομένους , οὐχ ὑστεριῶν τοῦ κἂν αὐτὸς μοῖραν αὐτῆς τινα φέρεσθαι .
³⁰³ Philip also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with this principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus;] for Varus was his great friend: but still so, that if there should any change happen in the form of government, (which Varus suspected there would,) and if any distribution should be made on account of the number that desired the liberty of living by their own laws, that he might not be disappointed, but might have his share in it.	³⁰³ Philip also had come from Syria, persuaded by Varus, mainly to help his brother with whom Varus was very friendly, but also in case there were any change in the kingdom, as Varus suspected there would be. If there was to be any shift of power due to the number who asked for autonomy, he did not want to be left out, but to have his share in it.
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³⁰⁴ Λόγου οὖν τοῖς ἸουδαίωνJews πρέσβεσι δοθέντος , οἳ ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς βασιλείας ἤλπιζον λέγειν , ἐπὶ κατηγορίᾳ τῶν ἩρώδουHerod παρανομιῶν τρέπονται , βασιλέα μὲν ὀνόματι ἀποφαίνοντες αὐτόν , τῶν δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς τυραννίσιν ἑκάστης τὸ ἀνήκεστον ἀναδεξάμενον εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews συνθέντα χρῆσθαι τὰ πολλὰ καὶ φύσει τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ προσκαινουργεῖν οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένον .
³⁰⁴ Now upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook themselves to accuse Herod of his iniquities; and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclinations;	³⁰⁴ When the Jewish envoys were allowed to speak, those who hoped to obtain the end of monarchy accused Herod of his wrong-doings, and declared that while in name he was a king, he had arrogated the unlimited authority exercised by tyrants over their subjects and had abused his authority to destroy the Jews and did not hesitate to bring on them many novelties according to his own inclinations.
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³⁰⁵ πολλῶν γοῦν ὄντων , οἳ ὀλέθροις ἀπολώλοιεν οὐχ ἱστορήσειν πω πρότερον , πολλῷ δὲ δυστυχεστέρους πάθους ἐκείνων τοὺς ζῶντας εἶναι , οὐ μόνον ὧν ὄψει καὶ διανοίᾳ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀνιαθεῖεν , ἀλλὰ καὶ ὧν ταῖς οὐσίαις .
³⁰⁵ and that whereas there were a great many who perished by that destruction he brought upon them, so many indeed as no other history relates, they that survived were far more miserable than those that suffered under him; not only by the anxiety they were in from his looks and disposition towards them, but from the danger their estates were in of being taken away by him.	³⁰⁵ Many had died in the ruin he caused, worse than was ever known before, and the survivors were worse off than those who had died because of they had seen and being threatened with the loss of their property.
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³⁰⁶ πόλεις τε τὰς μὲν περιοικίδας καὶ ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων οἰκουμένας κοσμοῦντα ῶν ἐκ παύσασθαι καὶ καταλύσεώς τε καὶ ἀφανισμῷ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ αὐτοῦ‎ κατῳκημένων .
³⁰⁶ That he did never leave off adorning these cities that lay in their neighborhood, but were inhabited by foreigners; but so that the cities belonging to his own government were ruined, and utterly destroyed;	³⁰⁶ He was ceaselessly adorning the surrounding cities inhabited by foreigners, while the cities under to his own rule were left ruined and desolate.
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³⁰⁷ πενίας δὲ ἀπόρου τὸ ἔθνος ἀναπεπληκέναι σὺν ὀλίγοις εὔδαιμον παρειληφότα , τῶν τε εὐπατριδῶν ὁπότεwhen κτείνειεν αὐτοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἀλόγοις αἰτίαις τὰς οὐσίας ἀποφερόμενον καὶ οἷς συγχωρήσειε τὴν‎ ἀηδίαν τοῦ ζῆν ψίλωσιν χρημάτων καταδικάζοντα .
³⁰⁷ that whereas, when he took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary flourishing condition, he had filled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust pretenses, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their estates; and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them to the forfeiture of what they possessed.	³⁰⁷ When he took over the kingdom, it was in a flourishing state, but he had brought the nation to utter poverty, and when, on spurious pretexts, he killed any of the nobility, he took their estates, and if he let any of them live, he deprived them of whatever they owned.
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³⁰⁸ καὶ χωρὶς μὲν πράσσεσθαι φόρους ἐπιβαλλομένους ἑκάστοις τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἔτος , χωρὶς δὲ εὐπορίας εἶναι παρακαταβολὰς αὐτῷ τε καὶ οἰκείοις καὶ φίλοις καὶ τῶν δούλων οἳ ἐπ᾽ ἐκπράξει τῶν φόρων ἐξίοιεν διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι κτήσει τοῦ ἀνυβρίστως μηδ᾽ ὅπως μηδ᾽ ἀργυρίων διδομένων .
³⁰⁸ And besides the annual impositions which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the favor of being his tax-gatherers, because there was no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust violence without giving either gold or silver for it.	³⁰⁸ On top of the annual taxes he took from each of them, they had to give him generous gifts, as well as to his domestics and friends and any of his slaves as were sent out as his tax-gatherers, for there was no safety from outrage without paying a bribe.
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³⁰⁹ παρθένων μέντοι φθορὰς καὶ γυναικῶν αἰσχύνας , ὁπόσαςhow great, how much ἐπὶ παροινίᾳ καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρωπείου δρώμενα σιγᾶν διὰ τὸ ἡδονὴν ἴσην εἶναι τοῖς πεπονθόσι τοῦ μὴ γεγονέναι τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ ἀνέκπυστα αὐτὰ εἶναι · τοσήνδε ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐπεισάγεσθαι τὴν‎ ὕβριν αὐτοῖς , ὁπόσην οὐδ᾽ ἂν θηρίον ἀνθρώπων ἐπιστατεῖν δυνάμεως αὐτῷ παραγενομένης .
³⁰⁹ That they would say nothing of the corruption of the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their wives for incontinency, and those things acted after an insolent and inhuman manner; because it was not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have such things concealed, than it would have been not to have suffered them. That Herod had put such abuses upon them as a wild beast would not have put on them, if he had power given him to rule over us;	³⁰⁹ They would not speak of the corruption of their virgins and the drunken debauching of their wives and other inhuman behaviour, since sufferers want such things concealed, almost as much as to avoid them. This Herod had abused them more than a wild beast would if it had power to rule over people,
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³¹⁰ πολλῶν γοῦν ἀναστάσεων καὶ μεταστάσεων παραλαβουσῶν τὸ ἔθνος οὐδεμίαν ἱστορεῖσθαι πώποτε τοιάνδε δυστυχίαν ἐπελθοῦσαν αὐτῷ , παράδειγμά τε κακώσεως ἣν αὐτῷ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐπετίθει τὸ ἔθνος ·
³¹⁰ that it was for this reason that they thought they might justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon this supposition, that whosoever should be set over their kingdom, he would appear more mild to them than Herod had been;	³¹⁰ and though their nation had seen many revolts and changes of government, their history had no plight to compare with what Herod had brought upon them.
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³¹¹ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰκότως ἂν γενέσθαι τὸ ἀσμένως ἈρχέλαονArchelaus βασιλέα προσειπεῖν οἰήσει τοῦ πάντ᾽ ὅντιν᾽ οὖν τὸν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἐσόμενον ἩρώδουHerod μετριώτερον φαίνεσθαι , καὶ τόν τε πατέρα συνολοφύρεσθαι αὐτῷ θεραπεύοντας , εἴ γε μετρίου τυγχάνειν δυνηθεῖεν , καὶ τἆλλα οἰκειουμένους .
³¹¹ and that they had joined with him in the mourning for his father, in order to gratify him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also, if they could meet with any degree of moderation from him;	³¹¹ Knowing this, they had gladly greeted Archelaus as king, thinking that whoever was set over their kingdom would seem milder to them than Herod. In order to gratify him, they had joined him in mourning his father, and would serve him in other ways too, if they could receive more moderation from him.
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³¹² τοῦ δὲ δείσαντος μὴ οὐχὶ ἩρώδουHerod γνήσιος πιστεύοιτο υἱός , οὐδὲν εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ἐπάξειν ἂν τῷ ἔθνει τὴν‎ διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ταῦτα μηδέπω τέλεον κρατυνάμενον ἡγεμονίαν διὰ τὸ ἐπὶ ΚαίσαριCaesar δοῦναι καὶ μὴ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν εἶναι ,
³¹² but that he seemed to be afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod’s own son; and so, without any delay, he immediately let the nation understand his meaning, and this before his dominion was well established, since the power of disposing of it belonged to Caesar, who could either give it to him or not, as he pleased.	³¹² However, he seemed to fear that he might not be thought Herod's own son and soon let the nation know his mind, even before being well established on the throne, since the power to grant it belonged to Caesar, who could confirm him or not, as he pleased.
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³¹³ καὶ παράδειγμα τὴν‎ τῆς εἰς αὖθις ἀρετῆς τιθέναι τοῖς ἀρχθησομένοις μετριότητος καὶ εὐνομίας , ᾗ χρήσαιτο ἂν πρὸς αὐτούς , ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν πρώτοις ἀποδειχθείσης πράξεως ἐπί τε τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τῷ θεῷ τρισχιλίων ὁμοφύλωνof the same race ἀνδρῶν σφαγὴν ἐν τῷ τεμένει ποιησάμενονto make, produce, create . πῶς οὐκ ἂν ἤδη καὶ δικαίῳ μίσει χρῆσθαι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν πρὸς τῇ λοιπῇ ὠμότητι καὶ ἔγκλημα τῆς ἀντιστάσεως καὶ ἀντιλογίας ἐπὶ τῇ ἀρχῇ προφερόμενον ;
³¹³ That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good administration he would govern them, by that his first action, which concerned them, his own citizens, and God himself also, when he made the slaughter of three thousand of his own countrymen at the temple. How then could they avoid the just hatred of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this as one of our crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him in the exercise of his authority?	³¹³ He gave his subjects a sample of his future "virtue" and of the fairness and goodness toward them, by his first public act against his citizens ( and against God,) by killing three thousand of his countrymen at the temple. How then could one avoid righteously hating one who, along with other cruelties, branded as criminal any opposing or thwarting him in the exercise of his authority?
³¹³ Barach

³¹⁴ ἦν δὲ κεφάλαιον αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀξιώσεωςthinking worthy βασιλείας μὲν καὶ τοιῶνδε ἀρχῶν ἀπηλλάχθαι , προσθήκη δὲ ΣυρίαςSyria γεγονότες ὑποτάσσεσθαι τοῖς ἐκεῖσε πεμπομένοις στρατηγοῖς · φανερωθήσεσθαι γὰρ οὕτως , εἴτε ἀληθῶς στασιώδεις εἶεν καὶ νεωτερισμοῖς τὰ πολλὰ προσησκημένοι εἴτε καὶ οὔ , μετριωτέρων τυχόντες οἳ ἐπιστήσονται αὐτοῖς ."
³¹⁴ Now the main thing they desired was this: That they might be delivered from kingly and the like forms of government, and might be added to Syria, and be put under the authority of such presidents of theirs as should be sent to them; for that it would thereby be made evident, whether they be really a seditious people, and generally fond of innovations, or whether they would live in an orderly manner, if they might have governors of any sort of moderation set over them.	³¹⁴ The main thing they asked was to be spared from kingship and similar forms of government, and to be joined with Syria, placing them under the authority of whatever officers were sent to them. This would show whether they really were a rebellious people, merely fond of novelty, or would be law-abiding, once more moderate officers were assigned to them.
³¹⁴ Barach

³¹⁵ Τοιαῦτα δὲ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews εἰρηκότων ΝικόλαοςNicolaus τούς τε βασιλεῖς ἀπήλλασσε τῶν ἐγκλημάτων , ἩρώδηνHerōd μὲν διὰ τὸ παρ᾽ ὃν ἔζη χρόνον τυχεῖν ἀκατηγόρητον · οὐ γὰρ δὴ τοὺς ἐγιγνώσκετοto know ἔχοντας ἐπὶ μετρίοις παρὰ τοῦ ζῶντος τιμωρίαν λαβεῖν δυναμένους ἐπὶ νεκρῷ κατηγορίαν συντιθέναι ·
³¹⁵ Now when the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings from those accusations, and said, that as for Herod, since he had never been thus accused all the time of his life, it was not fit for those that might have accused him of lesser crimes than those now mentioned, and might have procured him to be punished during his lifetime, to bring an accusation against him now he is dead.	³¹⁵ After the Jews had said this, Nicolaus vindicated the kings against these accusations and said that Herod had never been accused throughout his lifetime, so it was wrong to accuse him now after his death when they could have accused him of lesser crimes than those now alleged, and sought to have him punished during his lifetime.
³¹⁵ Barach

³¹⁶ τὰ δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus πραχθέντα ὕβρει τῇ ἐκείνων ἀνετίθει , οἳ ὀριγνώμενοι πραγμάτων παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ σφαγῆς ἄρξαντες τῶν κωλύειν ὑβρίζοντας προμηθουμένων ἀμύνης γενομένης ἐγκαλοῖεν . ἐνεκάλει δὲ νεωτεροποιίας αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ στασιάζειν ἡδονὴν ἀπαιδευσίᾳ τοῦ πείθεσθαι δίκῃ καὶ νομίμοις ὑπὸ τοῦ θέλειν τὰ πάντα νικᾶν . ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ΝικόλαοςNicolaus .
³¹⁶ He also attributed the actions of Archlaus to the Jews’ injuries to him, who, affecting to govern contrary to the laws, and going about to kill those that would have hindered them from acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had done, made their complaints against him; so he accused them of their attempts for innovation, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by reason of their not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws, but still desiring to be superior in all things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus said.	³¹⁶ He said Archeaus had reacted because they had insulted him and behaved contrary to the laws and killed those who sought to curb their arrogance. They complained of him because they desired too much freedom. He accused them of their revolt and of taking pleasure in rioting, as they had not learned to submit to justice and law, and wanted their own way in everything. This was what Nicolaus declared.
³¹⁶ Barach

³¹⁷ ΚαῖσαρCaesar δ᾽ ἀκούσας διαλύει μὲν τὸ συνέδριον , ὀλίγων δ᾽ ἡμερῶν ὕστερον ἈρχέλαονArchelaus βασιλέα μὲν οὐκ ἀποφαίνεται , τῆς δ᾽ ἡμίσεως χώρας ἥπερ ἩρώδῃHerod ὑπετέλει ἐθνάρχην καθίσταται , τιμήσειν ἀξιώματι βασιλείας ὑπισχνούμενος , εἴπερ τὴν‎ εἰς αὐτὴν ἀρετὴν προσφέροιτο .
³¹⁷ When Caesar had heard these pleadings, he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indeed to be king of the whole country, but ethnarch of the one half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously.	³¹⁷ When Caesar had heard the case he dissolved the court and a few days later appointed king Archelaus not over the whole country, but as ethnarch of half the territory that had been subject to Herod, promising to give him the royal title later, if he ruled his area well.
³¹⁷ Barach

³¹⁸ τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἑτέραν ἡμίσειανhalf νείμας διχῇ δυσὶν ἩρώδουHerod παισὶν ἑτέροις παρεδίδου ΦιλίππῳPhilip καὶ ἈντίπᾳAntipas τῷ πρὸς ἈρχέλαονArchelaus τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀμφισβητήσαντι περὶ τῆς ὅλης ἀρχῆς . Καὶ τούτῳ μὲν ἥ τε ΠεραίαPerea καὶ τὸ ΓαλιλαῖονGalilean ὑπετέλουν , φορά τε ἦν τάλαντα διακόσια τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἔτος .
³¹⁸ But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it to two other of Herod’s sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to two hundred talents,	³¹⁸ The other half he divided into two parts and gave to two other of Herod's sons, Philip and Antipas, the brother who had disputed the whole kingdom with Archelaus. To him Peres and Galilee paid a tax, amounting to two hundred talents a year.
³¹⁸ Barach

³¹⁹ ΒαταναίαBatanea δὲ σὺν ΤράχωνιTrachonitis καὶ ΑὐρανῖτιςAuranitis σύν τινι μέρει οἴκου τοῦ ΖηνοδώρουZenodorus λεγομένου ΦιλίππῳPhilip τάλαντα ἑκατὸν προσέφερεν · τὰ δ᾽ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus συντελοῦντα Ἰδουμαῖοί τε καὶ ἸουδαίαJudea τό τε Σαμαρειτικόν . τετάρτην μοῖραν οὗτοι τῶν φόρων παραλέλυντο ΚαίσαροςCaesar αὐτοῖς κούφισιν ψηφισαμένου διὰ τὸ μὴ συναποστῆναι τῇ λοιπῇ πληθύι .
³¹⁹ while Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid the tribute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Samaria paid tribute to Archelaus, but had now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Caesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude.	³¹⁹ Batanea, along with Trachonitis and Auranitis, and part of what was called the House of Zenodorus, paid one hundred talents in tax to Philip, while Idumaea, Judea and the district of Samaria paid tax to Archelaus, though a quarter of that tax was remitted by order of Caesar, as a reward for not joining in this revolt with the rest of the people.
³¹⁹ Barach

³²⁰ καὶ ἦσαν πόλεις αἳ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus ὑπετέλουν Στράτωνός τε πύργος καὶ ΣεβαστὴSebaste σὺν Ἰόππῃ καὶ ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem · ΓάζανGaza γὰρ καὶ ΓάδαραGadara καὶ ἽππονHippos , Ἑλληνίδες εἰσὶν πόλεις , ἀπορρήξας αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἀκροάσεως ΣυρίαςSyria προσθήκηνan addition ποιεῖται . προσῄει δὲ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus φορὰ χρημάτων τὸ κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς τάλαντα ἑξακόσια ἐξ ἧς παρέλαβεν ἀρχῆς .
³²⁰ There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: Strato’s Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents.	³²⁰ Among the cities that paid tax to Archelaus were Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem, but Gaza and Gadara and Hippos were Greek cities, which Caesar separated from his government and added to the province of Syria. The tax-money to Archelaus every year from his own dominions amounted to six hundred talents.
³²⁰ Barach

³²¹ Καὶ τάδε μὲν τοῖς ἩρώδουHerod υἱέσιν τῶν πατρῴων παρῆν . ΣαλώμῃSalome δὲ πρὸς οἷς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις ἀπονέμει , ἸάμνειαJamnia δὲ ἦν ταῦτα καὶ ἌζωτοςAzotus καὶ Φασαηλὶς καὶ ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου μυριάδες πεντήκοντα , ΚαῖσαρCaesar χαρίζεται καὶ τὴν‎ ἐν ἈσκάλωνιAskalon βασίλειον οἴκησιν . ἦν δὲ καὶ ταύτῃ πρόσοδος ἐκ πάντων ταλάντων ἑξήκοντα τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἔτος · καὶ αὐτῆς ὁ οἶκος ἦν ἐν τῇ ἈρχελάουArchelaus ἀρχῇ .
³²¹ And so much came to Herod’s sons from their father’s inheritance. But Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testament, which were Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae] of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelo; in all, her revenues amounted to sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was within Archelaus’s government.	³²¹ That was Herod's inheritance to his sons. Now Salome, besides what her brother left her in his will, which were Jamneia, Azotus, Phasaelis and five hundred thousand in coined silver, received from Caesar the gift of a royal dwelling at Askelon. Her total revenues were sixty talents a year and her house was within Archelaus' domain.
³²¹ Barach

³²² κομίζονται δὲ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τοῦ βασιλέως συγγενεῖς ὁπόσαhow great, how much αἱ διαθῆκαι διηγόρευον . δυοῖν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ θυγατράσιν παρθένοις χωρὶς ὧν ὁ πατὴρ κατέλιπεν ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἑκατέρᾳ δωρεὰν ἐπετίθει μυριάδων ἀνὰ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου καὶ συνῴκισεν αὐτὰς τοῖς ΦερώρουPheroras υἱέσιν .
³²² The rest also of the king’s relations received what his testament allotted them. Moreover, Caesar made a present to each of Herod’s two virgin daughters, besides what their father left them, of two hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of silver, and married them to Pheroras’s sons:	³²² The king's other relatives got whatever was assigned them in his will. And to each of his two virgin daughters, besides what their father left them, Caesar made a gift of two hundred and fifty thousand silver coin and married them to Pheroras' sons.
³²² Barach

³²³ χαρίζεται δὲ καὶ ὁπόσαhow great, how much αὐτῷ καταλέλειπτο τοῖς παισὶν τοῦ βασιλέως ὄντα πεντακοσίων ταλάντων καὶ χιλίων , ὀλίγα τῶν σκευῶν ὑπεξελόμενος οὐχ οὕτως μεγέθει τέλους ὡς μνήμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτῷ κεχαρισμένα .
³²³ he also granted all that was bequeathed to himself to the king’s sons, which was one thousand five hundred talents, excepting a few of the vessels, which he reserved for himself; and they were acceptable to him, not so much for the great value they were of, as because they were memorials of the king to him.	³²³ He also passed on to the king's children all that was bequeathed to himself, which was a thousand five hundred talents, except a few of the vessels which he kept for himself, valuing them not so much for their great worth as because they were mementos to him of the king.
³²³ Barach

Chapter 12
[324-338]
An Alexander look-alike tries to claim Herod's succession.
Unmasked by Caesar, he is sent to the galleys

☜ ☞

³²⁴ Τούτων δὲ ταύτῃ διαπεπραγμένων ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar νεανίας ἸουδαῖοςJew μὲν τὸ γένος , ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς ΣιδωνίωνSidonians τεθραμμένος πόλεως παρά τινι τῶν ῬωμαικῶνRoman ἀπελευθέρων εἰσῴκισεν αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ ἩρώδουHerod συγγένειαν ὁμοιότητι μορφῆς , ἣ πρὸς ἈλέξανδρονAlexander αὐτῷ τὸν ἀνῃρημένον ἩρώδουHerod υἱὸν ἐμαρτυρεῖτο παρὰ τοῖς θεωροῦσιν .
³²⁴ When these affairs had been thus settled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freed-man in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his countenance, which those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain;	³²⁴ When these matters had been settled by Caesar in this way, a young man, born a Jew but brought up by a Roman freedman in the city of Sidon, presented himself as related to Herod by his appearance, which those who saw him said resembled Alexander, the son Herod had killed.
³²⁴ Barach

³²⁵ καὶ τοῦτο παρόρμημα ἦν αὐτῷ εἰς τὸ μεταποιεῖσθαι τῆς ἡγεμονίας . Καὶ ὁμοπράγμονα παραλαβὼν ὁμόφυλονof the same race ἄνδρα , ἔμπειρον δὲ τῶν ἀμφὶ τὸ βασίλειον πονηρόν τε ἄλλως καὶ ταράξαι μεγάλα πράγματα φύσιν ἔχοντα καὶ τοιαύτης κακίας διδάσκαλον αὐτῷ γενόμενον ,
³²⁵ and this was an incitement to him to endeavor to obtain the government; so he took to him as an assistant a man of his own country, (one that was well acquainted with the affairs of the palace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose nature made him capable of causing great disturbances to the public, and one that became a teacher of such a mischievous contrivance to the other,)	³²⁵ This spurred him to try to gain the kingship and with the help of another man from his own country, expert in the affairs of the palace and an evil character in every way apt to cause a public nuisance, he devised the following piece of mischief.
³²⁵ Barach

³²⁶ ἀπέφαινεν αὑτὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander καὶ ἩρώδουHerod παῖδα ὄντα διακεκλεμμένον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνελεῖν αὐτὸν ἐσταλμένων · κτείναντα γὰρ ἑτέρους , οἳ ἀπατήσειν ἔμελλον τοὺς θεωροῦντας , αὐτόν τε περιποιῆσαι καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἈριστόβουλονAristobulus .
³²⁶ and declared himself to be Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that were sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus.	³²⁶ He declared himself to be Alexander the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those who were sent to kill him, for in reality they killed other people to deceive the onlookers, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus.
³²⁶ Barach

³²⁷ καὶ τούτοις αὐτός τε ἀνεπτέρωτο , καὶ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο ἀπατᾶνa trick, deceit , ἀλλὰ ΚρήτῃCrete προσενεχθεὶς ἸουδαίωνJews ὁπόσοις εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἀφίκετο ἐπηγάγετο εἰς πίστιν , καὶ χρημάτων εὐπορηθεὶς δόσει τῇ ἐκείνων ἐπὶ Μήλου διῆρεν . πολὺ πλέονα δὲ ἦν ἐντεῦθεν ὁπόσαhow great, how much αὐτῷ προσῄει χρήματα πίστει τῆς βασιλείου συγγενείας καὶ ἐλπίδι τοῦ ἀπολαβεῖν τὴν‎ πάτριον ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀμείψασθαι τοὺς εὐεργέτας .
³²⁷ Thus was this man elated, and able to impose on those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him [to be Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father’s principality, and reward his benefactors;	³²⁷ With this boast he was able to deceive those who encountered him, and when he came to Crete, he was believed by all the Jews who came to talk with him. As a lot of money was given to him there, he crossed over to Melos, where he got still more money, on account of their belief that he was of the royal family and their hopes that he would recover his father's kingdom and reward his benefactors.
³²⁷ Barach

³²⁸ ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἠπείγετο παραπομπῇ τῶν ἰδιοξένων , καὶ ΔικαιαρχείᾳDikaearchia προσβαλὼν οὐκ ἠτύχει καὶ τοὺς τῇδε ἸουδαίουςJews ἀφ᾽ ὁμοίαςlike, similar ἀπάτης προσαγαγέσθαι , προσῄεσάν τε ὥσπερ βασιλεῖ οἵ τε ἄλλοι καὶ ὁπόσοις ξενία πρὸς ἩρώδηνHerōd καὶ εὔνοια ἦν .
³²⁸ so he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also so fortunate, as, upon his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the same delusion; and not only other people, but also all those that had been great with Herod, or had a kindness for him, joined themselves to this man as to their king.	³²⁸ Then he hurried to Rome, brought there by foreigners who entertained him. On landing at Dikaearchia, he managed to bring the Jews there into the same delusion, and not only others but also those who had been close to Herod, or felt fond of him, joined themselves to this man as to their king.
³²⁸ Barach

³²⁹ αἴτιον δὲ ἦν τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὸ ἡδονῇ δεχόμενον τοὺς λόγους σὺν τῷ φερεγγύῳ τῆς μορφῆς · καὶ γὰρ τοῖς πάνυ ὡμιληκόσιν ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander πολὺ τὸ πιστὸν ἐνετίθει τοῦ μὴ οὐχ ἕτερος ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς εἶναι , καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πλησίον ὤμνυσαν ,
³²⁹ The cause of it was this, that men were glad of his pretenses, which were seconded by the likeness of his countenance, which made those that had been acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same person, which they also confirmed to others by oath;	³²⁹ The reason was they men were delighted by his claims, which were supported by his appearance, which convinced Alexander's former acquaintances that he was none other but the man himself, which they also swore to others.
³²⁹ Barach

³³⁰ ὥστε καὶ προελθόντος εἰς τὴν‎ ῬώμηνRome λόγου τοῦ περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ πᾶν τὸ τῇδε ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθνος ὑπαντιάζοντες ἐξῄεσανto be allowed, be possible τῷ παρὰ δόξαν τῆς σωτηρίας θειάζοντες τὸ ἔργον καὶ χάρμα ποιούμενοι διὰ τὸ μητρῷον αὐτῶν γένος , ὁπότεwhen χωροίη κατὰ τοῦ στενωποῦ διφροφορούμενος ·
³³⁰ insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he had so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother’s family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets;	³³⁰ When it was reported that he was coming to Rome, all the Jews there went out to meet him, ascribing it to divine Providence that he had so unexpectedly escaped and feeling delighted on account of his mother's family, and when he arrived, he was carried through the streets.
³³⁰ Barach

³³¹ καὶ πάντα βασίλειον περὶ αὐτὸν σχῆμα ἦν ἀναλώμασιν τῶν ἰδιοξένων , μεγάλαι περιστάσεις ἐγίνοντο τῆς πληθύος ἐπιβοήσεις τε εὔφημοι ὁπόσαhow great, how much εἰκὸς τοῖς οὕτω παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα σωθεῖσιν συντυγχάνειν οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐκ ἐπράσσετο .
³³¹ and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved.	³³¹ At the expense of his hosts, he was adorned in royal style and large crowds flocked noisily around him, with all the acclaim rightly shown to one whose life was unexpectedly saved.
³³¹ Barach

³³² ΚαίσαριCaesar δὲ ὡς ἀφίκετο ἀγγελία ἡ περὶ αὐτοῦ‎ , ἠπίστει μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἂν ῥᾳδίως ἀπατηθῆναι ἩρώδηνHerōd ἐν πράγμασιν ἐπὶ μέγα ἀνήκουσιν αὐτῷ , διδοὺς δὲ τῇ ἐλπίδι Κέλαδον τῶν αὐτοῦ‎ τινὰ ἐξελευθέρων ὡμιληκότα τοῖς μειρακίοις πέμπει κελεύσας ἀγαγεῖν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander . ὁ δὲ ἀνῆγενto lead, guide οὐδέν τι βελτίων ἐπὶ τῇ κρίσει τῶν πολλῶν γενόμενος .
³³² When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it, because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of great concern to him; yet, having some suspicion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence; so he brought him, being no more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the multitude.	³³² When Caesar was told this news he mistrusted it, because Herod was not easily fooled in matters of such concern to him, but just in case it might be so he sent a freedman of his named Celadus, who was personally acquainted with the youths and told him bring Alexander so that he could get a look at him. So he, whose estimate of the man was no better than that of many others, brought him along.
³³² Barach

³³³ οὐ μὴν Καῖσάρ γε ἠπατᾶτο , ἀλλ᾽ ἦν μὲν ἐμφερής , οὐ μὴν ὥστε ἀπατῆσαι τοὺς σωφρόνως ἐκλογίζεσθαι δυναμένους · αὐτουργίᾳ τε γὰρ ἐτέτρυτο ὁ ψευδαλέξανδρος καὶ παρὰ τὸ ἐκείνῳ ῥαδαλὸν τοῦ σώματος ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ γενναιότητος συνερχόμενον διὰ τὰ ἐναντία τῷδε ἐπισκληρότερον ἐξεβεβήκει τὸ σῶμα .
³³³ Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet was it not so exact as to impose on such as were prudent in discerning; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labors he had been put to and instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as derived from his delicate and generous education, this man, for the contrary reason, had a rugged body.	³³³ But he did not deceive Caesar, for though there was a likeness, it was not enough to deceive people of discernment. The pseudo Alexander was toughened by labour and instead of the bodily refinement of the other from his delicate and liberal education, this man on the contrary had a rugged body.
³³³ Barach

³³⁴ θεασάμενος οὖν συμπνευσμὸν ἐπὶ ψευδολογίᾳ διδασκάλου καὶ μαθητοῦ καὶ λόγων τολμηρῶν συγκρότησιν , ἐξήταζε περὶ ἈριστοβούλουAristobulus , τί καὶ γεγόνοι συνεκκλαπεὶς αὐτῷ , καὶ δι᾽ ἣν αἰτίαν οὐ παραγεγόνοι μεταποιούμενος τῆς ἀξίας , ἧς προσῆκε τυγχάνειν τοὺς οὕτω γεγονότας ;
³³⁴ When, therefore, Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him who [it seems] was stolen away together with him, and for what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavor to recover that dominion which was due to his high birth also.	³³⁴ Seeing a bold conspiracy between master and pupil in the invention of this story, he inquired about Aristobulus and what had become of the lad spirited away along with him and why he had not come with him to regain the status due to people so nobly born.
³³⁴ Barach

³³⁵ φαμένου δ᾽ ἐπὶ νήσου τῆς Κυπρίων καταλελεῖφθαι κινδύνων ὑφοράσει τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν , εἰ περὶ αὐτῷ συσταίη τι δεινόν , μὴ παντελὲς ἐξαλείφοιτο τὸ ΜαριάμμηςMariamne γένος ἀλλὰ περιὼν ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus μένοι τοὺς ἐπιβεβουλευκότας ,
³³⁵ And when he said that he had been left in the isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea, that, in case any accident should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them;	³³⁵ When he said that he had been left in the island of Crete for fear of the dangers at sea, so that if anything should happen to him Mariamne's descendants might not be wiped out, for Aristobulus would survive and punish whoever plotted against them.
³³⁵ Barach

³³⁶ ταῦτα διισχυριζομένου καὶ συνεστῶτος αὐτῷ τοῦ μηχανοποιοῦ τῆς πράξεως ΚαῖσαρCaesar καταμόνας ἀπολαβὼν τὸ μειράκιον " ἀλλὰ σοὶ μισθός , ἔφη , προκείσεται τοῦ μὴ καὶ πρὸς ἐμὲ ἀπάτῃ χρησομένου τὸ μὴ ἀπολούμενον τῆς σωτηρίας · φάθι δή μοι αὐτόν τε ὃς ὢν τυγχάνεις καὶ ὅς σε τοιάδε ᾖξε τολμῆσαι διανοεῖσθαι · μεῖζον γὰρ τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα
³³⁶ and when he persevered in his affirmations, and the author of the imposture agreed in supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to him, “If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me, then, who thou art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villainy to be undertaken by one of thy age.”	³³⁶ As he stuck to his story and the author of the fraud supported him, Caesar took the young man aside and said to him, "If you do not try to fool me, your reward will be to escape with your life. So tell me who you are and who has dared to plan such a deceit as this, for such a piece of villainy is too large to have been undertaken by one of your age."
³³⁶ Barach

³³⁷ κακίας ἐγκεχείρηκας χρόνων οὓς γεγονὼς τυγχάνεις . Καὶ δή , οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλως πράσσειν , φράζει πρὸς τὸν ΚαίσαραCaesar τὸ ἐπιβούλευμα , ὅν τε τρόπον καὶ ὑφ᾽ οὗ τυγχάνοι συγκείμενον . Καὶ ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar τὸν μὲν ψευδαλέξανδρον , οὐ γὰρ ἐψεύσατο ὁμολογίαν τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτόν , δραστήριον ὁρῶν αὐτουργῆσαι τῷ σώματι ἐρέσσειν ἐν τοῖς ναύταις καταλέγει , τὸν δὲ ἀναπείσαντα κτείνει .
³³⁷ Accordingly, because he had no other way to take, he told Caesar the contrivance, and after what manner and by whom it was laid together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexander to be a strong active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do what he had done;	³³⁷ And since he had no other option he told Caesar about the plot and how and by whom it was devised. So Caesar, noting that the pseudo Alexander was a strong active man fit for manual work, in order not to break his promise to him, put him to row among the sailors, but put to death the man who had instigated the fraud.
³³⁷ Barach

³³⁸ καταδίκη δ᾽ ἤρκει ΜηλίοιςMeliots ὁπόσαhow great, how much ἐτετελέκεσαν εἰς τὸν ψευδαλέξανδρον διακενῆς ἀναλωκέναι . Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν ψευδαλέξανδρον τολμηρῶς συντεθέντα οὕτως ἀκλεῶς ἔσχεν .
³³⁸ for as for the people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon this spurious Alexander. And such was the ignominious conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander.	³³⁸ He considered the people of Melos sufficiently punished by having wasted so much of their money upon this pseudo Alexander. This put an ignominious end to this bold venture about the pseudo Alexander.
³³⁸ Barach

Chapter 13
[339-355]
Archelaus is accused of brutality, and banished by Caesar to Vienne

☜ ☞

³³⁹ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ τὴν‎ ἐθναρχίαν παραλαβὼν ἐπεὶ εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἀφικνεῖται , Ἰωάζαρον τὸν ΒοηθοῦBoethus ἀφελόμενος τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπικαλῶν αὐτῷ συστάντι τοῖς στασιώταις ἘλεάζαρονEleazar τὸν ἐκείνου ἐπικαθίσταται ἀδελφόν .
³³⁹ When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he accused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high priesthood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place.	³³⁹ When Archelaus received his ethnarchy and came into Judea, he accused Joazar, son of Boethus, of assisting the rebels and deposed him from the high priesthood and put Eleazar his brother in his place.
³³⁹ Barach

³⁴⁰ ἀνοικοδομεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸ ἐν ἹεριχοῦντιJericho βασίλειον ἐκπρεπῶς , τῶν τε ὑδάτων ὁπόσαhow great, how much Νεαρὰν τὴν‎ κώμην ὠφελεῖ ἐπιρρέοντα ἐξ ἡμισείας ἀπέστρεψεν ἐπαγωγὴν αὐτῷ ποιούμενος τῷ πεδίῳ ΦοίνιξινPhoenician ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ πεφυτευμένῳ , κώμην τε κτίσας Ἀρχελαίδα ὄνομα αὐτῇ τίθεται .
³⁴⁰ He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the village of Neara used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain, to water those palm trees which he had there planted: he also built a village, and put his own name upon it, and called it Archelais.	³⁴⁰ Then he lavishly rebuilt the royal palace in Jericho and he diverted into the plain half the water used by the village of Neara, to water the palm trees which he had planted there; then he also built a village and called it Archelais, after his own name.
³⁴⁰ Barach

³⁴¹ καὶ τοῦ πατρίου παράβασιν ποιησάμενος ΓλαφύρανGlaphyra τὴν‎ ἈρχελάουArchelaus μὲν θυγατέρα , ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ γαμετὴν γενομένην , ἐξ οὗ καὶ τέκνα ἦν αὐτῇ , ἀπώμοτον ὂν ἸουδαίοιςJews γαμετὰς ἀδελφῶν ἄγεσθαι , γαμεῖ . διατρίβει δὲ οὐδὲ ὁ Ἑλεάζαρος ἐν τῇ ἱερωσύνῃ ἐπικατασταθέντος αὐτῷ ζῶντι ἸησοῦJesus, Joshua τοῦ Σεὲ παιδός .
³⁴¹ Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, which Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother’s wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he was still living.	³⁴¹ Moreover, though it was abhorrent among the Jews to marry one’s brother's wife he broke our ancestral law by marrying the daughter of Archelaus, Glaphyra, who had been the wife of his brother Alexander, from whom he had children. Nor did this Eleazar retain the high priesthood for long, being replaced during his lifetime by Joshua, son of See.
³⁴¹ Barach

³⁴² Δεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτει τῆς ἀρχῆς ἈρχελάουArchelaus οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔν τε ἸουδαίοιςJews καὶ ΣαμαρεῦσιSamaritans μὴ φέροντες τὴν‎ ὠμότητα αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τυραννίδα κατηγοροῦσιν αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπὶ ΚαίσαροςCaesar , καὶ μάλιστα ἐπεὶ ἔγνωσαν αὐτὸν παραβεβηκότα τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ‎ , ἵνα ἐπιεικῶς ἀναστραφῇ τὰ πρὸς αὐτούς .
³⁴² But in the tenth year of Archelaus’s government, both his brethren, and the principal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the commands of Caesar, which obliged him to behave himself with moderation among them.	³⁴² In the tenth year of the rule of Archelaus, the leading men of Judea and Samaria, finding his cruelty and tyranny intolerable, accused him before Caesar, particularly as they knew he had broken his mandate to act with fairness among them.
³⁴² Barach

³⁴³ ὁ τοίνυν ΚαῖσαρCaesar ὡς ἤκουσεν , ὀργῇ φέρων τὸν ἐπίτροπον τὸν ἈρχελάουArchelaus τῶν ἐν ῬώμῃRome πραγμάτων , ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ὄνομα ἦν , μετακαλέσας γράφειν μὲν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus ταπεινὸν ἡγεῖται , " σὺ δὲ παραχρῆμα , φησίν , πλέων μηδὲν
³⁴³ Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Archelaus’s steward, who took care of his affairs at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus also; and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he bid him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to us:	³⁴³ On hearing it, Caesar was very angry and called for the steward who looked after the affairs of Archelaus in Rome ( and whose name was also Archelaus, ) and thinking it beneath him to write to Archelaus, he told him, "Sail away and bring him to us as soon as possible."
³⁴³ Barach

³⁴⁴ εἰς ἀναβολὰς ἐπαναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς . Καὶ ὃς ἔκπλουν ἐκ τοῦ ὀξέος ποιησάμενος καὶ ἀφικόμενος εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea λαμβάνει τὸν ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἐν εὐωχίαις ὄντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων , τήν τε διάνοιαν ἀποσημαίνει τὴν‎ ΚαίσαροςCaesar καὶ ὥρμησεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ ἔξοδον . Καὶ ὁ ΚαῖσαρCaesar ἀφικομένουto arrive at ἐπί τινων κατηγόρων ἀκροᾶται καὶ αὐτοῦ‎ λέγοντος ἐκεῖνον μὲν φυγάδα ἐλαύνει δοὺς οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ ΒίεννανVienne πόλιν τῆς Γαλατίας , τὰ δὲ χρήματα ἀπηνέγκατο .
³⁴⁴ so the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea, he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar, upon hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what reply he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him.	³⁴⁴ After a rapid voyage the man came to Judea where he found Archelaus feasting with his friends, and told him Caesar's wishes and ensured that he left in a hurry. When he arrived, Caesar gave a hearing to his accusers and heard his reply; then he banished him, assigning him to live in Vienne, a city of Gaul, and confiscated his money.
³⁴⁴ Barach

³⁴⁵ Πρότερον δὲ ἢ κληθεὶς ἐπὶ ῬώμηςRome ἀνελθεῖν ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ὄναρ τοιόνδε ἐκδιηγεῖται τοῖς φίλοις θεασάμενος · ἀστάχυας δέκα τὸν ἀριθμὸν πλέους πυροῦ τὴν‎ ἰδίαν ἀκμὴν ἀπειληφότας δόξα ἦν αὐτῷ βιβρωσκομένους ὑπὸ βοῶν θεωρεῖν . Καὶ περιεγρόμενος φέρειν εἰς μέγα δόξαν τὴν‎ ὄψιν αὐτῷ μεταστέλλεται τοὺς μάντεις , οἷς περὶ ὀνειράτων ἦσαν αἱ ἀναστροφαί .
³⁴⁵ Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe, which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured by oxen. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams.	³⁴⁵ Before Archelaus got the call to go up to Rome he reported a dream to his friends, along these lines: he seemed to see a group of ten wheat-stalks, ripe and heavy with grain, which were being devoured by oxen. Since the vision seemed very important to him, when he awoke and got up he sent for the diviners who devoted themselves to the study of dreams.
³⁴⁵ Barach

³⁴⁶ σκιδναμένων δὲ ἑτέρων ἐφ᾽ ἑτέροις , οὐ γὰρ εἰς ἕνα ἔκειτο πᾶσιν ἀφήγησις , ΣίμωνSimon ἀνὴρ γένος ἘσσαῖοςEssene ἀσφάλειαν αἰτησάμενος , μεταβολὴν πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus φέρειν τὴν‎ ὄψιν οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθοῖς πράγμασιν ·
³⁴⁶ And while some were of one opinion, and some of another, (for all their interpretations did not agree,) Simon, a man of the sect of the Essenes, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that not for the better;	³⁴⁶ And while some were in disagreement, for their interpretations were not consistent, a man named Simon of the Essene sect asked leave to speak freely and said that the vision denoted a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and not for the better.
³⁴⁶ Barach

³⁴⁷ βόας μὲν γὰρ κακοπαθείας τε ἀποσαφεῖν διὰ τὸ ἔργοις ἐπιταλαιπωρεῖν τὸ ζῷον , μεταβολὰς δὲ αὖ πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ τὴν‎ γῆν πόνῳ τῷ ἐκείνων ἀρουμένην ἐν ταὐτῷ μένειν οὐ δύνασθαι · τοὺς δὲ ἀστάχυας δέκα ὄντας τοσῶνδε ἀριθμὸν ἐνιαυτῶν ὁρίζειν , περιόδῳ γὰρ ἑνὸς παραγίνεσθαι θέρος , καὶ τὸν χρόνον ἐξήκειν ἈρχελάῳArchelaus τῆς ἡγεμονίας .
³⁴⁷ that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains in his labors, denoted afflictions, and indeed denoted, further, a change of affairs, because that land which is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its former state; and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus’s government was over. And thus did this man expound the dream.	³⁴⁷ He said the oxen meant sufferings since that animal is forced into painful labour, and meant a change of affairs, since the land plowed by oxen cannot remain as it was before, and that the ten ears of corn indicated that number of years, for an ear of corn grows in a year, and so the time of Archelaus' leadership was over. That was his exposition of the dream.
³⁴⁷ Barach

³⁴⁸ καὶ ὁ μὲν ταύτῃ ἐξηγήσατο τὸν ὄνειρον . πέμπτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ μεθ᾽ ὃ τὸ πρῶτον αὐτοῦ‎ ἡ ὄψις ἈρχελάῳArchelaus συνῆλθεν ὁ ἀνακαλούμενος ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus πεμπτὸς εἰς ἸουδαίανJudea ἀφίκετο .
³⁴⁸ Now on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, came hither also.	³⁴⁸ Now it was no more than five days after this dream that the other Archelaus, who was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, arrived.
³⁴⁸ Barach

³⁴⁹ Παραπλήσια δὲ καὶ Γλαφύρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ‎ συντυγχάνει βασιλέως ἈρχελάουArchelaus θυγατρὶ οὔσῃ , ᾗ καὶ πρότερον εἶπον συνῴκει παρθένον λαβὼν ἈλέξανδροςAlexander ἩρώδουHerod μὲν ΝαχώρηςNahor ἈρχελάουArchelaus δ᾽ ἀδελφός . ἐπεὶ δὲ συμβαίνει τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτῆσαι , ἸόβᾳJuba τῷ Λιβύων βασιλεῖ γαμεῖται ,
³⁴⁹ The like accident befell Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter of king Archelaus, who, as I said before, was married, while she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and brother of Archelaus; but since it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his father, she was married to Juba, the king of Lybia;	³⁴⁹ Something similar happened to Glaphyra his wife, the daughter of king Archelaus, who as I have said came as a virgin to marry Alexander, the son of Herod and brother of Archelaus, but who was later married to Juba, the king of Lybia when Alexander was killed by his father.
³⁴⁹ Barach

³⁵⁰ μεταστάντος δὲ τοῦ ΛίβυοςLibyos χηρεύουσαν ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus ἄγεται τὴν‎ συνοῦσαν αὐτῷ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne ἐκβαλών · τοσόσδε τῆς ΓλαφύραςGlaphyra ἀνέστρεψεν ἔρως .
³⁵⁰ and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his affection for this Glphyra;	³⁵⁰ When after his death she was living in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father, Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne and married her, so great was his love for Glaphyra.
³⁵⁰ Barach

³⁵¹ καὶ συνοικοῦσα τῷ ἈρχελάῳArchelaus τοιόνδε ὄναρ θεᾶται · ἐδόκει τὸν ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἐπιστάντα θεασαμένη χαίρειν καὶ περιβάλλειν προθύμως , τὸν δὲ κατάμεμψίν τε αὐτῆς ποιεῖσθαι καὶ φάναι ·
³⁵¹ who, during her marriage to him, saw the following dream: She thought she saw Alexander standing by her, at which she rejoiced, and embraced him with great affection; but that he complained to her, and said,	³⁵¹ During her marriage to him she saw the following dream. Thinking that she saw Alexander standing beside her, she was glad and embraced him with great affection, but he complained to her and said,
³⁵¹ Barach

³⁵² " ΓλαφύραGlaphyra , συνηγορεῖς ἄρα λόγῳ , ὃς ἄπιστα ἔλεγεν εἶναι γυναιξίν , εἰ συνομόσασά τέ μοι καὶ συγκατοικισθεῖσα παρθένος παίδων ἡμῖν γεγονότων λήθῃ παραδίδως ἔρωτας τοὺς ἐμοὺς δευτέρων ἐπιθυμίᾳ γάμων . πληθώρα δέ σοι οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ὕβρεως , ἀλλὰ καὶ τρίτον ἐτόλμησας σαυτῇ παρακατακλῖναι νυμφίον ἀπρεπῶς καὶ ἀναισχύντως ἐπεισιοῦσα οἴκῳ τῷ ἐμῷ , καὶ γάμον συντιθεμένη πρὸς ἈρχέλαονArchelaus ἄνδρα μὲν σεαυτῆς ἀδελφὸν δὲ ἡμέτερον .
³⁵² O Glaphyra! thou provest that saying to be true, which assures us that women are not to be trusted. Didst not thou pledge thy faith to me? and wast not thou married to me when thou wast a virgin? and had we not children between us? Yet hast thou forgotten the affection I bare to thee, out of a desire of a second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by thee, and in an indecent and imprudent manner hast entered into my house, and hast been married to Archelaus, thy husband and my brother.	³⁵² "Glaphyra, you prove the saying that women cannot be trusted. Did you not pledge me your love? Did you not marry me as a virgin? Did we not have children together? But you have forgotten my love for you, in your desire for a second marriage. On top of that insult, you have dared to find a third husband to lie with you and have indecently and foolishly entered my house to take as your husband my own brother, Archelaus.
³⁵² Barach

³⁵³ ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔγωγε λήθην ποιήσομαι εὐνοίας τῆς σῆς , ἀπαλλάξω δέ σε παντὸς τοῦ ὀνειδιοῦντος ἐμὴν ὥσπερ ἦν κατασκευασάμενος . ταῦτα διηγησαμένη πρὸς τὰς συνήθεις τῶν γυναικῶν μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον .
³⁵³ However, I will not forget thy former kind affection for me, but will set thee free from every such reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wast. When she had related this to her female companions, in a few days’ time she departed this life.	³⁵³ But I will not forget your former love for me, for I will set you free all such shame and make you mine again, as once you were." A few days after telling this to her female companions, she departed this life.
³⁵³ Barach

³⁵⁴ Ἐγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἀλλότρια νομίσας αὐτὰ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ εἶναι διὰ τὸ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων αὐτὸν ἐνεστηκέναι καὶ ἄλλως ἐπὶ παραδείγματι φέρειν τοῦ τε ἀμφὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀθανασίας ἐμφεροῦς καὶ τοῦ θείου προμηθείᾳ τὰ ἀνθρώπεια περιειληφότος τῇ αὐτοῦ‎ , καλῶς ἔχειν ἐνόμισα εἰπεῖν . ὅτῳ δὲ ἀπιστεῖται τὰ τοιάδε γνώμης ὀνινάμενος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ κώλυμα οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο τῷ ἐπ᾽ ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ προστιθεμένῳ .
³⁵⁴ Now I did not think these histories improper for the present discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and otherwise also on account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well for the confirmation of the immortality of the soul, as of the providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to be set down; but if any one does not believe such relations, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder another that would thereby encourage himself in virtue.	³⁵⁴ I thought them fit to relate but if anyone does not believe such stories, let him indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not prevent another from adding them to his motivation for virtue.
³⁵⁴ Barach

³⁵⁵ τῆς δ᾽ ἈρχελάουArchelaus χώρας ὑποτελοῦς προσνεμηθείσης τῇ ΣύρωνSyrian πέμπεται ΚυρίνιοςQuirinius ὑπὸ ΚαίσαροςCaesar ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς ἀποτιμησόμενός τε τὰ ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria καὶ τὸν ἈρχελάουArchelaus ἀποδωσόμενος οἶκον .
³⁵⁵ So Archelaus’s country was laid to the province of Syria; and Cyrenius, one that had been consul, was sent by Caesar to take account of people’s effects in Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.	³⁵⁵ So the district of Archelaus was added to that of the Syrians, and Quirinius, the former consul, was sent by Caesar to take a census of property in Syria and to sell the house of Archelaus.
³⁵⁵ Barach

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 17

Herod, from the death of Aristobulus to the exile of Archelaus

Chapter 1 [001-022] Antipater is hated for his fratricide. His bribes in Rome and Syria. Herod's wives and children

Chapter 2 [023-045] Through Zamaris, Trachonitis becomes a buffer zone. Pharisees friendly with Pheroras' wife,plot against against Herod

Chapter 3 [046-060] Herod tries to make Pheroras put away his shameless wife. He sends his son Antipater to Caesar.

Chapter 4 [061-082] A plot to poison Herod is linked to his son Antipater.

Chapter 5 [083-145] Antipater's prosecution and defence. He is condemned to death. Caesar's judgment is awaited.

Chapter 6 [146-181] Herod falls ill and the crowd riot against his rule. He takes savage reprisals.

Chapter 7 [182-187] Herod thinks of suicide, but instead has Antipater killed.

Chapter 8 [188-205] Herod changes his Testament in favour of his three sons. His death and burial

Chapter 9 [206-249] Rioting against Archelaus. He and Antipas go to Rome for support, which Caesar grants

Chapter 10 [250-298] A Rebellion against Rome is quelled by Varus

Chapter 11 [299-323] Caesar confirms Herod's last testament

Chapter 12 [324-338] An Alexander look-alike tries to claim Herod's succession. Unmasked by Caesar, he is sent to the galleys

Chapter 13 [339-355] Archelaus is accused of brutality, and banished by Caesar to Vienne

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 17