FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, JEWISH ANTIQUITIES<br>Book 20

From the procuratorship of Fadus, to Florus

Chapter 1 Revolt of Philadelphians against the Jews. High Priestly robes
Chapter 2 Helena of Adiabene and Izates her son embrace the Jewish religion
Chapter 3 Artabanus of Parthia is reinstated in government by Izates
Chapter 4 Izates opposed by his people. Providence saves him from death
Chapter 5 Revolt of Theudas and sons of Judas; bloodshed at Passover
Chapter 6 Jews clash with the Samaritans. Emperor Claudius restores order
Chapter 7 Felix procurator of Judea. His love for young Agrippa’s sisters
Chapter 8 Nero succeeds Claudius. Riots in Judea, under Felix and Festus
Chapter 9 James the brother of Jesus is killed. Achievements of Agrippa
Chapter 10 List of the high priests, from Aaron to the time of Josephus
Chapter 11 Excesses of Gessius Florus. Jewish revolt.
Chapter 12 Conclusion

Translation Format
Greek: Benedikt Niese’s edition (Berlin, 1885-1895)	English: John Barach, Canada, 2025
English: William Whiston, 1737	English: Patrick Rogers, Dublin, 2010-2016

Chapter 1
[001-016]
Rebellion of Philadelphians against the Jews.
Priestly Vestments; Holders of the High Priesthood

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¹ τελευτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως , καθὼς ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης ἀπηγγέλκαμεν βίβλῳ, πέμπει διάδοχον , μνήμῃ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῦτο χαριζόμενος, πολλὰ διὰ γραμμάτων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ περιόντος ἀξιωθεὶς μηκέτι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ πραγμάτων προίστασθαι.

¹ After the death of King Agrippa, as we have related in the preceding book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marsus. He did this out of respect for the memory of the deceased king, who had frequently requested in his letters while alive that Marsus no longer be in charge of affairs in Syria.

¹ Upon the death of king Agrippa, which we have related in the foregoing book, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who had often desired of him by letters, while he was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria.

¹ After the death of king Agrippa, as reported in the previous volume, Claudius Caesar sent Cassius Longinus as successor to Marsus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who during his lifetime had often asked him by letters not to allow Marsus rule any longer in Syria.

² δὲ ὡς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐπίτροπος ἀφίκετο, καταλαμβάνει στασιάσαντας τοὺς τὴν‎ κατοικοῦντας πρὸς περὶ κώμης μιᾶς λεγομένης πολεμίων ἀνδρῶν ἀνάπλεω· καὶ δὴ οἱ τῆς χωρὶς γνώμης τῆς τῶν πρώτων παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀναλαβόντες τὰ ὅπλα πολλοὺς τῶν διαφθείρουσιν.

² When Fadus arrived as procurator in Judea, he found the Jews inhabiting Perea in a state of sedition against the Philadelphians over the boundaries of a village called Mia, which was full of warlike men. Indeed, the people of Perea, without the consent of their leading men, took up arms and destroyed many of the Philadelphians.

² But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea, and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians.

² But Fadus, as soon as he arrived as procurator into Judea, found quarrels between the Jews who lived in Perea and the people of Philadelphia, about their borders, at a village called Mia, that was full of people of a warlike temper, for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their leading men and had destroyed many of the Philadelphians.

³ ταῦτα πυθόμενον τὸν ΦᾶδονFadus σφόδρα παρώξυνεν, ὅτι μὴ τὴν‎ κρίσιν αὐτῷ παραλίποιεν, εἴπερ ὑπὸ τῶν ΦιλαδελφηνῶνPhiladelphians ἐνόμιζον ἀδικεῖσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅπλα χωρήσειαν.	³ When Fadus learned of this, he was greatly provoked because they had not left the judgment to him—if they felt wronged by the Philadelphians—but had instead resorted to arms.
³ When Fadus was informed of this procedure, it provoked him very much that they had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but had rashly taken up arms against them.	³ When Fadus was told of this procedure, he was furious that they had not left the matter to be settled by him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them wrong, instead of rashly taking up arms against them.

⁴ λαβὼν οὖν τρεῖς τοὺς πρώτους αὐτῶν τοὺς καὶ τῆς στάσεως αἰτίους δῆσαι προσέταξεν, εἶτα τὸν μὲν αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, ἈννίβαςHannibal δ᾽ ἦν ὄνομα τούτῳ, ἈμαράμῳAreram δὲ καὶ ἘλεαζάρῳEleazar τοῖς δυσὶ φυγὴν ἐπέβαλεν.	⁴ He therefore seized three of their leaders, who were the causes of the sedition, and ordered them to be bound. He then executed one of them, named Annibas, and imposed banishment on the other two, Amaramus and Eleazar.
⁴ So he seized upon three of their principal men, who were also the causes of this sedition, and ordered them to be bound, and afterwards had one of them slain, whose name was Hannibal; and he banished the other two, Areram and Eleazar.	⁴ So he seized three of their leading men who were responsible for this rebellion and ordered them to be chained; then he executed one of them, named Hannibal, and banished the other two, Areram and Eleazar.

⁵ ἀναιρεῖται δὲ καὶ ὁ ἀρχιλῃστὴς μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀχθεὶς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν διατεθεικώς μέγιστα κακὰ τὴν‎ καὶ τοὺς , ἐκαθάρθη τε λῃστηρίων ἅπασα τοὐντεῦθεν προνοίᾳ καὶ φροντίδι τῇ ·

⁵ Not long after, Tholomaeus the arch-bandit was also executed after being brought before him; he had caused great mischief in Idumaea and among the Arabs. From that time on, all of Judea was purged of robberies through the foresight and care of Fadus.

⁵ Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after some time, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus.

⁵ Some time later, Tholomy the arch brigand was also brought to him in chains and killed, but not until he had done a world of harm to Idumaea and the Arabs. From then on Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus.

⁶ ὃς δὴ καὶ τότε μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν παρῄνεσεν αὐτοῖς τὸν ποδήρη χιτῶνα καὶ τὴν‎ ἱερὰν στολήν, ἣν φορεῖν μόνος ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἔθος ἔχει, εἰς τὴν‎ , ἥπερ ἐστὶ φρούριον, καταθέσθαι κεισομένην ὑπὸ τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ, καθὰ δὴ καὶ πρότερον ἦν.

⁶ It was also then that Fadus summoned the high priests and the leading men of Jerusalem, advising them that the long robe and the sacred vestment—which the high priest alone is accustomed to wear—should be deposited in the Antonia (which is a fortress) to be kept under the authority of the Romans, just as it had been previously.

⁶ He also at this time sent for the high priests and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the command of the emperor, and admonished them that they should lay up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high priest to wear, in the tower of Antonia, that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly.

⁶ He also at this time sent for the high priests and the leading citizens of Jerusalem and this at the command of the emperor and admonished them to lay up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is traditional for no one but the high priest to wear, in the Antonia tower, to have it under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly.

⁷ οἱ δὲ ἀντιλέγειν μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμων, παρεκάλουν δ᾽ ὅμως τόν τε καὶ τὸν , ἀφίκετο γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὰ πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος δύναμιν φόβῳ τοῦ μὴ τὰ προστάγματα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεωτερίζειν ἀναγκάσῃ, πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρέψαι πρέσβεις ὡς πέμψαι τοὺς αἰτησομένους παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ ἱερὰν στολὴν ὑπὸ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν, εἶτα δὲ περιμεῖναι μέχρις ἂν γνῶσιν, τί πρὸς ταῦτα ἀποκρίναιτο.

⁷ They did not dare to speak against this, yet they entreated Fadus and Longinus—for Longinus himself had come to Jerusalem with a large force, fearing that Fadus' orders might drive the Jewish multitude to revolt—to first allow them to send envoys to Caesar to request from him that they might keep the sacred vestments under their own authority, and then to wait until they knew what answer Claudius would give.

⁷ Now the Jews durst not contradict what he had said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus, (which last was come to Jerusalem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear that the [rigid] injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel,) that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition him that they may have the holy vestments under their own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would give to that their request.

⁷ They dared not contradict what he had said, but petitioned Fadus and Longinus, who had arrived in Jerusalem with a large army with him, for fear that the instructions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel, in the first place for leave to send envoys to Caesar, to ask his permission to keep the holy vestments in their own power, and second, to wait until they learned Claudius' answer to this request.

⁸ οἱ δὲ ἐπιτρέψειν αὐτοῖς ἔφασανto affirm, say ἀποστεῖλαι τοὺς πρέσβεις, εἰ λάβοιεν τοὺς παῖδας ὁμηρεύσοντας. ὑπακουσάντων δ᾽ ἑτοίμως ἐκείνων καὶ δόντων ἐξεπέμφθησαν οἱ πρέσβεις.	⁸ They replied that they would permit them to send envoys if they received their children as hostages. When the Jews readily complied and gave them, the envoys were sent out.
⁸ So they replied, that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them their sons as pledges [for their peaceable behavior]. And when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly.	⁸ They agreed to let them send their envoys, provided they handed over their sons as hostages to them. When they had agreed to this and had given them the hostages, the envoys were sent.

⁹ παραγενομένων δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ αὐτῶν γνοὺς ὁ νεώτερος ὁ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος παῖς, καθ᾽ ἣν ἥκουσιν αἰτίαν, ἐτύγχανεν δὲ ὢν παρὰ , καθὼς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, παρακαλεῖ τὸν συγχωρῆσαι τοῖς ἅπερ ἠξίουν περὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς στολῆς καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστεῖλαι.

⁹ When they arrived in Rome, the younger Agrippa (the son of the deceased king), being at the court of Claudius Caesar as we mentioned before, learned the reason for their coming. He entreated Caesar to grant the Jews their request regarding the sacred vestment and to write to Fadus concerning these matters.

⁹ But when, upon their coming to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they came, (for he dwelt with Claudius Caesar, as we said before,) he besought Caesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.

⁹ After their arrival in Rome, when Agrippa the younger ( the son of the deceased, ) who lived with Claudius Caesar, as we said before, learned the reason why they came, he begged Caesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments and to send a message to Fadus about it.

The "Vesting" of Power
The conflict over the High Priest’s vestments is not merely a religious dispute; it is a profound political struggle. By controlling the physical garments required for the Day of Atonement and other rituals, the Romans held a "veto" over Jewish religious life. If the Romans refused to release the robes, the High Priest could not perform his duties, effectively paralyzing the Jewish theocracy. Fadus’ attempt to reclaim them represents a "return to the status quo" of direct Roman oversight following the brief period of semi-autonomy under Agrippa I.

The Diplomacy of the Younger Agrippa
The text highlights the pivotal role of Agrippa II. Even though he was considered too young to succeed his father immediately, his presence in Rome served as a vital "lobby" for Jewish interests. His ability to navigate the Roman court and influence Claudius demonstrates how the Herodian dynasty maintained power through personal relationships with the Emperors rather than just local governance.

Roman "Law and Order" vs. Local Autonomy
Fadus’ reaction to the border dispute in Perea reveals the Roman administrative mindset:

1) The Sin of Sovereignty: Fadus wasn't just angry that people died; he was "provoked" because the Jews took justice into their own hands ("not leaving the judgment to him"). To Rome, unauthorized violence—even in a "just" cause—was an affront to the Pax Romana.

2) The "Arch-Bandit" (Archileistes): The mention of Tholomaeus reflects the chronic social unrest in Judea. What Josephus calls "banditry" was often a mix of actual crime and anti-Roman guerrilla resistance fueled by economic hardship.

Fear of "Innovation" (Newoterizein)
The Greek text uses the verb νεωτερίζειν (neoterizein), which literally means "to make new" but in a political context always means "to revolt" or "to start a revolution." To the Roman mind, stability was the ultimate virtue, and any "innovation" in the political or social order was viewed as a dangerous threat. This is why Longinus brought a "large force" just to deliver a message about laundry—they knew how quickly religious symbols could spark a war.

Hostages as a Guarantee
The Roman demand for the children of the elite as hostages (ὁμηρεύσοντας) was a standard diplomatic tool. It ensured the "good behavior" of the city while the embassy was away. The fact that the Jews "readily complied" shows both the desperation of the leadership to keep their vestments and the high level of trust (or lack of other options) they had in the Roman legal process.

¹⁰ Καλέσας δὲ ΚλαύδιοςClaudius τοὺς πρέσβεις ἔφη ταῦτα συγχωρεῖν καὶ ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς ἈγρίππᾳAgrippa χάριν εἰδέναι, ταῦτα γὰρ ἐκείνου ποιεῖν ἀξιώσαντος, ἐπί τε ταῖς ἀποκρίσεσιν τοιαύτην ἐπιστολὴν ἔδωκεν·	¹⁰ Claudius, having summoned the envoys, said that he granted these requests and commanded them to be grateful to Agrippa, for he was doing these things at his request. Along with these answers, he gave them the following letter:
¹⁰ Hereupon Claudius called for the ambassadors; and told them that he granted their request; and bade them to return their thanks to Agrippa for this favor, which had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And besides these answers of his, he sent the following letter by them:	¹⁰ Claudius called for the envoys, and told them that he granted their request, and asked them to return their thanks to Agrippa for this favour, which had been given to them upon his petition. And besides these answers of his, he sent the following letter by them:

¹¹ " δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ πέμπτον ὕπατος ἀποδεδειγμένος τὸ τέταρτον αὐτοκράτωρ τὸ δέκατον πατὴρ πατρίδος ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ παντὶ ἔθνει χαίρειν.

¹¹ Claudius Caesar Germanicus, in his fifth year of tribunician power, designated consul for the fourth time, acclaimed imperator for the tenth time, Father of the Fatherland, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Jerusalem, and to the whole nation of the Jews, greetings.

¹¹ "Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting.

¹¹ "Claudius Caesar Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time and designed consul the fourth time and imperator the tenth time, the father of his country, to the leaders, council and people and the whole nation of the Jews, greetings.

¹² τοῦ ἐμοῦ, ὃν ἐγὼ ἔθρεψα καὶ ἔχω σὺν ἐμαυτῷ εὐσεβέστατον ὄντα, προσαγαγόντος μοι τοὺς ὑμετέρους πρέσβεις εὐχαριστοῦντας ἐφ᾽ ᾗ πεποίημαι τοῦ ἔθνους ὑμῶν κηδεμονίᾳ, καὶ αἰτησαμένων σπουδαίως καὶ φιλοτίμως τὴν‎ ἱερὰν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸν στέφανον ὑπὸ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ὑμῶν εἶναι, συγχωρῶ καθὼς ὁ κράτιστος καί μοι τιμιώτατος ἐποίησεν.

¹² Since my dear Agrippa, whom I have brought up and have with me, and who is a most pious man, has brought your envoys before me to thank me for the care I have shown your nation, and since they have earnestly and zealously requested that the sacred vestment and the crown should be under your authority, I grant this, just as the excellent and most honored Vitellius did.

¹² Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by Agrippa, my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very great piety, who are come to give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power,—I grant their request, as that excellent person Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before me.

¹² Since my friend Agrippa, whom I have brought up and have now with me and who is a person of great piety, has brought to me your envoys who have come to thank me for the care I have taken of your nation and to ask earnestly and in a friendly manner, to have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power, I grant it, as the excellent and dear Vitellius did before me.

¹³ συγκατεθέμην δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ ταύτῃ πρῶτον διὰ τὸ ἐμαυτοῦ εὐσεβὲς καὶ τὸ βούλεσθαι ἑκάστους κατὰ τὰ πάτρια θρησκεύειν, ἔπειτα δὲ εἰδώς, ὅτι καὶ αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῷ νεωτέρῳ, ὧν τὴν‎ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν εὐσέβειαν καὶ τὴν‎ περὶ ὑμᾶς γινώσκω σπουδήν ταῦτα ποιήσας, πρὸς οὓς ἔστι μοι πλεῖστα δίκαια φιλίας κρατίστους ὄντας κἀμοὶ τιμίους.

¹³ I have agreed to this judgment, first because of my own piety and my desire that everyone should worship according to their ancestral customs, and secondly because I know that by doing this I please King Herod and Aristobulus the Younger, whose loyalty to me and zeal for you I well know—men who are my best friends and highly honored by me.

¹³ And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod, and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character.

¹³ I grant your desire, first, out of regard to that piety which I profess and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country, and this I do also in order to gratify king Herod and Agrippa, junior, whose dutiful regard for me and earnest goodwill toward you I know well, and for whom I have the greatest friendship and highest esteem, regarding them as persons of real excellence.

¹⁴ ἔγραψα δὲ περὶ τούτων καὶ τῷ᾽ μῷ ἐπιτρόπῳ. οἱ τὰ γράμματα κομίζοντες . ἐγράφη πρὸ τεσσάρων καλανδῶν ἐπὶ ὑπάτων καὶ ."

¹⁴ I have also written concerning these matters to Cuspius Fadus, my procurator. Those carrying this letter are: Cornelius the son of Ceron, Tryphon the son of Theudion, Dorotheus the son of Nathanael, and John the son of John. Written four days before the Kalends of July, in the consulship of Rufus and Pompeius Silvanus.

¹⁴ Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procurator. The names of those that brought me your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero, Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel, and John, the son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, when Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls."

¹⁴ I have written about these matters to my procurator, Cuspius Fadus. The names of those who brought me your letter are Cornelius, son of Cero, Trypho, son of Theudio, Dorotheus, son of Nathaniel and John, son of Jotre. This letter is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, in the consulship of Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus."

¹⁵ ᾐτήσατο δὲ καὶ , ὁ ἀδελφὸς μὲν τοῦ τετελευτηκότος, δὲ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν κατὰ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον πεπιστευμένος, τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν τοῦ νεὼ καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἀρχιερέων χειροτονίαν, πάντων τε ἐπέτυχεν.

¹⁵ Herod, the brother of the late Agrippa, who was entrusted with the rule of Chalcis at that time, also requested of Claudius Caesar authority over the Temple and the sacred treasury, and the power to appoint the high priests; and he obtained everything.

¹⁵ Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Caesar for the authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for.

¹⁵ Herod, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who then ruled over Chalcis, also asked Claudius Caesar for authority over the temple and the money of the sacred treasure and over the choosing of the high priests, and obtained all that he asked for.

¹⁶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τε πᾶσι τοῖς ἀπογόνοις αὐτοῦ‎ παρέμεινεν ἡ ἐξουσία μέχρι τῆς τοῦ πολέμου τελευτῆς. Καὶ δὴ ὁ μεθίστησιν τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον τῷ ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν τῆς τιμῆς παρασχόμενος.

¹⁶ From that time on, this authority remained with all his descendants until the end of the war. And indeed, Herod removed the one called Cantheras from the high priesthood, granting the succession of that honor to Joseph, the son of Kamei, in his place.

¹⁶ So that after that time this authority continued among all his descendants till the end of the war. Accordingly, Herod removed the last high priest, called Cantheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Camus.

¹⁶ From then on, this authority passed on to his descendants until the end of the war. Accordingly, Herod removed the high priesthood from Cantheras, and in his place bestowed that dignity upon his successor, Joseph Cameus.

The Power of "Foster-Brothers"
Claudius mentions that he "brought up" (ἔθρεψα) the younger Agrippa. This points to the Roman practice of raising the sons of client kings in the imperial household. This wasn't just an education; it was a high-level hostage system that created deep personal bonds. Agrippa II’s "lobbying" was successful not because of legal arguments, but because he was a childhood friend and social peer of the Emperor.

Claudius’s "Antiquarian" Tolerance
Claudius was famously interested in history and tradition. His stated reason for granting the request—"that everyone should worship according to their ancestral customs" (κατὰ τὰ πάτρια)—is a classic example of Roman religious policy. As long as a religion was "ancient" (religio licita), the Romans generally respected it to avoid the civil unrest that accompanied religious suppression.

The Shift in Religious Oversight
A major administrative shift occurs at the end of the passage. While the Roman Procurator (Fadus) retained civil and military control, the religious authority (the Temple treasury and the appointment of High Priests) was handed to Herod of Chalcis.

1) This created a "checks and balances" system: a Roman official ran the taxes and soldiers, but a Jewish King (albeit a Roman-appointed one) ran the Church.

2) This separated the "sacred" from the "secular" in a way that temporarily lowered the temperature in Jerusalem.

The High Priesthood as a "Political Football"
The text ends with Herod of Chalcis immediately exercising his new power by firing the High Priest Cantheras and appointing Joseph son of Kamei. This confirms that by the 1st century, the High Priesthood had moved away from being a lifelong, hereditary office to being a political appointment used to reward loyalty or balance power between elite families (like the house of Ananus or Boethus).

Archival Precision
Josephus includes specific details like the names of the four envoys and the Roman date (July 45 CE). This suggests he had access to the official archives in Rome or Jerusalem. By including the full titulature of Claudius, Josephus isn't just being wordy; he is providing a "receipt" to his readers to prove the legitimacy of the Jewish rights to the sacred vestments.

Chapter 2
[017-053]
Helena, queen of Adiabene and Izates her son embrace Judaism

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¹⁷ Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τῶν ἈδιαβηνῶνAdiabene βασιλὶς ἙλένηHelena καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ἸζάτηςIzates εἰς τὰ ἸουδαίωνJews ἔθη τὸν βίον μετέβαλον διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν·	¹⁷ At this time, Helena, the queen of the Adiabenians, and her son Izates changed their manner of life to the customs of the Jews for the following reason:
¹⁷ About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion following:	¹⁷ About this time Helena, queen of Adiabene and her son Izates, changed their lifestyle and embraced the Jewish customs for the following reason.

¹⁸ ὁ τῶν βασιλεύς, ᾧ καὶ ἐπίκλησις ἦν, τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἁλοὺς τῇ πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίᾳ ἄγεται καὶ κατέστησεν ἐγκύμονα. συγκαθεύδων δέ ποτε τῇ γαστρὶ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν‎ χεῖρα προσαναπαύσας ἡνίκα καθύπνωσεν, φωνῆς τινος ἔδοξεν ὑπακούειν κελευούσης αἴρειν ἀπὸ τῆς νηδύος τὴν‎ χεῖρα καὶ μὴ θλίβειν τὸ ἐν αὐτῇ βρέφος θεοῦ προνοίᾳ καὶ ἀρχῆς τυχὸν καὶ τέλους εὐτυχοῦς τευξόμενον.

¹⁸ Monobazus, the king of the Adiabenians, who was also surnamed Bazaeus, fell in love with his sister Helena and took her in marriage, and she became pregnant. Once, while he was sleeping with her, he rested his hand upon his wife's belly while he slept; he seemed to hear a voice commanding him to remove his hand from the womb and not to press upon the infant within it, for by the providence of God it had found both a happy beginning and would attain a happy end.

¹⁸ Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bid him take his hand off his wife’s belly, and not hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God’s providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end.

¹⁸ The king of Adiabene, Monobazus, also named Bazeus, fell in love with his sister Helena and took her as his wife and got her pregnant. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife’s stomach as he fell asleep and seemed to hear a voice bidding him take his hand away and not harm the infant that was inside, who, by God’s providence, would be safely born and have a happy future.

¹⁹ ταραχθεὶς οὖν ὑπὸ τῆς φωνῆς εὐθὺς διεγερθεὶς ἔφραζε τῇ γυναικὶ ταῦτα, καί γε τὸν υἱὸν ἸζάτηνIzates ἐπεκάλεσεν.	¹⁹ Disturbed by this voice, he woke up immediately and told his wife these things; and indeed, he called the son [when born] Izates.
¹⁹ This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates.	¹⁹ Terrified by the voice, he immediately woke up and told his wife about it, and when the son was born, he called him Izates.

²⁰ ἦν δὲ αὐτῷ ΜονόβαζοςMonobazus τούτου πρεσβύτερος ἐκ τῆς ἙλένηςHelena γενόμενος ἄλλοι τε παῖδες ἐξ ἑτέρων γυναικῶν. τὴν‎ μέντοι πᾶσαν εὔνοιαν ὡς εἰς μονογενῆ τὸν ἸζάτηνIzates ἔχων φανερὸς ἦν.	²⁰ Now, he had an older son, Monobazus, born of Helena, and other children by other wives. However, it was clear that he held all his affection for Izates, as if he were an only son.
²⁰ He had indeed Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did he openly place all his affections on this his only begotten son Izates,	²⁰ Monobazus, the elder brother, was also born to him by Helena, and he had other sons by other wives. However, he publicly showed his primary affection to Izates, as though he were his only son,

²¹ φθόνος δὲ τοὐντεῦθεν τῷ παιδὶ παρὰ τῶν ὁμοπατρίων ἀδελφῶν ἐφύετο κἀκ τούτου μῖσος ηὔξετο λυπουμένων ἁπάντων, ὅτι τὸν ἸζάτηνIzates αὐτῶν ὁ πατὴρ προτιμῴη.	²¹ Because of this, envy grew toward the boy from his paternal brothers, and from this, hatred increased as they were all grieved that their father preferred Izates over them.
²¹ which was the origin of that envy which his other brethren, by the same father, bore to him; while on this account they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them.	²¹ which was the source of the envy which his other brothers, by the same father, felt toward him, and they hated him more and more, aggrieved that their father preferred Izates over them.

²² ταῦτα δὲ καίπερ σαφῶς αἰσθανόμενος ὁ πατὴρ ἐκείνοις μὲν συνεγίνωσκεν ὡς μὴ διὰ κακίαν αὐτὸ πάσχουσιν ἀλλ᾽ ἤτοι παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἀξιῶν εὐνοίας τυγχάνειν, τὸν δὲ νεανίαν, σφόδρα γὰρ ἐδεδοίκει περὶ αὐτοῦ‎, μὴ μισούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν πάθοι τι, πολλὰ δωρησάμενος πρὸς ἐκπέμπει τὸν χάρακος βασιλέα, παρακατατιθέμενος ἐκείνῳ τὴν‎ τοῦ παιδὸς σωτηρίαν.

²² Although the father clearly perceived these things, he forgave them, realizing they felt this way not out of malice, but because each desired to be deemed worthy of their father’s affection. Nevertheless, being greatly afraid for the young man lest he suffer some harm from the hatred of his brothers, he sent him away with many gifts to Abennerigos, the king of Spasinu Charax, entrusting to him the safety of the boy.

²² Now although their father was very sensible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out of an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. However, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore him; and he committed his son’s preservation to him.

²² Although their father was well aware of their feelings, he knew that they felt this way not out of malice but because they each desired their father’s favour, so, fearing some mishap due to his brothers' hatred, he sent Izates off to Abennerig, king of Charak Spasinos, with large gifts and committing his son’s safety to him.

²³ ὁ δὲ ἈβεννήριγοςAbennerig ἄσμενός τε δέχεται τὸν νεανίαν καὶ διὰ πολλῆς εὐνοίας ἄγων γυναῖκα μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ θυγατέρα, ΣαμαχὼςSamacha δ᾽ ἦν ὄνομα ταύτῃ, δίδωσι· δωρεῖται δὲ χώραν, ἐξ ἧς μεγάλας λήψοιτο προσόδους.	²³ Abennerigos received the young man gladly and, treating him with great affection, gave him his daughter in marriage (her name was Samacho) and gifted him a territory from which he would receive great revenues.
²³ Upon which Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha: he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues.	²³ Abennerig gladly received the young man and treated him with great affection and married him to his own daughter, Samacha. He also gave him a territory from which he drew large revenues.

The Geographical Setting
The story takes place in Adiabene (modern-day Iraqi Kurdistan) and Spasinu Charax (at the head of the Persian Gulf). This highlights the far-reaching influence of Judaism in the 1st century, extending deep into the Parthian Empire’s sphere of influence, far beyond the Roman borders.

The "Joseph" Parallel
Josephus—whether intentionally or because the historical events mirrored the trope—paints Izates as a New Joseph.

1) Both: are the favorite sons of their father.

2) Both: are hated by their "paternal brothers" (ὁμοπατρίων ἀδελφῶν).

3) Both: are sent away for their own safety.

4) Both: find success, marriage, and high status in a foreign land.

The theme of the "favored younger son" is a recurring motif in Jewish literature used to signal divine election.

Incest and Dynastic Marriage
The text mentions Monobazus married his sister, Helena. While this was scandalous to Greeks, Romans, and Jews (violating Levitical law), it was a common practice among Persian and Mesopotamian royalty to keep the bloodline "pure." The fact that Helena and Izates later convert to Judaism creates a fascinating tension: they transition from a culture that practiced sibling marriage to one that strictly forbade it.

The Divine Voice (Bath Qol)
The "voice" that speaks to Monobazus in his sleep is a classic literary device used to show that Izates’ rise to power was ordained by God (θεοῦ προνοίᾳ) rather than just being the result of parental favoritism. By placing this omen at the moment of pregnancy, Josephus frames Izates as a man of destiny before he is even born.

Economic Foundations of Power
The mention of the "territory from which he would receive great revenues" is a pragmatic detail typical of Josephus. In the ancient world, political power was inseparable from land ownership. By securing a private income for Izates, his father and father-in-law ensured he would have the financial resources (and thus the ability to hire soldiers or pay bribes) necessary to eventually claim the throne.

Semantic Note: "Only Son" (Monogenes)
Josephus uses the word μονογενῆ (monogenē) to describe Izates. While the text explicitly says Monobazus had other children, he calls Izates his "only-begotten" in terms of affection. This mirrors the biblical description of Isaac (who had a brother, Ishmael) as Abraham's "only son" whom he loved. It denotes status and chosen-ness rather than literal birth order.

²⁴ δὲ ἤδη γηραιὸς ὢν καὶ τοῦ ζῆν ὀλίγον αὐτῷ τὸν λοιπὸν ὁρῶν χρόνον ἠθέλησεν εἰς ὄψιν ἀφικέσθαι τῷ παιδὶ πρὸ τοῦ τελευτῆσαι. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὸν ἀσπάζεται φιλοφρονέστατα, καὶ χώραν δίδωσιν λεγομένην.

²⁴ When Monobazus was already old and saw that he had little time left to live, he desired to see his son before he died. He therefore sent for him, greeted him most affectionately, and gave him a territory called Carrae.

²⁴ But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live, he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and embraced him after the most affectionate manner, and bestowed on him the country called Carra;

²⁴ When Monobazus had grown old and saw that he had only a little time to live, he wished to see his son before he died. So he sent for him and embraced him affectionately and gave him the territory called Charra.

²⁵ φέρειν δ᾽ ἡ γῆ πλεῖστον τὸ ἄμωμον ἀγαθή· ἔστι δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ τὰ λείψανα τῆς λάρνακος, ᾗ ΝῶχονNoah ἐκ τῆς ἐπομβρίας διασεσῶσθαι λόγος ἔχει, καὶ μέχρι νῦν ταῦτα τοῖς ἰδεῖν βουλομένοις ἐπιδείκνυται.	²⁵ The land is excellent for producing amomum in great abundance. In it are also the remains of the ark in which report has it that Noah was saved from the flood, and these are shown even to this day to those who wish to see them.
²⁵ it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them.	²⁵ This was good land that held plenty of amomum and which also holds the remains of an ark said to be the one in which Noah escaped the flood; these are still shown to those who wish to see them.

²⁶ διέτριβεν οὖν ὁ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ταύτῃ μέχρι τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πατρός. ᾗ δ᾽ ἐξέλιπεν ἡμέρᾳ τὸν βίον ὁ ἡ βασιλὶς Μεταπέμπεται πάντας τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας καὶ τῆς βασιλείας σατράπας καὶ τοὺς τὰς δυνάμεις πεπιστευμένους.

²⁶ Izates, therefore, lived in this region until the death of his father. On the day Monobazus departed this life, Queen Helena sent for all the grandees and satraps of the kingdom and those entrusted with the armed forces.

²⁶ Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father’s death. But the very day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees, and governors of the kingdom, and for those that had the armies committed to their command;

²⁶ Izates lived in that country until his father’s death. But on the very day Monobazus died, queen Helena summoned all the nobles and satraps of the kingdom and those who had armies under their command,

²⁷ οἷς , " ὅτι μὲν ὁ ἐμὸς ἀνήρ, εἶπε, τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ διάδοχον ηὔξατο γενέσθαι καὶ τοῦτον ἄξιον ἔκρινεν, οὐδ᾽ ὑμᾶς δοκῶ, περιμένω δὲ ὅμως καὶ τὴν‎ ὑμετέραν κρίσιν· μακάριος γὰρ οὐχ ὁ παρ᾽ ἑνός,

²⁷ When they arrived, she said: "I believe it has not escaped your notice that my husband desired Izates to be the successor to his kingdom and judged him worthy of it; nevertheless, I still await your judgment. For he is blessed who receives the rule not from one person, but from the many and from those who are willing."

²⁷ and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: "I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should succeed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your determination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many."

²⁷ and when they arrived, she said to them: "I believe you know that my husband wanted Izates to succeed him as king and thought him worthy of it, but I bow to your decision.

²⁸ ἀλλὰ πλειόνων καὶ θελόντων τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν λαμβάνων. ἡ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ εἶπεν ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τοῦ τί φρονοῖεν οἱ συγκληθέντες· οἱ δὲ ἀκούσαντες πρῶτον μὲν προσεκύνησαν τὴν‎ βασιλίδα, καθὼς ἔθος ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς, εἶτ᾽ τὴν‎ τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην βεβαιοῦν καὶ ὑπακούσεσθαι χαίροντες δικαίως ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς προκριθέντι τῶν ἀδελφῶν κατὰ τὰς εὐχὰς τὰς ἁπάντων.

²⁸ She said this to test the mindset of those who had been summoned. When they heard it, they first prostrated themselves before the queen, as is their custom, and then declared that they confirmed the king’s decision and would joyfully obey Izates, who had been justly preferred over his brothers by his father according to the prayers of all.

²⁸ This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custom was, and then they said that they confirmed the king’s determination, and would submit to it; and they rejoiced that Izates’s father had preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes:

²⁸ Happy is he who receives his authority not from one person only, but by the will of many." She said this to test the feelings of those who were invited, and when they heard it they first paid their customary homage to the queen, and then they confirmed the king’s determination, saying they would submit to it, and they were glad that Izates' father had preferred him over the rest of his brothers, just as they all had hoped.

²⁹ βούλεσθαί τ᾽ προαποκτεῖναι πρῶτον αὐτοῦ‎ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ συγγενεῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν μετ᾽ ἀσφαλείας κατασχεῖν· φθαρέντων γὰρ ἐκείνων καθαιρεθήσεσθαι πάντα τὸν φόβον τὸν ὑπὸ μίσους τοῦ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ φθόνου γινόμενον.

²⁹ They also said they wished to first put his brothers and kinsmen to death so that Izates might hold the rule in safety; for if they were destroyed, all fear arising from their hatred and envy would be abolished.

²⁹ but that they were desirous first of all to slay his brethren and kinsmen, that so the government might come securely to Izates; because if they were once destroyed, all that fear would be over which might arise from their hatred and envy to him.

²⁹ First they wished to kill his brothers and relatives, so that the kingship of Izates might rest secure, for once they were destroyed, all the fear arising from their hatred and envy of him would be removed.

³⁰ πρὸς ταῦτα ἡ χάριν μὲν αὐτοῖς ὡμολόγει τῆς πρὸς αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν εὐνοίας ἔχειν, παρεκάλει δ᾽ ὅμως ἐπισχεῖν τὴν‎ περὶ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως τῶν ἀδελφῶν γνώμην μέχρι ἂν παραγενόμενος συνδοκιμάσῃ.

³⁰ To this, Helena replied that she was grateful to them for their goodwill toward her and Izates, yet she urged them to hold off on the decision to execute the brothers until Izates himself should arrive and give his approval.

³⁰ Helena replied to this, that she returned them her thanks for their kindness to herself and to Izates; but desired that they would however defer the execution of this slaughter of Izates’s brethren till he should be there himself, and give his approbation to it.

³⁰ In reply Helena thanked them for their kindness to herself and to Izates, but asked them to defer the execution of Izates' brothers until he could give his approval to it in person.

³¹ οἱ δ᾽ ἐπεὶ ἀνελεῖν συμβουλεύσαντες οὐκ ἔπεισαν, ἀλλὰ φυλάσσειν αὐτοὺς δεσμίους παρῄνουν μέχρι τῆς ἐκείνου παρουσίας ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας τῆς ἑαυτῶν. συνεβούλευον δ᾽ αὐτῇ μεταξὺ προστήσασθαί τινα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπίτροπον, ᾧ μάλιστα πιστεύει.

³¹ Since they could not persuade her after advising execution, they suggested that she keep them in chains for their own safety until his arrival. They also advised her to appoint some guardian of the government whom she most trusted.

³¹ So since these men had not prevailed with her, when they advised her to slay them, they exhorted her at least to keep them in bonds till he should come, and that for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she could put the greatest trust in, as a governor of the kingdom in the mean time.

³¹ Since their advice to kill them had not swayed her, they urged her at least to keep them chained until he arrived. They also advised her to appoint in the meantime a really trustworthy interim ruler.

³² πείθεται τούτοις ἡ , καὶ καθίστησι τὸν πρεσβύτατον παῖδα βασιλέα περιθεῖσα τὸ διάδημα καὶ δοῦσα τὸν σημαντῆρα τοῦ πατρὸς δακτύλιον τήν τε σαμψηρὰν ὀνομαζομένην παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, διοικεῖν τε τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρῄνεσεν μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ παρουσίας.

³² Helena followed this advice and appointed the eldest son, Monobazus, as king, placing the diadem upon him and giving him their father’s signet ring and the one called the sampsēra by them, and she urged him to administer the kingdom until the arrival of his brother.

³² So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be king, and put the diadem upon his head, and gave him his father’s ring, with its signet; as also the ornament which they call Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the affairs of the kingdom till his brother should come;

³² Queen Helena agreed to this and set up as king Monobazus, the eldest son, putting the crown upon his head and giving him his father’s ring, with its signet which they call the "Sampser," urging him to administer the affairs of the kingdom until his brother arrived.

³³ ἧκε δ᾽ οὗτος ταχέως ἀκούσας τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν καὶ διαδέχεται τὸν ἀδελφὸν ΜονόβαζονMonobazus ὑπεκστάντος τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ.	³³ He [Izates] arrived quickly upon hearing of his father's death and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who stepped down from the rule in his favor.
³³ who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who resigned up the government to him.	³³ He came quickly, on hearing of his father’s death, and succeeded his brother Monobazus, who left him the throne.

The Ark at Carrae (Harran)
Josephus makes a fascinating geographical claim: that the remains of Noah’s Ark were visible in his day in the region of Carrae (the biblical Harran).

While the Bible places the ark on "the mountains of Ararat," ancient traditions often associated the landing site with various peaks in Northern Mesopotamia (the Gordyene mountains).

This inclusion serves a narrative purpose: it links the land of Izates’ inheritance directly to a central figure of the Jewish faith, foreshadowing the royal family’s full conversion.

Helena’s Political Genius
Queen Helena’s behavior is a masterclass in diplomacy. She knows Izates is the heir, but she explicitly asks for the "judgment" of the satraps.

1) Testing Loyalty: By asking for their opinion, she forces the nobility to publicly commit to Izates, making a later rebellion more difficult to justify.

2) The "Mandate" of the People: Her statement that a ruler is "blessed" when chosen by many reflects a common political philosophy: a king is only as strong as his support base.

The "Sampsēra" and Royal Regalia
Josephus mentions the sampsēra (σαμψηρά), a local term likely referring to a specific type of royal scimitar or ceremonial sword. In the Near East, the transfer of the diadem (crown), signet ring (the legal "signature"), and the ceremonial weapon was the equivalent of a modern constitutional swearing-in. By holding these for Izates, Helena acted as the "Protector of the Realm."

Fratricide as a "Safety" Measure
The satraps’ suggestion to kill the other brothers was not seen as "evil" in the context of the time, but as a pragmatic security measure. In many ancient Near Eastern and later Ottoman successions, the "extra" brothers were often seen as walking civil wars. Helena’s refusal to execute them—opting instead for chains—portrays her as more merciful and highlights her confidence in Izates' eventual authority.

Monobazus II: The Loyal Placeholder
The behavior of the elder brother, Monobazus II, is remarkably rare in historical literature. Usually, a brother given the crown, the ring, and the army does not give them back. His willingness to "step down" (ὑπεκστάντος) reinforces Josephus' earlier point: that despite the envy of the other half-brothers, this specific family unit (Helena, Monobazus II, and Izates) was uniquely bonded, which allowed their religious conversion to proceed without a bloody coup.

³⁴ Καθ᾽ ὃν δὲ χρόνον ὁ ἐν τῷ διέτριβεν τις ἔμπορος ὄνομα πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας εἰσιὼν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὰς τὸν θεὸν σέβειν, ὡς πάτριον ἦν,

³⁴ During the time that Izates was staying in Spasinu Charax, a certain Jewish merchant named Ananias, having gained access to the king's women, taught them to worship God according to the ancestral custom of the Jews.

³⁴ Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion.

³⁴ During the time Izates lived in Charax-Spasini, Ananias, a Jewish merchant, came among the king’s women and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion.

³⁵ καὶ δὴ δι᾽ αὐτῶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφικόμενος τῷ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως συνανέπεισεν μετακληθέντι τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς εἰς τὴν‎ συνεξῆλθεν κατὰ πολλὴν ὑπακούσας δέησιν· συνεβεβήκει δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ ὁμοίως ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου τινὸς διδαχθεῖσαν εἰς τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους.

³⁵ Indeed, having come to the notice of Izates through them, he similarly won him over. When Izates was summoned by his father to Adiabene, Ananias accompanied him, having yielded to his persistent entreaty. It also happened that Helena had similarly been taught by another Jew and had been brought over to their laws.

³⁵ He, moreover, by their means, became known to Izates, and persuaded him, in like manner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accompanied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew and went over to them.

³⁵ Through them he became known to Izates and similarly persuaded him to embrace that religion. He was persuaded by Izates to accompany him to Adiabene, when he was sent for by his father. As it happened, about the same time, Helena also was instructed by another Jew and went over to them.

³⁶ ὁ δ᾽ ἸζάτηςIzates ὡς παρέλαβεν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν, ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν‎ ἈδιαβηνὴνAdiabene καὶ θεασάμενος τούς τε ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους συγγενεῖς δεδεμένους ἐδυσχέρανεν τῷ γεγονότι.	³⁶ When Izates took over the kingdom and arrived in Adiabene, he was displeased at the sight of his brothers and other kinsmen in chains.
³⁶ But when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in bonds, he was displeased at it;	³⁶ When Izates became king and came to Adiabene and saw his brothers and other relatives in prison there, he was displeased,

³⁷ καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀνελεῖν ἢ φυλάττειν δεδεμένους ἀσεβὲς ἡγούμενος, τὸ δὲ μνησικακοῦντας ἔχειν σὺν αὐτῷ μὴ δεδεμένους σφαλερὸν εἶναι νομίζων, τοὺς μὲν ὁμηρεύσοντας μετὰ τέκνων εἰς τὴν‎ ἐξέπεμψε , τοὺς δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἐφ᾽ ὁμοίαις προφάσεσιν ἀπέστειλεν.

³⁷ Thinking it impious either to execute them or to keep them bound, yet believing it dangerous to have them with him unbound while they harbored resentment, he sent some of them with their children to Rome as hostages to Claudius Caesar, and others he sent to Artabanus the Parthian for the same purpose.

³⁷ and as he thought it an instance of impiety either to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a hazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions.

³⁷ and as he thought it an impiety either to kill or imprison them, but still thought it dangerous to let them have their liberty, in view of the wrongs that had been done them, he sent some of them and their children as hostages to Rome, to Claudius Caesar and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the same intentions.

The Merchant-Missionary (Ananias)
This passage provides a rare look at how Judaism spread in the 1st century. Ananias is not a priest or a formal diplomat, but an ἔμπορος (merchant).

1) The Silk Road Connection: Spasinu Charax was a major port for the Indian Ocean trade. Merchants like Ananias were the "information highway" of the ancient world, carrying ideas alongside spices and silk.

2) Access via the Harem: Ananias first converts the royal women. In the ancient Near East, the women’s quarters were often more accessible to traveling merchants and served as a powerful entry point for new cultural and religious influences.

A "Double" Conversion
Josephus emphasizes that Izates and his mother, Helena, were converted independently and by different teachers.
This suggests a wider movement of Jewish proselytism in the Parthian Empire during this period.
It also validates the sincerity of their faith; it wasn't just a political alliance between mother and son, but a shared religious conviction reached separately.

The Ethical Dilemma of the King
Izates is immediately faced with the conflict between his new piety (ἀσεβὲς—finding it "impious" to kill family) and political survival.

1) The satraps previously suggested execution as a "safety" measure.

2) Izates finds a "third way": he uses his family members as human currency. By sending them as "hostages" (ὁμηρεύσοντας) to the Roman and Parthian emperors, he removes his rivals from the capital while simultaneously currying favor with the world’s two superpowers.

Balancing Rome and Parthia
The mention of sending relatives to both Claudius (Rome) and Artabanus (Parthia) is a brilliant geopolitical move.

Adiabene sat right on the frontier between these two warring empires.
By placing his kin in both courts, Izates effectively "hedges his bets," ensuring that neither empire has a reason to invade his kingdom to install a different family member as a puppet king.

Conversion vs. "Law"
Josephus uses two different terms for the religious shift:

1) τὸν θεὸν σέβειν (to worship God): This often referred to "God-fearers"—Gentiles who adopted Jewish monotheism and ethics without necessarily undergoing circumcision or full legal conversion.

2) τοὺς ἐκείνων μετακεκομίσθαι νόμους (brought over to their laws): This implies a deeper commitment to the Halakha (Jewish Law). The next sections of the Antiquities deal specifically with the tension over whether Izates needs to be circumcised to be "truly" Jewish.

³⁸ Πυθόμενος δὲ πάνυ τοῖς ἔθεσιν χαίρειν τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ ἔσπευσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνα μεταθέσθαι, νομίζων τε μὴ ἂν εἶναι βεβαίως , εἰ μὴ περιτέμνοιτο, πράττειν ἦν .

³⁸ When Izates learned that his mother was very pleased with the customs of the Jews, he himself hastened to transition to them. Thinking that he could not be a firm Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to act.

³⁸ And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were circumcised, he was ready to have it done.

³⁸ When he saw that his mother was so pleased with the Jewish customs, he soon converted and embraced them in their entirety, and as he thought he could not be fully a Jew without being circumcised, he was about to have it done.

³⁹ μαθοῦσα δ᾽ ἡ μήτηρ κωλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπιφέρειν αὐτῷ κίνδυνον λέγουσα· βασιλέα γὰρ εἶναι, καὶ καταστήσειν εἰς πολλὴν δυσμένειαν τοὺς ὑπηκόους μαθόντας, ὅτι ξένων ἐπιθυμήσειεν καὶ ἀλλοτρίων αὐτοῖς ἐθῶν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαί τε βασιλεύοντος αὐτῶν .

³⁹ But when his mother learned of this, she tried to stop him, telling him that he would bring danger upon himself; for since he was a king, he would bring his subjects into great hostility if they learned that he desired foreign things and customs alien to them, and they would not endure a Jew ruling over them.

³⁹ But when his mother understood what he was about, she endeavored to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that, as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; and that they would never bear to be ruled over by a Jew.

³⁹ When his mother learned of his intention she tried to stop him from doing it, telling him that it would put him in danger, and that as a king, he would rouse great hostility among his subjects if they knew he had such an attachment to rites that found strange and foreign, and that they would never let themselves be ruled by a Jew.

⁴⁰ καὶ ἡ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἔλεγεν καὶ παντοίως ἐκώλυεν. ὁ δ᾽ εἰς τὸν ἈνανίανAnanias τοὺς λόγους ἀνέφερεν. τοῦ δὲ τῇ μητρὶ συμφάσκοντος καὶ συναπειλήσαντος ὡς εἰ μὴ πείθοι καταλιπὼν ἄπεισιν·	⁴⁰ She said these things and tried in every way to prevent him. He, in turn, referred her words to Ananias. But Ananias agreed with the mother and added a threat: that if Izates would not be persuaded, he would leave him and depart.
⁴⁰ This it was that she said to him, and for the present persuaded him to forbear. And when he had related what she had said to Ananias, he confirmed what his mother had said; and when he had also threatened to leave him, unless he complied with him, he went away from him,	⁴⁰ When she said this it stopped him from doing it, for he reported her words to Ananias who threatened to leave him if he did the deed.

⁴¹ δεδοικέναι γὰρ ἔλεγεν, μὴ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκδήλου πᾶσιν γενομένου κινδυνεύσειε τιμωρίαν ὑποσχεῖν ὡς αὐτὸς αἴτιος τούτων καὶ διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπρεπῶν ἔργων γενόμενος, δυνάμενον δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἔφη καὶ χωρὶς τῆς περιτομῆς τὸ θεῖον σέβειν, εἴγε πάντως κέκρικε ζηλοῦν τὰ πάτρια τῶν · τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι·

⁴¹ For Ananias said he feared that if the matter became plain to everyone, he might risk punishment for being the cause of these things and for becoming a teacher of unseemly deeds to the king. He told him that he could worship the Deity even without circumcision, if he had altogether decided to be a zealot for the ancestral traditions of the Jews—for this [devotion] was more important than being circumcised.

⁴¹ and said that he was afraid lest such an action being once become public to all, he should himself be in danger of punishment for having been the occasion of it, and having been the king’s instructor in actions that were of ill reputation; and he said that he might worship God without being circumcised, even though he did resolve to follow the Jewish law entirely, which worship of God was of a superior nature to circumcision.

⁴¹ The fear was that if such an action became public knowledge, he could be penalized for having caused it and for advising the king to blameworthy actions. He declared that he could worship God without being circumcised, if he were faithful to the Jewish law, which is above circumcision,

⁴² συγγνώμην δ᾽ ἕξειν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν θεὸν φήσαντος μὴ πράξαντι τὸ ἔργον δι᾽ ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν ὑπηκόων φόβον, ἐπείσθη μὲν τότε τοῖς λόγοις ὁ βασιλεύς.	⁴² When Ananias said that God would grant him forgiveness for not performing the deed because of necessity and the fear of his subjects, the king was persuaded by his words for a time.
⁴² He added, that God would forgive him, though he did not perform the operation, while it was omitted out of necessity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king at that time complied with these persuasions of Ananias.	⁴² adding that God would forgive him for not doing this deed, out of necessity and for fear of his subjects. So at the time the king was persuaded.

⁴³ μετὰ ταῦτα δέ, τὴν‎ γὰρ ἐπιθυμίαν οὐκ ἐξεβεβλήκει παντάπασιν, τις ἕτερος ἐκ τῆς ἀφικόμενος ὄνομα πάνυ περὶ τὰ πάτρια δοκῶν ἀκριβὴς εἶναι προετρέψατο πρᾶξαι τοὖργον.

⁴³ But afterward—since he had not entirely cast out the desire—a certain other Jew named Eleazar arrived from Galilee, who was thought to be very strict concerning ancestral traditions, and he urged him to perform the deed.

⁴³ But afterwards, as he had not quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a certain other Jew that came out of Galilee, whose name was Eleazar, and who was esteemed very skillful in the learning of his country, persuaded him to do the thing;

⁴³ Later, since he had not quite given up his desire for this, another Jew from Galilee, Eleazar, a man highly reputed in the learning of his country, urged him to do the deed.

⁴⁴ ἐπεὶ γὰρ εἰσῆλθεν ἀσπασόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ κατέλαβε τὸν νόμον ἀναγινώσκοντα, " λανθάνεις, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὰ μέγιστα τοὺς νόμους καὶ δι᾽ αὐτῶν τὸν θεὸν ἀδικῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἀναγινώσκειν σε δεῖ μόνον αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρότερον τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιεῖν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν.

⁴⁴ For when he entered to greet him and found him reading the Law of Moses, he said: "O King, you are unaware that you are committing the greatest injustice against the laws and, through them, against God. For you ought not only to read them, but first of all to do what is commanded by them.

⁴⁴ for as he entered into his palace to salute him, and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, "Thou dost not consider, O king! that thou unjustly breakest the principal of those laws, and art injurious to God himself, [by omitting to be circumcised]; for thou oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to practice what they enjoin thee.

⁴⁴ As he entered the palace to greet him and found him reading the law of Moses, he said to him, "Don't you know, my king, that you are in the wrong, and offend God by breaking the first of the laws, for you should not just read them, but rather do what they say.

⁴⁵ μέχρι τίνος ἀπερίτμητος μενεῖς; ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μήπω τὸν περὶ τούτου νόμον ἀνέγνως, ἵν᾽ εἰδῇ τίς ἐστιν ἡ ἀσέβεια, νῦν	⁴⁵ How much longer will you remain uncircumcised? If you have not yet read the law concerning this, read it now so that you may know what the impiety is."
⁴⁵ How long wilt thou continue uncircumcised? But if thou hast not yet read the law about circumcision, and dost not know how great impiety thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it now."	⁴⁵ How long will you continue uncircumcised? If you have not yet read the law about circumcision and do not know the sin you commit by neglecting it, read it now."

⁴⁶ ἀνάγνωθι. ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐχ ὑπερεβάλετο τὴν‎ πρᾶξιν, μεταστὰς δ᾽ εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα καὶ τὸν ἰατρὸν εἰσκαλεσάμενος τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐτέλει καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τήν τε μητέρα καὶ τὸν διδάσκαλον ἐσήμαινεν αὐτὸν πεπραχέναι τοὖργον.

⁴⁶ Upon hearing this, the king did not delay the deed. Moving into another room and calling in the physician, he fulfilled the command. Then, summoning both his mother and his teacher Ananias, he informed them that he had done the deed.

⁴⁶ When the king had heard what he said, he delayed the thing no longer, but retired to another room, and sent for a surgeon, and did what he was commanded to do. He then sent for his mother, and Ananias his tutor, and informed them that he had done the thing;

⁴⁶ When the king heard his words he postponed the act no longer, but retired to another room and sent for a surgeon and did as he was ordered and then sent for his mother and Ananias his tutor to tell them that he had done the deed.

⁴⁷ τοὺς δ᾽ εὐθὺς ἔλαβεν καὶ φόβος οὔτι μέτριος, μὴ τῆς πράξεως εἰς ἔλεγχον ἐλθούσης κινδυνεύσειεν μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἀνασχομένων τῶν ὑπηκόων ἄρχειν αὐτῶν ἄνδρα τῶν παρ᾽ ἑτέροις ζηλωτὴν ἐθῶν, κινδυνεύσειαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αἰτίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐνεχθείσης.

⁴⁷ Immediately, an astonishment and a no small fear seized them, lest if the act were discovered, the king might risk losing his rule because the subjects would not endure a man ruling over them who was a zealot for foreign customs; and they feared they themselves would be in danger if the blame were brought upon them.

⁴⁷ upon which they were presently struck with astonishment and fear, and that to a great degree, lest the thing should be openly discovered and censured, and the king should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while his subjects would not bear to be governed by a man who was so zealous in another religion; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing.

⁴⁷ They were stunned and fearful that if it were publicly revealed and censured, the king risked losing his kingdom, since his subjects would not let themselves be ruled by a man so zealous for another religion, and that they would risk being thought the cause of it.

⁴⁸ θεὸς δ᾽ ἦν ὁ κωλύσων ἄρα τοὺς ἐκείνων φόβους ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τέλος· πολλοῖς γὰρ αὐτόν τε τὸν περιπεσόντα κινδύνοις καὶ παῖδας τοὺς ἐκείνου διέσωσεν ἐξ ἀμηχάνων πόρον εἰς σωτηρίαν παρασχών, ἐπιδεικνὺς ὅτι τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπουσιν καὶ μόνῳ πεπιστευκόσιν ὁ καρπὸς οὐκ ἀπόλλυται ὁ τῆς εὐσεβείας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν.

⁴⁸ But it was God, then, who prevented their fears from coming to fulfillment. For though Izates himself and his children fell into many dangers, God preserved them, providing a way to safety out of impossible situations, demonstrating that for those who look to Him and have trusted in Him alone, the fruit of piety does not perish. But these things we shall relate later.

⁴⁸ But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izates himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only. But these events we shall relate hereafter.

⁴⁸ But God prevented what they feared from happening and he preserved both Izates and his children amid many dangers and kept them safe in the most difficult situations, thereby proving that the fruit of piety does not abandon those who look to Him and place their trust in Him alone. But these events we will tell later.

The Theological Debate: Internal vs. External
This passage captures a live debate within 1st-century Judaism: Is circumcision a mandatory requirement for a Gentile convert, or is "devotion of the heart" sufficient?

1) Ananias (The Pragmatist): He argues for a "God-fearer" approach. He prioritizes the king's safety and the survival of the Jewish mission at court. His claim that "devotion is more important than circumcision" (κυριώτερον τοῦ περιτέμνεσθαι) echoes Hellenistic Jewish thought that prioritized ethical monotheism over ritual law in specific circumstances.

2) Eleazar (The Rigorist): Coming from Galilee (a stronghold of zealotry and strict observance), Eleazar argues that knowledge without action is "impiety" (ἀσέβεια). He uses the King's own study of the Torah against him, creating a crisis of conscience.

The Politics of "Foreignness"
Helena’s warning is a sharp reminder of the precarious nature of "Client Kings" under the Roman/Parthian shadow. A king’s legitimacy rested on being the guardian of the national customs. By becoming a Jew, Izates wasn't just changing his religion; in the eyes of his satraps, he was "turning foreign," which was legally and socially grounds for revolution.

The Role of the Physician
The mention of a physician (ἰατρὸν) performing the circumcision is a subtle but important detail. It suggests that even in antiquity, the procedure for an adult was recognized as a significant medical event requiring professional skill, rather than just a ritual act. It also underscores the privacy of the act—Izates had to go to "another room" to hide the surgery from his advisors.

Josephus as a Moralist
The conclusion of the passage reflects Josephus's broader purpose in writing Antiquities. He isn't just recording history; he is writing an apology (a defense) for Judaism. He argues that Izates’ survival despite his "dangerous" conversion is empirical proof of God’s Providence (Πρόνοια). To Josephus, the "fruit of piety" (ὁ καρπὸς τῆς εὐσεβείας) is tangible protection in the physical world.

Cultural Context: Reading and Doing
Eleazar’s rebuke—"you ought not only to read... but to do"—highlights the Jewish transition from a Temple-based cult to a Book-based religion. The fact that a Mesopotamian king was sitting in his palace reading the Law of Moses shows how far Jewish literature had traveled and its power to subvert political structures.

⁴⁹ δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ ὁρῶσα τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν εἰρηνευόμενα, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτῆς μακάριον καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι ζηλωτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀλλοεθνέσι διὰ τὴν‎ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν, ἐπιθυμίαν ἔσχεν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἀφικομένη τὸ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις περιβόητον ἱερὸν τοῦ θεοῦ προσκυνῆσαι καὶ χαριστηρίους θυσίας προσενεγκεῖν, ἐδεῖτό τε τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρέψαι.

⁴⁹ When Helena, the king’s mother, saw that affairs in the kingdom were at peace and that her son was blessed and envied by all—even by foreign nations—on account of the providence of God, she conceived a desire to go to the city of Jerusalem to worship at the temple of God, which is famous among all men, and to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving. She therefore entreated her son to permit her.

⁴⁹ But as to Helena, the king’s mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates’s kingdom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God’s providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank-offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither;

⁴⁹ Helena, the king’s mother, on seeing that the affairs of Izates' kingdom were at peace and that her son enjoyed fortune and was admired by all, even foreigners, because of God’s providence toward him, felt a desire to go to the city of Jerusalem to worship and offer her thank-offerings at the temple of God, famous among all people. When she asked her son’s permission to go,

⁵⁰ τοῦ δὲ πάνυ προθύμως τῇ μητρὶ παρακαλούσῃ κατανεύσαντος καὶ πολλὴν παρασκευὴν τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀποστολὴν ἑτοιμασαμένου καὶ χρήματα πλεῖστα δόντος, καταβαίνει εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν προπέμποντος ἐπὶ πολὺ τοῦ παιδός.

⁵⁰ He very readily consented to his mother’s request, making great preparations for her journey and giving her a vast sum of money. Thus, she went down to the city of Jerusalem, with her son escorting her for a great distance.

⁵⁰ upon which he gave his consent to what she desired very willingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way.

⁵⁰ he willingly gave consent and made great preparations for her departure and gave her a lot of money, and then conducted her for a good part of the journey on the road to Jerusalem.

⁵¹ γίνεται δὲ αὐτῆς ἡ ἄφιξις πάνυ συμφέρουσα τοῖς · λιμοῦ γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν‎ πόλιν κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον πιεζοῦντος καὶ πολλῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐνδείας φθειρομένων ἡ βασιλὶς πέμπει τινὰς τῶν ἑαυτῆς, τοὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ πολλῶν σῖτον ὠνησομένους χρημάτων, τοὺς δ᾽ εἰς ἰσχάδων φόρτον οἴσοντας.

⁵¹ Her arrival proved to be very beneficial to the people of Jerusalem; for at that time, a famine oppressed their city, and many were perishing from a lack of means to buy food. Queen Helena sent some of her own people—some to Alexandria to buy grain with large sums of money, and others to Cyprus to bring back a cargo of dried figs.

⁵¹ Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs.

⁵¹ Her coming was a great benefit to the people of Jerusalem, who were going through a famine at the time and many died for lack of food. Queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexandria with money to buy a large amount of corn and others to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs.

⁵² ὡς δ᾽ ἐπανῆλθον ταχέως κομίζοντες τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις διένειμε τροφὴν καὶ μεγίστην αὐτῆς μνήμην τῆς εὐποιίας ταύτης εἰς τὸ πᾶν ἡμῶν ἔθνος καταλέλοιπε.	⁵² When they had quickly returned, she distributed food to those in need, and she has left behind a greatest memory of this well-doing among our entire nation.
⁵² And as soon as they were come back, and had brought those provisions, which was done very quickly, she distributed food to those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation.	⁵² They soon returned bringing the provisions, and she distributed food to those in need and left behind her an excellent memory of this good deed toward our whole nation.

⁵³ πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς τὰ περὶ τὸν λιμὸν ἔπεμψε πολλὰ χρήματα τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν . ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἃ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἡμῶν ἀγαθὰ πέπρακται μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσομεν.

⁵³ And when her son Izates learned about the famine, he sent a great deal of money to the leading men of Jerusalem. However, the good deeds performed by these monarchs for our city we shall relate hereafter.

⁵³ And when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great sums of money to the principal men in Jerusalem. However, what favors this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem shall be further related hereafter.

⁵³ When her son Izates was told of this famine, he sent a lot of money to Jerusalem’s leaders. Later we will tell of other favours this queen and king conferred upon our city.

The Famine under Claudius
Josephus links Helena's visit to a specific historical event: the "Great Famine" that occurred during the reign of Emperor Claudius (c. 46–48 CE).

1) Biblical Parallel: This is the same famine mentioned in the New Testament (Acts 11:28), which prompted the church in Antioch to send relief to Judea via Barnabas and Paul.

2) The Scale of Crisis: Famines in Jerusalem were particularly deadly because the city’s economy relied heavily on pilgrims and tithes rather than local agriculture. When crops failed in the surrounding Judean hills, the city was entirely dependent on imports.

Strategic Philanthropy: Alexandria and Cyprus
Helena’s relief effort was a massive logistical undertaking.

1) The "Breadbasket" of the Mediterranean: By sending to Alexandria, Helena tapped into the vast grain supplies of Egypt. By sending to Cyprus, she secured high-calorie dried fruits (figs), which were easier to transport and store without spoiling.

2) Economic Power: This demonstrates the immense wealth of the Adiabenian royal house. It wasn't just "charity"; it was a state-sponsored humanitarian intervention that likely saved thousands of lives.

Religious Tourism and "Proselyte" Status
Helena’s desire to offer "sacrifices of thanksgiving" (χαριστηρίους θυσίας) highlights her status as a high-ranking proselyte. While women were restricted to the "Court of the Women" in the Temple, her presence as a foreign queen bringing such immense wealth and aid would have made her one of the most significant figures in the city.

The Long Escort (Propep-montos)
Josephus mentions Izates escorted his mother "for a great distance." This is more than just filial piety; in ancient Near Eastern protocol, the distance a monarch traveled to see off a guest or relative was a direct measure of that person’s honor. It also served as a military escort to ensure the safety of the "vast sum of money" she was carrying.

Lasting Legacy: The Tombs of the Kings
Josephus notes that Helena left a "greatest memory" (μεγίστην μνήμην) among the Jews. This memory is physically preserved in Jerusalem to this day. Helena eventually built a magnificent family tomb north of the city, known today as the "Tombs of the Kings." Its elaborate rolling-stone entrance and Hellenistic-style carvings remain one of the most impressive archaeological sites in Jerusalem, attesting to the "preparations" and "wealth" Josephus describes.

The "Aftermath" of Conversion
This passage serves as Josephus's "proof" that the conversion of Izates was a blessing for the Jewish people. By saving the holy city from starvation, the royal house of Adiabene moved from being "foreigners" (as Helena’s subjects feared) to being integral heroes of the Jewish national story.

Chapter 3
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Artabanus of Parthia is reinstated in government by Izates

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⁵⁴ Ὁ δὲ τῶν βασιλεὺς αἰσθόμενος τοὺς σατράπας ἐπιβουλὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν συντεθεικότας, μένειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀσφαλὲς οὐχ ὁρῶν ἔγνω πρὸς ἀπαίρειν, πόρον παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βουλόμενος σωτηρίας εὑρέσθαι καὶ κάθοδον εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχήν, εἰ δυνηθείη.

⁵⁴ When Artabanus, the King of the Parthians, perceived that his satraps had formed a conspiracy against him, he saw that remaining among them was not safe and decided to depart for Izates. He hoped to find a means of safety through him and a way back to his throne, if possible.

⁵⁴ But now Artabanus, king of the Parthians perceiving that the governors of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not think it safe for him to continue among them; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes of finding some way for his preservation by his means, and, if possible, for his return to his own dominions.

⁵⁴ Artabanus, king of the Parthians, learning that the provincial leaders were plotting against him, did not think it safe for him to continue among them, but resolved to go to Izates, in the hope of finding from him some way to save himself and, if possible, to return to his own realm.

⁵⁵ καὶ δὴ ἀφικνεῖται συγγενῶν τε καὶ οἰκετῶν περὶ χιλίους τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐπαγόμενος συντυγχάνει τε τῷ ἸζάτῃIzates καθ᾽ ὁδόν.	⁵⁵ And so he arrived, bringing with him about a thousand of his relatives and servants, and he happened upon Izates while on the road.
⁵⁵ So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand of his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road,	⁵⁵ So he came to Izates, bringing with him a thousand of his relatives and servants and they met upon the road,

⁵⁶ αὐτός τε σαφῶς ἐκεῖνον ἐπιστάμενος, ὑπ᾽ δὲ οὐ γινωσκόμενος, πλησίον καταστὰς πρῶτον μὲν κατὰ τὸ πάτριον προσεκύνησεν αὐτόν, εἶτα " βασιλεῦ, φησίν, μὴ περιίδῃς με τὸν ἱκέτην μηδ᾽ ὑπερηφανήσῃς δεομένου· ταπεινὸς γὰρ ἐκ μεταβολῆς γενόμενος καὶ ἐκ βασιλέως ἰδιώτης τῆς σῆς ἐπικουρίας χρῄζω.

⁵⁶ Now, Artabanus knew clearly who Izates was, but he himself was not recognized by Izates. Drawing near, he first prostrated himself according to his ancestral custom. Then he said: "O King, do not overlook me, your suppliant, nor despise me in my need. For having become lowly by a change of fortune—from a king to a private citizen—I stand in need of your assistance."

⁵⁶ while he well knew Izates, but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and, in the first place, worshipped him, according to the custom, he then said to him, "O king! do not thou overlook me thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance.

⁵⁶ but while he knew Izates well, Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and first showed him reverence, according to the custom, he said to him, "Your Majesty, do not ignore me your servant, or proudly reject my request, for I need your help now that the change in my fortune has brought me down from being a king to the status of a private citizen.

⁵⁷ βλέψον οὖν εἰς τὸ τῆς τύχης ἄστατον καὶ κοινὴν εἶναι νόμισον καὶ ὑπὲρ σαυτοῦ πρόνοιαν· ἐμοῦ γὰρ ἀνεκδικήτου περιοφθέντος ἔσονται θρασύτεροι πολλοὶ καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων.	⁵⁷ "Look, therefore, upon the instability of fortune, and consider this a matter of common concern for your own foresight as well. For if I am overlooked and left unavenged, many others will become bolder against other kings as well."
⁵⁷ Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to be taken of thyself also; for if I be neglected, and my subjects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also."	⁵⁷ Remember the uncertainty of fortune and think of any care you may take of me as shown to yourself in advance. For if I am left without vindication, many subjects will grow more insolent toward other kings."

⁵⁸ ὁ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἔλεγεν δακρύων καὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ κάτω νεύων, ὁ δὲ ἸζάτηςIzates ὡς ἤκουσε τοὔνομα καὶ εἶδεν ἱκέτην αὐτῷ παρεστῶτα τὸν ἈρταβάνηνArtabanus, κατεπήδησεν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου καί " θάρσησον,	⁵⁸ He said these things weeping and with his head bowed low. But when Izates heard the name and saw Artabanus standing before him as a suppliant, he leaped down from his horse and said: "Take heart, O King, and do not let your present state confound you as though it were beyond remedy;
⁵⁸ And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected countenance. Now as soon as Izates heard Artabanus’s name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately,	⁵⁸ He said this with tears in his eyes and with head bowed. When Izates heard Artabanus' name and saw him standing in petition before him, he immediately got down from his horse and said: "Take heart, your Majesty, and do not imagine that your present state is hopeless.

⁵⁹ εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μηδέ σε συγχείτω τὸ παρὸν ὡς ἀνήκεστον· ταχεῖα γὰρ ἔσται‎ τῆς λύπης ἡ μεταβολή. φίλον δέ με καὶ σύμμαχον εὑρήσεις κρείττω τῆς ἐλπίδος· ἢ γὰρ εἰς τὴν‎ σε καταστήσω βασιλείαν πάλιν ἢ τῆς ἐμῆς ἐκστήσομαι."

⁵⁹ for the change from your grief shall be swift. You shall find in me a friend and an ally better than your expectations. For I shall either restore you to the Parthian kingdom, or I shall resign from my own."

⁵⁹ and said to him, "Take courage, O king! nor be disturbed at thy present calamity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the kingdom of Parthia, or lose my own."

⁵⁹ The change in your fortunes shall be sudden, and you will find me a friend and helper beyond your hopes, for either I will restore the kingdom of Parthia to you, or lose my own."

The Paradox of Prostration
Josephus includes a striking detail: Artabanus, the supreme ruler of the East, prostrates himself (προσεκύνησαν) before Izates. In the Persian/Parthian world, proskynesis was the ultimate sign of submission.

The Message: Josephus is showing his readers that the God of the Jews has raised Izates so high that even the "King of Kings" must bow to him. It is a powerful piece of pro-Jewish propaganda.

The Argument of "King-Craft"
Artabanus uses a clever rhetorical move to convince Izates to help him. He doesn't just ask for pity; he argues that regicide is contagious.

"Common concern" (κοινὴν): He warns Izates that if satraps are allowed to successfully overthrow one king, every other king in the region (including Izates) is in danger. It is an appeal to the "Brotherhood of Monarchs" over and above national or religious interests.

The "Instability of Fortune" (Tyche)
The speech centers on the Greek concept of Tyche (Fortune/Chance). In Hellenistic literature, the sudden fall of a powerful man was the ultimate tragedy. Artabanus’s transformation from "King to private citizen" (ἐκ βασιλέως ἰδιώτης) is meant to trigger a specific kind of aristocratic empathy in Izates.

Izates’ Radical Chivalry
Izates’ reaction is incredibly impulsive and noble. By leaping from his horse, he immediately erases the status gap between them.

The Vow: His promise—"I shall either restore you... or I shall resign from my own"—is an extreme expression of Near Eastern hospitality (Xenia). For a king to offer his own throne as collateral for a guest’s restoration is a literary way of signaling that Izates is the "ideal" king: brave, loyal, and indifferent to power for power's sake.

Geopolitical Realities: The Parthian Empire
The "conspiracy of satraps" mentioned here was a recurring theme in Parthian history. Unlike the centralized Roman Empire, Parthia was a feudal system of semi-independent lords. Artabanus III spent much of his reign (c. 10–38 CE) fighting off usurpers.

Why Adiabene? Adiabene was a strategic buffer state. If Izates supported Artabanus, he provided a safe "launchpad" for Artabanus to gather loyalists and strike back at the heart of the empire (Ctesiphon).

Subtext: Divine Providence
Josephus frames this encounter as another "fruit of piety." Because Izates chose to follow the Jewish God, God has now delivered the most powerful man in the East into his hands—not as an enemy to be conquered, but as a friend to be saved. This sets the stage for Izates to become a king-maker on the international stage.

⁶⁰ Ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀνεβίβαζεν τὸν ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον, παρείπετο δ᾽ αὐτὸς πεζὸς τιμὴν ἀπονέμων ταυτηνὶ ὡς ἂν μείζονι βασιλεῖ. θεασάμενος δ᾽ βαρέως ἤνεγκεν καὶ τὴν‎ ἐφεστῶσαν αὐτῷ τύχην καὶ τιμὴν ἐπωμόσατο καταβήσεσθαι μὴ κείνου πάλιν ἀναβάντος καὶ προηγουμένου.

⁶⁰ Having said these things, he [Izates] caused Artabanus to mount the horse, while he himself followed on foot, rendering this honor to him as to a greater king. When Artabanus saw this, he took it heavily, and by the fortune and honor now attending him, he swore he would dismount unless Izates mounted again and led the way.

⁶⁰ When he had said this, he set Artabanus upon his horse, and followed him on foot, in honor of a king whom he owned as greater than himself; which, when Artabanus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware by his present fortune and honor that he would get down from his horse, unless Izates would get upon his horse again, and go before him.

⁶⁰ Saying this, he set Artabanus upon his horse and followed him on foot, to honour a king whom he acknowledged as greater than himself. Artabanus was distressed when he saw this, and swore by his present fortune and honour to dismount from his horse, unless Izates mounted his own horse again and went ahead of him.

⁶¹ ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον ἥλατο καὶ ἀγαγὼν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν πᾶσαν τιμὴν ἀπένειμεν ἔν τε συνεδρίαις καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὰς ἑστιάσεις προκατακλίσεσιν, οὐκ εἰς τὸ παρὸν αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς τύχης , ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸ πρότερον ἀξίωμα, καί τι καὶ λογισμῷ διδούς, ὡς κοιναὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις αἱ τῆς τύχης.

⁶¹ Persuaded, Izates leaped onto his horse, and leading him to the palace, he rendered him every honor, both in assemblies and by giving him the seat of honor at banquets—not looking at his present fortune, but at his former dignity, and also considering that the shifts of fortune are common to all men.

⁶¹ So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and when he had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat together, and he gave him the upper place at festivals also, as regarding not his present fortune, but his former dignity, and that upon this consideration also, that the changes of fortune are common to all men.

⁶¹ He did as requested and remounted his horse, and he brought him to his royal palace and when they sat together showed him every respect. He gave him the first place at banquets too, based not upon his present fortune, but on his former dignity and on the realization that changes of fortune are common to all.

⁶² γράφει τε πρὸς τοὺς ΠάρθουςParthians πείθων αὐτοὺς τὸν ἈρταβάνηνArtabanus ὑποδέξασθαι, πίστιν προτείνων τῆς τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀμνηστίας δεξιὰν καὶ ὅρκους καὶ μεσιτείαν τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎.	⁶² He also wrote to the Parthians, persuading them to receive Artabanus back, offering as a pledge for amnesty of their past deeds his own right hand, oaths, and mediation.
⁶² He also wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should forget what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator between them.	⁶² He also wrote to the Parthians to persuade them to receive Artabanus back, and gave them his promise and guarantee of amnesty, and to act as their mediator in this matter.

⁶³ τῶν δὲ δέξασθαι μὲν αὐτὸν θέλειν οὐκ ἀρνουμένων, μὴ δύνασθαι δὲ λεγόντων διὰ τὸ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἑτέρῳ πεπιστευκέναι, δ᾽ ἦν ὄνομα τῷ παρειληφότι, καὶ δεδοικέναι, μὴ στάσις αὐτοὺς ἐκ τούτου καταλάβῃ,

⁶³ The Parthians did not deny that they wished to receive him, but they said they were unable to do so because they had entrusted the rule to another—Cinnamus was the name of the one who had taken over—and they feared that a sedition might seize them as a result.

⁶³ Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the government to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account.

⁶³ The Parthians did not refuse to receive him back, but said they could not do so, since they had handed over the government to another, named Cinnamus, who had accepted, and they feared that he could start a civil war about it.

⁶⁴ μαθὼν τὴν‎ προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν ὁ ταύτην αὐτὸς γράφει τῷ , τέθραπτο γὰρ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ φύσει δ᾽ ἦν καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός, παρακαλῶν αὐτῷ πιστεύσαντα παραγενέσθαι τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἀποληψόμενον τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎.

⁶⁴ When Cinnamus learned of their intention, he himself wrote to Artabanus; for he had been brought up by him and was by nature noble and good. He urged Artabanus to trust him and come to receive back his own rule.

⁶⁴ When Cinnamus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own dominions again.

⁶⁴ On hearing of the proposal, Cinnamus wrote personally to Artabanus, for he had been brought up by him and was good-natured and mild, asking him to trust him and to return and take over his realm again.

⁶⁵ καὶ ὁ ἈρταβάνηςArtabanus πιστεύσας παρῆν. ὑπαντᾷ δ᾽ αὐτῷ ὁ ΚίνναμοςCinnamus καὶ προσκυνήσας βασιλέα τε προσαγορεύσαςto call, name περιτίθησιν αὐτοῦ‎ τῇ κεφαλῇ τὸ διάδημα ἀφελὼν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ.	⁶⁵ And Artabanus, trusting him, arrived. Cinnamus went out to meet him, and having prostrated himself and addressed him as King, he took the diadem from his own head and placed it upon the head of Artabanus.
⁶⁵ Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus.	⁶⁵ So Artabanus trusted him and returned home, and Cinnamus met him, bowed to him as to a king and removed the crown from his own head and put it on the other’s head.

⁶⁶ Καὶ οὕτω διὰ πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν καθίσταται πρότερον αὐτῆς ἐκπεσὼν διὰ τοὺς μεγιστᾶνας. οὐκ ἐγένετο μὴν ἀμνήμων τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν εὐεργεσιῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιδωρεῖται τὸν ταῖς μεγίσταις τιμαῖς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς·

⁶⁶ Thus was Artabanus restored again to his rule through Izates, after having been previously cast out by the grandees. Truly, he was not unmindful of the benefits rendered to him, but he repaid Izates with the greatest honors known among them.

⁶⁶ And thus was Artahanus restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when he had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the benefits he had conferred upon him, but rewarded him with such honors as were of the greatest esteem among them;

⁶⁶ That is how Artabanus was restored by Izates, when he had lost his kingdom through the action of the nobles. He did not forget his services to him, but rewarded him with the highest honours among them,

⁶⁷ τήν τε γὰρ τιάραν ὀρθὴν ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ φορεῖν καὶ ἐπὶ κλίνης χρυσῆς καθεύδειν, ἅπερ μόνων ἐστὶ γέρα καὶ σημεῖα τῶν ΠάρθωνParthians βασιλέων.	⁶⁷ For he permitted him to wear the upright tiara and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are the exclusive privileges and signs of the Parthian kings.
⁶⁷ for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright, and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honor peculiar to the kings of Parthia.	⁶⁷ letting him wear a high crown and sleep on a golden bed, which are privileges and honours special to the kings of Parthia.

⁶⁸ ἔδωκεν δὲ καὶ χώραν πολλὴν αὐτῷ κἀγαθὴν τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως ἀποτεμόμενος, δέ ἐστιν ὄνομα τῇ γῇ, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ πρότερον ἐκτίσαντο πόλιν , ἣν ἐπι προσηγόρευσαν. ταύταις μὲν δὴ ταῖς τιμαῖς ὁ ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως ἐτιμήθη.

⁶⁸ He also gave him a large and fertile territory carved out from the King of the Armenians; the name of the land is Nisibis, where the Macedonians had previously founded the city of Antioch, which they called Epimygnonia. In these honors, then, was Izates honored by the King of the Parthians.

⁶⁸ He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the king of Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonla. And these were the honors that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians.

⁶⁸ He also sectioned off a large and fruitful district from the king of Armenia to give to him. The name of the district is Nisibis, where the Macedonians had formerly built the city they called Antioch of Mygodonia. These were the honours paid to Izates by the king of the Parthians.

The Protocol of the Horse
The scene of Izates walking on foot while Artabanus rides is a highly charged political symbol. In the ancient Near East, the person on the horse is the superior. By walking, Izates was signaling to his own subjects and the Parthian "grandees" that he still recognized Artabanus’s imperial legitimacy, despite his exile. This humbleness actually increased Izates' prestige, as it showed he was a "king of his word."

Cinnamus: The Noble Usurper
The figure of Cinnamus is fascinating. Usually, in ancient history, a man who gains a throne does not give it back. Josephus describes him as "noble and good" (καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθός) and notes he was "brought up" by Artabanus.

The Diadem Transfer: The act of Cinnamus physically taking the diadem off his own head and placing it on Artabanus is a powerful image of peaceful transition. It mirrors the earlier scene where Monobazus II gave the throne to Izates. Josephus is emphasizing a theme: Rightful succession and loyalty lead to stability, while "sedition" leads to ruin.

The "Upright Tiara" (Tiara Orthē)
This is perhaps the most significant detail in the text regarding Izates’ status.

1) Imperial Regalia: In the Persian and Parthian empires, many vassal kings wore tiaras, but they were required to fold the peak over or wear them "slumped." Only the King of Kings was allowed to wear the tiara "upright."

2) The Meaning: By granting Izates the right to wear the upright tiara, Artabanus was essentially elevating him to the status of an equal. It was a public declaration that Izates was no longer just a vassal, but a brother-monarch.

The Gift of Nisibis
Nisibis (modern Nusaybin on the Turkey-Syria border) was one of the most strategically important cities in Mesopotamia.

1) A Buffer State: By giving Nisibis to Izates, Artabanus didn't just give him "fertile land"; he made Izates the guardian of the frontier between the Parthian and Roman/Armenian spheres.

2) Cultural Layers: Josephus notes it was a Macedonian foundation. This reminds the reader of the "globalized" nature of the region—a city with a Greek name (Antioch-Mygdonia) ruled by a Jewish-convert King (Izates) as a reward from a Parthian Emperor (Artabanus).

Josephus’s Subtext: The Power of Judaism
Why does Josephus spend so much time on this Parthian political drama?

1) Proof of Divine Favor: He wants to show that Izates’ conversion to Judaism did not lead to his downfall (as his mother feared) but rather to his becoming the most honored king in the East.

2) Contrast with Judea: While the Jews in Judea were struggling under Roman procurators like Fadus, a Jewish king in Mesopotamia was restoring Emperors to their thrones. It is a "what could have been" scenario for Josephus’s readers—a vision of Jewish power achieved through piety and diplomacy rather than rebellion.

The "Golden Bed"
In the ancient world, the "Golden Bed" was not just furniture; it was a symbol of the semi-divine status of the Persian/Parthian monarchs. Being allowed to sleep on one meant that Izates was being treated as part of the Imperial Family of the Arsacids.

Note: While this account sounds like a "fairy tale" ending, Josephus is clearly polishing the history to make a theological point: Virtue (and Judaism) pays off in the highest circles of power.

⁶⁹ Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον τελευτᾷ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν τῷ παιδὶ καταλιπών. Οὗτος δὴ πρὸς τὸν ἀφικόμενος ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν μέλλων πρὸς πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν συστρατεύεσθαι καὶ συμμαχίαν ἑτοιμάζειν.

⁶⁹ Not long after, Artabanus died, leaving the kingdom to his son Vardanus. He, upon coming to Izates, tried to persuade him to join in a campaign and prepare an alliance, as he intended to wage war against the Romans.

⁶⁹ But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans;

⁶⁹ Shortly afterward Artabanus died and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes. This man came to Izates and wanted him as an ally to help him in a war he was preparing to make with the Romans.

⁷⁰ οὐ μὴν ἔπειθεν· ὁ γὰρ ἸζάτηςIzates τὴν‎ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin δύναμίν τε καὶ τύχην ἐπιστάμενος ἀδυνάτοις αὐτὸν ἐνόμιζεν ἐπιχειρεῖνto attempt, try.	⁷⁰ However, he did not persuade him; for Izates, knowing the power and fortune of the Romans, considered that Vardanus was attempting the impossible.
⁷⁰ but he could not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done;	⁷⁰ He failed to persuade him, however, for Izates knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans so well that he thought Bardanes was attempting the impossible.

⁷¹ ἔτι τε πεπομφὼς πέντε μὲν τὸν ἀριθμὸν υἱοὺς τὴν‎ ἡλικίαν νέους γλῶτταν τὴν‎ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν πάτριον καὶ παιδείαν ἀκριβῶς μαθησομένους, τὴν‎ δὲ μητέρα προσκυνήσουσαν τὸ ἱερόν, ὡς προεῖπον, ὀκνηρότερος ἦν καὶ τὸν ἐκώλυεν συνεχῶς διηγούμενος τὰς δυνάμεις τε καὶ πράξεις, διὰ τούτων οἰόμενος αὐτὸν φοβήσειν καὶ παύσειν ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρατείας.

⁷¹ Moreover, since he had sent five of his sons—all young in age—to learn precisely our ancestral language and education, and since his mother was worshiping at the Temple as I said before, he was even more hesitant. He continuously tried to restrain Vardanus by recounting the forces and achievements of the Romans, thinking that through these he might frighten him and cause him to cease his desire for a campaign against them.

⁷¹ and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said already, was the more backward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Romans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expedition.

⁷¹ Also, having sent his five young sons to study our native tongue and our learning, and having sent his mother to worship at our temple, as I have said, he was all the slower to agree, and tried to restrain Bardanes by fear, telling him of the mighty armies and famous deeds of the Romans, to deter him from that enterprise.

⁷² παροξυνθεὶς δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ ΠάρθοςParthians πόλεμον εὐθὺς πρὸς ἸζάτηνIzates κατήγγειλεν. οὐ μὴν ἔλαβεν οὐδὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ στρατείας ὄνησιν τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς ἐλπίδας αὐτοῦ‎ πάσας ὑποτεμόντος·	⁷² Provoked by this, the Parthian immediately declared war against Izates. Yet, he received no benefit from this campaign, for God cut short all his hopes;
⁷² But the Parthian king was provoked at this his behavior, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein;	⁷² But this angered the Parthian and he declared war on Izates, a war that brought him no gain, since God frustrated his hopes.

⁷³ μαθόντες γὰρ οἱ ΠάρθοιParthians τὴν‎ διάνοιαν τοῦ ΟὐαρδάνουBardanes καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ ῬωμαίουςRomans στρατεύειν ἔκρινεν, αὐτὸν μὲν ἀναιροῦσιν, τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν δὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ ΚοτάρδῃGotarzes παρέδοσαν.	⁷³ for when the Parthians learned of Vardanus's intention and that he had decided to march against the Romans, they killed him and handed the rule to his brother, Gotarzes.
⁷³ for the Parthians perceiving Bardanes’s intentions, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes.	⁷³ For when the Parthians saw Bardanes intending to go to war with the Romans, they killed him and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes.

⁷⁴ καὶ τοῦτον δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς τελευτήσαντα διαδέχεται Οὐολογέσης ὁ ἀδελφός, ὃς δὴ καὶ τοῖς ὁμοπατρίοις δυσὶν ἀδελφοῖς δυναστείας ἐπίστευσεν, μὲν τῷ καὶ πρεσβυτέρῳ τὴν‎ , Τιριδάτῃ δὲ τῷ νεωτέρῳ τὴν‎ .

⁷⁴ After he too died not long after as the result of a conspiracy, his brother Vologases succeeded him. Vologases entrusted his two paternal brothers with realms of power: to Pacorus, the elder, he gave Media, and to Tiridates, the younger, Armenia.

⁷⁴ He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates.

⁷⁴ Not long afterward a plot was made against him too and he died. His successor, his brother Vologases, gave two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father: to the elder, Pacorus, that of the Medes and to the younger, Tiridates, he gave Armenia.

The Jewish Education of Princes
Josephus drops a fascinating cultural detail: Izates sent five of his sons to Jerusalem to learn "our ancestral language and education" (γλῶτταν τὴν παρʼ ἡμῖν πάτριον καὶ παιδείαν).

1) Cultural Imersion: This shows that the conversion of the Adiabenian royalty was not merely superficial or "political." They wanted the next generation to be fluent in Hebrew/Aramaic and steeped in Jewish Law (Torah).

2) Hostages vs. Students: While Josephus frames this as an educational mission, in the ancient world, having the heirs of a vassal king in your capital (Jerusalem) also functioned as a guarantee of loyalty—though in this case, a voluntary one.

Realpolitik: Knowing the "Fortune of Rome"
Izates’ refusal to join the war against Rome illustrates his superior grasp of Realpolitik.

1) Pax Romana: He understood that the Pax Romana was backed by a military machine that the fragmented Parthian feudal system could rarely defeat in a sustained offensive.

2) The "Impossible" Task: Josephus uses the word adynatois (ἀδυνάτοις) to describe Vardanus's plan. Izates functioned as a cooling influence, trying to save the Parthian Empire from its own hubris.

The "God-Sent" Coup
Josephus interprets the internal Parthian coup against Vardanus as divine intervention (τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς ἐλπίδας αὐτοῦ πάσας ὑποτεμόντος).

1) To the Parthian satraps, killing Vardanus was a pragmatic move to avoid a suicidal war with Rome.

2) To Josephus, it was God protecting his "pious" king, Izates, from being crushed by a superior Parthian force. This reinforces the book's central theme: God protects those who follow the Law.

The Parthian "Game of Thrones"
The rapid succession of kings—Artabanus → Vardanus → Gotarzes → Vologases—reflects the chronic instability of the Arsacid dynasty.

1) Vardanus was likely assassinated because his obsession with Rome threatened the interests of the nobility.

2) Vologases I, however, managed to stabilize the empire by sharing power with his brothers. This leads to one of the most famous arrangements in ancient history: the appointment of Tiridates to the throne of Armenia.

The Armenian Question
The mention of Tiridates receiving Armenia is historically significant. It marks the beginning of the "Arsacid Dynasty of Armenia." This specific political move eventually led to a major war and then a famous peace treaty with the Roman Emperor Nero, where Tiridates traveled to Rome to be crowned—a moment of peak ancient pageantry.

The Danger of "Foreign Innovation" Revisited
Vardanus's anger at Izates was not just about the refusal of troops; it was about Izates's perceived lack of "Arsacid" solidarity. By choosing the "Fortune of Rome" and the "Education of the Jews" over the "Desire of the Parthian King," Izates was effectively asserting his independence from the traditional Persian world-order.

Chapter 4
[075-096]
Izates is opposed by his subjects.
Providentially he escapes death

☜ ☞

⁷⁵ Ὁ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς καὶ οἱ συγγενεῖς θεωροῦντες τὸν διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ζηλωτὸν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις γεγενημένον ἔσχον ἐπιθυμίαν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ πάτρια καταλιπόντες ἔθεσι χρῆσθαι τοῖς .

⁷⁵ The king’s brother Monobazus and his kinsmen, seeing that Izates had become envied among all men on account of his piety toward God, themselves conceived a desire to abandon their ancestral customs and adopt those of the Jews.

⁷⁵ Now when the king’s brother, Monobazus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly esteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the religion of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews;

⁷⁵ When the king’s brother, Monobazus and his other relatives saw how, through his piety toward God, Izates had become highly regarded by all, they too wished to leave their ancestral religion and to embrace the customs of the Jews.

⁷⁶ γίνεται δ᾽ ἡ πρᾶξις αὐτῶν κατάφωρος τοῖς ὑπηκόοις, κἀπὶ τούτῳ χαλεπήναντες οἱ μεγιστᾶνες οὐκ ἐφανέρουν μὲν τὴν‎ ὀργήν, κατὰ νοῦν δὲ ἔχοντες καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐζήτουν δίκην εἰσπράξασθαι σπεύδοντες παρ᾽ αὐτῶν.

⁷⁶ But their action became known to their subjects. At this, the grandees were enraged; they did not reveal their anger openly, but keeping it in their minds, they sought a fit opportunity to exact punishment, being eager to get it from them.

⁷⁶ but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates’s subjects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them; but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them.

⁷⁶ As their intention was found out by Izates' subjects, the nobles were angry but did not show their rage, intending to wait for a good opportunity to inflict justice on them.

⁷⁷ καὶ δὴ γράφουσιν πρὸς Ἀβίαν τὸν βασιλέα χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενοι στρατεύσασθαι θελήσαντι κατὰ τοῦ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς βασιλέως, ἐπηγγέλλοντο δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ πρώτην συμβολὴν ἐγκαταλείψειν τὸν βασιλέα· θέλειν γὰρ αὐτὸν μισήσαντα τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔθη· καὶ ὅρκοις τὴν‎ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνδησάμενοι πίστιν σπεύδειν παρεκάλουν.

⁷⁷ Indeed, they wrote to Abias, the king of the Arabs, promising to give him large sums of money if he would agree to campaign against their own king. They also promised that at the first encounter, they would abandon the king; for they wished to punish him because he hated their own customs. Binding their loyalty to one another with oaths, they urged him to make haste.

⁷⁷ Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and promised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king; and they further promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design.

⁷⁷ They wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, promising him a lot of money if he made a campaign against their king, and furthermore, that once he invaded they would desert the king, wishing to punish him for his hatred toward their own religion. Then they swore fidelity to each other on oath and asked him to hurry in this plan.

⁷⁸ πείθεται δὲ ὁ , καὶ πολλὴν ἐπαγόμενος δύναμιν ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὸν . μελλούσης δὲ τῆς πρώτης συμβολῆς πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν καταλείπουσιν τὸν ἐκ συνθήματος πάντες ὡς πανικῷ δείματι κατασχεθέντες, καὶ τὰ νῶτα τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐντρέψαντες ἔφευγον.

⁷⁸ The Arab was persuaded and arrived against Izates leading a large force. When the first encounter was about to take place, before they even came to blows, all those [the grandees] abandoned Izates by prearrangement, as if seized by a panic terror, and turning their backs to the enemy, they fled.

⁷⁸ The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those Handees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away.

⁷⁸ The Arab agreed and mustered a large army to march against Izates, and at the beginning of the invasion, before they came to fighting hand-to-hand, those nobles, as if in a panic, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs to the enemy, ran away.

⁷⁹ οὐ μὴν ὁ κατεπλάγη, νοήσας δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν μεγιστάνων γεγενῆσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ὑπεχώρησεν, καὶ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν ζητήσας ὡς ἔμαθεν συντεταγμένους πρὸς τὸν , τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους ἀναιρεῖ, τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ συμβαλὼν πλείστους μὲν ἀπέκτεινε,

⁷⁹ Izates, however, was not dismayed. Realizing that a betrayal by the grandees had occurred, he himself withdrew into the camp. Having investigated the cause and learned that they had conspired with the Arab, he executed those responsible. On the following day, joining battle, he slew a great many and forced them all to flee.

⁷⁹ Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he understood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that had made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewing the fight on the next day, he slew the greatest part of his enemies,

⁷⁹ Izates was not too worried by this, but when he learned that the nobles had betrayed him, he retreated to his camp and inquired about it, and when he learned who had conspired with the king of Arabia, he destroyed those who were found guilty, and resumed the battle on the following day, and killed most of them and put the rest to flight.

⁸⁰ πάντας δὲ φυγεῖν ἠνάγκασεν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν βασιλέα διώκων εἴς τι φρούριον συνήλασεν Ἄρσαμον καλούμενον, καὶ προσμαχεσάμενος καρτερῶς εἷλε τὸ φρούριον διαρπάσας τε τὴν‎ ἐν αὐτῷ λείαν πᾶσαν, πολλὴ δὲ ἦν, ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν‎ τὸν Ἀβίαν οὐ καταλαβὼν ζῶντα· περικαταλαμβανόμενος γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνεῖλεν.

⁸⁰ Pursuing the king himself, he drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and having fought vigorously, he took the fortress. After plundering all the booty within it—which was considerable—he returned to Adiabene, though he did not capture Abias alive; for when he was about to be taken, Abias killed himself.

⁸⁰ and forced all the rest to betake themselves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and following on the siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And when he had plundered it of all the prey that was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he take Abia alive, because, when he found himself encompassed on every side, he slew himself.

⁸⁰ He pursued their king and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus and took the fortress after a tough siege. When he had plundered it of all its considerable booty, he returned to Adiabene; but he did not take Abia alive, for when he was surrounded on all sides, he killed himself.

The "Contagion" of Conversion
The conversion of Monobazus II and the extended royal family shows that Judaism had become a defining "court culture" in Adiabene. This was the nightmare scenario for the local nobility: a complete replacement of the national identity. In the ancient world, religion was the "social glue" of the state; to abandon the ancestral gods was seen by the "grandees" (megistanes) not as a private spiritual choice, but as high treason against the kingdom's foundations.

The Mechanics of Betrayal: "Panic Terror"
The grandees used a clever military tactic to hide their treason: the "panic terror" (paniko deimati). By faking a rout, they hoped to make Izates’ defeat look like a natural military disaster rather than a coup. This allowed them to stay on the "winning side" regardless of the outcome.

Abias and the Nabataean/Arab Context
The "King of the Arabs" mentioned here is likely a Nabataean or a leader of the nomadic tribes of the Syrian desert. These groups often served as "mercenary-kings" for hire. The grandees didn't want to kill Izates themselves—which might spark a civil war—so they "outsourced" the assassination to a foreign power.

Izates as the "Judicious" Commander
Josephus portrays Izates as the ideal leader:

1) Stoicism: He was "not dismayed" (ouch kateplagē) by the desertion.

2) Due Process: He didn't just start killing; he "withdrew to the camp" and "investigated the cause" (tēn aitian zētēsas).

3) Decisiveness: Once the treason was proven, he acted immediately. This reflects the Roman and Jewish ideal of a leader who is merciful to the innocent but swift in justice against traitors.

Theological Proof: The "Miraculous" Victory
For Josephus’s readers, the highlight of this story is that Izates wins the battle the day after being betrayed. Mathematically, a king who has just lost his "grandees" and a significant portion of his cavalry should lose. By winning, Izates proves—in Josephus's view—that he is backed by a "Divine General."

Arsamus and the "Noble Suicide"
The suicide of King Abias is a common trope in Greco-Roman and Near Eastern history (reminiscent of Cleopatra or Saul). To be "captured alive" meant being paraded in a triumph and then executed. By killing himself, Abias maintained a shred of royal dignity, but his death left the conspirators without their "foreign sword," solidifying Izates's grip on power.

Linguistic Note: "Hating Ancestral Customs"
The grandees claim Izates "hated" (misēsanta) their customs. This is likely an exaggeration used to stir up the Arab king, but it points to the radical nature of Izates's reforms. He likely removed idols or ceased traditional sacrifices, which the nobility viewed as a personal insult to their heritage and their power.

⁸¹ Ἀποτυχόντες δὲ οἱ τῶν μεγιστᾶνες τῆς πρώτης ἐπιχειρήσεως παραδόντος αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ τῷ βασιλεῖ οὐδ᾽ ὣς ἠρέμουν, ἀλλὰ γράφουσιν πάλιν Οὐολογέσῃ, βασιλεὺς δὲ οὗτος ἦν, παρακαλοῦντες ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν τὸν , καταστῆσαι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἕτερον δυνάστην καὶ τῷ γένει · μισεῖν γὰρ ἔλεγον τὸν ἑαυτῶν βασιλέα καταλύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάτρια, ξένων δ᾽ ἐραστὴν ἐθῶν γενόμενον.

⁸¹ The grandees of the Adiabenians, having failed in their first attempt—since God had delivered them into the hands of the king—did not remain quiet even then. Instead, they wrote again to Vologases (who was then the King of the Parthians), entreating him to kill Izates and appoint another ruler over them, one of Parthian descent. For they said they hated their own king because he had abolished their ancestral customs and become a lover of foreign ones.

⁸¹ But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king’s hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abrogating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs.

⁸¹ But though the nobles of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as God delivered them into the king’s hands, even then they would not be at peace, but wrote again to Vologases, who was now king of Parthia, asking him to kill Izates and set over them some other powerful man of Parthian origin. They said that they hated their own king for abrogating their ancestral laws and embracing foreign customs.

⁸² ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ ΠάρθοςParthians ἐπήρθη πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, καὶ προφάσεως δικαίας μηδεμίαν ἀφορμὴν ἔχων τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ δοθείσας τιμὰς ἔπεμψεν ἀπαιτῶν, ἀπειθήσαντι δὲ πόλεμον κατήγγελλεν.	⁸² When the Parthian heard this, he was incited to war. Having no ground for a just pretext, he sent messengers demanding back the honors that had been given to Izates by his father [Artabanus], and he declared war if Izates refused to comply.
⁸² When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and as he had no just pretense for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honorable privileges which had been bestowed on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him.	⁸² When the Parthian heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates, and as he had no just pretext for this war, he sent to him to demand the return of the honours and privileges granted him by his father and threatening to make war on him if he refused.

⁸³ ταράσσεται δὲ τὴν‎ ψυχὴν οὐχὶ μετρίως ὁ ἸζάτηςIzates, ὡς ἤκουσεν ταῦτα, κατάγνωσιν μὲν φέρειν αὐτῷ νομίσας τὸ τῶν δωρεῶν ἐξίστασθαι δοκεῖν διὰ φόβον τοῦτο πράξας.	⁸³ Izates was no small amount troubled in his soul when he heard this, considering that it would bring reproach upon him if he appeared to resign his gifts out of fear.
⁸³ Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice;	⁸³ Hearing this, Izates was troubled in spirit, thinking it would be a shame for him to appear to resign out of fear for the privileges granted to him.

⁸⁴ εἰδὼς δέ, ὅτι καὶ ἀπολαβὼν ὁ ΠάρθοςParthians τὰς τιμὰς οὐκ ἂν ἠρεμήσειεν, ἔκρινεν ἐπιτρέψαι τῷ κηδεμόνι θεῷ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ψυχῆς κίνδυνον,	⁸⁴ Knowing, however, that even if the Parthian received the honors back he would not remain quiet, Izates decided to entrust the danger to his life to God, his protector.
⁸⁴ yet because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honors, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his Protector, in the present danger he was in of his life;	⁸⁴ He knew that the Parthian would not keep the peace even if he got those honours back, so he decided to entrust his danger to God as his Protector,

⁸⁵ καὶ τοῦτον μέγιστον ἡγησάμενος ἔχειν σύμμαχον κατατίθεται μὲν τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας εἰς τὰ τῶν φρουρίων ἀσφαλέστατα, τὸν σῖτον δὲ πάντα μὲν τὸν εἰς τὰς βάρεις ἐμπίπρησιν τόν τε χόρτον καὶ τὰς νομάς, Ταῦτά τε προευτρεπισάμενος ἐξεδέχετο τοὺς πολεμίους.

⁸⁵ Thinking that he had in Him his greatest ally, he deposited his children and wives in the safest of fortresses. He burned all the grain in the granaries and the hay and the pastures; having prepared these things in advance, he awaited the enemy.

⁸⁵ and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy.

⁸⁵ and trusting mainly in His help, placed his children and wives in a very strong fortress and deposited his corn in his citadels and set the hay and the grass on fire and having arranged things as well as he could, awaited the coming of the enemy.

⁸⁶ παραγενομένου δὲ τοῦ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως πεζῶν τε καὶ ἱππέων θᾶττον ἐλπίδος, ὥδευσε γὰρ συντόνως, βαλλομένου τε χάρακα πρὸς τῷ ποταμῷ τῷ τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ὁρίζοντι, τίθησι καὶ ὁ τὸ στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἄπωθεν ἔχων περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἑξακισχιλίους.

⁸⁶ The Parthian arrived with a vast force of infantry and cavalry sooner than expected, for he had marched at full speed. When he pitched camp by the river that divides Adiabene from Media, Izates also set up his camp not far away, having about six thousand cavalry with him.

⁸⁶ And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected, (for he marched in great haste,) and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media,—Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen.

⁸⁶ The king of Parthia soon arrived with a large army of infantry and cavalry, for he marched very quickly, and built earthworks at the river dividing Adiabene from Media, and Izates also encamped not far away, with his six thousand cavalry.

⁸⁷ ἀφικνεῖται δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἄγγελος παρὰ τοῦ πεμφθείς, ὃς τὴν‎ δύναμιν ὅση τίς ἐστιν ἤγγελλεν ἀπὸ ποταμοῦ μέχρι τοὺς ὅρους αὐτῆς τιθέμενος καὶ τοὺς ὑπηκόους αὐτῆς βασιλέας καταλέγων.

⁸⁷ A messenger sent by the Parthian arrived before Izates, announcing how great the power of the Parthians was, setting its boundaries from the river Euphrates to Bactra and listing the kings subject to it.

⁸⁷ But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumerated that king’s subjects;

⁸⁷ Then a messenger was sent by the king of Parthia to Izates to proclaim the size of his dominions, reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and the number of the king’s subjects.

⁸⁸ ἠπείλει δὲ δώσειν αὐτὸν δίκας ἀχάριστον περὶ δεσπότας τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ γενόμενον, καὶ ῥύεσθαι τῶν βασιλέως αὐτὸν χειρῶν οὐδὲ τὸν θεὸν ὃν σέβει δυνήσεσθαι.	⁸⁸ He threatened that Izates would pay the penalty for being ungrateful to his masters, and that not even the God whom he worshiped would be able to rescue him from the hands of the King.
⁸⁸ he also threatened him that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king’s hands.	⁸⁸ He threatened him with punishment for disloyalty to his masters, and that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him from the king’s hands.

⁸⁹ ταῦτα τοῦ ἀγγέλου φράσαντος ὁ εἰδέναι μὲν τὴν‎ δύναμιν ἔφη πολὺ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ διαφέρουσαν, γινώσκειν δ᾽ οὖν ἔτι μᾶλλον πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἔλεγεν κρείσσω τὸν . Καὶ τοιαύτην δοὺς τὴν‎ ἀπόκρισιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἱκετείαν ἐτρέπετο τοῦ θεοῦ, χαμαί τε ῥίψας αὑτὸν καὶ σποδῷ τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν καταισχύνας μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων ἐνήστευεν ἀνακαλῶν τὸν θεὸν καὶ λέγων,

⁸⁹ After the messenger said these things, Izates replied that while he knew the power of the Parthians far exceeded his own, he knew even better that God is stronger than all men. Having given this answer, he turned to supplication of God. Throwing himself upon the ground and defiling his head with ashes, he fasted with his wife and children, calling upon God and saying:

⁸⁹ When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia’s power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when he had returned him this answer, he betook himself to make supplication to God, and threw himself upon the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children. Then he called upon God, and said,

⁸⁹ To this message Izates replied that he knew the king of Parthia’s power was much greater than his own, but that he also knew that God was much more powerful than everyone. After this reply he went to pray to God and threw himself upon the ground and put ashes upon his head, as a sign of his distress, and fasted, along with his wives and children. Then he called on God and said,

⁹⁰ " εἰ μὴ μάτην, ὦ δέσποτα κύριε, τῆς σῆς ἐγενόμην χρηστότητος, τῶν πάντων δὲ δικαίως μόνον καὶ πρῶτον ἥγημαι κύριον, ἐλθὲ οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ μόνον ἀμυνούμενος τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τῆς σῆς δυνάμεως

⁹⁰ "O Master Lord, if I have not in vain partaken of Your goodness, and have rightly deemed You alone the first and only Lord of all, come as my ally—not only to defend me against my enemies, but because they have dared to defy Your very power."

⁹⁰ "O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of their insolent behavior with regard to thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against thee."

⁹⁰ "O Lord and Ruler, if I have trusted to your goodness in vain, but am right to believe in you as the first and only Lord of all beings, come now to my help and defend me from my enemies, not just for me but because of their insolence toward your power."

⁹¹ κατατετολμήκασιν. ὁ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἐποτνιᾶτο δακρύων καὶ ὀδυρόμενος, ἐπήκοος δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἐγίνετο, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην εὐθὺς τὴν‎ νύκτα δεξάμενος Οὐολογέσης ἐπιστολάς, ἐν αἷς ἐγέγραπτο καὶ Σακῶν χεῖρα μεγάλην καταφρονήσασαν αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἐπιστρατευσαμένην διαρπάζειν τὴν‎ Παρθυηνῶν, ἄπρακτος ἀνέζευξεν εἰς τοὐπίσω. Καὶ οὕτω κατὰ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν τὰς ἀπειλὰς τοῦ διαφεύγει.

⁹¹ He lamented these things with tears and mourning, and God heard him. That very night, Vologases received letters in which it was written that a great force of Dahae and Sacae, scorning his absence, had invaded and were plundering Parthia. Thus, he marched back with his purpose unfulfilled. And so Izates, by the providence of God, escaped the threats of the Parthian.

⁹¹ Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents of which were these, that a great band of Dahe and Sacse, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthia waste; so that he [was forced to] retire back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by the providence of God.

⁹¹ So he lamented and grieved, with tears, and God heard him, for that very night Vologases received letters saying that a great attacking force of Dahae and Saccae had laid Parthia waste, scorning him now that he was so far from home; so that he had to retreat without achieving anything. And so Izates escaped from the Parthian’s threats, by the providence of God.

The "Sovereignty of God" Argument
The messenger’s boast is a direct echo of the biblical Rabshakeh's speech to King Hezekiah in 2 Kings 18. The messenger claims that Izates’ God is powerless against the "King of Kings."

The Response: Izates doesn't argue military strategy; he argues theology. By identifying God as the "Master Lord" (despota kyrie), he places the struggle on a cosmic level. To Josephus, this is the ultimate test of a convert: does he trust in his fortifications or in his new faith?

Scorched Earth Policy
Izates’ military preparation is highly sophisticated. By burning the grain and pastures (empiprēsin ton te chorton), he utilized a "scorched earth" strategy.
Parthian strength relied on their massive cavalry.
Without grazing land for thousands of horses, a Parthian siege of Adiabene’s fortresses would be impossible to sustain for long. Izates proved he was a pious king, but also a ruthless and competent general.

The Rituals of Penitence
The description of Izates "defiling his head with ashes" and "fasting with his wife and children" is a distinctly Jewish image of repentance (teshuva). In the Greco-Roman world, a king’s family was usually kept far from the "unseemly" act of public mourning. By including his family, Izates presents the entire royal house as a single, humble suppliant before God.

Geopolitics: Dahae and Sacae
The "miracle" that saves Izates has a concrete historical basis. The Dahae and Sacae were nomadic Scythian tribes from Central Asia.
The Parthian Empire was perpetually caught in a "two-front war" dilemma. Whenever a King of Kings moved his army West (toward Rome or Adiabene), the Eastern frontier became vulnerable to nomadic raids.
Vologases I had to retreat not because of a ghost, but because his primary power base in the East (modern-day Iran/Turkmenistan) was being looted.

The Limit of Grandee Betrayal
The nobility of Adiabene wanted a "Parthian" king because they felt their identity was being erased. However, their plan backfired. By inviting Vologases, they brought a foreign army to their borders that Izates successfully outmaneuvered. This solidified Izates's rule; after this, there were no more recorded attempts by the local nobility to unseat him.

The "Master-Slave" Rhetoric
The Parthian messenger refers to the King as Izates’ "master" (despotas). This highlights the feudal nature of the Parthian Empire. Izates’ refusal to return the "honors" (Nisibis and the Upright Tiara) was seen as a breach of the feudal contract. By choosing God over his "master," Izates officially signaled that Adiabene was no longer a vassal of the Parthian world-order, but a sovereign Jewish state.

⁹² Μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον πεντηκοστὸν μὲν καὶ πέμπτον ἀπὸ γενεᾶς πληρώσας ἔτος τέταρτον δὲ πρὸς εἰκοστῷ δυναστεύσας, καταλιπὼν παῖδας ἄρρενας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καὶ θυγατέρας εἰκοσιτέσσαρας καταστρέφει τὸν βίον.

⁹² Not long after, having completed the fifty-fifth year of his life and having reigned for twenty-four years, leaving behind twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters, he [Izates] departed this life.

⁹² It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his life, and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters.

⁹² Soon afterward Izates died, at the age of fifty-five years, having ruled his kingdom for twenty-four years, leaving behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters.

⁹³ τὴν‎ μέντοι διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ΜονόβαζονMonobazus ἐκέλευεν παραλαβεῖν, ἀμειβόμενος αὐτὸν ὅτι κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ‎ μετὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς θάνατον πιστῶς φυλάξειεν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ δυναστείαν.	⁹³ He commanded his brother Monobazus to take over the succession of the rule, rewarding him because during his absence after the death of their father, he had faithfully guarded the sovereignty for him.
⁹³ However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent after their father’s death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him.	⁹³ He named his brother Monobazus as his successor, thereby rewarding him for faithfully preserving the dynasty for him, while he was absent after their father’s death.

⁹⁴ ἡ δὲ μήτηρ τὸν τοῦ παιδὸς θάνατον ἀκούσασα βαρέως μὲν ἤνεγκεν ὡς εἰκὸς μητέρα στερομένην εὐσεβεστάτου παιδός, παραμυθίαν δ᾽ ὅμως εἶχεν τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν ἀκούσασα εἰς τὸν πρεσβύτερον αὐτῆς υἱὸν , καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔσπευδεν. Παραγενομένη δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ οὐ πολὺν τῷ παιδὶ χρόνον ἐπεβίωσεν.

⁹⁴ When his mother Helena heard of her son's death, she took it heavily, as is natural for a mother deprived of a most pious son; nevertheless, she found consolation in hearing that the succession had come to her eldest son, and she hastened to him. Having arrived in Adiabene, she survived her son Izates for only a short time.

⁹⁴ But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly, she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates.

⁹⁴ When Helena, his mother, heard of her son’s death, she was naturally much saddened at her loss of such a dutiful son, but it was a comfort to her to hear that her eldest son was his successor. So she quickly went to him, but she did not long outlive her son Izates, after she came to Adiabene.

⁹⁵ ὁ δὲ τά τε ἐκείνης ὀστᾶ καὶ τὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ πέμψας εἰς θάψαι προσέταξεν ἐν ταῖς πυραμίσιν, ἃς ἡ μήτηρ κατεσκευάκει τρεῖς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τρία στάδια τῆς πόλεως ἀπεχούσας.

⁹⁵ Monobazus sent her bones and those of his brother to Jerusalem and ordered them to be buried in the "Pyramids," three in number, which his mother had constructed at a distance of three stadia from the city of Jerusalem.

⁹⁵ But Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyramids which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city Jerusalem.

⁹⁵ Monobazus sent her bones, as well as those of his brother Izates, to Jerusalem, with orders to have them buried at the three pyramids which their mother had built, no more than three furlongs from the city of Jerusalem.

⁹⁶ ἀλλὰ ΜονόβαζοςMonobazus μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσα κατὰ τὸν τῆς ζωῆς χρόνον ἔπραξεν, ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν.	⁹⁶ But as for King Monobazus, we shall relate hereafter all that he performed during the time of his life.
⁹⁶ But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life, we will relate them hereafter.	⁹⁶ We will return later to the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life.

The Symmetry of a "Perfect" Life
Josephus records that Izates had twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. While possibly hyperbolic, this symmetry is a literary device used to denote a life of ultimate blessing and fertility. In the Jewish tradition, a large and balanced family was seen as the physical manifestation of God’s favor.

A Debt of Honor Repaid
The succession of Monobazus II is a rare example of political altruism in antiquity.
Years prior, Monobazus II had held the throne while Izates was away, and he stepped down the moment Izates arrived.
Now, at the end of his life, Izates returns the favor by naming Monobazus his successor over his own forty-eight children.
This reinforces the narrative's portrayal of the Adiabenian royal family as uniquely virtuous and free from the fratricidal violence that plagued the Herodian or Arsacid dynasties.

The Death of Helena
Helena’s death shortly after Izates' suggests a profound maternal bond. Josephus describes Izates as "most pious" (eusebestatou), a term that in Greek encompasses both religious devotion and the fulfillment of duty toward one's parents. Her haste to return to Adiabene to see her remaining son before she died brings her story full circle.

The Three Pyramids
Josephus provides a specific archaeological detail: the royal tomb featured three pyramids.

1) Archaeological Reality: These "pyramids" were likely nefashot—pyramidal stone monuments or steep roofs built atop the monumental tomb.

2) Location: He places them "three stadia" (about 550–600 meters) from Jerusalem. This matches the location of what is known today as the Tombs of the Kings (located in modern East Jerusalem).

Final Rest in Jerusalem
The fact that Monobazus II sent the bones of his mother and brother to Jerusalem for burial is the ultimate proof of their conversion. In the ancient world, being buried in a specific land was a claim of citizenship and belonging. By choosing Jerusalem over their native Adiabene, the royal family declared that their true "homeland" was the spiritual center of Judaism.

The "Missing" Monobazus Book
Josephus ends with a "teaser" for the exploits of Monobazus II. While the Antiquities continues, the detailed focus on Adiabene shifts. However, history records that the family remained loyal to the Jewish cause; during the Great Jewish Revolt (66–70 CE), members of the Adiabenian royal family were among the most prominent and brave defenders of Jerusalem against the Romans.

Historical Legacy
The Adiabenian conversion was not just a footnote. Their presence in Jerusalem, their massive tomb, and their humanitarian aid during the famine turned them into legends of the Second Temple period. They are even mentioned in the Mishnah (the foundational text of Rabbinic Judaism) for their generous gifts to the Temple, including a golden candlestick and a golden engraved tablet.

Chapter 5
[097-117]
Revolt of Theudas and Judas of Galilee.
Bloodshed at Passover

☜ ☞

⁹⁷ δὲ τῆς ἐπιτροπεύοντος γόης τις ἀνὴρ Θευδᾶς ὀνόματι πείθει τὸν πλεῖστον ὄχλον ἀναλαβόντα τὰς κτήσεις ἕπεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ποταμὸν αὐτῷ· προφήτης γὰρ ἔλεγεν εἶναι, καὶ προστάγματι τὸν ποταμὸν σχίσας δίοδον ἔχειν ἔφη παρέξειν αὐτοῖς ῥᾳδίαν.

⁹⁷ While Fadus was procurator of Judea, a certain magician named Theudas persuaded a vast multitude to take their possessions and follow him to the river Jordan. For he claimed to be a prophet and said that by his command he would divide the river and provide them with an easy passage through it.

⁹⁷ Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it;

⁹⁷ While Fadus was procurator of Judea, a magician named Theudas persuaded many of the people to take their property with them and follow him to the river Jordan, for he told them he was a prophet and that at his command he would divide the river and provide them an easy passage over it.

⁹⁸ καὶ ταῦτα λέγων πολλοὺς ἠπάτησεν. οὐ μὴν εἴασεν αὐτοὺς τῆς ἀφροσύνης ὄνασθαι , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξέπεμψεν ἴλην ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ἥτις ἀπροσδόκητος ἐπιπεσοῦσα πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνεῖλεν, πολλοὺς δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Θευδᾶν ζωγρήσαντες ἀποτέμνουσι τὴν‎ κεφαλὴν καὶ κομίζουσιν εἰς .

⁹⁸ By saying these things, he deceived many. However, Fadus did not allow them to enjoy their folly; instead, he sent out a troop of cavalry against them. Falling upon them unexpectedly, they slew many and took many alive. Having captured Theudas himself alive, they cut off his head and carried it to Jerusalem.

⁹⁸ and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem.

⁹⁸ Many were taken in by his words, but Fadus did not let them go on with this madness but sent a troop of cavalry out against them, attacking them unexpectedly and killing many of them while capturing many more alive, including Theudas, whose head they cut off and brought to Jerusalem.

⁹⁹ τὰ μὲν οὖν συμβάντα τοῖς ἸουδαίοιςJews κατὰ τοὺς Κουσπίου ΦάδουFadus τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς χρόνους ταῦτ᾽ ἐγένετο.	⁹⁹ These, then, were the events that befell the Jews during the times of Cuspius Fadus's procuratorship.
⁹⁹ This was what befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus’s government.	⁹⁹ These were the disasters that occurred among the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus' rule.

¹⁰⁰ Ἦλθε δὲ διάδοχος παῖς τοῦ καὶ ἀλαβαρχήσαντος ἐν γένει τε καὶ πλούτῳ πρωτεύσαντος τῶν ἐκεῖ καθ᾽ αὑτόν. διήνεγκε καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εὐσεβείᾳ τοῦ παιδὸς · τοῖς γὰρ πατρίοις οὐκ ἐνέμεινεν οὗτος ἔθεσιν.

¹⁰⁰ A successor came to Fadus: Tiberius Alexander, the son of that Alexander who had been the Alabarch in Alexandria, a man who excelled all those of his time there in lineage and wealth. He [the father] also surpassed his son Alexander in piety toward God, for the latter did not remain in his ancestral customs.

¹⁰⁰ Then came Tiberius Alexander as successor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, which Alexander was a principal person among all his contemporaries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country.

¹⁰⁰ After Fadus came his successor Tiberius Alexander, the son of Alexander the alabarch of Alexandria, who was noted both for his family and his wealth and was also more pious than his son Alexander, who did not continue in our ancestral customs.

¹⁰¹ ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ καὶ τὸν μέγαν λιμὸν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea συνέβη γενέσθαι, καθ᾽ ὃν καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα ἙλένηHelena πολλῶν χρημάτων ὠνησαμένη σῖτον ἀπὸ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt διένειμεν τοῖς ἀπορουμένοις, ὡς προεῖπον.	¹⁰¹ It was during his time that the great famine happened to take place in Judea, during which Queen Helena—as I said before—bought grain from Egypt at great expense and distributed it to those in need.
¹⁰¹ Under these procurators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already.	¹⁰¹ Under these procurators the great famine happened in Judea, when queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense and distributed it to those who were in want, as I have said.

¹⁰² πρὸς τούτοις δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες τοῦ ἀνήχθησαν τοῦ τὸν λαὸν ἀπὸ ἀποστήσαντος τῆς τιμητεύοντος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, καὶ , οὓς ἀνασταυρῶσαι προσέταξεν .

¹⁰² In addition to these things, the sons of Judas the Galilean—the man who had incited the people to revolt from the Romans when Quirinius was taking the census of Judea, as we have shown in the preceding books—were brought up: James and Simon, whom Alexander ordered to be crucified.

¹⁰² And besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cyrenius came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have showed in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified.

¹⁰² Then too, the sons of Judas of Galilee were killed, that man who caused the people to revolt when Quirinius came to assess the estates of the Jews, as we mentioned in an earlier book; the sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander had crucified.

¹⁰³ ὁ δὲ τῆς βασιλεὺς μεταστήσας τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης τὸν τοῦ Καμοιδὶ τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν τῆς τιμῆς Ἀνανίᾳ τῷ τοῦ Νεβεδαίου δίδωσιν. δὲ ἀφίκετο διάδοχος.

¹⁰³ Herod, the king of Chalcis, having removed Joseph the son of Camydis from the high priesthood, gave the succession of that honor to Ananias the son of Nebedaeus. Cumanus arrived as the successor to Tiberius Alexander.

¹⁰³ But now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high priesthood, and made Ananias, the son of Nebedeu, his successor. And now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander;

¹⁰³ And now Herod, king of Chalcis, too the high priesthood from Joseph, son of Camydus, naming as his successor Ananias, the son of Nebedeu; and Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander.

¹⁰⁴ καὶ τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον ὁ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως ἀδελφὸς ὀγδόῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτει, καταλιπὼν τρεῖς υἱοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς πρώτης αὐτῷ τεχθέντα γυναικός, ἐκ δὲ τῆς τἀδελφοῦ θυγατρὸς καὶ . τὴν‎ δ᾽ ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ‎ τῷ νεωτέρῳ δίδωσιν.

¹⁰⁴ And Herod, the brother of the great King Agrippa, departed this life in the eighth year of Claudius Caesar's rule, leaving behind three sons: Aristobulus, born to him by his first wife, and Bernicianus and Hyrcanus by Bernice, his brother's daughter. Claudius Caesar gave his kingdom to the younger Agrippa.

¹⁰⁴ as also that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar. He left behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, with Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice his brother’s daughter. But Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa, junior.

¹⁰⁴ Herod, the brother of the great king Agrippa, departed this life in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Caesar, leaving behind him three sons; Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, and Bernicianus and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Berenice his brother’s daughter. Then Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa the younger.

Theudas and the "Exodus" Motif
Theudas is a classic example of a "sign-prophet." By promising to split the Jordan River, he was consciously reenacting the miracles of Moses and Joshua.

1) Political Subtext: In the Roman context, reenacting the Exodus was a revolutionary act. It implied that a "new liberation" from a "new Egypt" (Rome) was imminent.

2) Roman Response: Fadus’s use of cavalry shows that the Romans viewed these religious gatherings not as harmless eccentricities, but as military threats. The decapitation of Theudas and the display of his head in Jerusalem served as a grim "anti-miracle" meant to shatter the faith of his followers.

Tiberius Alexander: The Jewish Apostate
Tiberius Alexander is one of the most fascinating figures of the 1st century.

1) The Alabarch’s Son: His father was the leader of the Jewish community in Alexandria and a friend of Emperor Claudius. His uncle was Philo of Alexandria, the famous philosopher.

2) Apostasy: Josephus explicitly notes he "did not remain in his ancestral customs" (τοῖς πατρίοις οὐκ ἐνέμεινεν). He is the ultimate example of a high-born Jew choosing a Roman career over religious identity.

3) Irony: It is deeply ironic that a man of Jewish birth was the one to order the crucifixion of Jewish revolutionaries (the sons of Judas the Galilean). He eventually became the Prefect of Egypt and played a key role in the Roman siege of Jerusalem in 70 CE.

The Dynasty of Judas the Galilean
The execution of James and Simon shows that the revolutionary spirit was hereditary.
Their father, Judas, founded the "Fourth Philosophy" (Zealotry), which argued that God was the only King and that paying taxes to Rome was blasphemy.
By crucifying his sons, Tiberius Alexander was attempting to prune the roots of the burgeoning Zealot movement. However, as history shows, this only fed the cycle of martyrdom and radicalization.

Ananias son of Nebedaeus
This High Priest, appointed by Herod of Chalcis, is the same Ananias who appears in the New Testament (Acts 23) during the trial of the Apostle Paul. He was known for his great wealth and his pro-Roman stance, which eventually made him a target for Jewish assassins at the start of the Great Revolt.

The Shifting Map: Agrippa II
With the death of Herod of Chalcis, the younger Agrippa (Agrippa II) finally receives a kingdom.
Although he did not receive all of his father’s (Agrippa I) territory initially, he was given Chalcis and, more importantly, the oversight of the Temple and the power to appoint High Priests.
This created a strange dynamic where the religious life of Jerusalem was governed by a king whose primary residence was often outside the city.

The Famine and History
Josephus uses the "Great Famine" as a chronological anchor. By mentioning it here again, he validates the charitable work of Queen Helena (from the previous chapters) within the context of Roman administrative history. It contrasts the life-giving work of the Jewish convert (Helena) with the life-taking work of the Roman procurators and apostates.

¹⁰⁵ Στάσεως δ᾽ τῇ τῶν πόλει τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πράγματα διοικοῦντος ἐφθάρησαν ὑπὸ ταύτης πολλοὶ τῶν . Καὶ πρότερον ἀφηγήσομαι τὴν‎ αἰτίαν, δι᾽ ἣν ταῦτα συνέβη·

¹⁰⁵ While Cumanus was administering the affairs of Judea, a sedition broke out in the city of Jerusalem, by which many of the Jews perished. I shall first recount the cause for which these things happened:

¹⁰⁵ Now while the Jewish affairs were under the administration of Cureanus, there happened a great tumult at the city of Jerusalem, and many of the Jews perished therein. But I shall first explain the occasion whence it was derived.

¹⁰⁵ While Cumanus was in charge of Jewish affairs, a great riot took place in the city of Jerusalem, in which many Jews died. I shall first explain how this arose.

¹⁰⁶ τῆς πάσχα προσαγορευομένης ἑορτῆς Ἐνστάσης, καθ᾽ ἣν ἔθος ἐστὶν ἡμῖν ἄζυμα προσφέρεσθαι, πολλοῦ καὶ πανταχόθεν πλήθους συναχθέντος ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἑορτὴν δείσας ὁ , μὴ νεώτερόν τι παρὰ τούτων προσπέσῃ, κελεύει τῶν στρατιωτῶν μίαν τάξιν ἀναλαβοῦσαν τὰ ὅπλα ἐπὶ τῶν τοῦ ἱεροῦ στοῶν ἑστάναι καταστελοῦντας τὸν νεωτερισμόν, εἰ ἄρα τις γένοιτο.

¹⁰⁶ When the festival called Passover arrived, during which it is our custom to offer unleavened bread, a vast multitude gathered from all quarters for the feast. Cumanus, fearing that some revolution might break out among them, ordered a single division of soldiers to take up their arms and stand upon the porticoes of the temple to suppress any insurrection, should one occur.

¹⁰⁶ When that feast which is called the passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanus was afraid lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them; so he ordered that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if perchance any such should begin;

¹⁰⁶ When the feast we call the Passover was near, when it is our custom to use unleavened bread, a large crowd gathered from all parts to the festival, and Cumanus was afraid that a revolt might occur, so he stationed one regiment of the army, fully armed, at the temple porticoes, to curb any signs of rebellion, that might arise.

¹⁰⁷ τοῦτο δὲ καὶ οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea ἐπιτροπεύσαντες ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἔπραττον.	¹⁰⁷ (Indeed, those who had been procurators of Judea before him had also done this during the festivals.)
¹⁰⁷ and this was no more than what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals.	¹⁰⁷ This was what the former procurators of Judea did at such festivals.

¹⁰⁸ τετάρτῃ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ἑορτῆς στρατιώτης τις ἀνακαλύψας ἐπεδείκνυε τῷ πλήθει τὰ αἰδοῖα, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο θεασαμένων ὀργὴ καὶ θυμὸς ἦν οὐχ ἑαυτοὺς ὑβρίσθαι λεγόντων, ἀλλὰ τὸν θεὸν ἠσεβῆσθαι· τινὲς δὲ τῶν θρασυτέρων τὸν ἐβλασφήμουν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν στρατιώτην καθεῖσθαι λέγοντες.

¹⁰⁸ On the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier pulled up his garment and exposed his private parts to the multitude. At this sight, the people were seized with rage and fury, shouting that it was not themselves who had been insulted, but that God had been blasphemed. Some of the bolder ones reviled Cumanus, saying that the soldier had been sent by him.

¹⁰⁸ But on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out that this impious action was not done to reproach them, but God himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was set on by him,

¹⁰⁸ But on the fourth day of the feast, a soldier exposed himself and flaunted his genitals at the people, which filled the onlookers with fury and rage and they shouted that this impious action was an insult not just to them, but to God himself. Some of them blasphemed Cumanus and said that the soldier had just done his bidding.

¹⁰⁹ ΚουμανὸςCumanus δ᾽ ἀκούσας καὶ αὐτὸς οὐ μετρίως ἐρεθίζεται πρὸς τὰς βλασφημίας, παρῄνει μέντοι παύσασθαι νεωτέρων ἐπιθυμοῦντας πραγμάτων μηδὲ στάσεις ἐξάπτειν ἐν ἑορτῇ.	¹⁰⁹ Cumanus, hearing this, was also no small amount provoked by these insults; nevertheless, he advised them to cease desiring revolutionary changes and not to kindle seditions during a festival.
¹⁰⁹ which, when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival.	¹⁰⁹ When Cumanus heard this, he was enraged by the blasphemies on him, but urged them to give up such seditious behaviour and not to start a riot at the festival.

¹¹⁰ μὴ πείθων δέ, μᾶλλον γὰρ ἐπέκειντο βλασφημοῦντες, κελεύει τὸ στράτευμα πᾶν τὰς πανοπλίας ἀναλαβὸν ἥκειν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντωνίανAntonia, φρούριον δ᾽ ἦν τοῦτο, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, ἐπικείμενον τῷ ἱερῷ.	¹¹⁰ But as he could not persuade them—for they pressed upon him with even more insults—he ordered the entire army to take up their full armor and come to the Antonia, which was a fortress, as we said before, overlooking the temple.
¹¹⁰ But when he could not induce them to be quiet for they still went on in their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take their entire armor, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have said already, which overlooked the temple;	¹¹⁰ As he could not get them to be quiet and they went on insulting him, he ordered the whole army to come in their armour to Antonia, which as we have said, was a fortress overlooking the temple.

¹¹¹ παραγενομένους δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας θεασάμενον τὸ πλῆθος καὶ φοβηθὲν φεύγειν ὥρμησεν, τῶν δ᾽ ἐξόδων στενῶν οὐσῶν διώκεσθαι νομίζοντες ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ συνωθούμενοι κατὰ τὴν‎ φυγὴν πολλοὺς ἀλλήλοις ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς θλιβόμενοι διέφθειρον.

¹¹¹ When the multitude saw the soldiers arriving, they were terrified and rushed to flee. But since the exits were narrow, and believing they were being pursued by the enemy, they crowded together in their flight and crushed many of the others to death in the narrow passages.

¹¹¹ but when the multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but as the passages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed to death in those narrow passages;

¹¹¹ When the people saw the soldiers there, they were frightened and quickly fled, but as the exits were narrow and they thought the enemy was following them, they crowded together in their flight and many were pressed to death in those narrow passages.

¹¹² δύο γοῦν μυριάδες ἐξηριθμήθησαν τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ στάσιν ἐκείνην φθαρέντων. πένθος δ᾽ ἦν τὸ λοιπὸν ἀντὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς, καὶ πάντες τῶν εὐχῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἐπὶ θρήνους καὶ κλαυθμοὺς ἐτράποντο. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἑνὸς ἀσέλγεια στρατιώτου παθήματα γενέσθαι παρεσκεύασεν.

¹¹² At any rate, twenty thousand were counted among those who perished in that sedition. For the remainder of the time, there was mourning instead of a festival; and everyone, forgetting their prayers and sacrifices, turned to lamentation and weeping. Such were the sufferings that the lewdness of a single soldier brought about.

¹¹² nor indeed was the number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So instead of a festival, they had at last a mournful day of it; and they all of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did the impudent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon them.

¹¹² No fewer than twenty thousand died in this riot, so that instead of a festival, they had a day of mourning, and they all forgot their prayers and sacrifices and turned to lamenting and tears. The obscene action of one individual soldier brought this terrible disaster upon them.

The Tinderbox of the Porticoes
Josephus notes that Roman soldiers routinely stood on the porticoes (colonnades) overlooking the Temple courts during festivals.

1) The Vantage Point: The soldiers were physically positioned above the worshipers. This created a literal and figurative hierarchy that the Jewish pilgrims found deeply offensive.

2) The "Antonia": The fortress Antonia was built on a rock higher than the Temple itself. From the Roman perspective, this was necessary crowd control for a city whose population swelled from roughly 100,000 to over a million during Passover. From the Jewish perspective, it was a constant pagan shadow over the Holy of Holies.

Gesture as Blasphemy
The soldier's act (exposing himself) was not just "indecent exposure" in a modern sense.

1) Ritual Purity: In a space defined by extreme ritual purity (taharah), the introduction of lewdness was a direct desecration of the sacred space.

2) The Reaction: The crowd's immediate leap from "insult" to "blasphemy" (asēbeia) shows that they viewed the Roman military not just as an occupying force, but as an existential threat to their relationship with God.

The "Panic" Phenomenon
Josephus is careful to note that the soldiers did not actually massacre the people with swords; the deaths were caused by crushing and suffocation (thlibomenoi).

1) Structural Failure: The Temple complex was designed for flow, but not for a mass panic. The "narrow exits" became death traps when thousands of people tried to leave at once.

2) Psychological Warfare: The sight of the "entire army" arriving in "full armor" (panoplias) was intended as a show of force to quiet the crowd, but it had the opposite effect, triggering a fight-or-flight response that led to catastrophe.

The Death Toll: 20,000?
Ancient historians often used "round numbers" to emphasize the scale of a tragedy. While the number 20,000 may be an exaggeration (in The Jewish War, Josephus cites 30,000 for the same event), the point is that the loss of life was so great it effectively "canceled" the most important holiday of the year. The transition from "unleavened bread" to "lamentation" was a profound cultural trauma.

Cumanus’s Failure of Leadership
Unlike previous procurators who managed to keep the peace, Cumanus allowed himself to be "provoked" (erethizetai).
By failing to punish the specific soldier immediately, he allowed the crowd to believe the insult was official Roman policy.
His decision to bring in the "full army" rather than using targeted diplomacy was the turning point that led to the stampede. This incident began the downward spiral of his administration, which eventually led to his recall.
Semantic Note: "Newoterismos" (Innovation/Revolution)
Josephus uses the word νεωτερισμός (neoterismos) again. To the Romans, any disruption of the peace was "innovation." To the Jews, the "innovation" was the Roman presence itself. This passage perfectly captures the 1st-century "dialogue of the deaf": Romans saw a riotous mob that needed suppressing; Jews saw a holy space being defiled by a godless soldier.

¹¹³ Οὔπω δ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ πρῶτον πένθος ἐπέπαυτο καὶ κακὸν ἄλλο προσέπιπτεν· τῶν γὰρ ἀφεστώτων ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ τινες κατὰ τὴν‎ δημοσίαν ὁδὸν ὡς ἑκατὸν σταδίων ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως Στέφανον δοῦλον ὁδοιποροῦντα λῃστεύσαντες ἅπασαν αὐτοῦ‎ τὴν‎ κτῆσιν διαρπάζουσιν.

¹¹³ The first mourning had not yet ceased when another evil befell them. Some of those bent on revolution, about a hundred stadia from the city along the public road, robbed Stephanus, a slave of Caesar, while he was traveling, and plundered all his property.

¹¹³ Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befell them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they were traveling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all that he had with him;

¹¹³ Before their first wave of mourning ended, another tragedy happened to them. Some of the instigators of the above-mentioned disturbance robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, on the public highway about a hundred furlongs from the city, and robbed him of all he had with him.

¹¹⁴ ἀκούσας δὲ τὸ πραχθὲν ὁ ΚουμανὸςCumanus εὐθὺς πέμπει στρατιώτας, κελεύσας αὐτοῖς τὰς πλησίον κώμας διαρπάσαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπιφανεστάτους αὐτῶν δήσαντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄγειν.	¹¹⁴ When Cumanus heard what had been done, he immediately sent soldiers, commanding them to plunder the neighboring villages and to bring the most prominent men among them in chains to him.
¹¹⁴ which things when Cureanus heard of, he sent soldiers immediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighboring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to him.	¹¹⁴ When Cumanus heard of it he immediately sent soldiers with orders to ransack the neighbouring villages and to bring their most distinguished people to him in chains.

¹¹⁵ τῆς δὲ πορθήσεως γενομένης τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις τοὺς ΜωυσέωςMoses νόμους ἔν τινι κώμῃ λαβὼν κειμένους προκομίσας εἰς τὴν‎ πάντων ὄψιν διέσχισεν ἐπιβλασφημῶν καὶ πολλὰ κατακερτομῶν.	¹¹⁵ During this pillaging, one of the soldiers, having found the Laws of Moses lying in a certain village, brought them out in the sight of everyone and ripped them apart, while uttering blasphemies and many insults.
¹¹⁵ Now as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the laws of Moses that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces; and this was done with reproachful language, and much scurrility;	¹¹⁵ During this vandalism, one of the soldiers seized the laws of Moses found in one of those villages and brought them out and tore them to pieces in the sight of everyone, blaspheming in the most scurrilous way.

¹¹⁶ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες καὶ πολλοὶ συνδραμόντες Καταβαίνουσιν εἰς , ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐτύγχανεν ὁ ὤν, ἱκετεύοντες μὴ αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ τὸν θεὸν οὗπερ οἱ νόμοι καθυβρίσθησαν ἐκδικῆσαι· ζῆν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπομένειν τῶν πατρίων αὐτοῖς οὕτως περιυβρισμένων. Καὶ δείσας,

¹¹⁶ When the Jews heard of this, they ran together in great numbers and went down to Caesarea (for Cumanus happened to be there), entreating him to avenge not themselves, but God, whose laws had been insulted; for they said they could not endure to live while their ancestral traditions were thus outraged.

¹¹⁶ which things when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Caesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner.

¹¹⁶ When the Jews heard of this, they got together in large numbers and came down to Caesarea where Cumanus was at the time, imploring him to vindicate not themselves, but God, whose laws had been insulted, for they could bear to live no longer if their ancestral laws must be affronted in this way.

¹¹⁷ μὴ πάλιν νεωτερίσειεν τὸ πλῆθος, συμβουλευσάντων καὶ τῶν φίλων τὸν ἐνυβρίσαντα τοῖς νόμοις στρατιώτην πελεκίσας ἔπαυσεν τὴν‎ στάσιν ἐκ δευτέρου μέλλουσαν ἐξάπτεσθαιto fasten from.	¹¹⁷ And Cumanus, fearing that the multitude might again resort to revolution, and upon the advice of his friends, beheaded the soldier who had insulted the laws, and thus stopped the sedition that was about to be kindled for a second time.
¹¹⁷ Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude should go into a sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be beheaded, and thereby put a stop to the sedition which was ready to be kindled a second time.	¹¹⁷ So Cumanus, on the advice of his friends and fearing the people would start a revolt, beheaded the soldier who had insulted the laws in this way, and thereby put a stop to the rebellion which was about to flare up again.

The Victim: A "Slave of Caesar"
The robbery of Stephanus was not a random crime; it was a political statement. As a "Slave of Caesar" (Kaisaros doulon), Stephanus was a member of the imperial civil service. In the Roman world, an attack on an emperor's slave was viewed as a direct assault on the Emperor’s own dignity (maiestas). This explains Cumanus's immediate and violent "collective punishment" response.

Collective Punishment vs. Individual Guilt
Cumanus’s order to plunder "neighboring villages" and arrest the "most prominent men" (epiphanestatous) reflects standard Roman counter-insurgency tactics. By holding the local elites responsible for crimes committed on "their" stretch of the public road, the Romans forced the local population to police themselves—or pay the price in blood and property.

The Desecration of the Torah
The climax of the story is the destruction of the Laws of Moses (the Torah scroll).

1) The Act of Ripping: To the soldier, it was just parchment; to the Jews, it was the living presence of God's covenant. This is one of the earliest recorded instances of a "hate crime" involving the physical destruction of a sacred text as a form of psychological warfare.

2) Blasphemy as Weaponry: The soldier didn't just destroy the scroll; he "insulted" it. This suggests a deliberate attempt to demoralize a population that the Romans found increasingly difficult to govern.

Caesarea: The Seat of Power
The Jews "went down to Caesarea" to find Cumanus.

1) Geography of Power: While Jerusalem was the religious capital, Caesarea Maritima was the Roman administrative capital. The "descent" from the Judean hills to the coastal plain was a literal political journey to the seat of Roman legal authority.

2) A Non-Violent Protest: Interestingly, the Jews responded to the desecration not with immediate riots (which had led to 20,000 deaths previously), but with a mass legal petition (hiketeuontes). They effectively put Cumanus in a corner: "Either punish the soldier or admit that Rome officially hates our God."

Beheading as Diplomacy
Cumanus’s decision to execute his own soldier by beheading (pelekisas) was a rare and extreme move.

1) The Advice of "Friends": Josephus notes Cumanus acted on the advice of his philoi (advisors). They likely realized that after the Passover stampede, the province was a powderkeg.

2) The Cost of Peace: Executing a Roman citizen-soldier for insulting a "foreign" religion was legally precarious for a governor, but Cumanus judged it a lower price to pay than a full-scale provincial revolt.

Semantic Note: "Kyrios" (Lord)
In their plea, the Jews refer to the Laws of the "Lord" (tou theou houper hoi nomoi). This is a direct challenge to the Roman claim of the Emperor's "Lordship." By insisting they "could not endure to live" if the laws were outraged, they were signaling to Cumanus that this was a "red line" issue—a theological boundary that, if crossed, made Roman rule impossible.

Chapter 6
[118-136]
The Jews clash with the Samaritans.
Claudius forces them to make peace

☜ ☞

¹¹⁸ Γίνεται δὲ καὶ Σαμαρείταις πρὸς ἔχθρα δι᾽ αἰτίαν τοιαύτην· ἔθος ἦν τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς εἰς τὴν‎ ἱερὰν πόλιν παραγινομένοις ὁδεύειν διὰ τῆς χώρας. Καὶ τότε καθ᾽ ὁδὸν αὐτοῖς κώμης Γιναῆς λεγομένης τῆς ἐν μεθορίῳ κειμένης τε καὶ τοῦ μεγάλου πεδίου τινὲς συνάψαντες μάχην πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀναιροῦσιν.

¹¹⁸ Enmity also arose between the Samaritans and the Jews for the following reason: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they went to the Holy City for the festivals, to travel through the country of the Samaritans. On one such occasion, while passing a village called Ginae, situated on the border of Samaria and the Great Plain, certain persons engaged them in battle and slew many of them.

¹¹⁸ Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion following: It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festivals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans; and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them.

¹¹⁸ The following quarrel then arose between the Samaritans and the Jews. It was the custom of the Galileans to journey through the district of the Samaritans on their way to the festivals in the holy city. On this road lay a village called Ginea, on the border between Samaria and the great plain, some of whose inhabitants fought with the Galileans and killed many of them.

¹¹⁹ πυθόμενοιto ask, inquire δὲ τὰ πραχθέντα τῶν ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee οἱ πρῶτοι πρὸς ΚουμανὸνCumanus ἀφίκοντο καὶ παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν μετιέναι τῶν ἀνῃρημένων τὸν φόνον. ὁ δὲ χρήμασι πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ΣαμαρέωνSamaritans ὠλιγώρησεν.	¹¹⁹ When the leading men of the Galileans learned what had been done, they came to Cumanus and entreated him to avenge the murder of those who had been slain. But he, having been persuaded by money from the Samaritans, made light of the matter.
¹¹⁹ But when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter;	¹¹⁹ When the Galilean leaders learned of this, they came to Cumanus to ask him to avenge the murder of those people, but by a bribe the Samaritans persuaded him to overlook the matter.

¹²⁰ ἀγανακτήσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἔπειθον ἐφ᾽ ὅπλα χωρῆσαι καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας · δουλείαν γὰρ καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν μὲν πικρὰν ἔλεγον εἶναι, τὴν‎ ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει δὲ παντάπασιν ἀφόρητον.

¹²⁰ Indignant at this, the Galileans persuaded the multitude of the Jews to take up arms and cling to their liberty; for they said that while slavery was bitter in itself, slavery accompanied by insult was altogether unendurable.

¹²⁰ upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and persuaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable,

¹²⁰ This so angered the Galileans that they persuaded the Jewish population to take up arms to regain their liberty, saying that slavery was bitter enough in itself, but that when joined to insult, it was quite intolerable.

¹²¹ τῶν δ᾽ ἐν τέλει καταπραύνειν αὐτοὺς πειρωμένων καὶ πείσειν τὸν ἐπαγγελλομένων δίκας εἰσπράξασθαι παρὰ τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων, ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐ προσέσχον, ἀναλαβόντες δὲ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ βοηθεῖν τὸν τοῦ παρακαλέσαντες, λῃστὴς δ᾽ οὗτος ἦν ἔτη πολλὰ τὴν‎ διατριβὴν ἐν ὄρει πεποιημένος, κώμας τινὰς τῶν ἐμπρήσαντες διαρπάζουσι.

¹²¹ Although the men in authority tried to pacify them and promised to persuade Cumanus to exact justice from the murderers, the people paid no attention to them. Instead, they took up arms and called upon Eleazar, the son of Dinaeus, to help them—he was a bandit who for many years had made his home in the mountains—and they plundered and set fire to certain villages of the Samaritans.

¹²¹ And when their principal men endeavored to pacify them, and promised to endeavor to persuade Cureanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans.

¹²¹ When their notables tried to pacify them and promised to persuade Cumanus to avenge those who had been killed, they paid no heed but took their weapons and asked the help of Eleazar, son of Dineus, a brigand who had lived many years in the mountains, and with his help plundered some Samaritan villages.

¹²² δὲ τῆς πράξεως εἰς αὐτὸν ἀναλαβὼν τὴν‎ τῶν ἴλην καὶ πεζῶν τέσσαρα τάγματα τούς τε καθοπλίσας ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς , καὶ συμβαλὼν πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτεινεν πλείους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν.

¹²² When news of this action reached Cumanus, he took the troop of Sebastenians and four cohorts of infantry, and having also armed the Samaritans, he went out against the Jews. Engaging them in battle, he slew many of them and took even more alive.

¹²² When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regiments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive;

¹²² When Cumanus heard of this action, he took the troops from Sebaste with four regiments of infantry and armed the Samaritans and then marched out and defeated the Jews, killing many of them and taking many alive.

¹²³ οἱ δὲ πρῶτοι κατὰ τιμὴν καὶ γένος τῶν , ὡς εἶδον εἰς οἷον κακῶν μέγεθος ἥκουσιν, μετενδυσάμενοι σάκκους καὶ σποδοῦ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀναπλήσαντες παντοῖοι τοὺς ἀφεστῶτας παρακαλοῦντες ἦσαν καὶ πείθοντες πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν θεμένους κατασκαφησομένην μὲν αὐτῶν τὴν‎ πατρίδα, τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν πυρποληθησόμενον, αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ γυναικῶν σὺν τέκνοις ἀνδραποδισμοὺς , μεταθέσθαι τὸν λογισμὸν καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψαντας ἠρεμεῖν εἰς τὸ λοιπὸν ἀποχωρήσαντας εἰς τὰ αὑτῶν.

¹²³ But when the leading men of Jerusalem, distinguished by honor and lineage, saw the magnitude of the evils into which they had fallen, they put on sackcloth and filled their heads with ashes. They used every means to entreat and persuade the rebels—setting before their eyes that their homeland would be razed, the Temple burned, and they themselves with their wives and children enslaved—to change their minds, throw down their arms, and remain quiet for the future by retreating to their own homes.

¹²³ whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jerusalem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the conflagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children, which would be the consequences of what they were doing; and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future be quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them.

¹²³ Seeing how far things had gone, the most respected and high-born inhabitants of Jerusalem put on sackcloth and sprinkled ashes on their heads and in every possible way begged and cajoled the rebels to see that what they were doing would lead to their country’s utter ruin, their temple being burned, and themselves, their wives and children being enslaved, unless they changed their minds, put aside their weapons and returned quietly to their own homes.

¹²⁴ ταῦτα δὲ εἰπόντες ἔπεισαν. Καὶ οἱ μὲν διελύθησαν, οἱ λῃσταὶ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχυροὺς τόπους πάλιν ἀπῆλθον. ἐξ ἐκείνου τε ἡ σύμπασα ἸουδαίαJudea λῃστηρίων ἐπληρώθη.	¹²⁴ By saying these things, they persuaded them. And they dispersed, while the bandits returned again to their strongholds. From that time on, all of Judea was filled with bands of robbers.
¹²⁴ So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies.	¹²⁴ Saying this they persuaded them, so that the mob dispersed and the brigands returned to their strongholds, but in the aftermath all Judea was plagued by robberies.

The Geography of Conflict (Ginae)
The village of Ginae (modern-day Jenin) sat at a strategic "choke point" on the border between Samaria and the Great Plain (Jezreel Valley).

The Pilgrim Route: This was the most direct route from Galilee to Jerusalem. The friction between Samaritans and Jews was ancient, but it intensified during festivals when thousands of Jewish pilgrims marched through Samaritan territory, often chanting psalms that asserted Jerusalem's exclusivity over the Samaritans' holy site at Mount Gerizim.

The Failure of Roman "Justice"
This is the turning point of the narrative. Cumanus’s decision to accept a bribe (chrēmasi peistheis) broke the social contract between Rome and its subjects.

1) In the Roman provincial system, the Governor's primary job was to maintain the Pax Romana by adjudicating ethnic disputes fairly.

2) By ignoring the Galilean victims, Cumanus signaled that the law no longer protected Jews, leaving them with only two options: submission to "unendurable insult" or armed self-defense.

Eleazar ben Dinaeus: The Bandit-Hero
The emergence of Eleazar son of Dinaeus is significant. Josephus calls him a λῃστής (lēstēs—bandit/robber), but to the Jewish peasantry, he was a "social bandit" or a freedom fighter.

The Zealot Ideology: Note the shift in language: the Galileans began preaching liberty (eleutherias). This wasn't just a local feud anymore; it was becoming a theological war against Rome (the "slavery" mentioned in the text).

The "Sebastenians": Ethnic Irony
Cumanus used the Sebastenians to suppress the Jews.
The Sebastenians were locally recruited Roman auxiliary troops from the city of Sebaste (ancient Samaria).
By arming Samaritans to fight Jews, Cumanus wasn't just policing a riot; he was fueling a sectarian civil war. This "divide and rule" tactic backfired by uniting Jews of all classes against the Roman administration.

The "Establishment" Plea
The leading men of Jerusalem (hoi prōtoi) used a "fear-based" diplomacy to stop the violence.

1) The Prophetic Warning: Their list of consequences—razed city, burned Temple, enslaved families—is a hauntingly accurate prediction of what would actually happen in 70 CE.

2) Sackcloth and Ashes: This public display of mourning by the elites was a desperate attempt to regain moral authority over a populist movement that had moved beyond their control.

The "Cancer" of Banditry
Josephus concludes with a chilling observation: Judea became "filled with bands of robbers." * When the central government is perceived as corrupt and the local elites are seen as powerless, the "strongholds" (echyrous topous) in the mountains become the new centers of power.

¹²⁵ δὲ οἱ πρῶτοι πρὸς Κοδρᾶτον τῆς προεστηκότα κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκεῖνον ἐν τυγχάνοντα παραγενόμενοι κατηγόρουν τῶν , ὡς τὰς κώμας αὐτῶν ἐμπρήσειαν καὶ διαρπάσειαν,

¹²⁵ The leading men of the Samaritans came to Ummidius Quadratus, who at that time presided over Syria and happened to be in Tyre, and they accused the Jews of having plundered and set fire to their villages.

¹²⁵ But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them;

¹²⁵ The Samaritan leaders went to Ummidius Quadratus, the ruler of Syria who was in Tyre at that time, and accused the Jews of burning and looting their villages.

¹²⁶ καὶ περὶ μὲν ὧν αὐτοὶ πεπόνθασιν οὐχ οὕτως ἀγανακτεῖν , ὡς ὅτι καταφρονήσειαν, ἐφ᾽ οὓς κριτὰς ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς εἴπερ ἠδίκουν παραγενέσθαι, ἢ νῦν ὡς οὐκ ἐχόντων ἡγεμόνας καταδραμεῖν· ἥκειν οὖν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκδικίας τευξόμενοι.

¹²⁶ They claimed they were not as indignant about what they themselves had suffered as they were that the Jews had shown contempt for the Romans, to whom they ought to have gone as judges if they had been wronged, rather than overrunning the land now as if the Romans were not their governors. They had come to him, therefore, to obtain vengeance.

¹²⁶ and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at what they had suffered, as they were at the contempt thereby shown to the Romans; while if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devastation, as if they had not the Romans for their governors;

¹²⁶ They claimed to be less upset by their losses than by the contempt it showed toward the Romans, who, if the Jews had a complaint, should have been the judges of the affair, rather than making havoc like this, as if they were not in subjection to the Romans. Therefore they came to him to seek redress.

¹²⁷ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ κατηγόρουν. δὲ καὶ τῆς στάσεως καὶ τῆς μάχης αἰτίους γεγονέναι , πρὸ πάντων δὲ δώροις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν φθαρέντα καὶ παρασιωπήσαντα τὸν τῶν ἀνῃρημένων φόνον.

¹²⁷ These were the accusations of the Samaritans. The Jews, however, insisted that the Samaritans were the cause of the sedition and the fighting, and above all Cumanus, who had been corrupted by their bribes and had passed over the murder of those who had been slain in silence.

¹²⁷ on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed that the Samaritans were the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence;—

¹²⁷ That was the Samaritans' accusation against the Jews, but the Jews blamed the Samaritans for starting this disturbance and fighting, saying that from the start Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts and had ignored the murder of the victims.

¹²⁸ καὶ Κουαδρᾶτος ἀκούσας ὑπερτίθεται τὴν‎ κρίσιν, εἰπὼν ἀποφανεῖσθαι, ἐπειδὰν εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea παραγενόμενος ἀκριβέστερον ἐπιγνῷ τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν.	¹²⁸ When Quadratus heard this, he postponed the judgment, saying he would deliver a decision after he had arrived in Judea and learned the truth more accurately.
¹²⁸ which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more exact knowledge of the truth of that matter.	¹²⁸ When Quadratus heard these allegations, he postponed judgment until he could come to Judea and learn the truth more critically.

¹²⁹ καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀπῄεσαν . μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον ὁ Κουαδρᾶτος ἧκεν εἰς , ἔνθα διακούσας αἰτίους τῆς ταραχῆς ὑπέλαβε γεγονέναι τοὺς . δὲ καὶ οὕστινας νεωτερίσαντας ἔμαθεν ἀνεσταύρωσεν οὓς ἔλαβεν αἰχμαλώτους.

¹²⁹ They departed without a result. But not long after, Quadratus arrived in Samaria, where, upon hearing the case, he concluded that the Samaritans had been the cause of the disturbance. As for those Samaritans and Jews whom he learned had engaged in revolution, he crucified those whom Cumanus had taken captive.

¹²⁹ So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria, where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives.

¹²⁹ So the plaintiffs left without success. Before long Quadratus reached Samaria, and on hearing the case, deemed the Samaritans had begun the trouble. When he learned that some Jews and Samaritans were rebelling, he crucified the captives taken by Cumanus.

¹³⁰ κἀκεῖθεν εἰς κώμην τινὰ παραγενόμενος Λύδδαν πόλεως τὸ μέγεθος οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν καθίσας ἐπὶ βήματος κἀκ δευτέρου τῶν διακούσας διδάσκεται παρά τινος Σαμαρέως, ὅτι τῶν τις πρῶτος ὄνομα καί τινες σὺν αὐτῷ νεωτερισταὶ τέσσαρες τὸν ἀριθμὸν πείσειαν τὸν ὄχλον ἐπὶ τῇ ἀποστάσει.

¹³⁰ From there, he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not inferior to a city in size. Sitting upon the judgment seat (bēma) and hearing the Samaritans a second time, he was informed by a certain Samaritan that a leading man of the Jews named Doetus, and four other revolutionaries with him, had persuaded the multitude to revolt from the Romans.

¹³⁰ From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Dortus, and some other innovators with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans;

¹³⁰ From there he came to a village called Lydda, large enough to be a city, where he set his tribunal and heard the Samaritan case for a second time, when he heard from one of the Samaritans that a Jewish leader named Dortus, with four other rebels, had persuaded the people to revolt from the Romans.

¹³¹ κἀκείνους μὲν ὁ Κουαδρᾶτος ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν δήσας εἰς ἀνέπεμψεν περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων λόγον ὑφέξοντας .

¹³¹ Quadratus ordered those men to be executed, but Ananias the High Priest and Ananus the Captain [of the Temple], he bound and sent up to Rome to give an account of their actions to Claudius Caesar.

¹³¹ whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Ananias the high priest, and Ananus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudius Caesar.

¹³¹ These Quadratus ordered to be put to death, but he sent Ananias the high priest and general Ananus off in chains to Rome, to account for their actions to Claudius Caesar.

¹³² κελεύει δὲ καὶ τοῖς τῶν πρώτοις καὶ τοῖς τε τῷ ἐπιτρόπῳ καὶ , χιλίαρχος δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος, ἐπ᾽ ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα κριθησομένους ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ζητήσεων.

¹³² He also commanded the leading men of the Samaritans, the leading Jews, Cumanus the procurator, and Celer (who was a tribune), to depart for Italy to the Emperor to be judged by him concerning their disputes with one another.

¹³² He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Ceier the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another.

¹³² He also ordered the leaders of both the Samaritans and the Jews, as well as Cumanus the procurator and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy, for the emperor to hear their cause and decide their mutual differences.

¹³³ αὐτὸς δὲ δείσας, μὴ τὸ πλῆθος πάλιν τῶν νεωτερίσειεν, εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν πόλιν ἀφικνεῖται· καταλαμβάνει δ᾽ αὐτὴν εἰρηνευομένην καὶ πάτριον ἑορτὴν τῷ θεῷ τελοῦσαν. πιστεύσας οὖν μηδένα νεωτερισμὸν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν γενήσεσθαι καταλιπὼν ἑορτάζοντας ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς .

¹³³ However, fearing that the multitude of the Jews might again resort to revolution, he went to the city of Jerusalem. He found it at peace and celebrating an ancestral festival to God. Believing, therefore, that no revolution would arise from them, he left them celebrating and returned to Antioch.

¹³³ But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and celebrating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch.

¹³³ Then fearing that the Jewish population might attempt a revolt, he returned to Jerusalem but found the city in a peaceful state celebrating one of their usual festivals to God. So not believing they would try any revolt he left them to celebrate the festival and returned to Antioch.

The Hierarchy of Power: Procurator vs. Legate
This passage highlights the Roman chain of command. Cumanus (the Procurator) governed Judea, but he was subordinate to the Legate of Syria (Quadratus) in times of crisis.
The Samaritans bypassed the local governor (whom they had bribed) and went straight to the regional "super-governor" in Tyre.
Quadratus’s ability to arrest the High Priest and send the Governor himself to Rome demonstrates the near-imperial power held by the Syrian Legates.

The "Contempt of Rome" Strategy
The Samaritans used a sophisticated legal argument: they didn't just complain about stolen property; they complained about the insult to Roman majesty (kataphronēseian).
By framing the Jewish retaliation as "vigilante justice" that ignored Roman courts, they turned a local ethnic feud into a challenge to the Emperor's sovereignty.
This was a calculated move to force a harsh Roman military response against the Jews.

The "Bēma" and Judicial Theater
Quadratus held court at Lydda (Lod). Lydda was a strategic crossroad between the coast and Jerusalem. By sitting on the bēma (the raised judicial platform), Quadratus was performing a ritual of Roman order.
These public trials were intended to show that "the Law" had returned to the province.
However, his decision-making shows a "both-sides" brutality: he crucified captives from both groups to demonstrate that Roman peace was enforced through terror, regardless of who started the fight.

Sending the High Priest to Rome
The arrest of Ananias the High Priest and Ananus the Captain was a massive shock to the Jewish social order.
The "Captain of the Temple" (stratēgos) was responsible for the internal security of the Temple.
Sending the highest religious and security officials of the nation to Rome in chains was a public humiliation designed to decapitate the Jewish leadership and prevent further "revolution."
Celer the Tribune
The mention of Celer is specific and important. As a tribunus militum (military officer), his inclusion in the group sent to Rome suggests that the Roman military itself was under investigation for its role in the escalations. This was not just a civilian trial; it was a high-level military and administrative audit.

The "Festival of Peace"
Quadratus’s visit to Jerusalem during a festival (likely Shavuot or Sukkot) creates a stark contrast with Cumanus's earlier disaster at Passover.
While Cumanus sparked a massacre by over-policing, Quadratus observed the "ancestral festival" and, seeing the people were peaceful, chose to leave them alone.
Josephus uses this to show that when Romans respected Jewish religious space, the Jews were not inherently revolutionary. The "innovation" and "sedition" were usually reactions to bad governance.

Antioch: The Capital of the East
Quadratus’s return to Antioch reminds the reader that Jerusalem was just a small, troublesome corner of a much larger Roman East. Antioch was the third-largest city in the Empire and the military headquarters for the entire frontier.

¹³⁴ Οἱ περὶ ΚουμανὸνCumanus δὲ καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν ΣαμαρέωνSamaritans ἀναπεμφθέντες εἰς ῬώμηνRome λαμβάνουσι παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἡμέραν, καθ᾽ ἣν περὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀμφισβητήσεων λέγειν ἔμελλον.	¹³⁴ Cumanus and the leading men of the Samaritans, having been sent up to Rome, received a day from the Emperor on which they were to speak concerning their disputes with one another.
¹³⁴ Now Cumanus, and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another.	¹³⁴ The group sent to Rome, including Cumanus and the Samaritan leaders, had a day assigned them by the emperor on which to plead their cause about their mutual quarrels.

¹³⁵ σπουδὴ δὲ μεγίστη τῷ καὶ τοῖς ἦν παρὰ τῶν ἀπελευθέρων καὶ φίλων, κἂν περιεγένοντο τῶν , εἰ μή περ ὁ νεώτερος ἐν τῇ τυγχάνων κατασπευδομένους ἰδὼν τοὺς τῶν πρώτους ἐδεήθη πολλὰ τῆς τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος γυναικὸς πεῖσαι τὸν ἄνδρα διακούσαντα πρεπόντως τῇ ἑαυτοῦ δικαιοσύνῃ τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς .

¹³⁵ Now, there was the greatest interest shown for Cumanus and the Samaritans by Caesar’s freedmen and friends; and they would have prevailed over the Jews, had not Agrippa the Younger, who happened to be in Rome and saw the leading Jews being outmaneuvered, made many entreaties to the Emperor’s wife, Agrippina, to persuade her husband that, after a proper hearing consistent with his own justice, he should punish those responsible for the revolt.

¹³⁵ But now Caesar’s freed-men and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor’s wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government:—

¹³⁵ But Caesar’s freedmen and his friends took the side of Cumanus and the Samaritans, and would have won the case against the Jews, if Agrippa the younger, who was then in Rome, had not seen the Jewish leaders so stressed and begged the emperor’s wife, Agrippina, to persuade her husband to hear the case in a way worthy of his justice, and condemn the real authors of this revolt.

¹³⁶ καὶ τῇ δεήσει ταύτῃ προευτρεπισθεὶς καὶ διακούσας, ὡς εὗρε τῶν κακῶν ἀρχηγοὺς τοὺς γενομένους, τοὺς μὲν ἀναβάντας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι, τῷ δὲ φυγὴν ἐπέβαλεν, δὲ τὸν χιλίαρχον ἐκέλευσεν ἀγαγόντας εἰς τὰ πάντων ὁρώντων ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν πᾶσαν σύραντας οὕτως ἀποκτεῖναι.

¹³⁶ Claudius, having been prepared in advance by this petition and having conducted the hearing, found that the Samaritans had been the originators of the evils. He ordered those [Samaritans] who had come up to him to be executed; upon Cumanus, he imposed the penalty of banishment; and as for Celer the tribune, he ordered that he be taken to Jerusalem and, in the sight of everyone, be dragged through the entire city and then put to death.

¹³⁶ whereupon Claudius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cureanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be slain.

¹³⁶ By this petition, Claudius was well disposed of in advance, so when he had heard the case and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in this mischief, he ordered the execution of those who had come up to him and the banishment of Cumanus. Celer the tribune he sent back back to Jerusalem to be dragged through the city in the sight of all the people and then killed.

The Power of the Freedmen
Josephus pulls back the curtain on how the Roman Empire actually functioned under Claudius.

1) The "Shadow" Cabinet: Men like Pallas and Narcissus—former slaves (freedmen) who rose to become heads of the imperial bureaucracy—held immense power.

2) The Bribe Network: The Samaritans and Cumanus didn't rely on the merits of their case; they relied on "friends" (philoi) and freedmen who had likely been bribed or lobbied. This confirms the earlier claim that Cumanus was "corrupted by money."

Agrippa II and Agrippina the Younger
The resolution of this crisis is a "battle of the Agrippas."

1) Agrippa II: The son of Agrippa I, he was the last of the Herodian kings. He used his personal relationship with the imperial family to act as a "lobbyist" for the Jewish nation.

2) Agrippina: She was Claudius’s wife and the mother of Nero. She was famously the most powerful woman in the Empire. By convincing her, Agrippa bypassed the corrupt freedmen and went straight to the source of power.

3) Strategic Feminine Influence: Josephus highlights that even the "Justice of Caesar" often required a nudge from the Empress.

The Punishment fits the Crime (The Lex Talionis)
Claudius’s sentence is highly specific and reveals a Roman sense of symbolic justice:

1) The Samaritans: Executed as the "originators" of the murders in Ginae.

2) Cumanus: Banished. As a member of the equestrian (knightly) class, his life was spared, but his career and social standing were destroyed.

3) Celer the Tribune: His punishment was the most brutal. He was sent back to Jerusalem to be dragged through the city (syrantas) before being killed. Because Celer had likely desecrated Jewish sensibilities or used excessive force in Jerusalem, Claudius ordered a public, humiliating execution in that very city to restore Roman "honor" and pacify the Jewish populace.

The Turning Point for the Province
This is a rare "happy ending" for the Jews in Josephus's history.
The High Priest Ananias (sent in chains by Quadratus) was acquitted and returned to his post.
The corrupt Governor was removed.
However, this was a temporary reprieve. The underlying tensions—the "bandits" in the hills, the sectarian hatred between Jews and Samaritans, and the Roman tendency toward heavy-handedness—remained.

Historical Context: The Date
This trial took place around 52 CE. Shortly after this, Claudius appointed Felix (the brother of the powerful freedman Pallas) as the next governor. As history would show, Felix’s administration would be even more disastrous than Cumanus’s, eventually leading directly to the conditions for the Great Revolt of 66 CE.

Subtext: The "Ideal" Emperor
Josephus portrays Claudius here as a man of "justice" (dikaiosynē), but only because he was properly "prepared" (proeutrepistheis) by Agrippa. It’s a subtle warning to future Roman readers: The Jews are loyal subjects, but they require leaders who are not blinded by corrupt advisors.

Chapter 7
[137-147]
Felix becomes the procurator of Judea.
His love for Agrippa’s two sisters, Drusilla and Berenice

☜ ☞

¹³⁷ Πέμπει δὲ καὶ ΚλαύδιονClaudius ΦήλικαFelix ΠάλλαντοςPallas ἀδελφὸν τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea προστησόμενον πραγμάτων.	¹³⁷ Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take charge of the affairs of Judea.
¹³⁷ So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea;	¹³⁷ Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea,

¹³⁸ τῆς δ᾽ ἀρχῆς δωδέκατον ἔτος ἤδη πεπληρωκὼς δωρεῖται τὸν τῇ τετραρχίᾳ καὶ προσθεὶς αὐτῷ τὴν‎ σὺν Ἀβέλλᾳ· Λυσανία δ᾽ αὕτη γεγόνει τετραρχία· τὴν‎ Χαλκίδα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀφαιρεῖται δυναστεύσαντα ταύτης ἔτη τέσσαρα.

¹³⁸ Now, having already completed the twelfth year of his reign, [Claudius] bestowed upon Agrippa [II] the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanaea, adding to it Trachonitis with Abila (this had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias); however, he took from him Chalcis, after Agrippa had ruled it for four years.

¹³⁸ and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years.

¹³⁸ and in the twelfth year of his reign he gave Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, adding to them Trachonitis and Abila which had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias, but he took from him Chalcis, which he had ruled for four years.

¹³⁹ λαβὼν δὲ τὴν‎ δωρεὰν παρὰ τοῦ ἐκδίδωσι πρὸς γάμον Ἀζίζῳ τῷ Ἐμεσῶν βασιλεῖ περιτέμνεσθαι θελήσαντι τὴν‎ ἀδελφήν· γὰρ ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως παῖς παρῃτήσατο τὸν γάμον μὴ βουληθεὶς τὰ ἔθη μεταλαβεῖν καίπερ τοῦτο ποιήσειν προυπεσχημένος αὐτῆς τῷ πατρί.

¹³⁹ Having received this gift from Caesar, Agrippa gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, the king of Emesa, who had consented to be circumcised. For Epiphanes, the son of King Antiochus, had declined the marriage, being unwilling to adopt Jewish customs, although he had previously promised her father that he would do so.

¹³⁹ And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his consent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had refused to marry her, because, after he had promised her father formerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that promise.

¹³⁹ Agrippa, on receiving these countries by gift of Caesar, gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, once he consented to be circumcised. Epiphanes, the son of king Antiochus, had already refused to marry her because, after first promising her father to convert to the Jewish religion, he failed to fulfill that promise.

¹⁴⁰ καὶ ΜαριάμμηνMariamne δ᾽ ἐξέδωκενto give up ἈρχελάῳArchelaus τῷ Ἑλκίου παιδὶ πρότερον ὑπὸ ἈγρίππαAgrippa τοῦ πατρὸς ἁρμοσθεῖσαν αὐτῷ, καὶ γίνεται θυγάτηρ αὐτοῖς ὄνομα ΒερενίκηBernice.	¹⁴⁰ He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had previously been betrothed by her father Agrippa; and they had a daughter named Berenice.
¹⁴⁰ He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice.	¹⁴⁰ He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus, son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by her father, Agrippa, and from this marriage a daughter named Berenice was born.

¹⁴¹ Διαλύονται δὲ τῇ ΔρουσίλλῃDrusilla πρὸς τὸν ἌζιζονAzizos οἱ γάμοι μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον τοιαύτης ἐμπεσούσηςto fall upon αἰτίας·	¹⁴¹ But the marriage of Drusilla to Azizus was dissolved after a short time for the following reason:
¹⁴¹ But for the marriage of Drusilla with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dissolved upon the following occasion:	¹⁴¹ But Drusilla’s marriage to Azizus was soon dissolved, for the following reason.

¹⁴² καθ᾽ ὃν χρόνον τῆς ἐπετρόπευε θεασάμενος ταύτην, καὶ γὰρ ἦν κάλλει πασῶν διαφέρουσα, λαμβάνει τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπιθυμίαν, καὶ Ἄτομον ὀνόματι τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φίλων , Κύπριον δὲ τὸ γένος, μάγον εἶναι σκηπτόμενον πέμπων πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔπειθεν τὸν ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσαν αὐτῷ γήμασθαι, μακαρίαν ποιήσειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος μὴ ὑπερηφανήσασαν αὐτόν.

¹⁴² At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw her, and since she surpassed all women in beauty, he conceived a desire for the woman. Sending to her a certain Atomos, one of his friends—a Jew, Cyprian by birth, who pretended to be a magician—he persuaded her to leave her husband and marry him, promising to make her happy if she did not disdain him.

¹⁴² While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon one of his friends; a Jew he was, and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretended to be a magician, and endeavored to persuade her to forsake her present husband, and marry him; and promised, that if she would not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman.

¹⁴² While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla and fell in love with her, for her beauty surpassed all other women, and he sent to her one of his friends, a Jew named Simon, born in Cyprus, who claimed to be a magician in order to persuade her to forsake her present husband and marry him, and promised to make her a happy woman if she did not turn him down.

¹⁴³ ἡ δὲ κακῶς πράττουσα καὶ φυγεῖν τὸν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς βουλομένη φθόνον αὑτῇ διὰ τὸ κάλλος παρεκάλει παρ᾽ ἐκείνης οἰόμενος οὐκ ἐν ὀλίγοις ἔβλαπτεν, παραβῆναί τε τὰ πάτρια νόμιμα πείθεται καὶ τῷ Φήλικι γήμασθαι.

¹⁴³ And she, being in a bad state and wishing to escape the envy of her sister Berenice (for Berenice, on account of Drusilla's beauty, was thought to have harmed her in no small way), was persuaded to transgress her ancestral laws and marry Felix.

¹⁴³ Accordingly she acted ill, and because she was desirous to avoid her sister Bernice’s envy, for she was very ill treated by her on account of her beauty, was prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her forefathers, and to marry Felix; and when he had had a son by her, he named him Agrippa.

¹⁴³ She did the wrong thing, because she wished to get away from the envy of her sister Berenice, who treated her very badly on account of her beauty, and she was persuaded to break the ancestral laws and marry Felix.

¹⁴⁴ τεκοῦσα δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ παῖδα προσηγόρευσεν . ἀλλ᾽ ὃν μὲν τρόπον ὁ νεανίας οὗτος σὺν τῇ γυναικὶ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐκπύρωσιν τοῦ ὄρους ἐπὶ τῶν χρόνων ἠφανίσθη, μετὰ ταῦτα δηλώσω.

¹⁴⁴ Having borne him a son, she named him Agrippa. But in what manner this youth vanished with his wife during the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in the times of Titus Caesar, I shall declare hereafter.

¹⁴⁴ But after what manner that young man, with his wife, perished at the conflagration of the mountain Vesuvius, in the days of Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter.

¹⁴⁴ When she had a son by him, she named him Agrippa, and I will later tell how that young man, along with his wife, died at the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, in the days of Titus Caesar.

¹⁴⁵ δὲ μετὰ τὴν‎ τελευτήν, ὃς αὐτῆς ἀνὴρ καὶ θεῖος ἐγεγόνει, πολὺν χρόνον ἐπιχηρεύσασα, φήμης ἐπισχούσης, ὅτι τἀδελφῷ συνείη, πείθει Πολέμωνα, δὲ ἦν οὗτος βασιλεύς, περιτεμόμενον ἀγαγέσθαι πρὸς γάμον αὐτήν· οὕτως γὰρ ἐλέγξειν ᾤετο ψευδεῖς τὰς διαβολάς.

¹⁴⁵ As for Berenice, after the death of Herod [of Chalcis], who had been both her husband and her uncle, she remained a widow for a long time. Since a rumor prevailed that she was living with her brother [Agrippa II], she persuaded Polemo, the king of Cilicia, to be circumcised and take her in marriage; for she thought that in this way she would prove the slanders false.

¹⁴⁵ But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a long while after the death of Herod [king of Chalcis], who was both her husband and her uncle; but when the report went that she had criminal conversation with her brother, [Agrippa, junior,] she persuaded Poleme, who was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to marry her, as supposing that by this means she should prove those calumnies upon her to be false;

¹⁴⁵ Berenice remained a widow for a long time after the death of Herod, who was both her husband and uncle, but when it was rumored that she was having sinful intercourse with her brother, she persuaded Polemon, the king of Cilicia, to be circumcised and marry her, in order to disprove the lying rumours.

¹⁴⁶ καὶ ὁ Πολέμων ἐπείσθη μάλιστα διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον αὐτῆς· οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πολὺ συνέμεινεν ὁ γάμος, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ δι᾽ ἀκολασίαν, ὡς , καταλείπει τὸν Πολέμωνα. ὁ δ᾽ ἅμα τοῦ τε γάμου καὶ τοῦ τοῖς ἔθεσι τῶν ἐμμένειν ἀπήλλακτο.

¹⁴⁶ Polemo was persuaded, chiefly because of her wealth. However, the marriage did not last long, for Berenice—out of licentiousness, as they said—deserted Polemo. He was thus released both from the marriage and from abiding by the customs of the Jews.

¹⁴⁶ and Poleme was prevailed upon, and that chiefly on account of her riches. Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Poleme, and, as was said, with impure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion;

¹⁴⁶ Polemon agreed, mainly on account of her wealth, but the marriage did not last long, for she left Polemon, because of lack of discipline, people said, and he left both this marriage and the Jewish religion.

¹⁴⁷ τῷ αὐτῷ δὲ καιρῷ καὶ παραιτησαμένη τὸν συνῴκησε τῶν ἐν πρωτεύοντι γένει τε καὶ πλούτῳ· τότε δὴ καὶ τὴν‎ ἀλαβαρχίαν αὐτὸς εἶχεν. γενόμενον δ᾽ αὐτῇ παιδίον ἐξ ἐκείνου Ἀγριππῖνον προσηγόρευσεν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ἑκάστου τούτων μετὰ ἀκριβείας ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν.

¹⁴⁷ At the same time, Mariamne also rejected Archelaus and lived with Demetrius, the leader of the Jews in Alexandria in both lineage and wealth; at that time, he also held the office of Alabarch. She named the child born to her by him Agrippinus. But concerning each of these matters, we shall report with precision hereafter.

¹⁴⁷ and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Archelaus, and was married to Demetrius, the principal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly.

¹⁴⁷ About the same time, Mariamne left Archelaus and married Demetrius, prominent among the Alexandrian Jews both for his lineage and his wealth, being their alabarch at the time, and she named the son she had by him Agrippinus. But we will speak of all these particulars in more detail, later.

The Shifting Tetrarchies
Agrippa II’s kingdom was a jigsaw puzzle of territories in what is now southern Syria, Lebanon, and northern Israel.

1) The Trade: Claudius took away Chalcis (a small kingdom in Lebanon) but gave him the much larger territories of Philip the Tetrarch and Lysanias.

2) Strategic Buffer: Rome used Agrippa II as a "vassal-manager" for the volatile desert frontiers, allowing him to govern Jewish and Syrian populations without the direct friction of a Roman governor.

Circumcision as a Diplomatic Barrier
Josephus emphasizes that for a foreign king to marry a Herodian princess, circumcision was a non-negotiable requirement.

1) Azizus vs. Epiphanes: Azizus of Emesa (modern Homs, Syria) submitted to the rite to secure the alliance. Epiphanes of Commagene, despite his father’s wealth, backed out.

2) Religious Identity: This shows that even in their highly "Romanized" state, the Herodians maintained circumcision as a hard boundary of Jewish identity. To abandon it was seen as a total loss of royal legitimacy among their subjects.

Felix and the "Magician" Atomos
The story of Antonius Felix (the procurator from Acts 23-24) and Drusilla is one of the great scandals of the era.

1) The "Cyprian Magician": Felix used a middleman named Atomos to seduce Drusilla. Some scholars identify this "Atomos" with Simon Magus, though the evidence is debated.

2) Drusilla’s Choice: Josephus hints that Drusilla didn't just leave for love; she left to escape the "envy" of her sister Berenice. The household of the Herodians was famously toxic.

The Vesuvius Connection
Josephus provides a rare archaeological/historical cross-reference: Drusilla and her son Agrippa died in the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 CE.
This makes them some of the most high-profile victims of the Pompeii/Herculaneum disaster.
It also marks the end of this specific branch of the Herodian line, a detail Josephus views as a form of divine post-script to their story.

Berenice: The "Cleopatra" of the Herodians
Berenice is the most famous of the sisters.
The Rumor: The rumor of incest with her brother Agrippa II was widespread in Rome (noted by Juvenal and other Roman satirists).

1) Political Marriage: Her marriage to Polemo of Cilicia was a PR stunt to quell the rumors. When it failed, Polemo immediately abandoned Judaism, showing that his "conversion" was purely political.

2) Titus: Later, Berenice would become the lover of the future Emperor Titus during the Jewish War, nearly becoming the Empress of Rome—a plan thwarted only by Roman xenophobia against "Eastern queens."

The Alexandria Connection (Mariamne)
The marriage of Mariamne to Demetrius the Alabarch connects the Judean royalty to the elite Jewish families of Egypt.
The Alabarch was the head of the Jewish community and often the wealthiest man in Alexandria.
This shows how the Jewish "Upper Class" maintained a globalized network of wealth and influence across the Mediterranean, from Jerusalem to Rome to Alexandria.

Historical Context: The Book of Acts
For readers of the Bible, this passage provides the "backstory" for Felix and Agrippa II. When Paul stands before Felix and Drusilla (Acts 24:24) or later before Agrippa II and Berenice (Acts 25:13), he is speaking to the very people Josephus describes here—individuals defined by immense wealth, complex marriages, and a tenuous relationship with the Jewish Law.

Chapter 8
[148-196]
Nero succeeds Claudius; his corrupt rule.
Growing unease in Judea, under Felix and Festus

☜ ☞

¹⁴⁸ Τελευτᾷ δὲ βασιλεύσας ἔτη δεκατρία καὶ μῆνας ὀκτὼ πρὸς ἡμέραις εἴκοσι, καὶ λόγος ἦν παρά τινων, ὡς ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς φαρμάκοις . ταύτης πατὴρ μὲν ἦν ὁ ἀδελφός, ἀνὴρ δὲ γενόμενος ὁ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν.

¹⁴⁸ Claudius Caesar died after having reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days. There was a report among some that he had been done away with by poisons by his wife, Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of [Tiberius] Caesar, and her [former] husband had been Domitius Ahenobarbus, one of the most distinguished men in the city of Rome.

¹⁴⁸ Now Claudius Caesar died when he had reigned thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days; and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her husband was Domitius Aenobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome;

¹⁴⁸ Claudius Caesar died after a reign of thirteen years, eight months and twenty days, and it was rumoured that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina, whose father was Germanicus, the brother of Caesar. Her previous husband was Domitius Ahenobarbus, among the noblest men in the city of Rome.

¹⁴⁹ οὗ τελευτήσαντος χηρεύουσαν αὐτὴν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἄγεται πρὸς γάμον ἐπαγομένην καὶ παῖδα ὁμώνυμον τῷ πατρί. προανῃρήκει δὲ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα Μεσσαλῖναν διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν, ἐξ ἧς αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδες ἐγεγόνεσαν τε καὶ Ὀκταουία.

¹⁴⁹ When he died and she had remained a widow for a long time, Claudius took her in marriage, she bringing with her a son, Domitius, named after his father. Claudius had previously done away with his wife Messalina on account of jealousy, by whom he also had children, Britannicus and Octavia.

¹⁴⁹ after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domtitus, of the same name with his father. He had before this slain his wife Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia;

¹⁴⁹ When he died and she had been windowed for a long time, Claudius married her, and with her she brought a son, Domitius, named after his father. Earlier, out of jealousy, Claudius had killed his former wife Messalina, by whom he had his children Britannicus and Octavia.

¹⁵⁰ ἦν γὰρ Ἀντωνιανὴ καὶ πρεσβυτάτη τῶν ἀδελφῶν, ἣν ἐκ Πετίνης τῆς πρώτης γυναικὸς εἶχεν. Καὶ δὴ τὴν‎ ἥρμοσεν τῷ · τοῦτο γὰρ ὕστερον αὐτὸν ἐκάλεσεν εἰσποιησάμενος υἱὸν ὁ .

¹⁵⁰ There was also Antonia, the eldest of the sisters, whom he had by Petina, his first wife. Indeed, he betrothed Octavia to Nero—for this is what the Caesar called him later after adopting him as a son.

¹⁵⁰ their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Caesar gave him afterward, upon his adopting him for his son.

¹⁵⁰ Their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had with his first wife, Pelina. He then espoused Octavia to Nero, for that was the name that Caesar later gave him, on adopting him as his son.

¹⁵¹ Δεδοικυῖα δ᾽ ἡ Ἀγριππῖνα, μὴ ὁ ΒρεττανικὸςBritannicus ἀνδρωθεὶς αὐτὸς παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν παραλάβοι, τῷ δὲ αὐτῆς παιδὶ προαρπάσαι βουλομένη τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν τά τε περὶ τὸν θάνατον τοῦ ΚλαυδίουClaudius,	¹⁵¹ Agrippina, fearing that if Britannicus reached manhood he would receive the rule from his father, and wishing to seize the sovereignty in advance for her own son, carried out the plot concerning the death of Claudius, just as the report went.
¹⁵¹ But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come to man’s estate, he should succeed his father in the government, and desired to seize upon the principality beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon which the report went that she thence compassed the death of Claudius.	¹⁵¹ Agrippina was afraid that when Britannicus came to manhood, he would succeed his father as emperor, so she sought in advance to gain the empire for her own son, and rumour has it that this is why she caused the death of Claudius.

¹⁵² καθάπερ ἦν λόγος, διεπράξατο, καὶ παραχρῆμα πέμπει τὸν τῶν στρατευμάτων ἔπαρχον Βοῦρρον καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τοὺς χιλιάρχους τῶν τε ἀπελευθέρων τοὺς πλεῖστον δυναμένους ἀπάξοντας εἰς τὴν‎ παρεμβολὴν τὸν καὶ προσαγορεύσοντας αὐτὸν αὐτοκράτορα.

¹⁵² She immediately sent Burrus, the prefect of the armies, and with him the tribunes and the most powerful of the freedmen, to lead Nero away to the camp and proclaim him Emperor.

¹⁵² Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the tribunes, and such also of the freed-men as were of the greatest authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute him emperor.

¹⁵² Immediately she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, along with the tribunes and the most powerful of the freedmen, to bring Nero off to the army camp and have him proclaimed emperor.

¹⁵³ δὲ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν οὕτως παραλαβὼν μὲν ἀδήλως τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀναιρεῖ διὰ φαρμάκων, φανερῶς δ᾽ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τὴν‎ μητέρα τὴν‎ ἑαυτοῦ φονεύει, ταύτην ἀμοιβὴν ἀποτίσας αὐτῇ οὐ μόνον τῆς γενέσεως ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ ταῖς ἐκείνης μηχαναῖς τὴν‎ ἡγεμονίαν παραλαβεῖν. κτείνει δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ , ᾗ συνῴκει, πολλούς τε ἄνδρας ὡς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλὰς συντιθέντας.

¹⁵³ Nero, having received the rule in this manner, did away with Britannicus by poison, hidden from the many; but not long after, he openly murdered his own mother, paying her this reward not only for his birth but for receiving the Roman sovereignty through her machinations. He also killed Octavia, to whom he was married, and many distinguished men on the pretext that they were forming conspiracies against him.

¹⁵³ And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances that he obtained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and many other illustrious persons, under this pretense, that they plotted against him.

¹⁵³ When Nero had come to power, he had Britannicus poisoned, unknown to the common people. Not long afterward he openly put his own mother to death, which was her thanks not only for giving him birth but also for arranging for him to gain the Roman empire. He also killed his wife Octavia and many other prominent people, under the pretext that they were scheming against him.

The Poisoned Mushrooms of Claudius
Josephus alludes to the famous "rumor" (logos) that Claudius was murdered. Roman historians like Tacitus and Suetonius are more explicit, naming the weapon: a dish of poisoned mushrooms.

Agrippina's Motive: Claudius was beginning to show renewed favor toward his biological son, Britannicus. Agrippina had to act before Claudius changed his will or before Britannicus reached the toga virilis (manhood), which would have invalidated Nero's claim.

The Mechanics of a Coup
Josephus highlights the three pillars of power required to secure the throne in the 1st century:

1) The Military: Sextus Afranius Burrus, the Praetorian Prefect, provided the physical force and the "Camp" (parembolēn) where the emperor was traditionally acclaimed.

2) The Bureaucracy: The freedmen (apeleutherōn) controlled the palace communications and the treasury.

3) The Dynastic Link: By betrothing Nero to Octavia (Claudius's daughter) and having Claudius adopt him, Agrippina gave Nero the legal appearance of a legitimate heir over the biological one.

Nero: The Unnatural Son
Josephus describes Nero's matricide as an "unnatural reward" (amoibēn).

1) The Irony of Ambition: Agrippina murdered her husband to make her son King of the World, only for that son to murder her to escape her overbearing influence.

2) Octavia’s Fate: The murder of Octavia (Nero's wife and stepsister) was particularly scandalous. Nero divorced her to marry Poppaea Sabina, but because Octavia was beloved by the Roman people as the "true" daughter of Claudius, Nero had her executed to prevent her from becoming a focal point for rebellion.

Josephus as a Roman Historian
In this passage, Josephus adopts the style of a Roman annalist. He focuses on the "instability of fortune" and the moral decay of the ruling house.

Why this matters for Jewish History: The change from Claudius to Nero was a disaster for Judea. Claudius had a personal friendship with the Herodian family (Agrippa I and II) and generally favored Jewish interests. Nero, influenced by Poppaea and increasingly erratic governors, presided over the period where Roman-Jewish relations completely disintegrated.

The "Pretext" of Conspiracy
Josephus notes that Nero killed distinguished men "as if" (hōs) they were plotting against him. This reveals Josephus’s skepticism. Like Tacitus, he suggests that Nero used the lex maiestatis (treason law) as a tool to eliminate anyone with enough prestige or old-fashioned Roman virtue to challenge his theatrical style of rule.

The Disappearance of Britannicus
The "hidden" murder of Britannicus occurred at a banquet. According to tradition, Nero had the boy's tasting-slave drink a harmlessly hot beverage, then added cold water laced with poison when Britannicus asked to cool it down. By removing Britannicus, Nero became the last male of the Claudian line, leaving him without a rival but also without an heir.

¹⁵⁴ Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων πλείω γράφειν· πολλοὶ γὰρ τὴν‎ περὶ συντετάχασιν ἱστορίαν, ὧν οἱ μὲν διὰ χάριν εὖ πεπονθότες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἀληθείας ἠμέλησαν, οἱ δὲ διὰ μῖσος καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτὸν οὕτως ἀναιδῶς ἐνεπαρῴνησαν τοῖς ψεύσμασιν, ὡς ἀξίους αὐτοὺς εἶναι καταγνώσεως.

¹⁵⁴ But concerning these matters, I shall cease to write further; for many have composed the history of Nero. Of these, some—having been well-treated by him—neglected the truth out of favor, while others—out of hatred and personal enmity toward him—raged so shamelessly with lies that they are worthy of condemnation.

¹⁵⁴ But I omit any further discourse about these affairs; for there have been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of which have departed from the truth of facts out of favor, as having received benefits from him; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have so impudently raved against him with their lies, that they justly deserve to be condemned.

¹⁵⁴ But I will write no more about these matters, for many have written the history of Nero, some of whom have deviated from the truth from partiality, having been favoured by him, while others, out of hatred and ill-will, have raved and lied against him so madly that they are unworthy of notice.

¹⁵⁵ καὶ θαυμάζειν οὐκ ἔπεισί μοι τοὺς περὶ ψευσαμένους, ὅπου μηδὲ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ γενομένων γράφοντες τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν τῆς ἱστορίας τετηρήκασιν, καίτοι πρὸς ἐκείνους αὐτοῖς οὐδὲν μῖσος ἦν ἅτε μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς πολλῷ χρόνῳ γενομένοις.

¹⁵⁵ Nor does it surprise me that they lied about Nero, since they have not even maintained the truth of history when writing about those who came before him, even though they had no hatred toward them, having lived a long time after them.

¹⁵⁵ Nor do I wonder at such as have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers lived a long time after them.

¹⁵⁵ It’s no surprise to me that these have lied about Nero, since in their writings they have not preserved the truth even of the history preceding his time, whose protagonists they could not have hated, since they were a long period removed in time.

¹⁵⁶ ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῖς μὲν οὐ προνοουμένοις τῆς ἀληθείας ἐξέστω γράφειν ὡς θέλουσιν, τούτῳ γὰρ χαίρειν ἐοίκασιν,	¹⁵⁶ However, let those who have no regard for the truth be free to write as they wish, for they seem to delight in this;
¹⁵⁶ But as to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they please; for in that they take delight:	¹⁵⁶ Those who have no regard to truth may write what they like, just as they please.

¹⁵⁷ ἡμεῖς δὲ σκοπὸν προθέμενοι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν τὰ μὲν ἀπηρτημένα τῆς προκειμένης ἡμῖν πραγματείας ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον μνήμης ἀξιοῦμεν, τὰ δ᾽ ἡμῖν τοῖς συμπεσόντα δηλοῦμεν οὐ παρέργως μήτε τὰς συμφορὰς μήτε τὰς ἁμαρτίας διασαφεῖν ὀκνοῦντες. ἐπανήξω τοίνυν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ τῶν οἰκείων πραγμάτων διήγησιν.

¹⁵⁷ but as for us, having set the truth as our goal, we deem the matters outside our present business worthy of only brief mention, but we set forth the things that befell us Jews with no small care, not hesitating to make clear either our calamities or our sins. I shall return, therefore, to the narration of our own affairs.

¹⁵⁷ but as to ourselves, who have made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only belongs remotely to this undertaking, but shall relate what hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered, and of the crimes we have been guilty of. I will now therefore return to the relation of our own affairs.

¹⁵⁷ But we who make truth our aim will touch briefly upon things that belong only remotely to our topic, but tell in great detail what happened to us Jews, sparing no efforts to tell both the disasters we endured and the sins we have committed. So let me now return to telling of our own affairs.

¹⁵⁸ Τῷ γὰρ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτει τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Ἐμέσων δυνάστου Ἀζίζου Σόεμος ἀδελφὸς τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν διαδέχεται. τὴν‎ δὲ τῆς μικρᾶς προστασίαν τῆς βασιλέως παῖς ὑπὸ ἐγχειρίζεται.

¹⁵⁸ In the first year of Nero's rule, when Azizus, the ruler of Emesa, died, his brother Sohemus succeeded to the rule. The administration of Lesser Armenia was entrusted by Nero to Aristobulus, the son of Herod of Chalcis.

¹⁵⁸ For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, Soemus, his brother, succeeded in his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia.

¹⁵⁸ In the first year of the reign of Nero, after the death of Azizus, king of Emesa, his brother Soemus succeeded to his kingdom and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was entrusted by Nero with the government of Lesser Armenia.

¹⁵⁹ καὶ τὸν δὲ δωρεῖται μοίρᾳ τινὶ τῆς ὁ καὶ ὑπακούειν αὐτῷ κελεύσας, δίδωσι δὲ καὶ πόλιν τῆς καὶ κώμας τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν δεκατέσσαρας.

¹⁵⁹ Caesar also presented Agrippa [II] with a certain portion of Galilee, ordering Tiberias and Tarichaeae to be subject to him; he also gave him Julias, a city of Perea, along with fourteen villages surrounding it.

¹⁵⁹ Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias, and Tarichae, and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.

¹⁵⁹ Caesar gave Agrippa a part of Galilee, Tiberias and Tarichea, ordering them to submit to his jurisdiction. He also gave him Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages around it.

Josephus on Historiography: "The Middle Path"
Josephus provides a rare critique of the Roman historical tradition. He identifies two major biases that plagued ancient (and modern) writing:

1) The Sycophants: Historians who wrote during an Emperor's life to gain favor.

2) The Haters: Historians who wrote after an Emperor's death to appease the new administration by demonizing the previous one.
By claiming to admit even the "sins" (hamartias) of his own people, Josephus attempts to position himself as a neutral arbiter of truth—a bold claim for a man writing under the patronage of the Flavians, who replaced Nero.

The Kingdom of Agrippa II Expands
Nero’s early years were actually quite beneficial for the Herodian house. Agrippa II received major urban centers:

1) Tiberias & Tarichaeae: These were the "jewels" of the Sea of Galilee. Tiberias was a sophisticated, Hellenized city, while Tarichaeae was a center of the fishing industry. By giving these to Agrippa, Nero gave him control over the economic heart of the north.

2) Julias (Bethsaida): Located in Perea (east of the Jordan), this gave Agrippa a strategic foothold on both sides of the lake.

Aristobulus of Lesser Armenia
The mention of Aristobulus (son of Herod of Chalcis) is a reminder of the "International Herodian" network. Even though they lost the throne of Judea to Roman governors, Herodian princes were still being used by Rome to govern "buffer states" like Lesser Armenia (east of the Euphrates). They were seen as reliable cultural mediators between the Greco-Roman and Persian/Eastern worlds.

Sohemus of Emesa
The death of Azizus (who had been circumcised to marry Drusilla) led to the reign of Sohemus. The Kingdom of Emesa (modern Homs, Syria) was a vital Roman ally. This transition shows that despite the chaos in Rome (the poisoning of Claudius), the Eastern frontier remained stable through the use of these loyal client-kings.

The Moral Burden of the Historian
Josephus makes a profound statement: "not hesitating to make clear... our sins." This is a "biblical" style of history. Just as the Torah records the failures of the Israelites, Josephus believes that the upcoming destruction of Jerusalem (which he has already written about in The Jewish War) was a result of the people's internal moral and political failures, not just Roman cruelty.

The Silent Conflict
Notice how "brief" Josephus is about Nero's court. He is likely being careful. Writing about Nero under the Flavians was a minefield; he purposefully pivots back to "our own affairs" to avoid getting entangled in the Roman political controversies that could jeopardize his status in Rome.

¹⁶⁰ Τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea πράγματα πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ἀεὶ τὴν‎ ἐπίδοσιν ἐλάμβανεν· λῃστηρίων γὰρ ἡ χώρα πάλιν ἀνεπλήσθηto fill up καὶ γοήτων ἀνθρώπων, οἳ τὸν ὄχλον ἠπάτων.	¹⁶⁰ The affairs in Judea continually took a turn for the worse; for the land was again filled with bandits and deceptive men who deluded the multitude.
¹⁶⁰ Now as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually, for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded the multitude.	¹⁶⁰ Matters in Judea were getting progressively worse, for the country was again full of brigands and charlatans who were leading the mob astray.

¹⁶¹ ἀλλὰ τούτους μὲν ὁ πολλοὺς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν σὺν τοῖς λῃσταῖς λαμβάνων ἀνῄρει, καὶ δὲ τὸν παῖδα τὸν συστησάμενον τῶν λῃστῶν τὸ σύνταγμα δι᾽ ἐνέδρας εἷλεν ζῶντα· πίστιν γὰρ αὐτῷ προτείνας ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν πείσεσθαι κακὸν πείθει πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι καὶ δήσας ἀνέπεμψεν εἰς .

¹⁶¹ Felix, capturing many of these along with the bandits every day, put them to death. He even took Eleazar, the son of Dinaeus, who had organized the troop of bandits, alive through an ambush; for having offered him a pledge of safety that he would suffer no harm, Felix persuaded him to come to him, then bound him and sent him up to Rome.

¹⁶¹ Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors every day, together with the robbers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineas, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him, and sent him to Rome.

¹⁶¹ Felix daily caught and put to death many of those pretenders and brigands. By treachery he also caught Eleazar, son of Dineas, who had gathered a troop of brigands, by persuading him to come to him, assuring him that he would suffer no harm; but when he came, he put him in chains and sent him to Rome.

¹⁶² ἔχων δὲ καὶ ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς τὸν ἀρχιερέα ὁ διὰ τὸ πολλάκις ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ νουθετεῖσθαι περὶ τοῦ κρειττόνως προίστασθαι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ πραγμάτων, μὴ καὶ μέμψιν αὐτὸς ὀφλοίη παρὰ τοῖς πλήθεσιν αἰτησάμενος ἐκεῖνον παρὰ τοῦ πεμφθῆναι τῆς ἐπίτροπον, πρόφασιν ἐπενόει δι᾽ ἧς μεταστήσεται τὸν συνεχῶς ὀχληρὸν αὐτῷ γινόμενον· βαρὺ γὰρ τοῖς ἀδικεῖν θέλουσιν τὸ συνεχῶς νουθετοῦν.

¹⁶² Now, Felix also held a grudge against the High Priest Jonathan because he was frequently admonished by him to administer the affairs of Judea better, lest Jonathan himself should incur blame among the multitudes, having personally asked Caesar for Felix to be sent as procurator. Felix, therefore, devised a pretext by which he might remove one who was constantly becoming troublesome to him; for to those who wish to do wrong, constant admonition is a heavy burden.

¹⁶² Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than he did, lest he should himself have complaints made of him by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now he was become so continually troublesome to him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly.

¹⁶² Felix was hostile to Jonathan the high priest, who had often warned him that he should improve his governing of Jewish affairs, to notables complaining about him, since it was he who had asked Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. He became so tiresome that he had to be gotten rid of, for those who are disposed to injustice are angered by such frequent warnings.

¹⁶³ καὶ δὴ διὰ τοιαύτης αἰτίας ὁ τὸν πιστότατον τῶν φίλων τὸ γένος ὀνόματι πείθει πολλὰ χρήματα δώσειν ὑπισχνούμενος ἐπαγαγεῖν τῷ τοὺς [λῃστὰς] ἀναιρήσοντας, κἀκεῖνος ὑπακούσας ἐμηχανήσατο διὰ τῶν λῃστῶν πραχθῆναι τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τὸν φόνον·

¹⁶³ And so, for such a reason, Felix persuaded the most faithful of Jonathan’s friends, a man of Jerusalem by birth named Doras, by promising to give him much money, to bring in the bandits to kill Jonathan. Doras complied and contrived to have the murder carried out by the bandits in the following manner:

¹⁶³ Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan’s most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give him a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and contrived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner:

¹⁶³ By promising a lot of money Felix persuaded one of Jonathan’s most faithful friends, Doras, a citizen of Jerusalem, to set the brigands on Jonathan and do away with him. Doras did so and arranged for the brigands to murder him, in this way.

¹⁶⁴ ἀνέβησάν τινες αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ὡς προσκυνήσοντες τὸν θεὸν ὑπὸ τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἔχοντες ξιφίδια καὶ συναναμιγέντες τῷ ἸωνάθῃJonathan κτείνουσιν αὐτόν.	¹⁶⁴ Certain of them went up to the city as if to worship God, having small daggers (ξιφίδια) under their garments; and having mingled with Jonathan's party, they slew him.
¹⁶⁴ Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments, and by thus mingling themselves among the multitude they slew Jonathan,	¹⁶⁴ Some of those brigands went up to the city as though to worship God, bringing daggers under their clothing and by getting close to Jonathan they killed him.

¹⁶⁵ ἀνεκδικήτου δὲ τούτου τοῦ φόνου μεμενηκότος μετὰ πάσης τὸ λοιπὸν ἀδείας ἀναβαίνοντες ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς οἱ λῃσταὶ καὶ τὸν σίδηρον ὁμοίως κεκρυμμένον ἔχοντες συναναμιγνύμενοι τοῖς πλήθεσιν ἀνῄρουν μέν τινας ἑαυτῶν ἐχθρούς, οὓς δ᾽ ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἄλλοις ὑπηρετοῦντες, οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν‎ ἄλλην πόλιν ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνίους· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ σφάττειν ἐτόλμων, οὐδ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ δοκοῦντες ἀσεβεῖν.

¹⁶⁵ As this murder remained unavenged, from that time on the bandits went up during the festivals with complete lack of fear, having their iron weapons similarly hidden and mingling with the crowds. They would kill some who were their own enemies, and others to serve those who paid them money, doing this not only throughout the rest of the city but even within the Temple; for they dared to slaughter even there, not thinking they were acting impiously in this.

¹⁶⁵ and as this murder was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and were subservient to other men for money; and slew others, not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty.

¹⁶⁵ As this murder was never avenged, the brigands went up to the festivals with the greatest safety from then on, with weapons concealed as before and mingling among the people. Some of their enemies they killed and they were at the service of others for money, and people were killed not only in outer parts of the city, but also within the temple itself. For they even dared to commit murder there, heedless of the impiety they were committing.

¹⁶⁶ διὰ τοῦτ᾽ οἶμαι καὶ τὸν θεὸν μισήσαντα τὴν‎ ἀσέβειαν αὐτῶν ἀποστραφῆναι μὲν ἡμῶν τὴν‎ πόλιν, τὸ δὲ ἱερὸν οὐκέτι καθαρὸν οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ κρίναντα ἐπαγαγεῖν ἡμῖν καὶ τῇ πόλει καθάρσιον πῦρ καὶ δουλείαν ἐπιβαλεῖν σὺν γυναιξὶν καὶ τέκνοις σωφρονίσαι ταῖς συμφοραῖς βουλόμενον ἡμᾶς.

¹⁶⁶ Because of this, I believe that God, hating their impiety, turned away from our city; and judging the Temple to be no longer a pure dwelling-place for Him, He brought the Romans upon us and cast a cleansing fire upon the city and imposed slavery upon us along with our wives and children, wishing to bring us to our senses through these calamities.

¹⁶⁶ And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred of these men’s wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, as desirous to make us wiser by our calamities.

¹⁶⁶ I think this is why God, in hatred for their wickedness, rejected our city, and no longer judged the temple pure enough for his dwelling, but brought the Romans upon us and threw purifying fire on the city and brought slavery upon us, our wives and our children, wishing to make us wiser by our troubles.

The Invention of the "Sica"
This passage describes the origin of the Sicarii. The word comes from the Latin sica (curved dagger), referred to here by the Greek xiphidia.

1) The Tactic: This was the birth of modern urban guerrilla warfare. By hiding small daggers under their robes (himatia), these assassins could strike in a dense crowd and then be the first to cry out in "horror," blending back into the panicked multitude.

2) Psychological Warfare: The goal was not just to kill, but to create an atmosphere of total paranoia where no one—not even in the Holy Temple—was safe from an invisible blade.

The Tragedy of High Priest Jonathan
Jonathan’s death is deeply ironic. He was the one who lobbied Rome to have Felix appointed as governor, likely thinking he could influence his "friend."

1) The "Heavy Burden" of Advice: Felix represents the archetype of the "corrupt official" who cannot stand a moral mirror. By murdering the man who got him the job, Felix signaled that the Roman administration had moved from "negligent" to "criminal."

2) Betrayal from Within: The use of Jonathan’s "most faithful friend," Doras, to facilitate the murder emphasizes the breakdown of social trust in Jerusalem.

Desecration of the Temple
Josephus is a priest, and for him, the "slaughter" (sphattein) within the Temple is the ultimate taboo.

1) Pollution of Sacred Space: In Jewish Law, a corpse in the Temple creates the highest level of ritual impurity. By turning the "House of God" into a "slaughterhouse," the rebels, in Josephus’s view, effectively evicted God from the building.

2) The Shift in Morality: Josephus notes with horror that the assassins felt no religious guilt (oude... dokeuntes asebein). They had radicalized their theology to the point where political murder was seen as a service to God.

Josephus’s Theology of the Fall
This passage contains Josephus’s core "Thesis of Disaster." He does not blame the Romans for the war; he blames the impurity of the Jews.

1) Cleansing Fire: He uses the term katharsion pyr ("cleansing fire"). To Josephus, the burning of Jerusalem in 70 CE was not a military defeat, but a divine "purification" ritual intended to burn away the "impiety" of the Sicarii and the corrupt leadership.

2) God as the General: Josephus portrays God as the one who "brought the Romans upon us." This allowed Josephus to remain a loyal Jew while also serving the Roman emperors who destroyed his city; he argued the Romans were merely the "tools" of a rightfully angry God.

Eleazar ben Dinaeus and the End of "Old School" Banditry
The capture of Eleazar marks a transition. Eleazar was a traditional "hill bandit" who fought in the mountains. By capturing him through treachery, Felix cleared the way for a more dangerous, urbanized form of rebellion (the Sicarii) to take over. The "orderly" rebellion of the mountains was replaced by the "chaos" of the city streets.

The "Worse" Progression
Josephus begins with a somber phrase: "The affairs... continually took a turn for the worse." This creates a sense of tragic inevitability. Each Roman failure (corruption/bribes) and each Jewish failure (murder/desecration) fed into a loop that could only end in the total destruction he describes in his later books.

¹⁶⁷ Τὰ μὲν οὖν τῶν λῃστῶν ἔργα τοιαύτης ἀνοσιότητος ἐπλήρου τὴν‎ πόλιν, οἱ δὲ γόητες καὶ ἀπατεῶνεςa cheat, rogue ἄνθρωποι τὸν ὄχλον ἔπειθον αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν‎ ἐρημίαν ἕπεσθαι·	¹⁶⁷ The deeds of the bandits thus filled the city with such impiety. Meanwhile, deceptive men and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness;
¹⁶⁷ These works, that were done by the robbers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness,	¹⁶⁷ The activities of the brigands filled the city with sacrilege, and charlatans and deceivers persuaded people to follow them in crowds into the wilderness,

¹⁶⁸ δείξειν γὰρ ἔφασανto affirm, say ἐναργῆvisible τέρατα καὶ σημεῖα κατὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν γινόμενα. Καὶ πολλοὶ πεισθέντες τῆς ἀφροσύνης τιμωρίας ὑπέσχον· ἀναχθέντας γὰρ αὐτοὺς ΦῆλιξFelix ἐκόλασεν.	¹⁶⁸ for they claimed they would show them manifest wonders and signs occurring according to the providence of God. Many were persuaded and paid the penalty for their folly; for Felix, having led them away, punished them.
¹⁶⁸ and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them.	¹⁶⁸ claiming that they would show miracles and clear signs of the providence of God, and many were misled and suffered for their foolishness, for Felix brought them back and punished them.

¹⁶⁹ ἀφικνεῖται δέ τις ἐξ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν εἰς προφήτης εἶναι λέγων καὶ συμβουλεύων τῷ δημοτικῷ πλήθει σὺν αὐτῷ πρὸς ὄρος τὸ προσαγορευόμενον ἐλαιῶν, ὃ τῆς πόλεως ἄντικρυς κείμενον ἀπέχει στάδια πέντε·

¹⁶⁹ At this time, a certain person arrived in Jerusalem from Egypt, claiming to be a prophet. He advised the common people to go with him to the mountain called the Mount of Olives, which lies opposite the city at a distance of five stadia.

¹⁶⁹ Moreover, there came out of Egypt about this time to Jerusalem one that said he was a prophet, and advised the multitude of the common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs.

¹⁶⁹ Moreover, about this time a man came to Jerusalem from Egypt claiming to be a prophet, who invited the throng of common people to go along with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was called, across from the city, five furlongs away.

¹⁷⁰ θέλειν γὰρ ἔφασκεν αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἐπιδεῖξαι, ὡς κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ‎ πίπτοι τὰ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem τείχη, δι᾽ ὧν καὶ τὴν‎ εἴσοδον αὐτοῖς παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο.	¹⁷⁰ For he claimed that he wished to demonstrate to them from that vantage point how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall, through which he promised to provide them an entrance.
¹⁷⁰ He said further, that he would show them from hence how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall down; and he promised them that he would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down.	¹⁷⁰ He claimed that from there he would show how the ramparts of Jerusalem would fall down at his command, and promised to provide them an entrance into the city in this way.

¹⁷¹ δ᾽ ὡς ταῦτα, κελεύει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν τὰ ὅπλα καὶ μετὰ πολλῶν ἱππέων τε καὶ πεζῶν ὁρμήσας ἀπὸ τῶν προσβάλλει τοῖς περὶ τὸν , καὶ τετρακοσίους μὲν αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, διακοσίους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν.

¹⁷¹ When Felix learned of this, he ordered the soldiers to take up their arms. Setting out from Jerusalem with a large force of cavalry and infantry, he attacked those with the Egyptian, slaying four hundred of them and taking two hundred alive.

¹⁷¹ Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive.

¹⁷¹ When Felix was told of this, he armed his soldiers and charged out against them with many cavalry and infantry from Jerusalem and attacked the Egyptian and the people with him, killing four hundred of them and taking two hundred alive.

¹⁷² ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς διαδρὰς ἐκ τῆς μάχης ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο. πάλιν δ᾽ οἱ λῃσταὶ τὸν δῆμον εἰς τὸν πρὸς πόλεμον ἠρέθιζον μηδὲν ὑπακούειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες, καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀπειθούντων κώμας ἐμπιπράντες διήρπαζον.

¹⁷² The Egyptian himself, having escaped from the battle, disappeared. Once again, the bandits incited the people to war against the Romans, telling them not to obey them at all; and they plundered and set fire to the villages of those who refused to comply.

¹⁷² But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them.

¹⁷² But the Egyptian himself escaped from the battle and was seen no more. Again, the brigands stirred up the people to make war on the Romans, forbidding any obedience to them, and if any refused, they set fire to their villages and looted them.

The "Wilderness" vs. The "City"
Josephus draws a sharp distinction between the Sicarii (who operated in the crowded city) and the "deceivers" (goetes) who led people into the wilderness (erēmian).

Theological Echoes: In Jewish tradition, the wilderness was the place of revelation and new beginnings (the Exodus). By leading people out of the city, these prophets were symbolically "restarting" the nation's history, expecting a new Moses-like or Joshua-like miracle.

The "Egyptian" Prophet and Joshua Parallel
The Egyptian prophet’s plan to make the walls fall by his command is a direct reenactment of the Fall of Jericho under Joshua.

1) Political Threat: To the Romans, this wasn't just "magic"; it was a military coup d'état. If the walls fell, the Roman garrison in the Antonia Fortress would be defenseless.

2) The Mount of Olives: Choosing this location was highly strategic. Standing at an elevation of roughly 800 meters, it looks directly down into the Temple courts and the city. It was the perfect "stage" for a public miracle.

Felix’s Use of Cavalry
Josephus notes that Felix attacked with cavalry (hippeōn).

Tactical Advantage: Cavalry is exceptionally effective against an unarmored, disorganized "multitude" in the open areas around the Mount of Olives. The high death toll (400 killed) suggests a one-sided slaughter of civilians rather than a battle between two armies.

Cross-Reference: The Book of Acts
This "Egyptian" is famously mentioned in the New Testament. In Acts 21:38, a Roman tribune asks the Apostle Paul: "Aren't you the Egyptian who some time ago stirred up a rebellion and led four thousand terrorists out into the wilderness?"

Discrepancy in Numbers: While the Acts account mentions 4,000 and Josephus mentions smaller numbers in this specific skirmish, both sources agree on the core facts: a leader from Egypt, a mass movement to the wilderness, and a failed insurrection.

The "Invisible" Leader
The fact that the Egyptian "disappeared" (aphanēs egeneto) is significant. In a culture primed for messianic expectations, a leader who vanishes after a defeat often becomes a legendary figure whose "return" is expected, further fueling the unrest that Felix was trying to quench.

Civil War in the Countryside
The passage ends with a grim look at the Judean countryside. The bandits began burning the villages of fellow Jews who refused to join the rebellion.

Radicalization: This indicates that the movement had turned inward. It was no longer just "Jews vs. Romans," but "Radical Jews vs. Moderate/Pragmatic Jews." If you weren't a rebel, you were a target. This internal "purging" is what eventually made the city's defense so chaotic when the Romans finally besieged it.

The Penalty of "Folly"
Josephus consistently uses the word "folly" (aphrosunēs) to describe the people's belief in these signs. As a member of the priestly elite, Josephus viewed God as working through established order and Roman law. To him, looking for "miracles" to solve political problems was not just bad theology—it was a death sentence.

¹⁷³ Γίνεται δὲ καὶ τῶν οἰκούντων στάσις πρὸς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ περὶ ἰσοπολιτείας· οἱ μὲν γὰρ πρωτεύειν ἠξίουν διὰ τὸ τὸν κτίστην τῆς αὐτῶν βασιλέα γεγονέναι τὸ γένος , δὲ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸν ὡμολόγουν, δὲ τὴν‎ πύργον τὸ πρότερον καλεῖσθαι καὶ τότε μηδένα γεγονέναι τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν οἰκήτορα.

¹⁷³ A sedition also arose between the Jews inhabiting Caesarea and the Syrians residing there concerning the matter of equal civic rights (isopoliteia). The Jews claimed they should have the preeminence because the founder of Caesarea, Herod, had been their king and was Jewish by descent. The Syrians acknowledged the facts regarding Herod but argued that Caesarea had previously been called Strato’s Tower, and that at that time, not a single inhabitant of the city had been a Jew.

¹⁷³ And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Caesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, concerning their equal right to the privileges belonging to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Caesarea, and because he was by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant.

¹⁷³ A great riot arose between the Jews in Caesarea and the Syrians who also lived there, about their equal right as citizens, for the Jews claimed priority, since their king Herod had built Caesarea and was by birth a Jew. The Syrians did not deny the bit about Herod, but held that Caesarea was formerly called Strato’s Tower and had not a single Jewish inhabitant at that time.

¹⁷⁴ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ τῆς χώρας ἔπαρχοι λαβόντες ἀμφοτέρωθεν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς στάσεως πληγαῖς ᾐκίσαντο καὶ τὴν‎ ταραχὴν οὕτω κατέστειλαν πρὸς ὀλίγον.	¹⁷⁴ When the governors of the region heard these things, they seized the instigators of the sedition from both sides and punished them with scourging, and thus for a short time suppressed the disturbance.
¹⁷⁴ When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time.	¹⁷⁴ When the leaders of that area heard of these disorders, they caught the instigators on both sides and punished them with a beating, and so put a stop to the disturbance for a time.

¹⁷⁵ πάλιν γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἸουδαῖοιJews τῷ πλούτῳ θαρροῦντες καὶ διὰ τοῦτο καταφρονοῦντες τῶν ΣύρωνSyrian ἐβλασφήμουν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐρεθίσειν προσδοκῶντες.	¹⁷⁵ However, the Jews in the city—emboldened by their wealth and therefore looking down upon the Syrians—began to revile them again, expecting to provoke them.
¹⁷⁵ But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, reproached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches.	¹⁷⁵ But relying on their wealth and on that account despising the Syrians, the Jewish citizens taunted them again, wanting to provoke them;

¹⁷⁶ οἱ δὲ χρήμασιν μὲν ἡττώμενοι, μέγα δὲ φρονοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ὑπὸ ἐκεῖ στρατευομένων Καισαρεῖς εἶναι καὶ Σεβαστηνοὺς μέχρι μέν τινος καὶ αὐτοὶ τοὺς λόγῳ ὕβριζον, εἶτα λίθοις ἀλλήλους ἔβαλλον, ἕως πολλοὺς παρ᾽ ἀμφότερα τρωθῆναί τε καὶ πεσεῖν συνέβη· νικῶσί γε μὴν .

¹⁷⁶ The Syrians, though inferior in wealth, took great pride in the fact that most of those serving in the Roman army there were Caesareans and Sebastenians. For a while, they too insulted the Jews with words, but then they began throwing stones at one another, until it happened that many on both sides were wounded and fell; however, the Jews were the victors.

¹⁷⁶ However, the Syrians, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there were either of Caesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful language to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another, and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors.

¹⁷⁶ for, though inferior to them in wealth, thought themselves better since most of the Roman soldiers who were there were either from Caesarea or Sebaste. So they taunted the Jews for some time and on it went until finally they began throwing stones at each other and several were wounded and fell on both sides, though the Jews won out.

¹⁷⁷ δ᾽ ὡς ἐθεάσατο φιλονεικίαν ἐν πολέμου τρόπῳ γενομένην προπηδήσας παύεσθαι τοὺς παρεκάλει, μὴ πειθομένοις δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁπλίσας ἐπαφίησι καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀνεῖλεν, πλείους δὲ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, οἰκίας δέ τινας τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πολλῶν πάνυ χρημάτων γεμούσας διαρπάζειν ἐφῆκεν.

¹⁷⁷ When Felix saw that the rivalry had turned into a form of war, he rushed forward and exhorted the Jews to stop. When they did not obey, he armed his soldiers and sent them against them; he slew many of them and took even more alive. He also permitted the soldiers to plunder certain houses in the city that were full of vast amounts of money.

¹⁷⁷ But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches.

¹⁷⁷ When Felix saw this quarrel becoming a kind of war, he arrived suddenly among them and urged the Jews to desist, and when they refused he armed his soldiers and let them loose. They killed many Jews and took more alive and he let his soldiers plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches.

¹⁷⁸ οἱ δὲ τῶν ἐπιεικέστεροι καὶ προύχοντες κατὰ τὴν‎ δείσαντες περὶ ἑαυτῶν παρεκάλουν τὸν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀνακαλέσασθαι τῇ σάλπιγγι καὶ φείσασθαι τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτῶν δοῦναί τε μετάνοιαν ἐπὶ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις. Καὶ ἐπείσθη.

¹⁷⁸ The more moderate Jews and those prominent in rank, fearing for themselves, entreated Felix to recall the soldiers with the trumpet, to spare them for the future, and to grant them a chance for repentance for what had been done. And Felix was persuaded.

¹⁷⁸ Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of themselves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for repentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so.

¹⁷⁸ The more moderate and prominent of the Jews were afraid for their lives and asked Felix to get his soldiers to retreat and spare them for the future and allow them repent of what they had done, and Felix agreed.

The Conflict of Isopoliteia
The root of the struggle was equal civic rights (isopoliteia). In the Roman world, city life was a hierarchy.

1) The Jewish Argument: They viewed Caesarea as a "Jewish" city because a Jewish king built it.

2) The Syrian Argument: They viewed it as a "Greek/Pagan" city because it was built on the site of a Phoenician station (Strato's Tower) and contained temples to Augustus.

3) The Stakes: This wasn't just about pride; it was about who controlled the city council, who paid fewer taxes, and whose law governed the markets.

Wealth vs. Weapons
Josephus highlights a fascinating social divide:

1) Jewish Power: Based on wealth (ploutō). The Jewish community in Caesarea was economically dominant, likely controlling trade through the massive port.

2) Syrian Power: Based on military influence. The Roman auxiliary units (the Ala I Sebastenorum and the cohorts) were recruited from the local Syrian and Samaritan populations.

This meant that when riots broke out, the "police" (the Roman soldiers) were often the cousins and brothers of the Syrian rioters.

Strato’s Tower: The Archaeological Past
The Syrian mention of Strato's Tower is historically accurate. Before Herod the Great transformed it into a world-class deep-water port (renaming it after Augustus Caesar), it was a dilapidated Hellenistic landing point.

Felix’s Corruption and Plunder
Felix’s intervention was particularly brutal. By allowing his soldiers to plunder the wealthy Jewish houses, he wasn't just restoring order; he was enriching himself and his men.
This act of state-sanctioned theft radicalized the wealthy Jewish elite, who had previously been the moderates trying to keep the peace.
It sent a clear message: under Felix, being a wealthy Jew made you a target for the Roman state.
The "Trumpet" of the Moderates
The "moderate" Jews (epieikesteroi) requested that Felix sound the trumpet (salpingi). In a Roman military context, the trumpet was the signal for the signa (standards) to halt and the soldiers to cease combat.
This highlights the terrifying reality of a Roman "police action": once the soldiers were "let off the leash" to plunder, it required a formal military command to stop the carnage.

The Road to 66 CE
This specific riot in Caesarea is often cited as the "beginning of the end."
A few years later, under the governor Florus, a similar dispute in Caesarea would lead to a massacre of 20,000 Jews in a single day.
When the news of that massacre reached Jerusalem, the city rose in total revolt. Caesarea was the "fuse" that eventually blew up the province.

Cognitive Dissonance in Roman Rule
Felix represents the total failure of the Roman provincial project. He was a former slave (a freedman) who governed with "the power of a king and the mind of a slave" (as the Roman historian Tacitus famously put it). His inability to adjudicate the isopoliteia dispute fairly meant that the law was replaced by "the throwing of stones" (lithois) and eventually the sword.

¹⁷⁹ Κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa δίδωσιν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἸσμαήλῳIsmael· Φαβεῖ παῖς οὗτος ἦν.	¹⁷⁹ Around this time, King Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ishmael, the son of Phabi.
¹⁷⁹ About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi.	¹⁷⁹ About this time king Agrippa gave the high priesthood to Ismael, son of Fabis.

¹⁸⁰ ἐξάπτεται δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι στάσις πρὸς τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τοῦ πλήθους τῶν , ἕκαστός τε αὐτῶν στῖφος ἀνθρώπων τῶν θρασυτάτων καὶ νεωτεριστῶν ἑαυτῷ ποιήσας ἡγεμὼν ἦν, καὶ συρράσσοντες ἐκακολόγουν τε ἀλλήλους καὶ λίθοις ἔβαλλον. ὁ δ᾽ ἐπιπλήξων ἦν οὐδὲ εἷς, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐν ἀπροστατήτῳ πόλει ταῦτ᾽ ἐπράσσετο μετ᾽ ἐξουσίας.

¹⁸⁰ A sedition was also kindled between the high priests and the priests, as well as the leading men of the multitude of Jerusalem. Each of them formed for himself a band of the boldest and most revolutionary men and acted as their leader; clashing together, they reviled one another and threw stones. There was not a single person to restrain them, but these things were done with total license, as if in a city without a government.

¹⁸⁰ And now arose a sedition between the high priests and the principal men of the multitude of Jerusalem; each of which got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it.

¹⁸⁰ Now the high priests clashed with the leaders of the Jerusalem populace, and each side gathered and led a group of trouble-makers of the worst kind. When they clashed, they taunted each other with words and threw stones, with no one to rebuke them; and the city was in uproar as if no authority existed.

¹⁸¹ τοσαύτη δὲ τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς κατέλαβεν ἀναίδεια καὶ τόλμα, ὥστε καὶ πέμπειν δούλους ἐτόλμων ἐπὶ τὰς ἅλωνας τοὺς ληψομένους τὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὀφειλομένας δεκάτας, καὶ συνέβαινεν τοὺς ἀπορουμένους τῶν ἱερέων ὑπ᾽ ἐνδείας τελευτᾶν. οὕτως ἐκράτει τοῦ δικαίου παντὸς ἡ τῶν στασιαζόντων βία.

¹⁸¹ Such shamelessness and audacity seized the high priests that they even dared to send slaves to the threshing floors to seize the tithes owed to the [lower] priests; and it so happened that those of the priests who were impoverished died of want. Thus did the violence of the seditious prevail over all justice.

¹⁸¹ And such was the impudence and boldness that had seized on the high priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the threshing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorest sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice.

¹⁸¹ Then the high priests shamelessly sent their servants to the threshing floors, to take the tithes due to the priests, so that the poorer of the priests died of want, for the violence of the rebels had trampled to such a degree on all right and justice.

¹⁸² Πορκίου δὲ διαδόχου Φήλικι πεμφθέντος ὑπὸ οἱ πρωτεύοντες τῶν τὴν‎ κατοικούντων εἰς τὴν‎ ἀναβαίνουσιν κατηγοροῦντες, καὶ πάντως ἂν ἐδεδώκει τιμωρίαν τῶν εἰς ἀδικημάτων, εἰ μὴ πολλὰ αὐτὸν ὁ τἀδελφῷ Πάλλαντι παρακαλέσαντι συνεχώρησεν μάλιστα δὴ τότε διὰ τιμῆς ἄγων ἐκεῖνον.

¹⁸² When Porcius Festus was sent by Nero as successor to Felix, the leading Jews inhabiting Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix. He certainly would have paid the penalty for his injustices against the Jews, had not Nero granted much to the entreaty of his brother Pallas, whom he held in great honor especially at that time.

¹⁸² Now when Porcius Festus was sent as successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honor by him.

¹⁸² When Porcius Festus was sent by Nero to succeed Felix, the leading Jews of Caesarea went up to Rome to accuse Felix, and he would certainly have been punished if Nero had not yielded to the urgent requests of his brother Pallas, whom at that time held in high honour.

¹⁸³ καὶ τῶν ἐν δὲ οἱ πρῶτοι , παιδαγωγὸς δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος τοῦ τάξιν τὴν‎ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν πεπιστευμένος, πείθουσι πολλοῖς χρήμασιν αἰτήσασθαι παρὰ τοῦ αὐτοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ἀκυροῦσαν τὴν‎ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἰσοπολιτείαν.

¹⁸³ Furthermore, the leading Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Beryllus—who was Nero’s tutor and had been entrusted with the office of Greek Correspondence—with vast amounts of money to request a letter from Nero for them, nullifying the Jews' equal civic rights (isopoliteia) in relation to them.

¹⁸³ Two of the principal Syrians in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, who was Nero’s tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hitherto enjoyed.

¹⁸³ By giving him a large amount of money, two of the Syrian officers in Caesarea persuaded Burrhus, Nero’s tutor and secretary for his Greek studies, to cancel the equal privileges that the Jewish citizens had so far enjoyed.

¹⁸⁴ καὶ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα παρακαλέσας ἐπέτυχε γραφῆναι τὴν‎ ἐπιστολήν. αὕτη τῷ ἔθνει ἡμῶν τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα κακῶν τὰς αἰτίας παρέσχεν· γὰρ οἱ κατὰ τὴν‎ τὰ γραφέντα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς στάσεως μᾶλλον εἴχοντο μέχρι δὴ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξῆψαν.

¹⁸⁴ Beryllus, having entreated the Emperor, succeeded in getting the letter written. This provided our nation with the causes of the evils that followed; for when the Jews in Caesarea learned what had been written, they held even more firmly to the sedition against the Syrians until they finally kindled the war.

¹⁸⁴ So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befell our nation; for when the Jews of Caesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.

¹⁸⁴ So Burrhus requested and got the emperor’s permission for a letter to be written to that effect. This letter caused the hardships that later came upon our nation, for when the Jews of Caesarea were told of the contents of this letter to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than ever, until a war broke out.

The Corruption of the Tithes
This is one of the most tragic details in Josephus’s history. The high priests—the wealthiest elite—were using physical force to steal the tithes (dekatas) from the threshing floors.

1) The Victims: These were the "rank-and-file" priests living in the villages, for whom the tithe was their only source of food.

2) The Result: Josephus notes that some priests actually starved to death. This internal class warfare destroyed the religious unity of the nation and turned the common people against the Temple aristocracy.

The "Anarchy" of Jerusalem
Josephus describes Jerusalem as an "unprotected city" (aprostatōtō), or a city without a governor. Even though the Romans were technically in charge, they had lost control of the streets. The fact that high priests were leading armed "bands" (stiphos) shows that the religious leadership had transformed into warlords.

Pallas: The Shield of Felix
Felix escaped justice for his brutal administration in Judea only because of his brother Pallas.

1) Imperial Politics: Pallas was one of the most powerful freedmen in Rome. His influence over Nero meant that even a disastrous governor like Felix could avoid execution.

2) Jewish Frustration: For the Jews, this was the ultimate proof that the Roman legal system was rigged. If a man could plunder a province and be protected by his brother in Rome, the Jews felt they had no choice but to seek justice through rebellion.

Beryllus and the Power of the "Greek Secretary"
The mention of Beryllus (Nero's ab epistulis Graecis) highlights how imperial policy was often for sale.

1) The Bribe: The Syrians used "vast amounts of money" to buy an imperial decree.

2) The Document: This letter stripped the Jews of their isopoliteia (equal rights). By legally making the Jews "second-class citizens" in their own capital city (Caesarea), Nero effectively handed the city over to the Syrians.

The Trigger for War
Josephus explicitly links this legal decision to the start of the Great Revolt (66 CE).
When the Jews realized they could no longer protect their status through the Roman courts or the Emperor’s "justice," the radicals gained the upper hand.
The "sedition" in Caesarea became a microcosm for the entire province. Once the legal avenues were closed, the only path left was the sword.

Porcius Festus: The "Too Late" Governor
Festus is often seen by historians (and in the Book of Acts) as a more honorable man than Felix. However, Josephus shows that by the time Festus arrived, the damage was already done. The social fabric of Jerusalem was torn by the "tithe wars," and the legal status of the Jews in Caesarea had been sold to the highest bidder.

¹⁸⁵ Ἀφικομένου δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ΦήστουFestus συνέβαινεν τὴν‎ ἸουδαίανJudea ὑπὸ τῶν λῃστῶν κακοῦσθαι τῶν κωμῶν ἁπασῶν ἐμπιπραμένων τε καὶ διαρπαζομένων.	¹⁸⁵ When Festus arrived in Judea, it happened that the land was being devastated by bandits, with all the villages being set on fire and plundered.
¹⁸⁵ Upon Festus’s coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted by the robbers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered by them.	¹⁸⁵ When Festus arrived, Judea was being plagued by the brigands, who were burning and plundering all the villages.

¹⁸⁶ καὶ οἱ σικάριοι δὲ καλούμενοι, λῃσταὶ δέ εἰσιν οὗτοι, τότε μάλιστα ἐπλήθυον χρώμενοι ξιφιδίοις παραπλησίοις μὲν τὸ μέγεθος τοῖς τῶν ἀκινάκαις, ἐπικαμπέσι δὲ καὶ ὁμοίαις ταῖς ὑπὸ σίκαις καλουμέναις, ἀφ᾽ ὧν καὶ τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν οἱ λῃστεύοντες ἔλαβον πολλοὺς ἀναιροῦντες.

¹⁸⁶ The so-called Sicarii—who are indeed bandits—were at that time especially numerous. They used small daggers (xiphidia) similar in size to the Persian acinaces, but curved and like those the Romans call sicae, from which these robbers took their name because they slew so many.

¹⁸⁶ And then it was that the sicarii, as they were called, who were robbers, grew numerous. They made use of small swords, not much different in length from the Persian acinacae, but somewhat crooked, and like the Roman sicae, [or sickles,] as they were called; and from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew a great many;

¹⁸⁶ The sicarii, as they were called, grew numerous at the time, brigands who used small swords, not much different in size from the Persian acinacae, but rather crooked like what the Romans called sicae, and the brigands nickname came from these weapons, with which they killed many.

¹⁸⁷ ἀναμιγνύμενοι γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς, καθὼς καὶ πρότερον εἴπομεν, τῷ πλήθει τῶν πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ εὐσέβειαν συρρεόντων οὓς βουληθεῖεν ῥᾳδίως ἀπέσφαττον, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐπὶ τὰς κώμας τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀφικόμενοι διήρπαζον καὶ ἐνεπίμπρασαν.

¹⁸⁷ For mingling in the festivals, as we said before, with the multitude flowing into the city from all quarters for the sake of worship, they easily slaughtered whomever they wished. Frequently, they also went with arms against the villages of their enemies, plundering and burning them.

¹⁸⁷ for they mingled themselves among the multitude at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, and set them on fire.

¹⁸⁷ They mingled in the festivals, as we have said, when crowds of people poured into the city from all parts to worship God, and they easily killed whoever they wanted to kill, and often they went armed into the villages of their enemies, and plundered and set them on fire.

¹⁸⁸ πέμπει δὲ δύναμιν ἱππικήν τε καὶ πεζικὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀπατηθέντας ὑπό τινος ἀνθρώπου γόητος σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπαγγελλομένου καὶ παῦλαν κακῶν, εἰ βουληθεῖεν ἕπεσθαι μέχρι τῆς ἐρημίας αὐτῷ, καὶ αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἀπατήσαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀκολουθήσαντας διέφθειραν οἱ πεμφθέντες.

¹⁸⁸ Festus also sent a force of both cavalry and infantry against those who had been deceived by a certain charlatan (goētos) who promised them salvation and a rest from their evils if they would follow him as far as the wilderness; and those sent by Festus destroyed both the deceiver himself and those who followed him.

¹⁸⁸ So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a certain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers also.

¹⁸⁸ Festus sent out forces, cavalry and infantry, to attack those who had been seduced by a certain charlatan, who promised them salvation and freedom from their miseries if they would only follow him out into the wilderness. Those forces he sent destroyed both the man who had tricked them and his followers.

The Anatomy of the "Sica"
Josephus provides a rare technical description of the weapon that gave the Sicarii their name.

1) The Comparison: He compares it to the Persian acinaces (a short sword or dagger) but notes the key difference is the curve.

2) The Roman Term: By noting that the name comes from the Latin sica, Josephus highlights the irony that the Jewish rebels were named after a Roman weapon.

3) The Function: The curve allowed for a specific type of assassination—a quick "up and under" thrust into the ribs or a silent throat-slitting in a crowd, which could be done without the wide arm movement required by a straight blade.

The Festus "Disaster"
In the Acts of the Apostles, Festus is portrayed as a relatively fair judge who tries to handle the case of the Apostle Paul with Roman legalism. However, Josephus shows that on the ground, Festus was failing.

Village Warfare: The rebellion had moved from selective assassinations to full-scale "scorched earth" tactics (enepimprasan). The burning of entire villages suggests a breakdown of the local economy and a move toward total civil war.

The "Wilderness" Deceiver
Once again, a "charlatan" (goēs) appeared, promising "salvation and a rest from evils" (sōtērian... kai paulon kakōn).

1) The Theology of Exhaustion: The phrase "rest from evils" is telling. The population was so traumatized by the taxes of Felix and the daggers of the Sicarii that they were willing to follow any "prophet" into the desert just for the hope of peace.

2) Roman Response: Festus’s response—sending both infantry and cavalry—shows the Roman policy of "Zero Tolerance" for wilderness movements. To the Romans, any unauthorized gathering in the desert was a potential revolutionary army.

Festivals as "Killing Zones"
Josephus reiterates that the festivals—intended for "worship" (eusebeian)—had become the primary hunting grounds for the Sicarii.

1) The Crowd as Cover: The religious requirement for all Jewish men to gather in Jerusalem three times a year created a high-density environment that favored the assassin.

2) The Desecration of Piety: Josephus is deeply pained by the fact that the very act of religious devotion was being weaponized. It turned the Temple from a place of sanctuary into a place of suspicion.

The Transition of the Sicarii
Note that Josephus says the Sicarii were "especially numerous" at this time. They were no longer just a small cell of assassins; they had become a paramilitary force capable of attacking villages "with arms" (meth' hoplōn). This suggests they had moved from simple terrorism to controlling territory, a major escalation in the conflict.

The "Sins" of the Multitude
Josephus uses the term "deceived" (apatēthentas) for the followers of the prophet. He blames the leaders for being frauds, but he blames the people for their "folly" in believing that a miracle would save them from the reality of Roman steel.

¹⁸⁹ Κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa ᾠκοδομήσατο μεγέθει διαφέρον οἴκημα ἐν τῷ βασιλείῳ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem πλησίον τοῦ ξυστοῦ.	¹⁸⁹ At this time, King Agrippa built an exceptionally large addition to the royal palace in Jerusalem, near the Xystus.
¹⁸⁹ About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico.	¹⁸⁹ About that time king Agrippa built himself a large dining-room in the royal palace in Jerusalem, near to the portico.

¹⁹⁰ τὸ δὲ βασίλειον ἐγεγόνει πάλαι ὑπὸ τῶν παίδων, ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ δὲ τόπου κείμενον τοῖς κατοπτεύειν ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ βουλομένοις τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐπιτερπεστάτην παρεῖχεν τὴν‎ θέαν, ἧς ἐφιέμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖθεν κατακείμενος τὰ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν πρασσόμενα.

¹⁹⁰ The palace had been built long ago by the Hasmonean children; situated on a high spot, it provided an exceedingly pleasant view to those who wished to look out upon the city from it. The King, desiring this, would look out from there while reclining to see the activities taking place within the Temple.

¹⁹⁰ Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most delightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observe what was done in the temple;

¹⁹⁰ This palace had been built much earlier by the children of Hasmoneus, and was located on a rise, with a most delightful view of the city, a view that the king loved, where he could lie down to eat and observe what was happening in the temple.

¹⁹¹ ταῦτα δὲ θεασάμενοι τῶν οἱ προύχοντες δεινῶς ἐχαλέπαινον· οὐ γὰρ ἦν πάτριον τὰ κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν δρώμενα κατοπτεύεσθαι καὶ μάλιστα τὰς ἱερουργίας. τοῖχον οὖν ἐγείρουσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ὑψηλόν, ἥτις ἦν ἐν τῷ ἔσωθεν ἱερῷ τετραμμένη πρὸς δύσιν.

¹⁹¹ When the leading men of Jerusalem saw this, they were deeply indignant; for it was not an ancestral custom for the activities within the Temple—and especially the sacred rites—to be observed. Therefore, they erected a high wall upon the exedra which was in the inner Temple facing west.

¹⁹¹ which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agreeable to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west,

¹⁹¹ When the leading people of Jerusalem saw this, they were very annoyed, for it was against our local custom and law for what was done in the temple to be visible to outsiders, in particular whatever had to do with the sacrifices, so they built a wall on the highest building of the inner court of the temple toward the west.

¹⁹² οὐ μόνον δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ τρικλίνου τὴν‎ ἄποψιν οὗτος οἰκοδομηθεὶς ἀπετέμνετο, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς δυτικῆς στοᾶς τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἔξωθεν ἱερὸν οὔσης, ἔνθα τὰς φυλακὰς οἱ ταῖς ἑορταῖς ἐποιοῦντο διὰ τὸ ἱερόν.

¹⁹² Once built, this wall not only blocked the view from the royal dining room (triclinium) but also from the western portico in the outer Temple, where the Romans kept their guards over the Temple during the festivals.

¹⁹² which wall when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the temple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals.

¹⁹² This not only blocked the view from the dining-room in the palace, but also from the western porticoes of the outer court of the temple, where at the festivals the Romans posted guards beside the temple.

¹⁹³ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἠγανάκτησεν ὅ τε βασιλεὺς , μάλιστα δὲ ὁ ἔπαρχος, καὶ προσέταξεν αὐτοῖς καθελεῖν. οἱ δὲ παρεκάλεσαν ἐξουσίαν αὐτοῖς δοῦναι πρεσβεῦσαι περὶ τούτου πρὸς · ζῆν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπομένειν καθαιρεθέντος τινὸς μέρους τοῦ ἱεροῦ.

¹⁹³ At these things, both King Agrippa and especially Festus the governor were incensed, and he ordered them to tear it down. But they entreated him to give them authority to send an embassy concerning this to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the Temple were demolished.

¹⁹³ At these doings both king Agrippa, and principally Festus the procurator, were much displeased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again: but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished;

¹⁹³ These doings angered king Agrippa, and even more so when the procurator Festus ordered them to pull down the wall. But the Jews asked his permission to send a delegation to Nero about the matter, saying they could not bear to go on living if any part of the temple were destroyed.

¹⁹⁴ συγχωρήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ΦήστουFestus πέμπουσιν ἐξ αὑτῶν πρὸς ΝέρωναNero τοὺς πρώτους δέκα καὶ ἸσμάηλονIshmael τὸν ἀρχιερέα καὶ Ἑλκίαν τὸν γαζοφύλακα.	¹⁹⁴ When Festus conceded, they sent from among themselves ten of their leading men to Nero, along with Ishmael the High Priest and Helcias the treasurer.
¹⁹⁴ and when Festus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure.	¹⁹⁴ With the permission of Festus, they sent ten of their leading men to Nero, with Ismael the high priest and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasury.

¹⁹⁵ δὲ διακούσας αὐτῶν οὐ μόνον συνέγνω περὶ τοῦ πραχθέντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνεχώρησεν ἐᾶν οὕτως τὴν‎ οἰκοδομίαν, τῇ γυναικὶ , θεοσεβὴς γὰρ ἦν, ὑπὲρ τῶν δεηθείσῃ χαριζόμενος, ἣ τοῖς μὲν δέκα προσέταξεν ἀπιέναι, τὸν δ᾽ Ἑλκίαν καὶ τὸν ὁμηρεύσοντας παρ᾽ ἑαυτῇ κατέσχεν.

¹⁹⁵ Nero, having heard them, not only pardoned what had been done but also permitted them to leave the building as it was, granting this favor to his wife Poppaea (for she was a God-fearing woman) who had interceded on behalf of the Jews. She ordered the ten to return, but she kept Helcias and Ishmael with her as hostages.

¹⁹⁵ And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only forgave them what they had already done, but also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a religious woman, and had requested these favors of Nero, and who gave order to the ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself.

¹⁹⁵ When Nero heard what they had to say, he forgave what they had already done, and also allowed them to let stand the wall they had built. This was granted to gratify Poppea, Nero’s wife, who was a religious woman and had requested him for these favours and told the ten envoys to go on home, while she kept Helcias and Ismael with herself as hostages.

¹⁹⁶ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ταῦθ᾽ ὡς ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire δίδωσιν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἸωσήπῳJoseph τῷ ΣίμωνοςSimon παιδὶ ἀρχιερέως ἐπικαλουμένῳ δὲ Καβί.	¹⁹⁶ When the King learned of these things, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, the son of Simon, who was called Cabi.
¹⁹⁶ As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high priest.	¹⁹⁶ When the king heard this news, he gave the high priesthood to Joseph, surnamed Cabi, the son of Simon the former high priest.

The "Voyeurism" of Agrippa II
Agrippa II’s decision to watch the Temple sacrifices while "reclining" (katakeimenos) in his dining room was a major social faux pas.

1) The Transgression: To the Jewish priesthood, the sacrifices were not a spectator sport. Certain areas were restricted by "holiness" (kodesh), and watching the priests perform their duties while one was eating or lounging in a secular palace was seen as a desecration of the ritual's sanctity.

2) The Hasmonean Palace: The palace was located on the Western Hill (the Upper City), which sat higher than the Temple Mount. This topographical advantage allowed the King to look directly into the inner courts of the Temple.

The Wall of Resistance
The Jews responded with architectural warfare. By building a high wall on the exedra (a hall or portico) of the inner Temple, they effectively "blinded" the King.

Collateral Damage: The wall also blocked the view of the Roman guards stationed on the western porticoes. This made the Roman administration nervous, as they could no longer monitor the crowds in the inner courts for potential riots. This is why Festus was even more angry than Agrippa—it was a security risk for Rome.

Poppaea Sabina: The Secret Advocate
This is a crucial historical detail. Nero's second wife, Poppaea Sabina, is described as θεοσεβής (theosebēs—a "God-fearer").

1) The God-fearers: This term was used for Gentiles who worshiped the God of Israel and observed certain Jewish laws without fully converting.

2) Influence at Court: The fact that the Jewish delegation won their case against both the King and the Governor shows the power of "back-channel" lobbying in Rome. It wasn't the law that saved the wall, but the influence of the Empress in the Emperor's bedroom.

The Cost of Victory: Hostages
While the Jews kept their wall, they lost their leaders. Nero kept the High Priest Ishmael and the treasurer Helcias in Rome as hostages (homēreusontas).
This was a standard Roman tactic to ensure the "good behavior" of the province.
Consequently, Agrippa II had to appoint a new High Priest (Joseph Cabi) because the sitting High Priest was now a prisoner in Italy. This constant shuffling of the high priesthood further destabilized the religious leadership in Jerusalem.

The Xystus and the Palace
The Xystus mentioned was a public square or gymnasium often used for speeches and public gatherings. It was located near the bridge (Wilson's Arch) that connected the Upper City to the Temple Mount. This underscores how compact and physically connected the centers of power—Royal, Roman, and Religious—were in the final years before the revolt.

"Endure to Live"
The phrase "they could not endure to live" (zēn gar ouch hypomenein) if the Temple were touched is a recurring theme in Josephus. It signals to the Roman reader that the Temple was not just a building, but the psychological and spiritual foundation of the Jewish people. Touching it was a "red line" that almost always led to a suicidal willingness to revolt.

Chapter 9
[197-223]
Murder of James, the brother of Jesus.
The achievements of young Agrippa

☜ ☞

¹⁹⁷ Πέμπει δὲ εἰς τὴν‎ ἔπαρχον τὴν‎ τελευτὴν πυθόμενος. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀφείλετο μὲν τὸν τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην, τῷ δὲ παιδὶ καὶ αὐτῷ λεγομένῳ τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔδωκεν.

¹⁹⁷ When Caesar [Nero] learned of the death of Festus, he sent Albinus to Judea as governor. Meanwhile, the King [Agrippa II] removed the high priesthood from Joseph and gave the succession of the office to the son of Ananus, also called Ananus.

¹⁹⁷ And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was also himself called Ananus.

¹⁹⁷ Hearing of the death of Festus, Caesar sent Albinus as procurator to Judea. And the king deposed Joseph from the high priesthood and passed on that dignity to the son of Ananus, himself also called Ananus.

¹⁹⁸ τοῦτον δέ φασι τὸν πρεσβύτατον εὐτυχέστατον γενέσθαι· πέντε γὰρ ἔσχε παῖδας καὶ τούτους πάντας συνέβη ἀρχιερατεῦσαι τῷ θεῷ, αὐτὸς πρότερος τῆς τιμῆς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπολαύσας, ὅπερ οὐδενὶ συνέβη τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀρχιερέων.

¹⁹⁸ They say that the elder Ananus was the most fortunate of men; for he had five sons, and it happened that all of them served as High Priest to God, he himself having previously enjoyed that honor for a very long time—something which occurred to no other of our high priests.

¹⁹⁸ Now the report goes that this eldest Ananus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests.

¹⁹⁸ They call this elder Ananus a most fortunate man, for after he himself had held that dignity for a long time, his five sons all served as high priest to God, which has never happened to any of our previous high priests.

¹⁹⁹ ὁ δὲ νεώτερος , ὃν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἔφαμεν εἰληφέναι, θρασὺς ἦν τὸν τρόπον καὶ τολμητὴς διαφερόντως, αἵρεσιν δὲ μετῄει τὴν‎ , οἵπερ εἰσὶ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ὠμοὶ παρὰ πάντας τοὺς , καθὼς ἤδη δεδηλώκαμεν.

¹⁹⁹ But the younger Ananus, whom we said had received the high priesthood, was bold in his manner and exceptionally daring. He followed the sect of the Sadducees, who are more heartless than all other Jews in their judgments, as we have already shown.

¹⁹⁹ But this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed;

¹⁹⁹ But this younger Ananus, who, as we have said, assumed the high priesthood, was a notably bold and audacious man and he belonged to the Sadducee sect which, as we have already shown, was the strictest of all the Jews in judging offenders.

²⁰⁰ ἅτε δὴ οὖν τοιοῦτος ὢν ὁ , νομίσας ἔχειν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον διὰ τὸ τεθνάναι μὲν , δ᾽ ἔτι κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν ὑπάρχειν, καθίζει συνέδριον Κριτῶν καὶ παραγαγὼν εἰς αὐτὸ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ λεγομένου Χριστοῦ, ὄνομα αὐτῷ, καί τινας ἑτέρους, ὡς παρανομησάντων κατηγορίαν ποιησάμενος παρέδωκε λευσθησομένους.

²⁰⁰ Since Ananus was this sort of man, and thinking he had a favorable opportunity because Festus was dead and Albinus was still on the road, he assembled a Sanhedrin of judges. Bringing before them the brother of Jesus, the one called Christ, whose name was James, and certain others, he made an accusation against them as lawbreakers and delivered them to be stoned.

²⁰⁰ when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others, [or, some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned:

²⁰⁰ With Festus dead and Albinus only on his way, Ananus thought he had now a good opportunity to act on this. He assembled a judiciary Sanhedrin and brought before them James, the brother of Jesus who was called Christ, and some others, and after condemning them as lawbreakers, gave them over to be stoned.

²⁰¹ ὅσοι δὲ ἐδόκουν ἐπιεικέστατοι τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ πόλιν εἶναι καὶ περὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀκριβεῖς βαρέως ἤνεγκαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ πέμπουσιν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κρύφα παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐπιστεῖλαι τῷ μηκέτι τοιαῦτα πράσσειν· μηδὲ γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν πεποιηκέναι.

²⁰¹ But those in the city who were considered the most fair-minded and strict regarding the laws took this heavily. They sent secretly to the King, entreating him to write to Ananus to act in such a manner no longer, for they said he had not acted rightly from the very beginning.

²⁰¹ but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified;

²⁰¹ The fairest of the citizens and those most upset at the breaking of the laws, disliked this being done and sent to the king, asking him to stop Ananus from acting like this in future, as what he had already done was not right.

²⁰² τινὲς δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν ἈλβῖνονAlbinus ὑπαντιάζουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria ὁδοιποροῦντα καὶ διδάσκουσιν, ὡς οὐκ ἐξὸν ἦν ἈνάνῳAnanus χωρὶς τῆς ἐκείνου γνώμης καθίσαι συνέδριον.	²⁰² Some of them even went to meet Albinus as he was journeying from Alexandria, informing him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a Sanhedrin without his consent.
²⁰² nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent.	²⁰² Some of them also went to meet Albinus as he was on his way from Alexandria, to tell him that Ananus had wrongfully assembled a Sanhedrin without his consent.

²⁰³ δὲ πεισθεὶς τοῖς λεγομένοις γράφει μετ᾽ ὀργῆς τῷ λήψεσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δίκας ἀπειλῶν. Καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς διὰ τοῦτο τὴν‎ Ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος αὐτὸν ἄρξαντα μῆνας τρεῖς τὸν τοῦ κατέστησεν.

²⁰³ Albinus, persuaded by what was said, wrote in anger to Ananus, threatening that he would exact a penalty from him. For this reason, King Agrippa removed him from the high priesthood after he had ruled for only three months, and appointed Jesus, the son of Damnaeus, in his place.

²⁰³ Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.

²⁰³ Albinus agreed with this and wrote in anger to Ananus threatening to punish him for doing this. So king Agrippa deposed him from the high priesthood, after he had ruled for only three months, and appointed Jesus, the son of Damnaeus, as high priest.

The Power Vacuum (62 CE)
The death of a Roman governor in office created a dangerous legal "gray area."

1) The Interregnum: It took weeks for news to reach Rome and for a successor (Albinus) to travel from Alexandria to Judea.

2) Ananus’s Gamble: Ananus knew that according to Roman law, the High Priest did not have the authority to pass and execute capital sentences (ius gladii) without the governor's permission. He deliberately acted while there was no governor present to stop him, hoping to present the new governor with a fait accompli.

The Execution of James ("The Just")
This is the pivotal historical anchor. James is identified as the brother of "Jesus, the one called Christ" (Iēsou tou legomenou Christou).

1) The Identification: Josephus uses this phrasing not as a confession of faith, but as a way to distinguish this specific "Jesus" from the many others (like Jesus son of Damnaeus) mentioned in his work.

2) The Sanhedrin: Ananus likely viewed the early Christian community in Jerusalem as a threat to Sadducean authority. By executing James, the head of the Jerusalem Church, he sought to decapitate the movement.

Sadducean vs. Pharisaic Justice
Josephus highlights the sectarian nature of the trial.

1) Sadducees: As members of the wealthy elite, they were famous for being "heartless" (ōmoi) in legal judgments, favoring the letter of the law and harsh physical punishments.

2) The "Fair-minded" Opposition: The people who complained to Agrippa and Albinus were almost certainly Pharisees. Though they disagreed with James theologically, they were "strict regarding the laws" and believed in due process. They were appalled by Ananus's illegal assembly of a court and his bypass of Roman authority.

The Dynasty of Ananus
The "Elder Ananus" (the Annas of the New Testament Gospels) was the patriarch of the most powerful family in 1st-century Judea.
The fact that all five of his sons became High Priest is a testament to their political genius and their ability to stay in Rome's good graces—until this younger Ananus overplayed his hand.
This family was effectively the "Mafia" of the Temple, controlling its finances and its relationship with the Roman state for decades.

Constitutional Crisis: The Right to Execute
The core issue was the "Right of the Sword." Under Roman provincial administration, local courts could try religious cases, but they could not execute people without the Roman governor's signature.
This passage confirms the legal reality described in the Gospel of John (18:31): "It is not lawful for us to put anyone to death." By stoning James, Ananus was claiming a sovereignty that Rome had explicitly taken away, which explains why Albinus was "filled with anger."

The Removal of Ananus
Ananus lasted only three months. His arrogance cost his family the high priesthood for a period.
It is ironic that he was replaced by a man named Jesus (son of Damnaeus).
This highlights the tragedy of the era: while the high priesthood was being traded like a commodity due to political infighting, the social fabric was tearing, and the "lawbreakers" Ananus tried to suppress were only growing in number.

Historical Reliability
Most scholars consider this passage to be authentic (unlike the more debated Testimonium Flavianum). It shows James not as a famous martyr of a new religion, but as a victim of a specific high-priestly power play. Josephus’s interest is not in Christianity, but in the illegality of Ananus’s court, which he saw as a symptom of the "boldness" that eventually led to the war with Rome.

²⁰⁴ Ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἧκεν ὁ ἈλβῖνοςAlbinus εἰς τὴν‎ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem πόλιν, πᾶσαν εἰσηνέγκατο σπουδὴν καὶ πρόνοιαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὴν‎ χώραν εἰρηνεύεσθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν σικαρίων διαφθείρας.	²⁰⁴ When Albinus arrived in the city of Jerusalem, he applied every effort and forethought to bring peace to the country by destroying the greater part of the Sicarii.
²⁰⁴ Now as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endeavors and care that the country might be kept in peace, and this by destroying many of the Sicarii.	²⁰⁴ When Albinus reached Jerusalem, he made every effort to ensure that the country could have peace, by doing away with many of the Sicarii.

²⁰⁵ ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐπὶ μέγα προύκοπτε δόξης καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν εὐνοίας τε καὶ τιμῆς ἠξιοῦτο λαμπρῶς· ἦν γὰρ χρημάτων ποριστικός· καθ᾽ ἡμέραν γοῦν τὸν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα δώροις ἐθεράπευεν.

²⁰⁵ But the High Priest Ananias advanced greatly in reputation every day and was thought worthy of brilliant goodwill and honor from the citizens; for he was a provider of money. At any rate, he cultivated Albinus and the [current] High Priest daily with gifts.

²⁰⁵ But as for the high priest, Ananias he increased in glory every day, and this to a great degree, and had obtained the favor and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high priest [Jesus], by making them presents;

²⁰⁵ The former high priest, Ananias, became ever more prominent and was much liked and esteemed by the citizens, and with his great hoard of money he constantly showered gifts on Albinus and the high priest.

²⁰⁶ εἶχεν δ᾽ οἰκέτας πάνυ μοχθηρούς, οἳ συναναστρεφόμενοι τοῖς θρασυτάτοις ἐπὶ τὰς ἅλωνας πορευόμενοι τὰς τῶν ἱερέων δεκάτας ἐλάμβανον βιαζόμενοι καὶ τοὺς μὴ διδόντας οὐκ ἀπείχοντο τύπτειν,	²⁰⁶ He had, however, utterly wicked servants who, associating with the boldest men, went to the threshing floors and took the tithes of the priests by force, and they did not refrain from beating those who would not give them.
²⁰⁶ he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them.	²⁰⁶ But he had very evil servants, who joined up with the most reckless people and went to the threshing-floors and took away by force the tithes of the priests, beating anyone who would not hand them over.

²⁰⁷ οἵ τε ἀρχιερεῖς ὅμοια τοῖς ἐκείνου δούλοις ἔπρασσον μηδενὸς κωλύειν δυναμένου. Καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τοὺς πάλαι ταῖς δεκάταις τρεφομένους τότε συνέβαινε θνήσκειν τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ.	²⁰⁷ The [other] high priests acted similarly to his servants, with no one able to stop them. And so it happened that those priests who had long been supported by the tithes then died for lack of food.
²⁰⁷ So the other high priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food.	²⁰⁷ The other chief priests acted similarly, as did their servants, and no one could stop them, so that priests who previously used to be supported from those tithes, died for lack of food.

²⁰⁸ Πάλιν δ᾽ οἱ σικάριοι κατὰ τὴν‎ ἑορτήν, ἐνειστήκει γὰρ αὕτη, διὰ νυκτὸς εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν παρελθόντες συλλαμβάνουσι ζῶντα τὸν γραμματέα τοῦ στρατηγοῦντος , παῖς δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως, καὶ δήσαντες ἐξήγαγον.

²⁰⁸ Again, during the festival—for it was then in progress—the Sicarii entered the city by night and seized alive the secretary of the captain Eleazar (who was the son of Ananias the high priest) and, having bound him, led him away.

²⁰⁸ But now the Sicarii went into the city by night, just before the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Ananus [Ananias] the high priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them;

²⁰⁸ The Sicarii went by night into the city, just before the coming festival, and took and bound the scribe of the temple overseer, named Eleazar, who was the son of Ananus the high priest, and took him away.

²⁰⁹ εἶτα πέμψαντες πρὸς τὸν ἀπολύσειν τὸν γραμματέα πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ πείσειεν τὸν δέκα δεσμώτας τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν ληφθέντας ἀπολῦσαι. Καὶ ὁ διὰ τὴν‎ ἀνάγκην πείσας τὸν τῆς ἐπέτυχεν.

²⁰⁹ Then, sending word to Ananias, they said they would release the secretary to him if he would persuade Albinus to release ten prisoners of their own who had been captured. Ananias, out of necessity, persuaded Albinus and obtained his request.

²⁰⁹ after which they sent to Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his request of him.

²⁰⁹ Then they sent to Ananias, saying they would send him back the scribe if he could persuade Albinus to release ten of the prisoners from their party whom he had captured, so Ananias had to ask Albinus and he granted this request.

²¹⁰ τοῦτο μειζόνων κακῶν ἦρξεν· οἱ γὰρ λῃσταὶ παντοίως ἐπεμηχανῶντο τῶν τινὰς συλλαμβάνειν οἰκείων καὶ συνεχῶς ζωγροῦντες οὐκ ἀπέλυον πρὶν ἤ τινας τῶν σικαρίων ἀπολάβοιεν γενόμενοί τε πάλιν ἀριθμὸς οὐκ ὀλίγος ἀναθαρρήσαντες τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν ἐκάκουν.

²¹⁰ This was the beginning of even greater evils; for the bandits devised all sorts of ways to seize some of Ananias’s household, and constantly taking them alive, they would not release them until they received some of the Sicarii in return. Having thus become once more no small number, and having regained their courage, they devastated the entire country.

²¹⁰ This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Ananias’s servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go, till they thereby recovered some of their own Sicarii. And as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country.

²¹⁰ This was the beginning of greater troubles, for the brigands were always managing to catch some of Ananias' servants, and after taking them alive, would not let them go unless they got back some of their own Sicarii; and once they had again grown in numbers, they grew bolder and were a great affliction to the whole country.

Albinus: The "Merchant of Justice"
While Josephus initially says Albinus tried to bring peace, the subtext reveals his true nature: he was fundamentally corrupt.

1) Bribery as Policy: Ananias kept Albinus "cultivated" (etherapeuen) with constant gifts.

2) The Prisoner Exchange: Albinus’s willingness to release captured terrorists in exchange for a secretary shows that his "law and order" campaign was a sham. He treated the legal system as a marketplace.

Ananias: The Shadow Power
Note that Ananias (the elder Ananus) is no longer the official High Priest, but Josephus calls him "High Priest" because he remained the de facto power in Jerusalem.

1) Economic Violence: His "wicked servants" were essentially a paramilitary wing used to bankrupt the lower priesthood. By stealing the tithes at the threshing floors, he was consolidating the nation's wealth into the hands of a few families.

2) Starvation in the Priesthood: Josephus repeats the harrowing detail of priests dying of hunger. This created a massive class rift within the religious establishment that the rebels would later exploit.

The New Tactic: Political Kidnapping
The seizure of Eleazar’s secretary marks a brilliant and ruthless tactical evolution for the Sicarii.

1) From Murder to Leverage: Previously, the Sicarii focused on "prophetic" assassinations to create terror. Now, they realized they could use the corrupt elite’s love for their own household staff to force the release of their "comrades."

2) The Precedent: Once Albinus agreed to the first trade (10 prisoners for 1 secretary), he signaled to the Sicarii that kidnapping was a viable business model. This "beginning of greater evils" led to the systematic abduction of the Jerusalem elite.

Eleazar b. Ananias: A Looming Figure
The mention of Eleazar, the son of Ananias, is a "foreshadowing."
This is the same Eleazar who, in 66 CE, would formally start the Great Revolt by convincing the priests to stop the sacrifices for the Emperor.
At this moment, he is the "Captain of the Temple" (stratēgountos), the head of Temple security. The fact that the Sicarii could kidnap his secretary shows that even the highest levels of Jewish security were porous.

The Regained Courage (Anatharrēsantes)
Josephus notes that the release of the prisoners caused the Sicarii to "regain their courage."
This is a classic insurgent dynamic: when a government releases captured fighters to save individuals, it delegitimizes the law and refills the ranks of the rebellion.
The "ten prisoners" became the nucleus of a reformed and emboldened rebel army that eventually controlled the entire countryside.

The "Aprostatōtō" (Ungoverned) State
By the end of this passage, the province is effectively in a state of anarchy.
The Governor is for sale.
The High Priest is a thief.
The Rebels are the only ones with a clear strategy.

²¹¹ Κατὰ τοῦτον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς μείζονα τὴν‎ καλουμένην κατασκευάσας εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ προσηγόρευσεν, καὶ δὲ θέατρον ἀπὸ πολλῶν χρημάτων κατεσκευασμένον ταῖς κατ᾽ ἔτος θέαις ἐδωρεῖτο πολλὰς εἰς τοῦτο μυριάδας ἀναλίσκων·

²¹¹ At this time, King Agrippa, having enlarged the city called Caesarea Philippi in honor of Nero, renamed it Neronias. For the people of Berytus (Beirut), he presented a theater constructed at great expense and spent many tens of thousands on annual spectacles there.

²¹¹ About this time it was that king Agrippa built Caesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honor of Nero, named it Neronias. And when he had built a theater at Berytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae];

²¹¹ About this time king Agrippa built up Caesarea Philippi larger than it had been, and, in honour of Nero, named it Neronias. When he had built a theatre at Berytus, at great expense, he gave them games to be held every year and spent many thousands on this.

²¹² σῖτον γὰρ ἐδίδου τῷ δήμῳ καὶ ἔλαιον διένεμεν καὶ τὴν‎ πᾶσαν δὲ πόλιν ἀνδριάντων ἀναθέσεσιν καὶ ταῖς τῶν ἀρχαίων ἀποτύποις εἰκόσιν ἐκόσμει καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν πάντα τὸν τῆς βασιλείας κόσμον ἐκεῖ μετήνεγκεν. μῖσος οὖν αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων ηὔξετο διὰ τὸ περιαιρούμενον τὰ ἐκείνων εἰς ξένην πόλιν κοσμεῖν.

²¹² For he gave grain to the people and distributed oil, and he adorned the entire city with the dedication of statues and replicas of ancient images; he moved almost all the ornaments of his kingdom there. Consequently, the hatred of his subjects grew because he stripped them of their own possessions to adorn a foreign city.

²¹² he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distributed oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects, because he took those things away that belonged to them to adorn a foreign city.

²¹² He also gave out corn to the people there and doled out oil to them and adorned their entire city with statues and original carvings by ancient hands; indeed he transferred there most of the finest ornaments in his whole kingdom. This earned him the hatred of his subjects, because he was taking things belonging to them to adorn a foreign city.

²¹³ λαμβάνει δὲ καὶ ὁ τοῦ τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀφελομένου τὸν τοῦ , καὶ διὰ τοῦτο στάσις αὐτῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγένετο· σύστημα γὰρ τῶν θρασυτάτων ποιησάμενοι πολλάκις μέχρι λίθων βολῆς ἀπὸ τῶν βλασφημιῶν ἐξέπιπτον. ὑπερεῖχεν δὲ τῷ πλούτῳ προσαγόμενος τοὺς λαμβάνειν ἑτοίμους.

²¹³ Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, received the succession of the high priesthood from the King, who removed Jesus, the son of Damnaeus. Because of this, a sedition arose between them; for having formed bands of the boldest men, they frequently broke out from verbal insults into the throwing of stones. However, Ananias [the elder] surpassed them in wealth, winning over those who were ready to take bribes.

²¹³ And now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other. But Ananias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, which enabled him to gain those that were most ready to receive.

²¹³ Now Jesus the son of Gamaliel succeeded to the high priesthood, in place of Jesus, son of Damneus, whom the king deposed, and for this reason there was dissension between the high priests. Groups of reckless people got together and often proceeded from insults to stone-throwing, but Ananias had the upper hand through his riches, which enabled him to bribe those who were most susceptible.

²¹⁴ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς μοχθηρὰ πλήθη συνῆγον γένους μὲν ὄντες βασιλικοῦ καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ πρὸς συγγένειαν εὐνοίας τυγχάνοντες, βίαιοι δὲ καὶ ἁρπάζειν τὰ τῶν ἀσθενεστέρων ἕτοιμοι. ἐξ ἐκείνου μάλιστα τοῦ καιροῦ συνέβη τὴν‎ πόλιν ἡμῶν νοσεῖν προκοπτόντων πάντων ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον.

²¹⁴ Costobarus and Saulus, for their part, gathered their own wicked multitudes; they were of the royal family and enjoyed favor due to their kinship with Agrippa, but they were violent and ready to plunder the property of the weaker. From that time especially, it happened that our city began to grow sick, as everything progressed toward the worse.

²¹⁴ Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favor among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa; but still they used violence with the people, and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from that time it principally came to pass that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us.

²¹⁴ Costobarus also and Saulus, of the royal family, assembled a crowd of ruffians, winning their favour because of their relationship to Agrippa, and violently plundered those weaker than themselves. From that time onward, disorders increased in our city and everything grew worse and worse among us.

²¹⁵ ὡς δ᾽ ἤκουσεν διάδοχον αὐτῷ Γέσσιον ἀφικνεῖσθαι, βουλόμενος δοκεῖν τι τοῖς παρεσχῆσθαι προαγαγὼν τοὺς δεσμώτας, ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν προδήλως θανεῖν ἄξιοι, τούτους προσέταξεν ἀναιρεθῆναι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ μικρᾶς καὶ τῆς τυχούσης αἰτίας εἰς τὴν‎ εἱρκτὴν κατατεθέντας χρήματα λαμβάνων αὐτὸς ἀπέλυεν. Καὶ οὕτως ἡ μὲν φυλακὴ τῶν δεσμωτῶν ἐκαθάρθη, ἡ χώρα δὲ λῃστῶν ἐπληρώθη.

²¹⁵ When Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was arriving as his successor, wishing to appear as if he had provided some service to the Jerusalemites, he brought forth the prisoners. Those who were clearly worthy of death, he ordered to be executed; but those who had been put in prison for some minor or trivial reason, he released himself after taking money. And so, while the prison was cleared of inmates, the country was filled with bandits.

²¹⁵ But when Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be the most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accordingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasions, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers.

²¹⁵ When Albinus heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he wanted to do something to please the people of Jerusalem, so he brought out all those prisoners whom he thought most clearly worthy of death and ordered them to be executed. But he took money from those who had been put into prison for some trifling cause and dismissed them. This emptied the prisons, indeed, but filled the country with brigands.

Agrippa II and the "Cultural Betrayal"
Agrippa II’s decision to pour Judean resources into Berytus (modern Beirut) was a political disaster.

1) The Greek vs. Jewish Divide: Berytus was a Roman colony and a center of Hellenistic culture. By spending "tens of thousands" on theaters and pagan statues while his own subjects in Jerusalem were struggling, Agrippa appeared more like a Roman sycophant than a Jewish king.

2) Neronias: Renaming Caesarea Philippi (the site of the massive spring at Banias) after Nero was a desperate attempt to stay in the Emperor's favor, but it deeply offended Jewish sensibilities regarding the naming of ancestral lands after pagan rulers.

The "Battle of the Jesuses"
The high priesthood had devolved into a gang war.

1) Jesus b. Gamaliel vs. Jesus b. Damnaeus: These were not holy men; they were factional leaders. Josephus describes them leading "bands" (systēma) of thugs into the streets of Jerusalem.

2) Anarchy in the Holy City: When the men wearing the sacred vestments are throwing stones at each other in public, the moral authority of the Temple is effectively dead.

Costobarus and Saulus: Royal Warlords
Even the Herodian family members were acting like bandits.
Costobarus and Saulus used their royal blood as a "get out of jail free" card. They were essentially operating a protection racket, plundering the "weaker" citizens because they knew the Roman governor wouldn't touch relatives of the King.
This reinforces the theme that the "sickness" (nosein) of the city was coming from the very top of the social hierarchy.
Albinus’s Final Corruption
Albinus’s exit from Judea is one of the most cynical moments in the Antiquities.

1) The "Clearance Sale": Knowing that his successor (Gessius Florus) would likely keep any bribe money for himself, Albinus decided to monetize the prison system before he left.

2) The Result: He executed the "obvious" murderers to look tough on crime for the record, but he released everyone else who could pay. This effectively flooded the Judean countryside with seasoned criminals and political radicals exactly at the moment the province needed stability the most.

The "Sickness" of the City
Josephus uses the medical metaphor of a "sick" city (tēn polin hēmōn nosein). This is a classical Greek historical trope (often seen in Thucydides). It suggests that the social body had become infected with lawlessness to the point where a catastrophic "fever" (the war) was the only possible outcome.

The Arrival of Gessius Florus
The passage ends with the name Gessius Florus. In Josephus's narrative, Florus is the "villain of all villains." If Albinus was corrupt and greedy, Florus would be portrayed as actively sadistic, eventually driving the Jews into open revolt just to cover up his own financial crimes.

²¹⁶ Τῶν δὲ , φυλὴ δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη, ὅσοιπερ ἦσαν ὑμνῳδοὶ πείθουσι τὸν βασιλέα καθίσαντα συνέδριον φορεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπίσης τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐπιτρέψαι λινῆν στολήν· πρέπειν γὰρ αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνοις ἀφ᾽ ὧν μνημονευθήσεται καινοποιεῖν.

²¹⁶ Those of the Levites—this is a tribe—who were singers persuaded the King [Agrippa II] to convene a Sanhedrin and permit them to wear linen robes equal to those of the priests; for they claimed that it would be fitting for his reign to be remembered for introducing such innovations.

²¹⁶ Now as many of the Levites, which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns, persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garments, as well as the priests for they said that this would be a work worthy the times of his government, that he might have a memorial of such a novelty, as being his doing.

²¹⁶ The hymn-singers among the Levites, one of our tribes, urged the king to assemble a Sanhedrin and to let them wear linen garments like the priests, saying that to introduce this change would be a fitting memorial of his time as ruler.

²¹⁷ καὶ τῆς ἀξιώσεωςthinking worthy οὐ διήμαρτον· ὁ γὰρ βασιλεὺς μετὰ γνώμης τῶν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ἐποιχομένων συνεχώρησεν τοῖς ὑμνῳδοῖς ἀποθεμένους τὴν‎ προτέραν ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν λινῆν οἵαν ἠθέλησαν.	²¹⁷ And they did not fail in their request; for the King, with the consensus of those attending the Sanhedrin, granted the singers the right to lay aside their former garments and wear such linen ones as they desired.
²¹⁷ Nor did they fail of obtaining their desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay aside their former garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired;	²¹⁷ They succeeded in this, for the king, with the votes of those who came to the Sanhedrin, allowed the hymn-singers to put aside their former robes and wear the linen ones they wished;

²¹⁸ μέρους δέ τινος τῆς φυλῆς λειτουργοῦντος κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τούτοις ἐπέτρεψεν τοὺς ὕμνους ἐκμαθεῖν, ὡς παρεκάλουν. πάντα δ᾽ ἦν ἐναντία ταῦτα τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις, ὧν παραβαθέντων οὐκ ἐνῆν μὴ οὐχὶ δίκας ὑποσχεῖν.

²¹⁸ He also permitted a certain part of the tribe that performed service in the Temple to learn the hymns, as they had requested. All these things were contrary to the ancestral laws, the violation of which could not occur without incurring penalties.

²¹⁸ and as a part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions.

²¹⁸ and since part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also let them focus upon the hymns they wanted. All this was contrary to the laws of our country, and whenever these were transgressed we never escaped the corresponding punishment.

²¹⁹ Ἤδη δὲ τότε καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἐτετέλεστο. βλέπων οὖν ὁ δῆμος ἀργήσαντας τοὺς τεχνίτας ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ ὀκτακισχιλίους ὄντας καὶ μισθοφορίας ἐνδεεῖς διὰ τὸ τὴν‎ τροφὴν ἐκ τῆς κατὰ τὸ ἱερὸν πορίζεσθαι,

²¹⁹ Now at that time, the Temple was finally completed. The people, seeing that the artisans—who numbered more than eighteen thousand—were now idle and would be in need of wages (since they provided for their sustenance through their labor on the Temple),

²¹⁹ And now it was that the temple was finished. So when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand and that they, receiving no wages, were in want because they had earned their bread by their labors about the temple;

²¹⁹ At that time the temple was completed; and when the people saw more than eighteen thousand workmen now unemployed and receiving no wages and going in need, since they had earned their bread by working on the temple,

²²⁰ καὶ χρήματα μὲν ἀπόθετα διὰ τὸν ἐκ φόβον ἔχειν οὐ θέλων, προνοούμενος δὲ τῶν τεχνιτῶν καὶ εἰς τούτους ἀναλοῦν τοὺς θησαυροὺς βουλόμενος, καὶ γὰρ εἰ μίαν τις ὥραν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐργάσαιτο, τὸν μισθὸν ὑπὲρ ταύτης εὐθέως ἐλάμβανεν, ἔπειθον τὸν βασιλέα τὴν‎ ἀνατολικὴν στοὰν ἀνεγεῖραι.

²²⁰ and not wishing to keep the money stored up for fear of the Romans, yet taking forethought for the artisans and wishing to expend the treasures upon them—for if anyone worked for even a single hour of the day, he immediately received his wage for it—they persuaded the King to rebuild the Eastern Portico.

²²⁰ and while they were unwilling to keep by them the treasures that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried away by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen; they had a mind to expend these treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labor for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters.

²²⁰ they did not want to leave the treasury on deposit there, for fear of the Romans would take it, and wished to make provision for the workmen. So they urged the king to rebuild the eastern portico and to pay them immediately by the hour.

²²¹ ἦν δὲ ἡ στοὰ τοῦ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἱεροῦ, κειμένη δ᾽ ἐν φάραγγι βαθείᾳ τετρακοσίων πηχῶν τοὺς τοίχους ἔχουσα ἐκ λίθου τετραγώνου κατεσκεύαστο καὶ λευκοῦ πάνυ, τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἑκάστου λίθου πήχεις εἴκοσι, τὸ δὲ ὕψος ἕξ, ἔργον τοῦ βασιλέως πρώτου δειμαμένου τὸ σύμπαν ἱερόν.

²²¹ This portico was part of the outer Temple, situated over a deep ravine, and it had walls constructed of squared and very white stone; the length of each stone was twenty cubits and the height was six. This was the work of King Solomon, who first built the entire Temple.

²²¹ These cloisters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in length], and were built of square and very white stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, who first of all built the entire temple.

²²¹ This portico belonged to the outer court, situated above a deep valley, with walls four hundred feet long, and built of square, very white stones, each of them twenty feet long and six feet high, the work of king Solomon, who first built the entire temple.

²²² ὁ βασιλεὺς δ᾽, ἐπεπίστευτο γὰρ ὑπὸ τὴν‎ ἐπιμέλειαν τοῦ ἱεροῦ, λογισάμενος παντὸς μὲν ἔργου τὴν‎ καθαίρεσιν εἶναι ῥᾳδίαν δυσχερῆ δὲ τὴν‎ κατασκευήν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς στοᾶς ταύτης καὶ μᾶλλον, χρόνου τε γὰρ καὶ πολλῶν χρημάτων εἰς τοὖργον δεήσειν, ἠρνήσατο μὲν περὶ τούτου δεομένοις, καταστορέσαι δὲ λευκῷ λίθῳ τὴν‎ πόλιν οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν.

²²² But the King, to whom the oversight of the Temple had been entrusted by Claudius Caesar, considered that the demolition of any work is easy but the reconstruction is difficult—and especially so for this portico, for it would require much time and vast amounts of money for the project. He therefore refused those who requested this, but he did not prevent them from paving the city with white stone.

²²² But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to these cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone.

²²² But king Agrippa, who was entrusted by Claudius Caesar with the care of the temple, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to rebuild it and that it was particularly hard to do so with this portico, which would require a long time and a large amount of money, denied this request but did not stop them paving the city with white stone.

²²³ ἸησοῦνJesus, Joshua δὲ τὸν τοῦ ΓαμαλιήλουGamaliel τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀφελόμενος ἔδωκεν αὐτὴν ΜατθίᾳMatthias τῷ Θεοφίλου, καθ᾽ ὃν καὶ ὁ πρὸς ῬωμαίουςRomans πόλεμος ἸουδαίοιςJews ἔλαβε τὴν‎ ἀρχήν.	²²³ Then, having removed the high priesthood from Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, he gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the war of the Jews against the Romans began.
²²³ He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high priesthood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of Theophilus, under whom the Jews' war with the Romans took its beginning.	²²³ He also deposed Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, from the high priesthood and gave it to Matthias, son of Theophilus, under whom the war of the Jews with the Romans took its beginning.

Liturgical "Innovations" and the Levite Revolt
The request of the Levite singers to wear linen robes (linēn stolēn) like the priests was a radical breach of the Jewish caste system.

1) Status Seeking: The Levites were a secondary class of Temple servants. By adopting the white linen of the kohanim (priests), they were attempting a "clerical promotion."

2) Agrippa’s Vanity: Josephus notes they appealed to his ego, suggesting he would be "remembered" for these changes. Josephus, being a priest himself, views this as a dangerous violation of ancestral laws (patriois nomois) and a harbinger of the coming divine judgment.

The Economic Crisis of Completion (63–64 CE)
The completion of the Temple was a disaster for the local economy.

1) The 18,000 Unemployed: For decades, the Herodian Temple project had been the "Great Public Works" project of Judea, employing a massive percentage of the population. When the "punch list" was finished, 18,000 skilled laborers suddenly had no income.

2) The "Use it or Lose it" Treasury: The leadership feared that if they kept the massive Temple treasury sitting idle, the Romans would simply confiscate it as "surplus tax." They preferred to "burn" the money on local labor to keep the city from rioting.

Solomon’s Portico
The people specifically asked to rebuild the Eastern Portico (often called "Solomon's Porch" in the New Testament).

1) The Retaining Wall: This structure stood over the Kidron Valley. Josephus describes stones of massive proportions (approx. 30 feet long and 9 feet high).

2) Agrippa’s Pragmatism: Agrippa II refused. He knew that tearing down a functional (if old) wall was easy, but rebuilding it from the floor of the "deep ravine" (pharangi batheia) was an engineering nightmare that might not be finished before the political situation collapsed.

Paving Jerusalem in White Stone
As a compromise to keep the 18,000 workers fed, Agrippa allowed them to pave the streets of Jerusalem with white stone.
This explains why, to this day, archaeologists find beautifully paved Herodian streets in the shadow of the Temple Mount.
It was essentially an "unemployment relief" project disguised as urban beautification.

The "War" High Priest
The passage ends with the appointment of Matthias, the son of Theophilus.
Matthias would be the last High Priest appointed before the outbreak of the revolt in 66 CE.
His father, Theophilus, had also been High Priest (appointed by Agrippa I). The return to this old priestly family was an attempt at stability, but it was too late.

The Theological Omen
Josephus links the "violations" of the law (the Levites' robes) and the "idleness" of the workers to the inevitable "penalties" (dikas) the nation would suffer. In his mind, the Temple was finished physically just as it was being destroyed morally and socially. The very stones the workers were laying on the streets would soon be covered in the blood of the coming war.

Chapter 10
[224-251]
The Succession of the high priests, from Aaron to more recent times

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²²⁴ Ἀναγκαῖον δ᾽ εἶναι νομίζω καὶ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ ταύτῃ προσῆκον διηγήσασθαι περὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων, πῶς ἀρξάμενοι καὶ τίσιν τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης μεταλαμβάνειν καὶ πόσοι γεγόνασιν μέχρι τῆς τοῦ πολέμου τελευτῆς.

²²⁴ I think it is necessary and appropriate to this history to provide an account concerning the high priests: how they began, who is permitted to share in this honor, and how many there were until the end of the war.

²²⁴ And now I think it proper and agreeable to this history to give an account of our high priests; how they began, who those are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the war.

²²⁴ I think that in this history it is necessary and right to give an account of our high priests, how they began, to whom that dignity was given and how many of them there were, up to the end of the war.

²²⁵ πρῶτον μὲν οὖν πάντων λέγουσιν τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀρχιερατεῦσαι τῷ θεῷ, τελευτήσαντος δὲ ἐκείνου διαδέξασθαι τοὺς παῖδας εὐθὺς κἀπ᾽ ἐκείνων τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αὐτῶν διαμεῖναι τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἅπασιν.

²²⁵ First of all, they say that Aaron, the brother of Moses, served as High Priest to God; and when he died, his sons immediately succeeded him, and from them, the honor continued to all their descendants.

²²⁵ In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, officiated to God as a high priest, and that, after his death, his sons succeeded him immediately; and that this dignity hath been continued down from them all to their posterity.

²²⁵ They say that Aaron, the brother of Moses, was the first to serve God as high priest and that his sons succeeded him after his death, and that this dignity has been passed down from them to all their descendants.

²²⁶ ὅθεν καὶ πάτριόν ἐστι μηδένα τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην λαμβάνειν ἢ τὸν ἐξ αἵματος τοῦ ἈαρῶνοςAaron, ἑτέρου δὲ γένους οὐδ᾽ ἂν βασιλεὺς ὢν τύχῃ τεύξεται τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης.	²²⁶ Hence it is also an ancestral custom that no one shall receive the high priesthood from God except one of the blood of Aaron; no one of another lineage, even if he happens to be a king, shall obtain the high priesthood.
²²⁶ Whence it is a custom of our country, that no one should take the high priesthood of God but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain that high priesthood.	²²⁶ Therefore it is our custom for no one to receive God’s high priesthood except those of the line of Aaron, so that anyone of some other lineage, even if he is a king, can never hold the high priesthood.

²²⁷ ἐγένοντο οὖν πάντες τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἀπὸ ἈαρῶνοςAaron, ὡς ἔφαμεν, τοῦ πρώτου γενομένου μέχρι Φανάσου τοῦ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν ἀρχιερέως ἀναδειχθέντος ὀγδοήκοντα τρεῖς.	²²⁷ Therefore, the total number from Aaron—the first, as we said—until Phanasus, who was appointed High Priest by the revolutionaries during the war, was eighty-three.
²²⁷ Accordingly, the number of all the high priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already, as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high priest during the war by the seditious, was eighty-three;	²²⁷ After Aaron, who was the first of them as we have said, the total number until Phanas, whom the rebels made high priest during the war, was eighty-three.

²²⁸ ἐκ τούτων κατὰ τὴν‎ ἔρημον ἐπὶ τῶν χρόνων τῆς σκηνῆς ἑστώσης, ἣν τῷ θεῷ κατεσκεύασεν, μέχρι τῆς εἰς ἀφίξεως, ἔνθα ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ θεῷ τὸν ναὸν ἤγειρεν, ἀρχιεράτευσαν δεκατρεῖς.

²²⁸ Of these, thirteen served as High Priest during the time of Moses in the wilderness while the Tabernacle was standing (which Moses constructed for God), until the arrival in Judea where King Solomon erected the Temple to God.

²²⁸ of whom thirteen officiated as high priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple to God;

²²⁸ Of these, thirteen served as high priests from the days of Moses in the wilderness, while the Tent was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon built the temple to God.

²²⁹ τὸ γὰρ πρῶτον ἕως τοῦ βίου τελευτῆς τὰς ἀρχιερωσύνας εἶχον, ὕστερον δὲ καὶ παρὰ ζώντων διεδέχοντο. οἱ τοίνυν δεκατρεῖς οὗτοι τῶν δύο παίδων ὄντες ἔγγονοι κατὰ διαδοχὴν τὴν‎ τιμὴν παρελάμβανον. ἐγένετο δὲ αὐτῶν ἀριστοκρατικὴ μὲν ἡ πρώτη πολιτεία, μετὰ ταύτην δὲ μοναρχία, βασιλέων δὲ τρίτη.

²²⁹ For at first, they held the high priesthood until the end of their lives, but later they succeeded even while [the predecessors] were still living. These thirteen, then, being descendants of the two sons of Aaron, received the honor in succession. Their first form of government was aristocratic, after that a monarchy, and a kingship was the third.

²²⁹ for at the first they held the high priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of government was an aristocracy, and after that a monarchy, and in the third place the government was regal.

²²⁹ At first the high priesthood was held to the end of one’s life, although later on they had successors while they were alive. These thirteen, all descendants from two of Aaron’s sons, received this dignity by succession, for their original social system was aristocracy, then later it was one-man rule and thirdly it was kingship.

²³⁰ γίνεται δὲ τῶν ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸς ὧν ἦρξαν οἱ δεκατρεῖς ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἡμέρας οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν ἐξέλιπον ἄγοντος μέχρι τῆς τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευῆς, ὃν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν ἀνήγειρεν, ἔτη δώδεκα πρὸς τοῖς ἑξακοσίοις.

²³⁰ The number of years in which these thirteen ruled, from the day our fathers left Egypt led by Moses until the construction of the Temple which King Solomon erected in Jerusalem, was six hundred and twelve years.

²³⁰ Now the number of years during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve.

²³⁰ The total span of the rule of these thirteen, from the day that our ancestors left Egypt under the leadership of Moses until king Solomon built the temple in Jerusalem, was six hundred and twelve years.

The "Blood of Aaron" (The Lineage Law)
Josephus emphasizes that the High Priesthood was strictly biological.

1) The Royal Barrier: He notes that even a King could not legally be a High Priest. This is a subtle jab at the later Hasmonean kings (like Alexander Jannaeus) and the Herodian kings who often tried to blur these lines.

2) Divine Right vs. Political Appointment: By calling it "ancestral custom" (patrion), Josephus asserts that the office belongs to God and the Law, not to the whims of the Roman governor or the local King.

The Total Tally: 83 High Priests
Josephus provides a definitive number: 83.

1) The Beginning and the End: He frames the history between Aaron (the ideal origin) and Phanasus (the tragic end).

2) Phanasus (Phanni): Mentioned here as the high priest appointed by the "revolutionaries" (stasiastōn), Phanasus was a humble stonecutter chosen by lot during the siege of Jerusalem. Josephus views his appointment as the ultimate desecration—the moment the lineage of Aaron was finally broken by the mob.

The "Thirteen" of the Tabernacle Era
Josephus divides the history into distinct architectural epochs.

1) The Tabernacle (Skēnē): The portable sanctuary of the wilderness.

2) The First Temple: The permanent stone structure of Solomon.

Josephus calculates 612 years for this transition. While different biblical chronologies exist (1 Kings 6:1 famously says 480 years), Josephus relies on his own calculations of the "Judges" period to arrive at this longer duration. Evolution of Tenure: Life vs. Appointment
Josephus notes a critical shift in Roman-era politics: "later they succeeded even while [the predecessors] were still living."
In the Torah, the High Priest served until death.
Under the Romans and Herodians, the High Priest became a political appointee who could be fired and replaced at any time. This led to the "ex-High Priests" (like Annas and Caiaphas) retaining massive influence behind the scenes, creating a confusing dual-power structure.

The Three Forms of Government
Josephus views Jewish history through the lens of Greek political theory:

1) Aristocratic: The era of Moses, Joshua, and the Elders (ruled by the "Best Men").

2) Monarchy: The era of the Judges (ruled by single leaders/commanders).

3) Kingship: The era starting with Saul and David.

This shows Josephus’s Hellenized education; he is explaining Jewish history to a Roman audience using the political categories they understood.

The Temple as the Center of Time
For Josephus, history is measured by the Temple.

The transition from the "Tent" (Tabernacle) to the "House" (Temple) is the defining moment of national maturity.
By listing the 83 High Priests, Josephus is creating a "spine" for the entire history of the world, suggesting that as long as the line of Aaron was intact, the world was in its proper order.

Josephus's Hidden Intent
Why include this list now? As he closes the Antiquities, Josephus wants his Roman readers to understand that the "rebels" who started the war weren't just fighting Rome—they were destroying a 1,600-year-old sacred tradition. By portraying the last High Priest (Phanasus) as a puppet of the "revolutionaries," Josephus absolves the traditional priestly elite of the blame for the war's outcome.

²³¹ μετὰ δὲ τοὺς δεκατρεῖς ἀρχιερέας ἐκείνους οἱ δέκα καὶ ὀκτὼ τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἔσχον ἀπὸ βασιλέως ἐν αὐτὴν διαδεξάμενοι, μέχρι οὗ ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς ἐπιστρατεύσας τῇ πόλει τὸν μὲν ναὸν ἐνέπρησεν, τὸ δὲ ἔθνος ἡμῶν εἰς μετήνεγκεν καὶ τὸν ἀρχιερέα Ἰωσαδάκην αἰχμάλωτον ἔλαβεν.

²³¹ After those thirteen high priests, eighteen others held the high priesthood, succeeding to it in Jerusalem from the time of King Solomon until Nebuchadnezzar, the King of the Babylonians, marched against the city, burned the Temple, and deported our nation to Babylon, taking the high priest Jozadak captive.

²³¹ After those thirteen high priests, eighteen took the high priesthood at Jerusalem, one in succession to another, from the days of king Solomon, until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, made an expedition against that city, and burnt the temple, and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high priest, captive;

²³¹ After those thirteen high priests, eighteen held the high priesthood in succession in Jerusalem, from the days of king Solomon, until Nabuchodonosor, king of Babylon, invaded the city and burned the temple and deported our nation to Babylon, taking captive the high priest, Josadek.

²³² τούτων χρόνος τῆς ἱερωσύνης τετρακοσίων ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν ἐστι μηνῶν ἓξ ἡμερῶν δέκα ἤδη βασιλευομένων ἸουδαίωνJews.	²³² The duration of the priesthood for these [eighteen] was four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, during the period when the Jews were ruled by kings.
²³² the times of these high priests were four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the regal government.	²³² The duration of those high priests was four hundred and sixty-six years, six months and ten days, while the Jews were under royal rule.

²³³ μετὰ δὲ χρόνον ἐτῶν ἁλώσεως ἑβδομήκοντα τῆς ὑπὸ γενομένης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπέλυσεν τοὺς ἐκ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ οἰκείαν γῆν πάλιν καὶ συνεχώρησεν τὸν ναὸν ἀνεγεῖραι.

²³³ After a period of seventy years from the captive-taking by the Babylonians, Cyrus, the King of the Persians, released the Jews from Babylon to their own land and permitted them to rebuild the Temple.

²³³ But after the term of seventy years' captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple;

²³³ After a captivity of seventy years under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon back to their own land and let them rebuild their temple.

²³⁴ τότε δὴ τῶν ὑποστρεψάντων αἰχμαλώτων ὁ τοῦ Ἰωσεδὲκ εἷς ὢν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην λαμβάνει. λαμβάνει δ᾽ οὗτος αὐτὸς καὶ οἱ ἔγγονοι αὐτοῦ‎ πεντεκαίδεκα συνάπαντες μέχρι βασιλέως τοῦ Εὐπάτορος, ἐπολιτεύοντο δὲ δημοκρατικῶς ἔτη τετρακόσια δεκατέσσαρα.

²³⁴ At that time, Joshua, the son of Jozadak, being one of the returning captives, received the high priesthood. He and his descendants, fifteen in all, held it until the time of King Antiochus Eupator; they lived under a democratic form of government for four hundred and fourteen years.

²³⁴ at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took the high priesthood over the captives when they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, until king Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years;

²³⁴ At that time Jesus, the son of Josadek, assumed the high priesthood for the captives when they returned home. He and his descendants, who were fifteen in all, up to king Antiochus Eupator, were under democratic rule for four hundred and fourteen years.

The Babylonian Rupture
Josephus highlights the tragic end of the "First Temple" line.

1) Jozadak’s Captivity: The fact that the High Priest himself was taken in chains to Babylon was a symbol of the total collapse of the Judean state. In ancient Near Eastern thought, the capture of a high priest usually signaled that the national deity had abandoned the city.

2) Precision in Chronology: Josephus provides a highly specific count—466 years, 6 months, and 10 days. This reflects his desire to present Jewish history as a meticulous, verifiable record to his Roman audience, rivaling the annals of Rome or Egypt.

Cyrus and the Persian Restoration
Josephus credits Cyrus the Great as the restorer of the cult.

1) The Return of the Lineage: The priesthood was restored through Joshua (Jeshua), the son of Jozadak. This maintained the "Aaronic bloodline" despite the seventy-year gap in Temple service.

2) The Second Temple Era: This period (roughly 538 BCE to 162 BCE) is characterized by Josephus as a return to a more "pure" form of governance, which he calls "democratic."

The "Democracy" of the High Priests
Josephus’s use of the word δημοκρατικῶς (dēmokratikōs) is fascinating.

Theocratic Democracy: He does not mean "democracy" in the modern sense of voting. Rather, he means that during the Persian and early Greek periods, the Jews were not ruled by a king of their own, but by the High Priest acting as a civil and religious head under a foreign suzerain.

To Josephus, this was a "balanced" state where the Law (the Torah) was the supreme authority, rather than the whim of a monarch.

The Count of Fifteen
The "fifteen" descendants of Joshua son of Jozadak cover the long transition from the Persian period through the conquests of Alexander the Great and into the Seleucid era.
This line ended with the death of Onias III and the turmoil caused by Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who began the persecutions that led to the Maccabean Revolt.
Antiochus Eupator (mentioned at the end) was the successor to Epiphanes, marking the point where the traditional high-priestly succession was permanently disrupted by political appointments and war.

Historical Cycles
Josephus frames Jewish history in cycles of Exile and Return.

1) 1st Cycle: Egypt to the First Temple (612 years).

2) 2nd Cycle: Solomon’s Temple to Babylon (466 years).

3) 3rd Cycle: Return from Babylon to the Seleucid crisis (414 years).

By structuring history this way, Josephus implies that even the current destruction by the Romans (which he witnessed) might eventually lead to another "return," provided the nation regains its moral and legal standing.

The Missing Kings
Note that Josephus defines the 466-year period as the time when Jews were "ruled by kings" (basileuomenōn). He contrasts this with the "democratic" period after the return. To Josephus, the era of the kings (David through Zedekiah) was glorious but ultimately led to the fire of Babylon, whereas the era of the High Priests was more stable and focused on the Law.

²³⁵ Πρῶτος δ᾽ ὁ προειρημένος καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς αὐτοῦ‎ τὸν , ᾧ ἐπίκλην, παύουσι τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης ἀνελόντες αὐτὸν ἐν καὶ καθιστᾶσιν ἀρχιερέα, γένους μὲν τοῦ , οὐκ ὄντα δὲ τῆς οἰκίας ταύτης.

²³⁵ First, the aforementioned Antiochus [Eupator] and his general Lysias removed Onias—surnamed Menelaus—from the high priesthood, having put him to death in Beroea, and they appointed Jakimus [Alcimus] as High Priest; he was of the lineage of Aaron, but not of this [Zadokite] house.

²³⁵ and then the forementioned Antiochus, and Lysias the general of his army, deprived Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the high priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and driving away the son [of Onias the third], put Jacimus into the place of the high priest, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of the family of Onias.

²³⁵ Then the aforesaid Antiochus the First and his general Lysias deposed Onias, surnamed Menelaus, from the high priesthood and killed him at Berea, and keeping out his son, replaced him as high priest with Jacimus, who was indeed of Aaron’s stock, but not of that branch of the family.

²³⁶ διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ὁ τοῦ τετελευτηκότος ἐξάδελφος τῷ πατρὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς καὶ διὰ φιλίας ἀφικόμενος τῷ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ‎, πείθει τούτους κατὰ τὸν νομὸν δειμαμένους τῷ θεῷ ναὸν παραπλήσιον τῷ ἐν αὐτὸν ἀρχιερέα καταστῆσαι.

²³⁶ For this reason, Onias—the nephew of the deceased Onias and namesake of his father—having arrived in Egypt and entered into friendship with Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra, persuaded them to allow him to build a temple to God in the Heliopolitan Nome similar to the one in Jerusalem, and to appoint him High Priest.

²³⁶ On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem;

²³⁶ Therefore Onias, the nephew of the deceased Onias and who was called after his father, came into Egypt and made friends with Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra and persuaded them to make him high priest of the temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, in imitation of that in Jerusalem.

²³⁷ ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοῦ κατασκευασθέντος ἐν πολλάκις ἐδηλώσαμεν. ὁ δὲ ἔτη τρία τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην κατασχὼν ἐτελεύτησεν. διεδέξατο δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ διετέλεσεν ἡ πόλις ἐνιαυτοὺς ἑπτὰ χωρὶς ἀρχιερέως οὖσα.

²³⁷ Now, concerning the temple constructed in Egypt, we have spoken many times. As for Jakimus, after holding the high priesthood for three years, he died. No one succeeded him immediately, but the city continued for seven years without a High Priest.

²³⁷ but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city continued seven years without a high priest.

²³⁷ We have often spoken already of that temple was built in Egypt. Jacimus died after holding the high priesthood for three years, and the city went for seven years without a high priest as there was no one to succeed him.

²³⁸ πάλιν δὲ οἱ τῶν ἈσαμωναίουHasmoneus παίδων ἔγγονοι τὴν‎ προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους πιστευθέντες καὶ ἐκπολεμήσαντες ΜακεδόσινMacedonians ἸωνάθηνJonathan ἀρχιερέα καθιστᾶσιν, ὃς ἦρξεν ἐνιαυτοὺς ἑπτά.	²³⁸ Then again, the descendants of the Hasmonean children [the Maccabees], having been entrusted with the leadership of the nation and having fought against the Macedonians [Seleucids], appointed Jonathan as High Priest, who ruled for seven years.
²³⁸ But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Macedonians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high priest, who ruled over them seven years.	²³⁸ Then the heirs of the sons of Hasmoneus, who were entrusted with governing the nation after the war against the Macedonians, appointed Jonathan as their high priest, who ruled them for seven years.

²³⁹ τελευτήσαντος δὲ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ ἐνέδρας τῆς ὑπὸ ΤρύφωνοςTryphon μηχανηθείσης, ὡς ἀνωτέρω που προειρήκαμεν, λαμβάνει τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ΣίμωνSimon ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎.	²³⁹ When he died by a plot and an ambush contrived by Tryphon, as we have mentioned somewhere above, his brother Simon received the high priesthood.
²³⁹ And when he had been slain by the treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we have related some where, Simon his brother took the high priesthood;	²³⁹ After he was killed by the treachery of Trypho, as we have said elsewhere, his brother Simon took over the high priesthood.

²⁴⁰ καὶ τοῦτον δὲ δόλῳ παρὰ συμπόσιον ὑπὸ τοῦ γαμβροῦ διαφθαρέντα διεδέξατο παῖς ὄνομα ὃν κατασχόντα τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην πλείονα τἀδελφοῦ χρόνον ἐνιαυτῷ, τριακονταὲν ἔτη τῆς τιμῆς ἀπολαύσας τελευτᾷ γηραιὸς τῷ καὶ κληθέντι τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν καταλιπών.

²⁴⁰ And when he too was destroyed by treachery at a banquet by his son-in-law, his son named Hyrcanus [John Hyrcanus I] succeeded him. Having held the priesthood for a year longer than his brother—enjoying the honor for thirty-one years—Hyrcanus died in old age, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus.

²⁴⁰ and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyrcanus, succeeded him, after he had held the high priesthood one year longer than his brother. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aristobulus,

²⁴⁰ Then when, after he had held the high priesthood for one year more than his brother, he was killed during a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his son Hyrcanus succeeded him; Hyrcanus held the position for thirty years and died an old man, passing it on to Judas, surnamed Aristobulus.

²⁴¹ κληρονομεῖ δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ἀδελφὸς ἈλέξανδροςAlexander, ὑπὸ νόσου μὲν τελευτήσαντα, τὴν‎ ἱερωσύνην δὲ κατασχόντα μετὰ βασιλείας, καὶ γὰρ διάδημα πρῶτος περιέθετο ὁ ἸούδαςJudas, ἐνιαυτὸν ἕνα.	²⁴¹ His brother Alexander [Jannaeus] inherited from him, for Judas died of a disease after holding the priesthood along with the kingship—for Judas was the first to put on the diadem—for one year.
²⁴¹ whose brother Alexander was his heir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem for one year.	²⁴¹ This man, the first of them to wear a crown, died of a severe illness, after holding both the priesthood and the kingship for one year, and his brother Alexander succeeded him.

The Fall of the Zadokites and the Egyptian Temple
Josephus highlights the moment the "legitimate" line broke.

1) Menelaus: A controversial figure who had "bought" the priesthood and was eventually executed by the Greeks.

2) The Temple of Leontopolis: When the Greek-appointed Alcimus (Jakimus) took over, the rightful heir (Onias IV) fled to Egypt. With the support of the Ptolemies, he built a "rival" Jewish temple in Egypt. This was a massive theological scandal, as Jewish law generally forbade sacrifice outside of Jerusalem.

The "Interregnum" (159–152 BCE)
Josephus notes a seven-year gap where Jerusalem had no High Priest.
This vacancy occurred during the height of the Maccabean wars. It was a period of "ritual suspension," where the city was essentially in a state of religious and political flux until the Seleucids finally recognized the Hasmoneans.

The Hasmonean Usurpation
The appointment of Jonathan Apphus (152 BCE) marked a revolution.

1) Warriors as Priests: The Hasmoneans were priests (of the order of Joiarib), but they were not of the "Zadokite" High Priestly family. They gained the office through military success against the "Macedonians" (the Seleucid Greeks).

2) The Dynasty of Blood: Josephus details the violent ends of these leaders—Jonathan killed by Tryphon, and Simon murdered at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy. This highlights the "curse" of political power that now sat on the High Priest's throne.

From Priest to King: The "Diadem"
Josephus clarifies a major historical milestone: the moment the High Priest became a King.

1) Aristobulus I (Judas): According to Josephus, he was the first Hasmonean to wear the diadem (diadēma), the Greco-Roman symbol of royalty.

2) The Scandal of the "Mixed" Office: To many pious Jews (like the Pharisees), combining the kingship and the priesthood in one person was a violation of the separation of powers established in the Torah. This tension would eventually fuel the civil wars that led to Rome’s intervention.

Alexander Jannaeus and the Peak of Power
By the time of Alexander Jannaeus, the Hasmonean state was a regional power.
However, as Josephus notes, this period was plagued by "disease" and internal strife. The High Priesthood had moved far from its origins as a humble service in a desert tent; it was now a crown fought over by brothers and uncles.

The End of "Aristocracy"
Josephus concludes this phase by showing that the "democracy" he mentioned in the previous section had vanished. The High Priesthood was now a Dynastic Monarchy. The High Priest was no longer the servant of the Law, but a sovereign who commanded armies and minted his own currency.

The Theological Cost
By focusing on the "ambushes," "treachery," and "plots," Josephus suggests that the Hasmoneans’ reach for kingship was the beginning of the end for the nation's spiritual integrity. It set the precedent for the Herodian and Roman era, where the priesthood would be sold to the highest bidder or used as a tool of statecraft.

²⁴² Βασιλεύσας δὲ ὁ καὶ ἱερατεύσας ἔτη εἰκοσιεπτὰ καταστρέφει τὸν βίον Ἀλεξάνδρᾳ τῇ γυναικὶ καταστῆσαι τὸν ἀρχιερατευσόμενον ἐπιτρέψας. ἡ δὲ τὴν‎ μὲν ἀρχιερωσύνην δίδωσιν, αὐτὴ δὲ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἔτη ἐννέα κατασχοῦσα τελευτᾷ τὸν βίον· τὸν ἴσον δὲ χρόνον τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ὁ παῖς αὐτῆς ἔσχεν·

²⁴² After Alexander [Jannaeus] had reigned and served as High Priest for twenty-seven years, he ended his life, leaving it to his wife Alexandra to appoint the one who would serve as High Priest. She gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus [II], while she herself held the kingship for nine years until she ended her life; and for that same length of time, her son Hyrcanus held the high priesthood.

²⁴² And when Alexander had been both king and high priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should be high priest; so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom herself nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration [and no longer] did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high priesthood;

²⁴² When Alexander had ruled for twenty-seven years as king and high priest, he departed this life and left his wife Alexandra to appoint the one to succeed him as high priest, so she gave the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, but ruled the kingdom herself for nine years and then departed this life.

²⁴³ μετὰ γὰρ τὸν θάνατον αὐτῆς πολεμήσας πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἈριστόβουλοςAristobulus καὶ νικήσας ἀφαιρεῖται μὲν ἐκεῖνον τὴν‎ ἀρχήν, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐβασίλευέ τε καὶ ἀρχιεράτευεν τοῦ ἔθνους.	²⁴³ For after her death, his brother Aristobulus [II] waged war against him, and having conquered him, he deprived him of the rule, and he himself reigned and served as High Priest of the nation.
²⁴³ for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he did himself both reign, and perform the office of high priest to God.	²⁴³ Her son Hyrcanus held the high priesthood for exactly the same period, for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him and defeated him and set him aside, taking to himself both the office of king and of high priest to God.

²⁴⁴ ἔτει δὲ τρίτῳ τῆς βασιλείας καὶ πρὸς μησὶν τοῖς ἴσοις ἐλθὼν καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν πόλιν κατὰ κράτος ἑλὼν αὐτὸν μὲν εἰς μετὰ τῶν τέκνων δήσας ἔπεμψεν, τῷ δ᾽ πάλιν τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἀποδοὺς τὴν‎ μὲν τοῦ ἔθνους προστασίαν ἐπέτρεψεν, διάδημα δὲ φορεῖν ἐκώλυσεν.

²⁴⁴ But in the third year and the same number of months of his reign, Pompey arrived, and having taken the city of Jerusalem by force, he sent Aristobulus bound to Rome along with his children. He restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus once again and entrusted him with the leadership of the nation, but he forbade him from wearing the diadem.

²⁴⁴ But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of the nation, but forbade him to wear a diadem.

²⁴⁴ When he had reigned for three years and as many months, Pompey descended upon him and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but also put him and his children in chains and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus and made him ruler of the nation, but forbade him to wear a crown.

²⁴⁵ ἦρξεν δὲ πρὸς τοῖς ἐννέα τοῖς πρώτοις ὁ τέσσαρα καὶ εἴκοσιν. δὲ καὶ οἱ τῆς Παρθυηνῆς δυνάσται διαβάντες τὸν καὶ ἐκπολεμήσαντες αὐτὸν μὲν ζωγρίᾳ συνέλαβον, τὸν δὲ υἱὸν κατέστησαν βασιλέα.

²⁴⁵ Hyrcanus ruled for twenty-four years in addition to his first nine. But Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the lords of Parthia, crossed the Euphrates and waged war against Hyrcanus; they took him alive as a prisoner and appointed Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, as King.

²⁴⁵ This Hyrcanus ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, passed over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king;

²⁴⁵ Apart from his first nine years, this Hyrcanus ruled for twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, crossed the Euphrates and fought Hyrcanus and took him alive and gave the throne to Antigonus, son of Aristobulus,

²⁴⁶ τρία δ᾽ ἔτη καὶ τρεῖς μῆνας ἄρξαντα τοῦτον Σόσσιός τε καὶ ἩρώδηςHerod ἐξεπολιόρκησαν, ἈντώνιοςAntony δ᾽ ἀνεῖλεν εἰς τὴν‎ ἈντιόχειανAntioch ἀναχθέντα.	²⁴⁶ After he had ruled for three years and three months, Sosius and Herod took him by siege, and Antony [Mark Antony] put him to death after he had been brought up to Antioch.
²⁴⁶ and when he had reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and slain there.	²⁴⁶ and when he had reigned for three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged and captured him, and Antony had him brought to Antioch and killed there.

Salome Alexandra: The Queen-Regnant
This is a rare moment in Jewish history where political and religious powers were officially separated.

1) The Gender Split: Because a woman could not serve as High Priest, Alexandra Salome held the civil power (Kingship) while her eldest son, Hyrcanus II, held the sacred power (Priesthood).

2) The Pharisaic Golden Age: Josephus notes elsewhere that Alexandra was pro-Pharisee. This 9-year period was seen as a time of internal peace and religious restoration before the chaos of the civil war.

The Brother-War (Hyrcanus vs. Aristobulus)
The conflict between the two brothers—the passive Hyrcanus II and the ambitious Aristobulus II—shattered the Hasmonean state.

Inviting Rome In: Their inability to resolve their dispute led both brothers to appeal to the Roman general Pompey the Great for arbitration. Like many "arbitrations" in history, it resulted in the arbiter simply taking over the territory.

Pompey and the End of Sovereignty (63 BCE)
Pompey’s intervention changed everything.

1) Loss of the Diadem: Pompey restored Hyrcanus to the priesthood but "forbade him from wearing the diadem." This was a profound symbolic demotion. Judea was no longer a Kingdom; it was a Roman protectorate governed by an "Ethnarch" (leader of the people) rather than a King.

2) Temple Desecration: While not mentioned in this specific paragraph, it was during this siege that Pompey famously entered the Holy of Holies, an act that Jewish history never forgot.

The Parthian Invasion (40 BCE)
For a brief moment, the Roman hold on Judea was broken by the Parthians (the Persian superpower of the East).

1) Antigonus the Puppet: The Parthians installed Antigonus (the son of the pro-Roman Aristobulus) as a puppet king.

2) The Maiming of Hyrcanus: During this capture, Antigonus famously bit off Hyrcanus’s ears. According to Levitical law, a "blemished" man could never serve as High Priest again, effectively disqualifying Hyrcanus forever.

The Rise of Herod the Great
The passage ends with the transition to the Herodian Era.

1) Herod and Sosius: Herod, an Idumean and a Roman loyalist, reclaimed Jerusalem with the help of the Roman general Sosius.

2) The Execution of the Last Hasmonean: Mark Antony's execution of Antigonus in Antioch (37 BCE) marked the official end of the Hasmonean dynasty. From this point forward, the High Priesthood was no longer a hereditary birthright of the local ruling family, but a political appointment controlled by Herod and later by the Roman governors.

The "Sickness" Reaches the Head
Josephus has tracked the High Priesthood from a sacred, lifelong service to a crown fought over by brothers who were willing to use foreign empires (Rome and Parthia) to destroy one another. The "sickness" of the nation he mentioned earlier was now a total institutional collapse.

²⁴⁷ τὴν‎ δὲ βασιλείαν παρὰ ἐγχειρισθεὶς οὐκέτι τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ γένους καθίστησιν ἀρχιερεῖς, ἀλλά τισιν ἀσήμοις καὶ μόνον ἐξ ἱερέων οὖσιν πλὴν ἑνὸς τὴν‎ τιμὴν ἀπένεμεν.

²⁴⁷ When Herod was entrusted with the kingship by the Romans, he no longer appointed high priests from the Hasmonean lineage; instead, he assigned the honor to certain obscure men who were merely of priestly descent, with the exception of one—Aristobulus.

²⁴⁷ Herod was then made king by the Romans, but did no longer appoint high priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that he gave that dignity to Aristobulus;

²⁴⁷ Herod was then made king by the Romans, and no longer appointed high priests from the family of Hasmoneus, but appointed some men from families who were not distinguished and were barely priests, except that he gave the dignity to Aristobulus.

²⁴⁸ τὸν δ᾽ τοῦ ὑπὸ ληφθέντος υἱωνὸν ὄντα καταστήσας ἀρχιερέα τῇ ἀδελφῇ αὐτοῦ‎ συνῴκησεν Μαριάμμῃ, τὴν‎ τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς ἑαυτὸν θηρώμενος εὔνοιαν διὰ τὴν‎ μνήμην. εἶτα φοβηθείς, μὴ πρὸς τὸν πάντες ἀποκλίνωσιν, ἀνεῖλεν αὐτὸν ἐν πνιγῆναι μηχανησάμενος κολυμβῶντα, καθὼς ἤδη δεδηλώκαμεν. μετὰ τοῦτον οὐκέτι τοῖς ἐγγόνοις τῶν παίδων τὴν‎ ἀρχιερωσύνην ἐπίστευσεν.

²⁴⁸ Having appointed this Aristobulus—who was the grandson of the Hyrcanus taken by the Parthians—as High Priest, Herod lived with his sister, Mariamne, seeking to hunt for the goodwill of the multitude toward himself through the memory of Hyrcanus. Then, fearing lest everyone should incline toward Aristobulus, he killed him by contriving to have him drowned while swimming in Jericho, as we have already shown.

²⁴⁸ for when he had made this Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariarmne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclinations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have already related that matter;

²⁴⁸ By appointing this Aristobulus, the grandson of the Hyrcanus who had been captured by the Parthians and then taking his sister Mariamne as his wife, he aimed to win the goodwill of the people, who had a fond remembrance of Hyrcanus. Yet later, fearing that Aristobulus would become too popular, he had him killed, managing to have him drowned while swimming at Jericho, as we have said. After that he never again entrusted the priesthood to the descendants of the sons of Hasmoneus.

²⁴⁹ ἔπραξεν δὲ ὅμοια τῷ ἩρώδῃHerod περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν ἱερέων Ἀρχέλαός τε ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ῬωμαῖοιRomans τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews παραλαβόντες.	²⁴⁹ After this, Herod no longer entrusted the high priesthood to the descendants of the Hasmoneans. Both his son Archelaus and, after him, the Romans (once they had taken over the rule of the Jews), acted similarly to Herod regarding the appointment of the priests.
²⁴⁹ but after this man he never intrusted the priesthood to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. Archelaus also, Herod’s son, did like his father in the appointment of the high priests, as did the Romans also, who took the government over the Jews into their hands afterward.	²⁴⁹ Herod’s son Archelaus acted like his father in the appointment of high priests, as did the Romans, who later took over the government of the Jews.

²⁵⁰ εἰσὶν οὖν οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἩρώδουHerod χρόνων ἀρχιερατεύσαντες μέχρι τῆς ἡμέρας, ἧς τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ΤίτοςTitus ἑλὼν ἐπυρπόλησεν, οἱ πάντες εἴκοσι καὶ ὀκτώ, χρόνος δὲ τούτων ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν ἑπτά.	²⁵⁰ The total number of those who served as High Priest from the time of Herod until the day when Titus, having captured the Temple and the city, consumed them with fire, was twenty-eight; the duration of their time was one hundred and seven years.
²⁵⁰ Accordingly, the number of the high priests, from the days of Herod until the day when Titus took the temple and the City, and burnt them, were in all twenty-eight; the time also that belonged to them was a hundred and seven years.	²⁵⁰ The number of the high priests, from the days of Herod to the day when Titus took and burned the temple and the City, were in all twenty-eight and they spanned a period of a hundred and seven years.

²⁵¹ καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐπολιτεύσαντο ἐπί τε βασιλεύοντος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ‎, μετὰ δὲ τὴν‎ τούτων τελευτὴν ἀριστοκρατία μὲν ἦν ἡ πολιτεία, τὴν‎ δὲ προστασίαν τοῦ ἔθνους οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς ἐπεπίστευντο. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἱκανὰ ταῦτα.

²⁵¹ Some of them governed during the reign of Herod and that of his son Archelaus; but after their deaths, the form of government was an aristocracy, and the high priests were entrusted with the leadership of the nation. Regarding the high priests, let this be sufficient.

²⁵¹ Some of these were the political governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the government became an aristocracy, and the high priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be said concerning our high priests.

²⁵¹ Some of these ministered under the rule of Herod and that of his son Archelaus, but when they had died the government became an aristocracy and the high priests were seen as ruling the nation. And that is all that needs to be said about our high priests.

Herod’s "Obscure Men" (asēmois)
Herod intentionally broke the power of the Judean aristocracy by appointing "obscure" priests from the Diaspora (Babylon and Egypt).

The Strategy: A high priest with no local power base is entirely dependent on the King. By choosing men like Ananelus or Simon son of Boethus, Herod ensured the Temple would never become a center of political resistance against him.

The Murder at Jericho (35 BCE)
The story of Aristobulus III is one of the most chilling in Josephus’s works.

1) The People's Choice: Aristobulus was young, handsome, and carried the Hasmonean bloodline. When he appeared in the Temple, the crowd’s cheering terrified Herod.

2) The "Accident": During a party at Herod’s winter palace in Jericho, Herod’s men held the boy underwater in a swimming pool under the guise of "play." This murder marked the definitive end of Hasmonean spiritual leadership.

The Roman "High Priest Market"
Josephus notes that the Romans "acted similarly to Herod." Under the Roman Governors (like Pilate or Felix), the high priesthood became a transactional office.

Annual Appointments: High priests were often changed yearly to prevent any one man from gaining too much popular influence. This is why the New Testament and Josephus mention so many "High Priests" at once—the title was often retained as an honorary rank even after the person was deposed.

The Final Tally: 28 Men in 107 Years
This statistic is staggering compared to the earlier periods Josephus described.

1) First Temple Era: 18 High Priests over ~466 years (average tenure: 25 years).

2) Herodian/Roman Era: 28 High Priests over 107 years (average tenure: less than 4 years).

This rapid turnover explains the total collapse of religious authority that Josephus lamented in the earlier passages about "tithe wars" and "stone-throwing."

Return to "Aristocracy"
Josephus claims that after the exile of Herod's son Archelaus (6 CE), the government returned to an aristocracy.

The Sanhedrin: In the absence of a king, the High Priest and the council (Sanhedrin) became the primary liaisons between the Jewish people and the Roman Empire.

However, as Josephus has shown throughout Book 20, this "aristocracy" was often just a collection of competing wealthy families (the Boethusians, the Ananids, etc.) who were more interested in power than in the welfare of the nation.

The End of the World: Titus and the Fire (70 CE)
The history of the high priesthood ends in fire.
Josephus frames the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus as the final, absolute conclusion to the line of Aaron. When the Temple burned, the functional purpose of the High Priest—to offer sacrifice—vanished.
For Josephus, writing under Roman patronage, Titus is the executor of divine judgment, bringing a definitive close to a 1,600-year-old institution that had, in his view, become terminally ill.

Josephus's Final "Sufficient" (hikanos)
Josephus ends with "let this be sufficient." It is a sigh of relief from a historian who has just chronicled the rise and fall of his own people's greatest institution. He has proven to his Roman readers that the Jews had a glorious and ancient tradition, but he has also explained why that tradition was currently in ruins.

Chapter 11
[252-258]
The cruelties of Gessius Florus lead to the revolt.

☜ ☞

²⁵² δὲ ὁ πεμφθεὶς διάδοχος ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἐνέπλησε κακῶν . μὲν ἦν τὸ γένος οὗτος, ἐπήγετο δὲ γυναῖκα , δι᾽ ἣν φίλην οὖσαν τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ πονηρίᾳ μηδὲν αὐτοῦ‎ διαφέρουσαν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπέτυχεν.

²⁵² Gessius Florus, who was sent by Nero as the successor to Albinus, filled the Jews with many evils. He was a Clazomenian by birth and brought with him a wife, Cleopatra, through whom he obtained the governorship because she was a friend of Poppaea, Nero’s wife, and in no way different from him in wickedness.

²⁵² Now Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by Nero, filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of the city of Clazomenae, and brought along with him his wife Cleopatra, (by whose friendship with Poppea, Nero’s wife, he obtained this government,) who was no way different from him in wickedness.

²⁵² Gessius Florus, whom Nero sent to succeed Albinus, filled all Judea with woes. A native of the city of Clazomene, he brought with him his wife Cleopatra, no less evil than himself, whose friendship with Nero’s wife Poppea had gained him this office.

²⁵³ οὕτω δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν ἐγένετο κακὸς καὶ βίαιος, ὥστε διὰ τὴν‎ ὑπερβολὴν τῶν κακῶν ἈλβῖνονAlbinus ἐπῄνουν ὡς ΕὐεργέτηνEuergetes ἸουδαῖοιJews·	²⁵³ He was so evil and violent in the exercise of his authority that, because of the excess of his evils, the Jews praised Albinus as a benefactor;
²⁵³ This Florus was so wicked, and so violent in the use of his authority, that the Jews took Albinus to have been [comparatively] their benefactor; so excessive were the mischiefs that he brought upon them.	²⁵³ This Florus was so evil and violent in the abuse of his authority, that the Jews now regarded Albinus as having been their benefactor, so much worse were the evils they now suffered.

²⁵⁴ ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ ἐπεκρύπτετο τὴν‎ πονηρίαν καὶ τοῦ μὴ παντάπασιν κατάφωρος εἶναι προυνόει, δὲ καθάπερ εἰς ἐπίδειξιν πονηρίας πεμφθεὶς τὰς εἰς τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν παρανομίας ἐπόμπευεν, μήτε ἁρπαγῆς Παραλιπὼν μηδένα τρόπον μήτε ἀδίκου κολάσεως·

²⁵⁴ for while Albinus used to conceal his wickedness and took care not to be altogether manifest, Gessius Florus—as if he had been sent for an exhibition of villainy—paraded his lawlessness against our nation, omitting no method of plunder or unjust punishment.

²⁵⁴ For Albinus concealed his wickedness, and was careful that it might not be discovered to all men; but Gessius Florus, as though he had been sent on purpose to show his crimes to every body, made a pompous ostentation of them to our nation, as never omitting any sort of violence, nor any unjust sort of punishment;

²⁵⁴ For Albinus had done his harm in secret, careful not to reveal it to everyone, but Gessius Florus, as though purposely sent to flaunt his crimes, displayed them openly to our nation and did not spare us from all sorts of violence and unfair penalties,

²⁵⁵ ἦν γὰρ ἄτεγκτος μὲν πρὸς ἔλεον, παντὸς δὲ κέρδους ἄπληστος, ᾧ γε μηδὲ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ὀλίγων διέφερεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λῃσταῖς ἐκοινώνησεν· ἀδεῶς γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἔπραττον ἐχέγγυον παρ᾽ ἐκείνου τὴν‎ σωτηρίαν ἐπὶ τοῖς μέρεσιν ἔχειν πεπιστευκότες.

²⁵⁵ He was indeed implacable to pity and insatiable for every gain; to him, the greatest sums did not differ from the smallest, and he even became a partner with bandits. For many did this without fear, trusting that they had a guarantee of safety from him provided they shared the spoils. And this was not done in moderation.

²⁵⁵ for he was not to be moved by pity, and never was satisfied with any degree of gain that came in his way; nor had he any more regard to great than to small acquisitions, but became a partner with the robbers themselves. For a great many fell then into that practice without fear, as having him for their security, and depending on him, that he would save them harmless in their particular robberies; so that there were no bounds set to the nation’s miseries;

²⁵⁵ being unmoved by pity and never satisfied no matter how much profit came his way. Nor did he limit himself just to major thievery, but even joined in partnership with the brigands. For many of them now began to act as if they had him as their protector and an ally who would take their part.

²⁵⁶ καὶ τοῦτο μέτριον οὐκ ἦν. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ δυστυχεῖς μὴ δυνάμενοι τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν λῃστῶν γινομένας πορθήσεις ὑπομένειν ἠναγκάζοντο τῶν ἰδίων ἠθῶν ἐξανιστάμενοι φεύγειν ἅπαντες, ὡς κρεῖττον ὁπουδήποτε παρὰ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις κατοικήσοντες.

²⁵⁶ Rather, the wretched Jews, unable to endure the devastations committed by the bandits, were forced to leave their own ancestral homes and all flee, believing it better to settle anywhere else among foreigners.

²⁵⁶ but the unhappy Jews, when they were not able to bear the devastations which the robbers made among them, were all under a necessity of leaving their own habitations, and of flying away, as hoping to dwell more easily any where else in the world among foreigners [than in their own country]. And what need I say any more upon this head?

²⁵⁶ There was no limit to it, so that, unable to bear the looting of the brigands, the unhappy Jews were felt pressured to leave their homes and flee, in the hope of living more easily anywhere else, among foreigners.

²⁵⁷ καὶ τί δεῖ πλείω λέγειν; τὸν γὰρ πρὸς πόλεμον ὁ καταναγκάσας ἡμᾶς ἄρασθαι ἦν κρεῖττον ἡγουμένους ἀθρόως ἢ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀπολέσθαι. Καὶ δὴ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ἔλαβεν ὁ πόλεμος δευτέρῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς , δωδεκάτῳ δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς.

²⁵⁷ And what need is there to say more? For it was Florus who compelled us to take up the war against the Romans, as we considered it better to perish all at once than little by little. Thus the war began in the second year of Florus’s procuratorship, and in the twelfth year of Nero’s reign [66 CE].

²⁵⁷ since it was this Florus who necessitated us to take up arms against the Romans, while we thought it better to be destroyed at once, than by little and little. Now this war began in the second year of the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.

²⁵⁷ Need I say more, since it was this Florus who forced us to take up arms against the Romans, thinking it better to risk all at once than be ruined little by little. This war began in the second year of the rule of Florus and the twelfth year of Nero’s reign.

²⁵⁸ ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα μὲν δρᾶν ἠναγκάσθημεν ἢ παθεῖν ὑπεμείναμεν, ἀκριβῶς γνῶναι πάρεστιν τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐντυχεῖν ταῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἸουδαικοῦJewish πολέμου βίβλοις γεγραμμέναις.	²⁵⁸ But all that we were forced to do or endured suffering, those who wish to know accurately may read in the books I have written concerning the Jewish War.
²⁵⁸ But then what actions we were forced to do, or what miseries we were enabled to suffer, may be accurately known by such as will peruse those books which I have written about the Jewish war.	²⁵⁸ The things we were forced to do and all we suffered may be known in detail by those who read the books I have written about the Jewish war.

The Power of the "Imperial Bedroom"
Josephus once again highlights that Roman provincial policy was often dictated by back-channel friendships in Nero's court.

1) The Connection: Just as Felix was protected by his brother Pallas, Florus was appointed because his wife, Cleopatra, was a confidante of the Empress Poppaea Sabina.

2) Institutional Decay: This underscores a theme in Josephus: Judea was not lost due to high-level Roman strategy, but because the province was handed out as a "favor" to corrupt cronies.

Albinus as "Benefactor": A Rhetorical Device
Josephus uses a powerful rhetorical contrast to describe Florus.

1) The Comparison: By claiming the Jews "praised Albinus as a benefactor" (euergetēn), he highlights just how extreme Florus's behavior was.

2) Shame vs. Shamelessness: Albinus was a thief who felt the need to hide his crimes; Florus, by contrast, "paraded" (epompeuen) his lawlessness as if it were a point of pride.

The Governor as a "Bandit King"
The most shocking accusation is that Florus partnered with bandits (lēstais ekoinōnēsen).

The Protection Racket: Florus essentially legalized banditry in exchange for a "cut" of the loot. This effectively dissolved the social contract. When the state (the Governor) and the criminals (the bandits) become the same entity, the populace has no legal recourse left.

Displacement and the "Refugee" Crisis
Josephus notes that the Jews began to flee their ancestral homes (ithōn exanistamenoi) to live among foreigners.

Social Death: For a Jew in the 1st century, leaving the Promised Land to live among Gentiles was a form of social and religious death. The fact that thousands chose this over staying under Florus indicates a total humanitarian collapse.

The "Better to Die at Once" Philosophy
This is Josephus’s core thesis for the cause of the Great Revolt.

1) Forced Rebellion: He argues that the war was not a theological choice or a planned insurrection, but a desperate act of "suicide by cop."

2) The Logic: If Florus was going to destroy the nation "little by little" through starvation and plunder, the people decided it was better to die "all at once" (athroōs) in a grand, final struggle.

The 66 CE Milestone
Josephus provides the precise date for the start of the war:
2nd Year of Florus / 12th Year of Nero. This synchronization of Jewish and Roman timelines provides historians with a solid anchor. The war began in the late spring/early summer of 66 CE, triggered by Florus’s seizure of seventeen talents from the Temple treasury and the subsequent riots.

The Transition to The Jewish War
The final sentence serves as a "call to action" for the reader to move from the Antiquities (the history of the nation) to the Jewish War (the history of its destruction).
Josephus wrote The Jewish War first (roughly 75-79 CE) and the Antiquities later (93-94 CE). Here, he effectively "links" the two massive works, directing the reader to his earlier, more detailed military history for the "accurate" (akribōs) account of the siege of Jerusalem.

Chapter 12
[259-268]
Finale of this work

☜ ☞

²⁵⁹ παύσεται δ᾽ ἐνταῦθά μοι τὰ τῆς ἀρχαιολογίας μεθ᾽ ἣν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἠρξάμην γράφειν. περιέχει δ᾽ αὕτη τὴν‎ ἀπὸ πρώτης γενέσεως ἀνθρώπου παράδοσιν μέχρι ἔτους δωδεκάτου τῆς ἡγεμονίας τῶν ἡμῖν συμβεβηκότων τοῖς κατά τε τὴν‎ καὶ καὶ ,

²⁵⁹ Here shall end my Antiquities, after which I began to write the history of the [Jewish] War. This work contains the tradition from the first creation of man until the twelfth year of Nero's reign, regarding what has happened to us Jews in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine;

²⁵⁹ I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my Antiquities; after the conclusion of which events, I began to write that account of the war; and these Antiquities contain what hath been delivered down to us from the original creation of man, until the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria and in Palestine,

²⁵⁹ Here I shall end my Antiquities. Its sequel is my account of the war, and these Antiquities contain our tradition from the original creation of man until the twelfth year of Nero’s reign, about what happened to us Jews in Egypt and Syria as well as in Palestine,

²⁶⁰ ὅσα τε πεπόνθαμεν ὑπὸ ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians τε καὶ ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians, τίνα τε ΠέρσαιPersians καὶ ΜακεδόνεςMacedonians διατεθείκασιν ἡμᾶς, καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους ῬωμαῖοιRomans· πάντα γὰρ οἶμαι μετ᾽ ἀκριβείας συντεταχέναι.	²⁶⁰ and all that we suffered under the Assyrians and Babylonians, and how the Persians, Macedonians, and after them the Romans, have treated us; for I believe I have composed it all with accuracy.
²⁶⁰ and what we have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what afflictions the Persians and Macedonians, and after them the Romans, have brought upon us; for I think I may say that I have composed this history with sufficient accuracy in all things.	²⁶⁰ and what we endured under the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what the Persians and Macedonians and after them the Romans, did to us. I think I may say that in all details I have composed this history with great accuracy.

²⁶¹ τηρῆσαι δὲ πεπείραμαι καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἀναγραφὴν τῶν ἐν δισχιλίοις ἔτεσι γενομένων. ἀπλανῆ δὲ πεποίημαι καὶ τὴν‎ περὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς διαδοχὴν τὰς πράξεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς πολιτείας ἀπαγγέλλων μοναρχῶν τε δυναστείας, ὡς αἱ ἱεραὶ βίβλοι περὶ πάντων ἔχουσι τὴν‎ ἀναγραφήν· τοῦτο γὰρ ποιήσειν ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἱστορίας ἐπηγγειλάμην.

²⁶¹ I have also endeavored to preserve the register of the high priests who have existed over the course of two thousand years. I have likewise made an unerring account of the succession of the kings, reporting their deeds and their governments and the dynasties of monarchs, exactly as the Sacred Books have the record concerning them all—for I promised to do this at the beginning of the history.

²⁶¹ I have attempted to enumerate those high priests that we have had during the interval of two thousand years; I have also carried down the succession of our kings, and related their actions, and political administration, without [considerable] errors, as also the power of our monarchs; and all according to what is written in our sacred books; for this it was that I promised to do in the beginning of this history.

²⁶¹ I have sought to list our high priests over the period of two thousand years and reported without notable errors the succession of our kings and their actions and policies, and their royal power, all as is written in our sacred books, for this is what I promised to do at the beginning of this history.

²⁶² λέγω δὴ θαρσήσας ἤδη διὰ τὴν‎ τῶν προτεθέντων συντέλειαν, ὅτι μηδεὶς ἂν ἕτερος ἠδυνήθη θελήσας μήτε ἸουδαῖοςJew μήτε ἀλλόφυλος τὴν‎ πραγματείαν ταύτην οὕτως ἀκριβῶς εἰς ἝλληναςGreeks ἐξενεγκεῖν·	²⁶² And I say now, emboldened by the completion of the work I set before me, that no other person, had they wished it—whether Jew or foreigner—would have been able to present this treatise to the Greeks with such accuracy.
²⁶² And I am so bold as to say, now I have so completely perfected the work I proposed to myself to do, that no other person, whether he were a Jew or foreigner, had he ever so great an inclination to it, could so accurately deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is done in these books.	²⁶² I venture to say, having completed what I proposed, that no other person, whether Jew or foreigner and no matter how inclined, could have described these things for the Greeks so accurately.

²⁶³ ἔχω γὰρ παρὰ τῶν ὁμοεθνῶν πλεῖστον αὐτῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπιχώριον παιδείαν διαφέρειν καὶ τῶν δὲ γραμμάτων ἐσπούδασα μετασχεῖν τὴν‎ γραμματικὴν ἐμπειρίαν ἀναλαβών, τὴν‎ δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ προφορὰν ἀκρίβειαν πάτριος ἐκώλυσεν συνήθεια.

²⁶³ For it is acknowledged among my countrymen that I far surpass them in our local learning; and I have also labored to partake in Greek literature, having acquired a mastery of grammar. However, a lifelong habit has prevented me from achieving accuracy in pronunciation;

²⁶³ For those of my own nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed them in the learning belonging to the Jews; I have also taken a great deal of pains to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and understand the elements of the Greek language, although I have so long accustomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pronounce Greek with sufficient exactness;

²⁶³ My own countrymen freely acknowledge my prowess in Jewish learning, and I have taken the trouble to learn the elements of Greek literature and grammar, though my pronunciation of it is not good, as I am so used to our native tongue.

²⁶⁴ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν γὰρ οὐκ ἐκείνους ἀποδέχονται τοὺς πολλῶν ἐθνῶν διάλεκτον ἐκμαθόντας διὰ τὸ κοινὸν εἶναι νομίζειν τὸ ἐπιτήδευμα τοῦτο μόνον οὐκ ἐλευθέροις τοῖς τυχοῦσιν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν τοῖς θέλουσι, μόνοις δὲ σοφίαν μαρτυροῦσιν τοῖς τὰ νόμιμα σαφῶς ἐπισταμένοις καὶ τὴν‎ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων δύναμιν δυναμένοις.

²⁶⁴ for among us, they do not favor those who learn the languages of many nations, because they consider this pursuit to be common not only to free men of any sort, but even to such slaves as wish for it. They testify of wisdom only to those who clearly understand the laws and are able to interpret the meaning of the Sacred Scriptures.

²⁶⁴ for our nation does not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations, and so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods; because they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not only to all sorts of free-men, but to as many of the servants as please to learn them. But they give him the testimony of being a wise man who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning;

²⁶⁴ Among us there is no welcome for people who learn the languages of other nations so as to think like them. We regard this as no proper task for a free man but rather as one that should be left to slaves who choose to learn them, whereas we deem as wise the one who fully understands our own laws and can interpret their meaning.

²⁶⁵ διὰ τοῦτο πολλῶν πονησάντων περὶ τὴν‎ ἄσκησινexercise ταύτην μόλις δύο τινὲς ἢ τρεῖς κατώρθωσαν καὶ τῶν πόνων τὴν‎ ἐπικαρπίαν εὐθὺς ἔλαβον.	²⁶⁵ Therefore, though many have struggled with this discipline, barely two or three have succeeded and immediately reaped the fruits of their labors.
²⁶⁵ on which account, as there have been many who have done their endeavors with great patience to obtain this learning, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three that have succeeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded for their pains.	²⁶⁵ All the same, while many have patiently tried to master this learning, only two or three have fully succeeded in it, and they were well rewarded for their efforts.

²⁶⁶ ἴσως δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἐπίφθονον γένοιτο καὶ περὶ γένους τοὐμοῦ καὶ περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν βίον πράξεων βραχέα διεξελθεῖν ἕως ἔχω ζῶντας ἢ τοὺς ἐλέγξοντας ἢ τοὺς μαρτυρήσοντας.	²⁶⁶ Perhaps it would not be invidious to go briefly through my own lineage and the deeds of my life, while I still have those living who can either refute or bear witness to me.
²⁶⁶ And now it will not be perhaps an invidious thing, if I treat briefly of my own family, and of the actions of my own life while there are still living such as can either prove what I say to be false, or can attest that it is true;	²⁶⁶ Perhaps it will not be out of order now to write briefly about my own family and the conduct of my own life, while there are still people living who can either disprove what I say or vouch for its truth.

²⁶⁷ Ἐπὶ τούτοις δὲ καταπαύσω τὴν‎ βιβλίοις μὲν εἴκοσι περιειλημμένην, ἓξ δὲ μυριάσι στίχων, κἂν τὸ θεῖον ἐπιτρέπῃ κατὰ περιδρομὴν ὑπομνήσω πάλιν τοῦ τε πολέμου καὶ τῶν συμβεβηκότων ἡμῖν μέχρι τῆς νῦν ἐνεστώσης ἡμέρας, ἥτις ἐστὶν τρισκαιδεκάτου μὲν ἔτους τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ἀπὸ γενέσεως πεντηκοστοῦ τε καὶ ἕκτου.

²⁶⁷ With these things, I shall conclude the Antiquities, comprised of twenty books and sixty thousand lines (stichoi). And if the Deity permits, I will briefly summarize again the war and what has happened to us up to the present day—which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Domitian Caesar [93/94 CE], and the fifty-sixth year of my own life from birth.

²⁶⁷ with which accounts I shall put an end to these Antiquities, which are contained in twenty books, and sixty thousand verses. And if God permit me, I will briefly run over this war again, with what befell us therein to this very day, which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domitian, and the fifty-sixth year of my own life.

²⁶⁷ With these accounts I shall put an end to these Antiquities, which are contained in twenty books and sixty thousand lines. If God permits me, I will briefly deal with this war and add what happened to them later up to today, which is in the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domitian and the fifty-sixth year of my own life.

²⁶⁸ προῄρημαι δὲ συγγράψαι κατὰ τὰς ἡμετέρας δόξας τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ἐν τέσσαρσι βίβλοις περὶ θεοῦ καὶ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ περὶ τῶν νόμων, διὰ τί κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὰ μὲν ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν ποιεῖν, τὰ δὲ κεκώλυται.	²⁶⁸ I have also purposed to write, according to our Jewish opinions, in four books concerning God and His essence, and concerning the laws—why, according to them, some things are permitted to us to do, while others are forbidden.
²⁶⁸ I have also an intention to write three books concerning our Jewish opinions about God and his essence, and about our laws; why, according to them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are prohibited.	²⁶⁸ I have also an intention to write three books about our Jewish beliefs about God and his essence, and about our laws, to show why in them some things are allowed to us and others are forbidden.

The Scale of the Achievement
Josephus notes that the Antiquities consists of 20 books and 60,000 lines.

1) The Comparison: This was a massive undertaking, roughly equivalent in length to the History of Rome by Dionysius of Halicarnassus. Josephus wanted the Romans to see that Jewish history was just as deep, literary, and "grand" as Greco-Roman history.

2) The Scope: He covers roughly 2,000 years, from Adam to the outbreak of the revolt in 66 CE.

Josephus’s "Language Barrier"
This is one of the most humanizing passages in ancient literature. Josephus admits that while he mastered Greek grammar and literature, he never lost his accent (prophoran).

1) Cultural Values: He explains that in Judea, being a "polyglot" (speaking many languages) wasn't seen as a sign of high intelligence; even slaves could do that.

2) True Wisdom: To the Jews, "wisdom" was strictly the ability to interpret the Torah (nomima). This explains why Josephus feels uniquely qualified: he has the "Eastern" depth of a priest and the "Western" education of a Roman citizen.

The Date: 93/94 CE
Josephus provides a precise "timestamp" for the completion of the Antiquities:

1) 13th Year of Domitian: This confirms he survived the reigns of Vespasian and Titus and was still a prominent (though perhaps controversial) figure in Rome under the last Flavian emperor.

2) Age 56: Josephus was born in 37/38 CE. This makes him a contemporary of the Apostles and the early Christian movement, though his focus remains strictly on the political and national history of the Jews.

The "Lost" Works
Josephus mentions a future project: a four-book work on "God and His Essence" and the "Laws."
Historians believe this refers to the work we now know as Against Apion, or perhaps a separate, more philosophical atise on Jewish theology that has since been lost.
His desire to explain "why some things are permitted and others forbidden" suggests he wanted to write a rational, Hellenized defense of the Kosher laws and the Sabbath to a skeptical Roman audience.

The Appeal to Witnesses
Josephus invites those living to "refute or bear witness" to his life.
This is a preemptive strike against his critics (like Justus of Tiberias), who accused him of being a traitor or a liar.
This leads directly into his "Life" (Vita), which is often attached to the Antiquities as an appendix, serving as a self-defense of his conduct during the war in Galilee.

The "Register of High Priests"
By reiterating that he kept a register of high priests for 2,000 years, Josephus is doubling down on the legitimacy of his history. To a Roman, for whom "Antiquity" equaled "Truth," a 2,000-year-old unbroken chain of religious authority was an incredibly powerful argument for the validity of the Jewish faith.

Josephus's Final "Boldness" (tharsēsas)
He ends with "boldness." After twenty volumes of chronicling the rise, fall, and near-destruction of his people, Josephus stands as the lone survivor and narrator. He has successfully translated an entire civilization’s soul into the language of its conquerors.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSJEWISH ANTIQUITIESBook 20

From the procuratorship of Fadus, to Florus

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book 20