The Jewish Nation's Antiquity
and its Non-Egyptian Origin
Chapter 1 For Greeks to scorn the Jews is absurd
Chapter 2 The Sacred Records of the Jews
Chapter 3 Josephus' own historical writings
Chapter 4 The unique Jewish lifestyle
Chapter 5 Early Jews in Egyptian records
Chapter 6 In Phoenician and other records
Chapter 7 In Chaldean and Persian sources
Chapter 8 Greek authors who mention the Jews
Chapter 9 Authors who suppress or calumniate the Jews
Chapter 10 The Hebrews were no "Leprous People"
Chapter 11 Distorted depictions of Moses
Chapter 12 The fictions of Chaeremon
Chapter 13 The anti-Jewish forgeries of Lysimachus
Chapter 1
For Greeks to scorn the Jews is absurd
| 1 Ἱκανῶς μὲν ὑπολαμβάνω καὶ διὰ τῆς περὶ τὴν ἀρχαιολογίανancient history συγγραφῆς , κράτιστε ἀνδρῶν ἘπαφρόδιτεEpaphroditus , τοῖς ἐντευξομένοιςto light upon, meet with αὐτῇ πεποιηκέναι φανερὸν περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , ὅτι καὶ παλαιότατόν ἐστι καὶ τὴν πρώτην ὑπόστασιν ἔσχεν ἰδίαν , καὶ πῶς τὴν χώραν ἣν νῦν ἔχομεν κατῴκησε Πεντακισχιλίων ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸν ἱστορίαν περιέχουσαν ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἱερῶν βίβλων διὰ τῆς ἙλληνικῆςGreek φωνῆς συνεγραψάμην . | |
| 1 I suppose that by my books of the Antiquity of the Jews, most excellent Epaphroditus, I have made it evident to those who peruse them, that our Jewish nation is of very great antiquity, and had a distinct subsistence of its own originally; as also, I have therein declared how we came to inhabit this country wherein we now live. Those Antiquities contain the history of five thousand years, and are taken out of our sacred books, but are translated by me into the Greek tongue. | 1 Epaphroditus, most excellent of men, I think it will be clear to those who have read what I have written on our Antiquities, that our Jewish nation is very ancient and has from the start had its own identity, and there I reported how we came to inhabit this country where we now live, for it contains the history of five thousand years as given in our sacred books and then interpreted by me into the Greek tongue. |
| 1 I consider that I have sufficiently made it clear, my dearest Epaphroditus, to those who shall read the work on our Antiquities, that our Jewish nation is of the most ancient origin, and had its own original settlement, and how it came to inhabit the country which we now possess. I have written this history, which covers a period of five thousand years, from our sacred books, in the Greek language. | |
| 2 Ἐπεὶ δὲ συχνοὺς ὁρῶ ταῖς ὑπὸ δυσμενείας ὑπό τινων εἰρημέναις προσέχοντας βλασφημίαις καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν ἀρχαιολογίανancient history ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ γεγραμμένοις ἀπιστοῦντας τεκμήριόνsign, proof τε ποιουμένους τοῦ νεώτερον εἶναι τὸ γένος ἡμῶν τὸ μηδεμιᾶς παρὰ τοῖς ἐπιφανέσιevident, notable τῶν ἙλληνικῶνGreeks ἱστοριογράφων μνήμης ἠξιῶσθαι , | |
| 2 However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill-will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians. | 2 However, I notice how often people listen to scornful comments against us by some who are hostile to us. They seem to disbelieve what I have written about the antiquity of our nation, taking the fact that the most famous Greek history writers do not mention us to be a clear indication that we are of recent origin. |
| 2 Now, since I observe that many people pay attention to the slanders spoken by certain persons out of ill-will, disbelieving what I have written concerning the Antiquities, and are making it a proof that our nation is more recent because it has not been deemed worthy of any mention among the prominent Greek historians. | |
| 3 περὶ τούτων ἁπάντων ᾠήθην δεῖν γράψαι συντόμως τῶν μὲν λοιδορούντων τὴν δυσμένειαν καὶ τὴν ἑκούσιον ἐλέγξαι ψευδολογίαν , τῶν δὲ τὴν ἄγνοιαν ἐπανορθώσασθαι , διδάξαι δὲ πάντας , ὅσοι τἀληθὲς εἰδέναι βούλονται , περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀρχαιότητος . | |
| 3 I therefore have thought myself under an obligation to write somewhat briefly about these subjects, in order to convict those that reproach us of spite and voluntary falsehood, and to correct the ignorance of others, and withal to instruct all those who are desirous of knowing the truth of what great antiquity we really are. | 3 Therefore I feel bound to write briefly on these topics, to rebut those who accuse us whether from spite or deliberate falsehood and to correct the ignorance of others, and also to teach the great antiquity of our nation to whomever wishes to know the truth about it. |
| 3 Concerning all these matters, I thought it necessary to write briefly, in order to expose the ill-will and wilful falsehood of those who slander us, to correct the ignorance of others, and to instruct all who wish to know the truth about our antiquity. | |
| 4 Χρήσομαι δὲ τῶν μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ λεγομένων μάρτυσι τοῖς ἀξιοπιστοτάτοις εἶναι περὶ πάσης ἀρχαιολογίας ὑπὸ τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks κεκριμένοις , τοὺς δὲ βλασφήμως περὶ ἡμῶν καὶ ψευδῶς γεγραφότας αὐτοὺς δι᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἐλεγχομένουςto disgrace παρέξω . | |
| 4 As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skillful in the knowledge of all antiquity by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary. | 4 I shall use as witnesses those whom the Greeks themselves regard most highly for their general knowledge of antiquity, and shall show how those who have written about us so scornfully and falsely may be rebutted out of their own writings. |
| 4 I shall use as witnesses for my statements those whom the Greeks have judged to be the most trustworthy concerning all antiquity, and I shall present those who have written slanderously and falsely concerning us as being refuted by their own testimony. | |
| 5 Πειράσομαι δὲ καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἀποδοῦναι , δι᾽ ἃς οὐ πολλοὶ τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἝλληνεςGreeks ἐμνημονεύκασιν , ἔτι μέντοι καὶ τοὺς οὐ παραλιπόντας τὴν περὶ ἡμῶν ἱστορίαν ποιήσω φανεροὺς τοῖς μὴ γιγνώσκουσιν ἢ προσποιουμένοιςto add on, produce more ἀγνοεῖν . | |
| 5 I shall also endeavor to give an account of the reasons why it hath so happened, that there have not been a great number of Greeks who have made mention of our nation in their histories. I will, however, bring those Grecians to light who have not omitted such our history, for the sake of those that either do not know them, or pretend not to know them already. | 5 I shall try to explain why so few Greeks have mentioned our nation in their histories and also highlight those Greeks who have not ignored our history, for the sake of those who don't already know them, or pretend not to know them. |
| 5 I shall also try to explain the reasons why not many Greeks have made mention of our nation in their histories, and furthermore, I shall make known those who have not omitted our history to those who do not know, or pretend not to know. | |
| 6 Πρῶτον οὖν ἐπέρχεταίto come in/upon μοι πάνυ θαυμάζειν τοὺς οἰομένους δεῖν περὶ τῶν παλαιοτάτων ἔργων μόνοις προσέχειν τοῖς ἝλλησιGreeks καὶ παρὰ τούτων πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν , ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἀπιστεῖνto disbelieve, distrust · πᾶν γὰρ ἐγὼ τοὐναντίον ὁρῶ συμβεβηκός , εἴ γε δεῖ μὴ ταῖς ματαίαις δόξαις ἐπακολουθεῖν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸ δίκαιον τῶν πραγμάτων λαμβάνειν . | |
| 6 And now, in the first place, I cannot but greatly wonder at those men, who suppose that we must attend to none but Grecians, when we are inquiring about the most ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of their truth from them only, while we must not believe ourselves nor other men; for I am convinced that the very reverse is the truth of the case. I mean this,--if we will not be led by vain opinions, but will make inquiry after truth from facts themselves; | 6 But first I am very surprised at those who think that when inquiring about the ancient past we should listen only to the Greeks and learn about it from them alone, trusting neither ourselves nor anyone else; for quite the reverse seems to me to be true, if we do not wish be led by empty opinions but want to deduce the truth from the actual facts. |
| 6 First, then, I am quite astonished at those who think that, concerning the most ancient matters, one ought to attend only to the Greeks and learn the truth from them, while disbelieving us and the rest of mankind. For I observe that entirely the opposite has occurred, if one must not follow vain opinions but take the just measure of things from the facts themselves. | |
| 7 Τὰ μὲν γὰρ παρὰ τοῖς ἝλλησινGreek ἅπαντα νέα καὶ χθὲς καὶ πρῴην , ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις , εὕροι γεγονότα , λέγω δὲ τὰς κτίσεις τῶν πόλεων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐπινοίας τῶν τεχνῶν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς τῶν νόμων ἀναγραφάς · πάντων δὲ νεωτάτη σχεδόν ἐστι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἡ περὶ τὸ συγγράφειν τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιμέλεια . | |
| 7 for they will find that almost all which concerns the Greeks happened not long ago; nay, one may say, is of yesterday only. I speak of the building of their cities, the inventions of their arts, and the description of their laws; and as for their care about the writing down of their histories, it is very near the last thing they set about. | 7 They will find that almost everything about the Greeks happened not long ago—only yesterday, one might say. I speak of the building of their cities, the invention of their arts and the writing up of their laws, and as for writing down their history, it is almost the last thing they care about. |
| 7 For everything among the Greeks you would find to be new, as one might say, “of yesterday and the day before,” I mean the founding of their cities, the invention of their arts, and the recording of their laws. And of all these things, the diligence regarding the writing of histories is almost the newest among them. | |
| 8 Τὰ μέντοι παρ᾽ ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian τε καὶ ΧαλδαίοιςChaldeans καὶ ΦοίνιξινPhoenician , ἐῶto permit; to be γὰρ νῦν ἡμᾶς ἐκείνοις συγκαταλέγειν , αὐτοὶ δήπουθεν ὁμολογοῦσιν ἀρχαιοτάτην τε καὶ μονιμωτάτην ἔχειν τῆς μνήμης τὴν παράδοσιν · | |
| 8 However, they acknowledge themselves so far, that they were the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of mankind; | 8 They themselves admit that it was the Egyptians, the Chaldeans and the Phoenicians, among whom I will not reckon us for the present, who preserved the most ancient and lasting human tradition. |
| 8 However, concerning the records among the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians—for I pass over including ourselves with them for the moment—they [the Greeks] themselves surely admit that these nations possess a tradition of memory that is most ancient and most consistently preserved. | |
| 9 καὶ γὰρ τόπους ἅπαντες οἰκοῦσιν ἥκιστα ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος φθοραῖς ὑποκειμένους καὶ πολλὴν ἐποιήσαντο πρόνοιαν τοῦ μηδὲν ἄμνηστον τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς πραττομένωνto do παραλιπεῖν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν δημοσίαις ἀναγραφαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν σοφωτάτων ἀεὶ καθιεροῦσθαι . | |
| 9 for almost all these nations inhabit such countries as are least subject to destruction from the world about them; and these also have taken especial care to have nothing omitted of what was [remarkably] done among them; but their history was esteemed sacred, and put into public tables, as written by men of the greatest wisdom they had among them. | 9 All these peoples live in places very little subject to natural disasters, and they have taken special care not to forget anything of note that was done among them, and the wisest of them wrote it reverently into the public record. |
| 9 For, in the first place, they all inhabit regions least subject to destruction from the elements, and in the second place, they took great precaution to leave nothing unrecorded that happened among them, but to have it continually preserved in public records by the most learned men. | |
| 10 Τὸν δὲ περὶ τὴν ἙλλάδαGreek τόπον μυρίαι μὲν φθοραὶ κατέσχον ἐξαλείφουσαι τὴν μνήμην τῶν γεγονότων , ἀεὶ δὲ καινοὺς καθιστάμενοι βίους τοῦ παντὸς ἐνόμιζον ἄρχειν ἕκαστοι τῶν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν , ὀψὲ δὲ καὶ μόλις ἔγνωσαν φύσιν γραμμάτων · οἱ γοῦν ἀρχαιοτάτην αὐτῶν τὴν χρῆσιν εἶναι θέλοντες παρὰ ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians καὶ ΚάδμουCadmus σεμνύνονται μαθεῖν . | |
| 10 But as for the place where the Grecians inhabit, ten thousand destructions have overtaken it, and blotted out the memory of former actions; so that they were ever beginning a new way of living, and supposed that every one of them was the origin of their new state. It was also late, and with difficulty, that they came to know the letters they now use; for those who would advance their use of these letters to the greatest antiquity pretend that they learned them from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus; | 10 The land of Greece itself was many times destroyed, blotting out the memory of past actions, so that they were always inventing new lifestyles and they each thought the world began with them, though it was recently and with difficulty that they knew of writing, for those who want to trace their oldest literature claim that they learned it from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus. |
| 10 But concerning the land around Greece, countless disasters have taken place there, erasing the memory of what has happened. And since they were constantly establishing new ways of life, each group supposed that the whole history began with themselves. Furthermore, only lately and with difficulty did they come to know the nature of letters; in fact, those among them who wish their use of letters to be considered most ancient boast that they learned them from the Phoenicians and Cadmus. | |
| 11 Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου δύναιτό τις ἂν δεῖξαι σωζομένηνto save, keep ἀναγραφὴν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἱεροῖς οὔτ᾽ ἐν δημοσίοις ἀναθήμασιν , ὅπου γε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ ΤροίανTrojan τοσούτοις ἔτεσι στρατευσάντωνto lead to war ὕστερον πολλὴ γέγονεν ἀπορία τε καὶ ζήτησις , εἰ γράμμασιν ἐχρῶντο , καὶ τἀληθὲς ἐπικρατεῖ μᾶλλον περὶ τοῦ τὴν νῦν οὖσαν τῶν γραμμάτων χρῆσιν ἐκείνους ἀγνοεῖν . | |
| 11 yet is nobody able to demonstrate that they have any writing preserved from that time, neither in their temples, nor in any other public monuments. This appears, because the time when those lived who went to the Trojan war, so many years afterward, is in great doubt, and great inquiry is made, whether the Greeks used their letters at that time; and the most prevailing opinion, and that nearest the truth, is, that their present way of using those letters was unknown at that time. | 11 There is no proof that they have any writing extant from that time, in their temples or in any other public monuments. This is because there is great doubt about the time of the Trojan war, so many years later, and it is a big question whether the Greeks used writing at that time, and the most probable opinion is that their present form of writing was unknown at that time. |
| 11 Indeed, not even from that time forward could anyone point to a surviving record preserved either in temples or in public monuments. This is demonstrated by the fact that even concerning those who campaigned against Troy so many years later, there has been much perplexity and investigation as to whether they even used letters; and the truth that prevails is that those men were ignorant of the usage of letters that exists today. | |
| 12 Ὅλως δὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἝλλησινGreek οὐδὲν ὁμολογούμενονto promise, agree εὑρίσκεται γράμμα τῆς ὉμήρουHomer ποιήσεως πρεσβύτερον , οὗτος δὲ καὶ τῶν ΤρωϊκῶνTroy ὕστερος φαίνεται γενόμενος , καί φασιν οὐδὲ τοῦτον ἐν γράμμασι τὴν αὐτοῦ ποίησιν καταλιπεῖν , ἀλλὰ διαμνημονευομένην ἐκ τῶν ᾀσμάτων ὕστερον συντεθῆναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλὰς ἐν αὐτῇ σχεῖν τὰς διαφωνίας . | |
| 12 However, there is not any writing which the Greeks agree to be genuine among them ancienter than Homer's Poems, who must plainly he confessed later than the siege of Troy; nay, the report goes, that even he did not leave his poems in writing, but that their memory was preserved in songs, and they were put together afterward, and that this is the reason of such a number of variations as are found in them. | 12 The Greeks do not acknowledge as genuine any of their writings claiming to predate Homer's poetry, which is clearly later than the siege of Troy. Some even say that he did not leave his poetry in writing, but that its memory was preserved in songs that were gathered later and that this is why so many variants are found in them. |
| 12 And, generally, no agreed-upon writing is found among the Greeks that is older than the poetry of Homer. He also appears to have lived later than the Trojan War, and they say that even he did not leave his own poetry in writing, but that it was later compiled from the songs that were memorized, and that this is why it contains many disagreements. | |
| 13 Οἱ μέντοι τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιχειρήσαντες συγγράφειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς , λέγω δὲ τοὺς περὶ ΚάδμονCadmus τε τὸν ΜιλήσιονMiletus καὶ τὸν ἈργεῖονArgos ἈκουσίλαονAcusilaus καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον εἴ τινες ἄλλοι λέγονται γενέσθαι , βραχὺ τῆς ΠερσῶνPersians ἐπὶ τὴν ἙλλάδαGreek στρατείας τῷ χρόνῳ προύλαβον . | |
| 13 As for those who set themselves about writing their histories, I mean such as Cadmus of Miletus, and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus, they lived but a little while before the Persian expedition into Greece. | 13 Those among them who undertook to write about their history, those around Cadmus of Miletus and Acusilaus of Argos and any others after him, were writing shortly before the Persian invasion of Greece. |
| 13 But those who set about compiling their histories among them—I mean the school of Cadmus the Milesian and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others who are said to have existed after him—preceded the Persian expedition against Greece by a short time. | |
| 14 Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῶν οὐρανίων τε καὶ θείων πρώτους παρ᾽ ἝλλησιGreeks φιλοσοφήσαντας , οἷον ΦερεκύδηνPherkydes τε τὸν ΣύριονSyrian καὶ ΠυθαγόρανPythagoras καὶ ΘάληταThales , πάντες συμφώνως ὁμολογοῦσιν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians καὶ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees γενομένους μαθητὰς ὀλίγα συγγράψαι , καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς ἝλλησινGreek εἶναι δοκεῖ πάντων ἀρχαιότατα καὶ μόλις αὐτὰ πιστεύουσιν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων γεγράφθαι . | |
| 14 But then for those that first introduced philosophy, and the consideration of things celestial and divine among them, such as Pherceydes the Syrian, and Pythagoras, and Thales, all with one consent agree, that they learned what they knew of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and wrote but little And these are the things which are supposed to be the oldest of all among the Greeks; and they have much ado to believe that the writings ascribed to those men are genuine. | 14 But of those among them who first introduced philosophy and astronomy and theology, such as Pherkydes the Syrian and Pythagoras and Thales, it is generally agreed that whatever they knew was learned from the Egyptians and Chaldeans; what little these wrote is reckoned to be the oldest of all writings among the Greeks; and even then are hardly believed to be genuine. |
| 14 Moreover, all agree that those who first philosophized among the Greeks about celestial and divine matters, such as Pherecydes of Syros, Pythagoras, and Thales, having been disciples of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, wrote little, and even these works are considered by the Greeks to be the most ancient of all, and they scarcely believe that they were written by those men themselves. | |
| 15 Πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλογον τετυφῶσθαι τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks ὡς μόνους ἐπισταμένους τἀρχαῖα καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν περὶ αὐτῶν ἀκριβῶς παραδιδόντας ; Ἢ τίς οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἂν τῶν συγγραφέων μάθοι ῥᾳδίως , ὅτι μηδὲν βεβαίως εἰδότες συνέγραφον , ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἕκαστοι περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εἴκαζον ; Τὸ πλεῖον γοῦν διὰ τῶν βιβλίων ἀλλήλους ἐλέγχουσι καὶ τἀναντιώτατα περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν λέγειν οὐκ ὀκνοῦσι . | |
| 15 How can it then be other than an absurd thing, for the Greeks to be so proud, and to vaunt themselves to be the only people that are acquainted with antiquity, and that have delivered the true accounts of those early times after an accurate manner? Nay, who is there that cannot easily gather from the Greek writers themselves, that they knew but little on any good foundation when they set to write, but rather wrote their histories from their own conjectures? Accordingly, they confute one another in their own books to purpose, and are not ashamed. | 15 Is it not absurd then for the Greeks to proudly claim to be the only experts in antiquity and to have accurately passed on the truth about those early times? For can we not easily see from those authors how little basis they had for their writings, but rather imagined how things occurred? In their books they often contradict each other and are not ashamed to hold the most conflicting views. |
| 15 How, therefore, is it not unreasonable for the Greeks to be puffed up as if they alone know the ancient things and accurately transmit the truth concerning them? Or who would not easily learn from the writers themselves that they composed their works knowing nothing with certainty, but rather as each one was guessing about the matters? At least for the most part, they refute one another throughout their books and do not hesitate to say the most contradictory things about the same subjects. | |
| 16 Περίεργος δ᾽ ἂν εἴην ἐγὼ τοὺς ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον ἐπισταμένους διδάσκων ὅσα μὲν ἙλλάνικοςHellanicus ἈκουσιλάῳAcusilaus περὶ τῶν γενεαλογιῶν διαπεφώνηκεν , ὅσα δὲ διορθοῦται τὸν ἩσίοδονHesiod ἈκουσίλαοςAcusilaus , ἢ τίνα τρόπον ἜφοροςEphorus μὲν ἙλλάνικονHellanicus ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις ψευδόμενον ἐπιδείκνυσιν , ἜφορονEphorus δὲ ΤίμαιοςTimaeus καὶ ΤίμαιονTimaeus οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον γεγονότες , ἩρόδοτονHerodotus δὲ πάντες . | |
| 16 Accordingly, they confute one another in their own books to purpose, and are not ashamed to give us the most contradictory accounts of the same things; and I should spend my time to little purpose, if I should pretend to teach the Greeks that which they know better than I already, what a great disagreement there is between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about their genealogies; in how many eases Acusilaus corrects Hesiod: or after what manner Ephorus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies in the greatest part of his history; as does Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all the later writers do to Herodotus | 16 It would be idle to try to show the Greeks what they know better than I, how much Hellanicus and Acusilaus disagree in their genealogies, how often Acusilaus corrects Hesiod, or Ephorus proves Hellanicus to have lied in most of his history, as Timaeus does to Ephorus and later writers do to Timaeus and all do to Herodotus. |
| 16 But I would be presumptuous in teaching those who know better than I do: how much Hellanicus disagreed with Acusilaus concerning the genealogies, how much Acusilaus corrects Hesiod, or in what manner Ephorus shows Hellanicus lying in most things, and how Timaeus shows Ephorus, and those after him [show] Timaeus, and how all [show] Herodotus. | |
| 17 Ἀλλ᾽But οὐδὲ περὶ τῶν ΣικελικῶνSicilian τοῖς περὶ ἈντίοχονAntiochus καὶ ΦίλιστονPhilistius ἢ ΚαλλίανCallias ΤίμαιοςTimaeus συμφωνεῖν ἠξίωσεν , οὐδ᾽ αὖ περὶ τῶν ἈττικῶνAttic οἱ τὰς ἈτθίδαςAthides συγγεγραφότες ἢ περὶ τῶν ἈργολικῶνArgives οἱ τὰ περὶ ἌργοςArgos ἱστοροῦντες ἀλλήλοις κατηκολουθήκασι . | |
| 17 nor could Timeus agree with Antiochus and Philistius, or with Callias, about the Sicilian History, no more than do the several writers of the Athide follow one another about the Athenian affairs; nor do the historians the like, that wrote the Argolics, about the affairs of the Argives. | 17 About the Sicilian History, Timaeus could not agree with Antiochus and Philistius, or with Callias, no more than do the writers of the Athides agree about affairs in Athens, or the historians who wrote of the Argives agree about them. |
| 17 But neither did Timaeus consider it right to agree with the school of Antiochus, Philistus, or Callias concerning Sicilian affairs; nor, again, did those who compiled the Atthides agree with one another concerning Attic affairs, or those who wrote the histories concerning Argos agree with one another concerning Argolic affairs. | |
| 18 Καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν περὶ τῶν κατὰ πόλεις καὶ βραχυτέρων ; Ὅπου γε περὶ τῆς ΠερσικῆςPersian στρατείας καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ πραχθέντων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι διαπεφωνήκασι , πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ΘουκυδίδηςThucydides ὡς ψευδόμενος ὑπό τινων κατηγορεῖται καίτοι δοκῶν ἀκριβεστάτην τὴν καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν . | |
| 18 And now what need I say any more about particular cities and smaller places, while in the most approved writers of the expedition of the Persians, and of the actions which were therein performed, there are so great differences? Nay, Thucydides himself is accused of some as writing what is false, although he seems to have given us the exactest history of the affairs of his own time. | 18 Need I say more about particular cities and smaller places, when there are such great differences between the most approved writers about the Persian invasion and of the exploits then performed? Some accuse even Thucydides of writing much that is false, though he seems to have written the most exact history of his own time. |
| 18 And why need I speak of histories concerning individual cities and less significant matters? Where, indeed, even concerning the Persian expedition and the events transacted in it, the most renowned writers have disagreed, and Thucydides, too, despite being considered to compose the most accurate history of his own time, is accused by some of lying in many things. | |
| 19 Αἰτίαι δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης διαφωνίας πολλαὶ μὲν ἴσως ἂν καὶ ἕτεραι τοῖς βουλομένοις ζητεῖν ἂν φανεῖεν , ἐγὼ δὲ δυσὶ ταῖς λεχθησομέναις τὴν μεγίστην ἰσχὺν ἀνατίθημι , καὶ προτέραν Ἐρῶ τὴν κυριωτέραν εἶναί μοι δοκοῦσαν · | |
| 19 As for the occasions of so great disagreement of theirs, there may be assigned many that are very probable, if any have a mind to make an inquiry about them; but I ascribe these contradictions chiefly to two causes, which I will now mention, and still think what I shall mention in the first place to be the principal of all. | 19 If one wished to study the question, many reasons for these divergences could be found, but I attribute them mainly to two things, of which the first seems to me the main one. |
| 19 Now, many other causes for such a disagreement might perhaps become apparent to those who wish to inquire, but I attribute the greatest power to the two causes that are about to be mentioned, and I will state first the one that seems to me to be the more authoritative. | |
| 20 τὸ γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὴ σπουδασθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς ἝλλησιGreeks δημοσίας γίνεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἑκάστοτε πραττομένωνto do ἀναγραφὰς τοῦτο μάλιστα δὴ καὶ τὴν πλάνην καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα βουληθεῖσι περὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τι γράφειν παρέσχεν . | |
| 20 For if we remember that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient transactions the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also; | 20 In the beginning, the Greeks took no care to preserve public records of each one’s actions, which could clearly give rise to mistakes and lying by those who would later write about those ancient deeds. |
| 20 For the fact that from the beginning the Greeks did not take care to have public records made of the things that were done from time to time—this especially provided both the error and the license to lie for those who subsequently wished to write anything about ancient times. | |
| 21 Οὐ γὰρ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἝλλησινGreek ἠμελήθη τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφάς , ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἈθηναίοιςAthenians , οὓς αὐτόχθονας εἶναι λέγουσιν καὶ παιδείας ἐπιμελεῖς , οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον εὑρίσκεται γενόμενον , ἀλλὰ τῶν δημοσίων γραμμάτων ἀρχαιοτάτους εἶναί φασι τοὺς ὑπὸ Δράκοντος αὐτοῖς περὶ τῶν φονικῶν γραφέντας νόμους ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τῆς ΠεισιστράτουPisistratus τυραννίδος ἀνθρώπου γεγονότος . | |
| 21 for this original recording of such ancient transactions hath not only been neglected by the other states of Greece, but even among the Athenians themselves also, who pretend to be Aborigines, and to have applied themselves to learning, there are no such records extant; nay, they say themselves that the laws of Draco concerning murders, which are now extant in writing, are the most ancient of their public records; which Draco yet lived but a little before the tyrant Pisistratus. | 21 Indeed, the recording of such ancient deeds was neglected not only by the other Greeks, but even among the Athenians no such records are extant, though they claim to be originators and promoters of learning. They say that their most ancient public records are the written laws of Draco about murders, but that was just a little before the tyrant Pisistratus. |
| 21 For not only was the matter of record-keeping neglected among the other Greeks, but not even among the Athenians—whom they say are autochthonous and attentive to education—is anything of this sort found to have happened. Rather, they say that the most ancient of their public writings are the laws concerning homicide written for them by Draco, which came into being a little before the time of the tyranny of Pisistratus. | |
| 22 περὶ μὲν γὰρ ἈρκάδωνArcadians τί δεῖ λέγειν αὐχούντων ἀρχαιότητα ; Μόλις γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα γράμμασιν ἐπαιδεύθησαν . | |
| 22 For as to the Arcadians, who make such boasts of their antiquity, what need I speak of them in particular, since it was still later before they got their letters, and learned them, and that with difficulty also. | 22 As for the Arcadians, who boast so much about their antiquity, it was still later and with some difficulty that they became literate. |
| 22 For why need I speak concerning the Arcadians, who boast of their antiquity? For these scarcely became educated in letters even afterwards. | |
| 23 Ἅτε δὴ τοίνυν οὐδεμιᾶς προκαταβεβλημένης ἀναγραφῆς , ἣ καὶ τοὺς μαθεῖν βουλομένους διδάξειν ἔμελλεν καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους ἐλέγξειν , ἡ πολλὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγένετο διαφωνία τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιan author, writer . | |
| 23 There must therefore naturally arise great differences among writers, when they had no original records to lay for their foundation, which might at once inform those who had an inclination to learn, and contradict those that would tell lies. | 23 It is inevitable that great differences arise among writers, when original records are lacking to inform those who seek knowledge and to put a check on liars. |
| 23 Since, therefore, no prior record had been established, which was likely both to inform those wishing to learn and to refute those who lied, the great disagreement among the writers arose. | |
| 24 Δευτέραν δὲ πρὸς ταύτῃ θετέον ἐκείνην αἰτίαν · οἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ γράφειν ὁρμήσαντεςto set in motion οὐ περὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐσπούδασαν , καίτοι τοῦτο πρόχειρόνready, speedy ἐστιν ἀεὶ τὸ ἐπάγγελμα , λόγων δὲ δύναμιν ἐπεδείκνυντο , καὶ καθ᾽ ὅντινα τρόπον ἐν τούτῳ παρευδοκιμήσειν τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπελάμβανον , | |
| 24 However, we are to suppose a second occasion besides the former of these contradictions; it is this: That those who were the most zealous to write history were not solicitous for the discovery of truth, although it was very easy for them always to make such a profession; but their business was to demonstrate that they could write well, and make an impression upon mankind thereby; and in what manner of writing they thought they were able to exceed others, to that did they apply themselves. | 24 But there is also a second reason. Those who quickly rushed into writing history were not so devoted to the truth, though they always profess to be; their real aim was to prove how well they could write and how to make an impression upon others. |
| 24 And the second cause must be placed alongside this one: for those who set out to write did not pursue the truth, although this is always the readily available pretense (or claim), but rather they demonstrated the power of rhetoric,1 and in whatever manner they supposed they would surpass the others in this respect. | |
1or: their literary skill
| 25 κατὰ τοῦτον ἡρμόζοντο τινὲς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ μυθολογεῖν τραπόμενοι , τινὲς δὲ πρὸς χάριν ἢ τὰς πόλεις ἢ τοὺς βασιλέας ἐπαινοῦντεςto praise, approve · ἄλλοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ κατηγορεῖν τῶν πράξεων ἢ τῶν γεγραφότων ἐχώρησαν ἐνευδοκιμήσειν τούτῳ νομίζοντες . | |
| 25 Some of them betook themselves to the writing of fabulous narrations; some of them endeavored to please the cities or the kings, by writing in their commendation; others of them fell to finding faults with transactions, or with the writers of such transactions, and thought to make a great figure by so doing. | 25 Some turned to writing mythology and some sought favour with cities or kings, by writing in praise of them. Still others set to finding fault with deeds of others, or with other writers, expecting in this way to gain a reputation. |
| 25 In accordance with this [motive], some applied themselves by turning to myth-telling, others by praising either the cities or the kings to win favor. And others proceeded to criticize the deeds or the writers, thinking they would gain distinction by this. | |
| 26 Ὅλως δὲ τὸ πάντων ἐναντιώτατον ἱστορίᾳ πράττοντεςto do, accomplish διατελοῦσι · τῆς μὲν γὰρ ἀληθοῦς ἐστι τεκμήριον ἱστορίας , εἰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἅπαντες ταὐτὰ καὶ λέγοιεν καὶ γράφοιεν . Οἱ δ᾽ εἰ ταῦτα γράψειαν ἑτέρως , οὕτως ἐνόμιζον αὐτοὶ φανεῖσθαι πάντων ἀληθέστατοι . | |
| 26 And indeed these do what is of all things the most contrary to true history; for it is the great character of true history that all concerned therein both speak and write the same things; while these men, by writing differently about the same things, think they shall be believed to write with the greatest regard to truth. | 26 The latter are the most contrary to true history, whose hallmark is for all its practitioners to show consistency in what they speak and write, while these, by writing conflicting views about the same things, imagine that they give the appearance of writing the most truly of all. |
| 26 In short, they continually do the very opposite of what history requires. For the proof of genuine history is if everyone would both say and write the same things concerning the same subjects. But they supposed that if they wrote these things differently, they themselves would appear to be the most truthful of all. | |
| 27 Λόγων μὲν οὖν ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἐν τούτοις δεινότητος δεῖ παραχωρεῖν ἡμᾶς τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιan author, writer τοῖς ἙλληνικοῖςGreek , οὐ μὴν καὶ τῆς περὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων ἀληθοῦς ἱστορίας καὶ μάλιστά γε τῆς περὶ τῶν ἑκάστοις ἐπιχωρίων . | |
| 27 We therefore [who are Jews] must yield to the Grecian writers as to language and eloquence of composition; but then we shall give them no such preference as to the verity of ancient history, and least of all as to that part which concerns the affairs of our own several countries. | 27 So we may indeed yield to the Greek writers on the level of language and eloquent composition; but we shall not defer to them about the truth of ancient history and least of all regarding what pertains to the affairs of our own particular countries. |
| 27 Therefore, for the sake of rhetoric and the skill in these matters, we must yield to the Greek writers, but not for the sake of the genuine history of ancient things, and especially not the history concerning the local affairs of each people. | |
Chapter 2
The Sacred Records of the Jews
| 28 Ὅτι μὲν οὖν παρ᾽ ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian τε καὶ ΒαβυλωνίοιςBabylonians ἐκ μακροτάτων ἄνωθεν χρόνων τὴν περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφὰς ἐπιμέλειαν ὅπου μὲν οἱ ἱερεῖς ἦσαν ἐγκεχειρισμένοι καὶ περὶ ταύτας ἐφιλοσόφουν , ΧαλδαῖοιChaldeans δὲ παρὰ τοῖς ΒαβυλωνίοιςBabylonians , καὶ ὅτι μάλιστα δὴ τῶν ἝλλησινGreek ἐπιμιγνυμένων ἐχρήσαντο ΦοίνικεςPhoenicians γράμμασιν εἴς τε τὰς περὶ τὸν βίον οἰκονομίας καὶ πρὸς τὴν τῶν κοινῶν ἔργων παράδοσιν , ἐπειδὴ συγχωροῦσιν ἅπαντες , ἐάσειν μοι δοκῶ . | |
| 28 As to the care of writing down the records from the earliest antiquity among the Egyptians and Babylonians; that the priests were intrusted therewith, and employed a philosophical concern about it; that they were the Chaldean priests that did so among the Babylonians; and that the Phoenicians, who were mingled among the Greeks, did especially make use of their letters, both for the common affairs of life, and for the delivering down the history of common transactions, I think I may omit any proof, because all men allow it so to be. | 28 I need hardly prove that among the Egyptians and Babylonians, the priests were entrusted with writing down their records from the earliest antiquity and they pondered on them, that the Chaldean priests did so among the Babylonians, and that the Phoenicians mingled with the Greeks and used their alphabet, both for everyday things and for passing on the history of public actions, since all are agreed on this. |
| 28 Since, therefore, it is agreed by all that among the Egyptians and Babylonians, the concern for their records from the remotest times was entrusted, in the one case, to the priests, who also philosophized concerning them, and among the Babylonians, to the Chaldeans; and that the Phoenicians, above all the peoples mixing with the Greeks, made use of letters for the management of their lives and for the transmission of public works, since, then, all concede this, I suppose I may pass over it. | |
| 29 περὶ δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων ὅτι τὴν αὐτήν , ἐῶto permit; to be γὰρ λέγειν εἰ καὶ πλείω τῶν εἰρημένων ἐποιήσαντο περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφὰς ἐπιμέλειαν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι καὶ τοῖς προφήταις τοῦτο προστάξαντες , καὶ ὡς μέχρι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνων πεφύλακται μετὰ πολλῆς ἀκριβείας , εἰ δὲ δεῖ θρασύτερον εἰπεῖν καὶ φυλαχθήσεται , πειράσομαι συντόμως διδάσκειν . | |
| 29 But now as to our forefathers, that they took no less care about writing such records, [for I will not say they took greater care than the others I spoke of,] and that they committed that matter to their high priests and to their prophets, and that these records have been written all along down to our own times with the utmost accuracy; nay, if it be not too bold for me to say it, our history will be so written hereafter;—I shall endeavor briefly to inform you. | 29 But I shall try to say briefly how our ancestors took no less care to write down their records, for I won't claim that they took even more care than those I have mentioned, and that they entrusted this work to their high priests and prophets and that these records have been preserved with the utmost care down to our own times; indeed if I dare to say so, will continue to be so preserved. |
| 29 But concerning our own ancestors—that they showed the same (for I omit to say whether they showed even greater diligence concerning their records than those mentioned, having entrusted this matter to the high priests and the prophets), and how it has been preserved with great accuracy down to our own times, and (if I must speak more boldly) how it will continue to be preserved—I shall endeavor to instruct you briefly. | |
| 30 Οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τούτων τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προσεδρεύοντας κατέστησαν , ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως τὸ γένος τῶν ἱερέων ἄμικτον καὶ καθαρὸν διαμενεῖ προυνόησανto plan ahead . | |
| 30 For our forefathers did not only appoint the best of these priests, and those that attended upon the Divine worship, for that design from the beginning, but made provision that the stock of the priests should continue unmixed and pure; | 30 From the start, they assigned for that purpose the best of those in charge of the divine worship, and took care that the stock of the priests should continue unmixed and pure. |
| 30 For they not only appointed from the very beginning the best men to oversee these matters—those who were constantly devoted to the worship of God—but they also took measures to ensure that the lineage of the priests would remain unmixed and pure. | |
| 31 Δεῖ γὰρ τὸν μετέχοντα τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἐξ ὁμοεθνοῦςto be of same people γυναικὸς παιδοποιεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ πρὸς χρήματα μηδὲ τὰς ἄλλας ἀποβλέπειν τιμὰς , ἀλλὰ τὸ γένος ἐξετάζειν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων λαμβάνοντα τὴν διαδοχὴν καὶ πολλοὺς παρεχόμενον μάρτυρας . | |
| 31 for he who is partaker of the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to money, or any other dignities; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take his wife's genealogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses to it. | 31 Whoever shares in the priesthood must procreate with a wife of the same group, irrespective of money or other advantages, and he must study his wife's genealogy from the ancient tables and have many witnesses to it. |
| 31 For the one who holds the priesthood must have children by a woman of the same tribe (or nation) and must not look towards wealth or other honours, but must examine his lineage, receiving the succession from antiquity and providing many witnesses. | |
| 32 Καὶ ταῦτα πράττομεν οὐ μόνον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea , ἀλλ᾽ ὅπου ποτὲ σύστημα τοῦ γένους ἐστὶν ἡμῶν κἀκεῖ τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἀποσώζεται τοῖς ἱερεῦσι περὶ τοὺς γάμους · | |
| 32 And this is our practice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any body of men of our nation do live; and even there an exact catalogue of our priests' marriages is kept; | 32 This is our practice not only in Judea, but also wherever any of our nation lives, and even out there an exact catalogue of our priests' marriages is kept, |
| 32 And these things we practise not only in Judaea itself, but wherever there is a settlement of our people, there too the strictness concerning the marriages of the priests is preserved. | |
| 33 λέγω δὲ τοὺς ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt καὶ ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon καὶ εἴ που τῆς ἄλλης οἰκουμένης τοῦ γένους τῶν ἱερέων εἰσί τινες διεσπαρμένοι · πέμπουσι γὰρ εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem συγγράψαντες πατρόθεν τοὔνομα τῆς τε γαμετῆς καὶ τῶν ἐπάνω προγόνων καὶ τίνες οἱ μαρτυροῦντες. | |
| 33 I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also. | 33 I mean in Egypt and Babylon, or anywhere in the rest of the world that our priests are scattered. They send to Jerusalem, in writing, their parents' names as well as those of their more remote ancestors, indicating also who are the witnesses. |
| 33 And I mean those in Egypt and Babylon, and if there are any of the priestly line scattered throughout the rest of the world; for they send to Jerusalem, having set down the name of the wife and of her ancestors above, traced from the father's side, and who the witnesses are. | |
| 34 Πόλεμος δ᾽ εἰ κατάσχοι , καθάπερ ἤδη γέγονεν πολλάκις ἈντιόχουAntiochus τε τοῦ ἘπιφανοῦςEpiphanes εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐμβαλόντος καὶ ΠομπηίουPompeius ΜάγνουMagnus καὶ ΚυντιλίουQuintilius ΟὐάρουVarus μάλιστα δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις , | |
| 34 But if any war falls out, such as have fallen out a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times, | 34 But whenever there is a war, as when Antiochus Epiphanes invaded our country, or when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so, and especially in our own times, |
| 34 But if war should break out, just as has often happened already—when Antiochus Epiphanes invaded the country, and when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so, and especially in our own times, | |
| 35 οἱ περιλειπόμενοι τῶν ἱερέων καινὰ πάλιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων γραμμάτων συνίστανται καὶ δοκιμάζουσι τὰς ὑπολειφθείσας γυναῖκας . Οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰς αἰχμαλώτους γενομένας προσίενται πολλάκις γεγονυιῶν αὐταῖς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλόφυλον κοινωνίαν ὑφορώμενοι . | |
| 35 those priests that survive them compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation with some foreigners. | 35 the priests who survive them write new genealogical tables from the old records and examine the status of the female survivors, and they do not register women who have been taken prisoner, for in many cases these will have been subjected to intercourse with foreigners. |
| 35 the surviving priests compile new records again from the ancient writings and examine the remaining women. For they do not approach (marry) those who were made captives, because they suspect the frequent association they might have had with a foreigner. | |
| 36 Τεκμήριον δὲ μέγιστον τῆς ἀκριβείας · οἱ γὰρ ἀρχιερεῖς οἱ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀπὸ δισχιλίων ἐτῶν ὀνομαστοὶ παῖδες ἐκ πατρὸς εἰσὶν ἐν ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς . Τοῖς δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything γένοιτο εἰς παράβασιν ἀπηγόρευται μήτε τοῖς βωμοῖς παρίστασθαι μήτε μετέχειν τῆς ἄλλης ἁγιστείας . | |
| 36 But what is the strongest argument of our exact management in this matter is what I am now going to say, that we have the names of our high priests from father to son set down in our records for the interval of two thousand years; and if any of these have been transgressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications; | 36 The best proof of our diligence is this: we have in our records the names of our high priests from father to son for the period of two thousand years. If any of the aforementioned priests sinned, he was barred from standing at the altar, or taking part in any other act of worship. |
| 36 And the greatest proof of this strictness is that the High Priests among us are named, son from father, in the registers, going back for two thousand years. To those who commit any violation of the aforementioned rules, it is forbidden either to stand before the altars or to partake in any other holy rite. | |
| 37 Εἰκότως οὖν , μᾶλλον δὲ ἀναγκαίως , ἅτε μήτε τὸ ὑπογράφειν αὐτεξουσίου πᾶσιν ὄντος μήτε τινὸς ἐν τοῖς γραφομένοις ἐνούσης διαφωνίας , ἀλλὰ μόνον τῶν προφητῶν τὰ μὲν ἀνωτάτω καὶ παλαιότατα κατὰ τὴν ἐπίπνοιαν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων , τὰ δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὡς ἐγένετο σαφῶς συγγραφόντων , | |
| 37 and this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is not permitted of his own accord to be a writer, nor is there any disagreement in what is written; they being only prophets that have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them of God himself by inspiration; and others have written what hath happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also. | 37 This is just, and even necessary, because not every one is allowed to write history on his own initiative, and there should be no inconsistency in what is written, since only the prophets learned from the inspiration of God himself, and others have written sagely of what happened in their own times. |
| 37 Reasonably, therefore—or rather, necessarily—since the right to compose (historical accounts) is not open to everyone, nor is there any disagreement within the writings; but only the prophets wrote: having learned the earliest and most ancient events through the divine inspiration from God, and having clearly recorded the events of their own time as they happened, | |
| 38 οὐ μυριάδες βιβλίων εἰσὶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀσυμφώνωνinharmonious καὶ μαχομένων , δύο δὲ μόνα πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι βιβλία τοῦ παντὸς ἔχοντα χρόνου τὴν ἀναγραφήν , τὰ δικαίως πεπιστευμένα . | |
| 38 For we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us, disagreeing from and contradicting one another, [as the Greeks have,] but only twenty-two books, which contain the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine; | 38 We do not have thousands of discordant and conflicting books, but only twenty-two which contain the records of all our past and which are properly believed. |
| 38 There are not tens of thousands of conflicting and contradictory books among us, but only twenty-two books which contain the record of the entire time and are justly believed. | |
| 39 Καὶ τούτων πέντε μέν ἐστι ΜωυσέωςMoses , ἃ τούς τε νόμους περιέχει καὶ τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρωπογονίας παράδοσιν μέχρι τῆς αὐτοῦ τελευτῆς · οὗτος ὁ χρόνος ἀπολείπει τρισχιλίων ὀλίγῳ ἐτῶν . | |
| 39 and of them five belong to Moses, which contain his laws and the traditions of the origin of mankind till his death. This interval of time was little short of three thousand years; | 39 Of these, five come from Moses, containing his laws and the tradition from the origin of mankind until his death; this period was little short of three thousand years. |
| 39 And of these, five belong to Moses, which contain both the laws and the tradition (history) from the creation of humankind until his own death. This period falls short of three thousand years by a little. | |
| 40 Ἀπὸfrom δὲ τῆς ΜωυσέωςMoses τελευτῆς μέχρι τῆς ἈρταξέρξουArtaxerxes τοῦ μετὰ ΞέρξηνXerxes ΠερσῶνPersians βασιλέως οἱ μετὰ ΜωυσῆνMoses προφῆται τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς πραχθέντα συνέγραψαν ἐν τρισὶ καὶ δέκα βιβλίοις · αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τέσσαρες ὕμνους εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὑποθήκαςprecept τοῦ βίου περιέχουσιν . | |
| 40 but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life. | 40 From the death of Moses to the reign of Artaxerxes, who reigned after Xerxes, king of Persia, the prophets after Moses wrote down in thirteen books what was done in their times. The other four books contain hymns to God and precepts for human living. |
| 40 From the death of Moses up to Artaxerxes, the King of the Persians after Xerxes, the prophets who succeeded Moses wrote the events that happened in their own times in thirteen books; and the remaining four contain hymns to God and precepts for human life. | |
| 41 Ἀπὸfrom δὲ ἈρταξέρξουArtaxerxes μέχρι τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνου γέγραπται μὲν ἕκαστα , πίστεως δ᾽ οὐχ ὁμοίαςlike, similar ἠξίωται τοῖς πρὸ αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ μὴ γενέσθαι τὴν τῶν προφητῶν ἀκριβῆ διαδοχήν . | |
| 41 It is true, our history hath been written since Artaxerxes very particularly, but hath not been esteemed of the like authority with the former by our forefathers, because there hath not been an exact succession of prophets since that time; | 41 It is true, our history since Artaxerxes has also been written but it is not esteemed as highly as the former, as there was no clear succession of prophets during that time. |
| 41 But from Artaxerxes up to our own time, though each event has indeed been recorded, they have not been deemed worthy of the same belief as the earlier writings, because the accurate succession of the prophets did not continue. | |
| 42 Δῆλον δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἔργωιdeed , πῶς ἡμεῖς πρόσιμεν τοῖς ἰδίοις γράμμασι · τοσούτου γὰρ αἰῶνος ἤδη παρῳχηκότος οὔτε προσθεῖναί τις οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀφελεῖν αὐτῶν οὔτε μεταθεῖναι τετόλμηκεν , πᾶσι δὲ σύμφυτόν ἐστιν εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης γενέσεως ἸουδαίοιςJews τὸ νομίζειν αὐτὰ θεοῦ δόγματα καὶ τούτοις ἐμμένειν καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν , εἰ δέοι , θνήσκειν ἡδέως . | |
| 42 and how firmly we have given credit to these books of our own nation is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add any thing to them, to take any thing from them, or to make any change in them; but it is become natural to all Jews immediately, and from their very birth, to esteem these books to contain Divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and, if occasion be willingly to die for them. | 42 How firmly we trust in these books of ours is proven by what we do, for in the many ages that have passed, no one has dared either to add anything to them, or take anything from them, or make any change in them. From their earliest childhood, all Jews believe that these books contain the very decrees of God, and hold firmly to them, and, if necessary, will gladly die for them. |
| 42 But it is clear by our actions how we approach our own writings: for although so long a time has already passed, no one has dared to add anything to them, or to take anything away from them, or to alter them; but it is inherent in all Jews, straight from birth, to regard them as the decrees of God, to abide by them, and, if need be, to die gladly for them. | |
| 43 Ἤδη οὖν πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἑώρανται τῶν αἰχμαλώτων στρέβλας καὶ παντοίων θανάτων τρόπους ἐν θεάτροις ὑπομένοντες ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν ῥῆμα προέσθαι παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰς μετὰ τούτων ἀναγραφάς . | |
| 43 For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them; | 43 Many captives have endure racks and all kinds of death in the theatres, rather than say a single word against our laws and the records that contain them. |
| 43 Indeed, many of our captives have often been seen enduring tortures and all kinds of death in the theatres, for the sake of not uttering a single word contrary to the Laws and the records that accompany them. | |
| 44 Ὃ τίς ἂν ὑπομείνειεν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ; Ἀλλ᾽But οὐδ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ καὶ πάντα τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀφανισθῆναι συγγράμματα τὴν τυχοῦσαν ὑποστήσεται βλάβην · | |
| 44 whereas there are none at all among the Greeks who would undergo the least harm on that account, no, nor in case all the writings that are among them were to be destroyed; | 44 But who among the Greeks would suffer for theirs? They would rather let all their writings be destroyed than suffer any harm, |
| 44 Which of the Greeks would endure that for it? But not even for the complete destruction of all the writings among them would one submit to the slightest harm. | |
| 45 λόγους γὰρ αὐτὰ νομίζουσιν εἶναι κατὰ τὴν τῶν γραψάντων βούλησιν ἐσχεδιασμένουςto be negligent , καὶ τοῦτο δικαίως καὶ περὶ τῶν παλαιοτέρων φρονοῦσιν , ἐπειδὴ καὶ τῶν νῦν ἐνίους ὁρῶσι τολμῶντας περὶ τούτων συγγράφειν , οἷς μήτ᾽ αὐτοὶ παρεγένοντο μήτε πυθέσθαι παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων ἐφιλοτιμήθησαν . | |
| 45 for they take them to be such discourses as are framed agreeably to the inclinations of those that write them; and they have justly the same opinion of the ancient writers, since they see some of the present generation bold enough to write about such affairs, wherein they were not present, nor had concern enough to inform themselves about them from those that knew them; | 45 for they regard them as pleasing works of literature, composed as the writers felt inclined, and they rightly have the same opinion of their older literature, since they see some of the present generation daring to write about matters where they were not present, not even taking the trouble to find out about them from those who knew. |
| 45 For they consider them to be mere accounts, drafted according to the whim of the writers, and they rightly hold this opinion even about the older (writers), since they see some of the present writers daring to compose about these matters which they neither witnessed themselves nor took the trouble to inquire about from those who knew. | |
| 46 Ἀμέλει καὶ περὶ τοῦ γενομένου νῦν ἡμῖν πολέμου τινὲς ἱστορίας ἐπιγράψαντες ἐξενηνόχασιν οὔτ᾽ εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραβαλόντες οὔτε πλησίον τούτων πραττομένωνto do προσελθόντες , ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ παρακουσμάτων ὀλίγα συνθέντες τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας ὀνόματι λίαν ἀναιδῶς ἐνεπαροίνησαν . | |
| 46 examples of which may be had in this late war of ours, where some persons have written histories, and published them, without having been in the places concerned, or having been near them when the actions were done; but these men put a few things together by hearsay, and insolently abuse the world, and call these writings by the name of Histories. | 46 For instance, some have written and published histories about our late war without having been involved or even ever going near the places when the actions took place. They just put together a few things by hearsay and then shamelessly claim to have written history. |
| 46 Indeed, concerning the war that recently occurred for us, some people have published accounts, having written histories who neither visited the places nor came near where the events were happening, but put together a few things from hearsay, and have very shamelessly abused the name of history. | |
Chapter 3
Josephus' own historical writings
| 47 Ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου παντὸς καὶ περὶ τῶν αὐτῷ κατὰ μέρος γενομένων ἀληθῆ τὴν ἀναγραφὴν ἐποιησάμην τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐτὸς ἅπασι παρατυχών · | |
| 47 Winston | 47 On the contrary, having been involved in all the actions of that whole war, I have written a true history of it and of all its episodes. |
| 47 Barach | |
| 48 ἐστρατήγουν μὲν γὰρ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ΓαλιλαίωνGalilee ὀνομαζομένων ἕως ἀντέχειν δυνατὸν ἦν , ἐγενόμην δὲ παρὰ ῬωμαίοιςRomans συλληφθεὶςto seize, arrest, collect αἰχμάλωτος καί με διὰ φυλακῆς ΟὐεσπασιανὸςVespasian καὶ ΤίτοςTitus ἔχοντες ἀεὶ προσεδρεύειν αὐτοῖς ἠνάγκασαν τὸ μὲν πρῶτον δεδεμένον , αὖθις δὲ λυθεὶς συνεπέμφθην ἀπὸ τῆς ἈλεξανδρείαςAlexandria ΤίτῳTitus πρὸς τὴν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem πολιορκίαν . | |
| 48 Winston | 48 I served as general of those among us called Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to put up any opposition, and then I was taken prisoner by the Romans and Vespasian and Titus had me kept under guard and constantly in their presence. At first I was in chains, but was later set free and sent to accompany Titus when he came from Alexandria to the siege of Jerusalem. |
| 48 Barach | |
| 49 Ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ γενομένην τῶν πραττομένωνto do οὐκ ἔστιν ὃ τὴν ἐμὴν γνῶσιν διέφυγεν · καὶ γὰρ τὰ κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ὁρῶν ἐπιμελῶς ἀνέγραφον καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῶν αὐτομόλων ἀπαγγελλόμενα μόνος αὐτὸς συνίειν . | |
| 49 Winston | 49 During that time none of the events escaped my knowledge, for I saw and wrote down carefully what happened in the Roman camp, and I was the only one who understood the information that was brought by the deserters. |
| 49 Barach | |
| 50 Εἶτα σχολῆς ἐν τῇ ῬώμῃRome λαβόμενος , πάσης μοι τῆς πραγματείας ἐν παρασκευῇ γεγενημένης χρησάμενός τισι πρὸς τὴν ἙλληνίδαGreek φωνὴν συνεργοῖς οὕτως ἐποιησάμην τῶν πράξεων τὴν παράδοσιν . Τοσοῦτον δέ μοι περιῆν θάρσος τῆς ἀληθείας , ὥστε πρώτους πάντων τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας τοῦ πολέμου γενομένους ΟὐεσπασιανὸνVespasian καὶ ΤίτονTitus ἠξίωσα λαβεῖν μάρτυρας . | |
| 50 Winston | 50 Later I came to have leisure in Rome, and after gathering all my material for my work, I used others to help me in learning the Greek tongue and so I wrote the story of those events. I was so sure of the truth of what I reported that I appealed first of all to the witness of those who were in command in that war, Vespasian and Titus, |
| 50 Barach | |
| 51 Πρώτοις γὰρ δέδωκα τὰ βιβλία καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους πολλοῖς μὲν ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin τοῖς συμπεπολεμηκόσι , πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐπίπρασκον , ἀνδράσι καὶ τῆς ἙλληνικῆςGreek σοφίας μετεσχηκόσιν , ὧν ἐστιν ἸούλιοςJulius ἈρχέλαοςArchelaus , ἩρώδηςHerod ὁ σεμνότατος , αὐτὸς ὁ θαυμασιώτατος βασιλεὺς ἈγρίππαςAgrippa . | |
| 51 Winston | 51 for I first presented those books to them and later to many of the Romans who had fought alongside them. I also sold them to many of our own people who were familiar with Greek philosophy; among whom were Julius Archelaus, the venerable Herod and the amazing king Agrippa himself. |
| 51 Barach | |
| 52 Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἅπαντες ἐμαρτύρησαν , ὅτι τῆς ἀληθείας προύστην ἐπιμελῶς , οὐκ ἂν ὑποστειλάμενοιto withdraw καὶ σιωπήσαντες , εἴ τι κατ᾽ ἄγνοιαν ἢ χαριζόμενος μετέθηκα τῶν γεγονότων ἢ παρέλιπον . | |
| 52 Winston | 52 All of these can witness how careful I was about the truth, and they would have spoken out if, from ignorance or partiality, I falsely portrayed or omitted any of the events. |
| 52 Barach | |
| 53 Φαῦλοι δέ τινες ἄνθρωποι διαβάλλειν μου τὴν ἱστορίαν ἐπικεχειρήκασιν ὥσπερ ἐν σχολῇ μειρακίων γύμνασμα προκεῖσθαι νομίζοντες κατηγορίας Παραδόξου καὶ διαβολῆς , δέον ἐκεῖνο γιγνώσκειν , ὅτι δεῖ τὸν ἄλλοις παράδοσιν πράξεων ἀληθινῶν ὑπισχνούμενονto promise αὐτὸν ἐπίστασθαι ταύτας πρότερον ἀκριβῶς ἢ παρηκολουθηκότα τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἢ παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων πυνθανόμενον . | |
| 53 Winston | 53 Still, some malicious people have attempted to take issue with my history as a kind of scholastic exercise, a strange sort of accusation and calumny, since anyone who undertakes to truly deliver the history of things past should first know them well himself, either by having been involved in them, or having learned of them from those who knew them. |
| 53 Barach | |
| 54 Ὅπερ ἐγὼ μάλιστα περὶ ἀμφοτέρας νομίζω πεποιηκέναι τὰς πραγματείας · τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἀρχαιολογίανancient history , ὥσπερ ἔφην , ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων μεθερμήνευκαto translate γεγονὼς ἱερεὺς ἐκ γένους καὶ μετεσχηκὼς τῆς φιλοσοφίας τῆς ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς γράμμασι · | |
| 54 Winston | 54 I believe I may claim to have composed both my works with the benefit of such knowledge; for, as I said, I have derived the Antiquities from our sacred books, since as a priest by birth I was familiar with the philosophy contained in those books. |
| 54 Barach | |
| 55 τοῦ δὲ πολέμου τὴν ἱστορίαν ἔγραψα πολλῶν μὲν αὐτουργὸς πράξεων , πλείστων δ᾽ αὐτόπτης γενόμενος , ὅλως δὲ τῶν λεχθέντων ἢ πραχθέντων οὐδοτιοῦνnothing whatever ἀγνοήσας . | |
| 55 Winston | 55 Then I wrote the history of the war as one who was involved in many of its actions, an eye-witness in most of them and not unaware of anything that was said or done in it. |
| 55 Barach | |
| 56 Πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἂν θρασεῖς τις ἡγήσαιτο τοὺς ἀνταγωνίζεσθαί μοι περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπικεχειρηκότας , οἳ κἂν τοῖς τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχεῖν λέγωσιν , ἀλλ᾽ οὔ γε καὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις τῶν ἀντιπολεμούντων πράγμασι παρέτυχον . | |
| 56 Winston | 56 How brazen a man must be to contradict me about the truth of those matters, men who claim to have used the memoirs of the emperors but were unfamiliar with the deeds of us who were their opponents. |
| 56 Barach | |
| 57 περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀναγκαίαν ἐποιησάμην τὴν παρέκβασινtransgression ἐπισημήνασθαιto mark βουλόμενος τῶν ἐπαγγελλομένων τὰς ἱστορίας συγγράφειν τὴν εὐχέρειαν . | |
| 57 Winston | 57 I felt obliged to make this digression to show the frivolity of some who profess to write about this history; |
| 57 Barach | |
| 58 Ἱκανῶς δὲ φανερόν , ὡς οἶμαι , πεποιηκὼς ὅτι πάτριός ἐστιν ἡ περὶ τῶν παλαιῶν ἀναγραφὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ἝλλησιGreeks , βούλομαι μικρὰ πρότερον διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιχειροῦνταςto attempt νέαν ἡμῶν ἀποφαίνειν τὴν κατάστασιν ἐκ τοῦ μηδὲν περὶ ἡμῶν , ὥς φασιν ἐκεῖνοι , λελέχθαι παρὰ τοῖς ἙλληνικοῖςGreek συγγραφεῦσιν . | |
| 58 Winston | 58 and I think I have sufficiently shown that the so-called Barbarian nations have passed on the history of ancient times better than the Greeks. Next I will reply to those who seek to prove that our system is only of recent origin, since they claim that the Greek writers have said nothing about us. |
| 58 Barach | |
| 59 Εἶτα δὲ τὰς μαρτυρίας τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ἄλλοις γραμμάτων παρέξω καὶ τοὺς βεβλασφημηκότας ἡμῶν τὸ γένος ἀποδείξω λίαν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις βλασφημοῦντας . | |
| 59 Winston | 59 I shall call on the writings of foreigners for proofs of our antiquity, and I shall prove that those who condemn our nation do so most unjustly. |
| 59 Barach | |
Chapter 4
The unique Jewish lifestyle
| 60 Ἡμεῖς τοίνυν οὔτε χώραν οἰκοῦμεν παράλιον οὔτ᾽ ἐμπορίαιςbusiness, trade χαίρομεν οὐδὲ ταῖς πρὸς ἄλλους διὰ τούτων ἐπιμιξίαις , ἀλλ᾽ εἰσὶ μὲν ἡμῶν αἱ πόλεις μακρὰν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀνῳκισμέναι , χώραν δὲ ἀγαθὴν νεμόμενοι ταύτην ἐκπονοῦμεν μάλιστα δὴ πάντων περὶ παιδοτροφίαν φιλοκαλοῦντες καὶ τὸ φυλάττειν τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν κατὰ τούτους παραδεδομένην εὐσέβειαν ἔργον ἀναγκαιότατον παντὸς τοῦ βίου πεποιημένοι . | |
| 60 Winston | 60 My people do not inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in trade, nor in the consequent mingling with others. Our cities are remote from the sea and as we live in a fruitful country, we devote all our efforts to cultivating it and educating our children well, and we think it to be the most essential thing in life to observe the laws that were given us and keep the rules of piety handed down to us. |
| 60 Barach | |
| 61 Προσούσης τοίνυν τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ τῆς περὶ τὸν βίον ἡμῶν ἰδιότητος οὐδὲν ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς χρόνοις ποιοῦν ἡμῖν πρὸς τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks ἐπιμιξίαν , ὥσπερ ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian μὲν τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐξαγόμεναto lead out καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰσαγόμενα , τοῖς δὲ τὴν παράλιον τῆς ΦοινίκηςPhoenicia κατοικοῦσιν ἡ περὶ τὰς καπηλείας καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐμπορίας σπουδὴ διὰ τὸ φιλοχρηματεῖν . | |
| 61 Winston | 61 Besides what we have already noted, since we have had our own special way of living, in ancient ages we had no mingling with the Greeks such as they had with the Egyptians through their exporting and importing of goods, just as they also mixed with the Phoenicians who were a coastal people, on account of their love of profit through trading and merchandise. |
| 61 Barach | |
| 62 Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πρὸς λῃστείας , ὥσπερ ἄλλοι τινές , ἢ τὸ πλέον ἔχειν ἀξιοῦν πολεμοῦντες ἐτράπησαν ἡμῶν οἱ πατέρες καίτοι πολλὰς τῆς χώρας ἐχούσης μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἀτόλμων . | |
| 62 Winston | 62 Nor did our ancestors resort to robbery as did some others; nor did they engage in foreign wars in order to gain more wealth, although our country contained many thousands of brave men. |
| 62 Barach | |
| 63 Διὰ τοῦτο ΦοίνικεςPhoenicians μὲν αὐτοὶ κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν τοῖς ἝλλησινGreek ἐπεισπλέοντες εὐθὺς ἐγνώσθησαν καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνων ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians καὶ πάντες , ἀφ᾽ ὧν τὸν φόρτον εἰς τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks διεκόμιζον μεγάλα πελάγη διαίροντες . | |
| 63 Winston | 63 So it was that by trading and navigation the Phoenicians soon came to be known to the Greeks and through them the Egyptians also, as well as all the peoples whose wares the Phoenicians, in their long sea-voyages, brought to the Greeks. |
| 63 Barach | |
| 64 ΜῆδοιMedes δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ ΠέρσαιPersians φανεροὶ κατέστησαν τῆς ἈσίαςAsia ἐπάρξαντες , οἱ δὲ καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἡμετέρας ἠπείρου ΠέρσαιPersians στρατεύσαντεςto lead to war . ΘρᾷκεςThracians δὲ διὰ γειτονίαν καὶ τὸ ΣκυθικὸνScythians ὑπὸ τῶν εἰς τὸν ΠόντονPontus ἐγνώσθη πλεόντων . | |
| 64 Winston | 64 The Medes and later the Persians, when they were masters of Asia, were well known to them, and even more so the Persians, who led their armies to our part of the world. The Thracians were known to them by the proximity of their countries and the Scythians by means of those who sailed to Pontus. |
| 64 Barach | |
| 65 Ὅλως γὰρ ἅπαντες οἱ παρὰ τὴν θάλατταν καὶ τὴν πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέριον κατοικοῦντες τοῖς συγγράφειν τι βουλομένοις γνωριμώτεροι κατέστησαν , οἱ δὲ ταύτης ἀνωτέρω τὰς οἰκήσεις ἔχοντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἠγνοήθησαν . | |
| 65 Winston | 65 In general, all maritime nations and those living near the eastern or western seas were best known to those who wished to write anything; but those who lived farther from the sea were for the most part unknown to them. |
| 65 Barach | |
| 66 Καὶ τοῦτο φαίνεται καὶ περὶ τὴν ΕὐρώπηνEurope συμβεβηκός , ὅπου γε τῆς ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin πόλεως , τοιαύτην ἐκ μακροῦ δύναμιν κεκτημένης καὶ τοιαύτας πράξεις κατορθούσης πολεμικάςmilitary , οὔθ᾽ ὁ ἩρόδοτοςHerodotus οὔτε ΘουκυδίδηςThucydides οὔτε τῶν ἅμα τούτοις γενομένων οὐδὲ εἷς ἐμνημόνευκεν , ἀλλ᾽ ὀψέ ποτε καὶ μόλις αὐτῶν εἰς τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks ἡ γνῶσις διεξῆλθεν . | |
| 66 Winston | 66 This seems to have happened with regard to Europe too, where the city of Rome, which for so long has held such power and done such great deeds in war, is yet never even mentioned by Herodotus or Thucydides, or by any of their contemporaries, for it was very late and with difficulty that the Romans became known to the Greeks. |
| 66 Barach | |
| 67 περὶ μὲν γὰρ ΓαλατῶνGalatian τε καὶ ἸβήρωνSpaniards οὕτως ἠγνόησαν οἱ δοκοῦντες ἀκριβέστατοι συγγραφεῖς , ὧν ἐστιν ἜφοροςEphorus , ὥστε πόλιν οἴεται μίαν εἶναι τοὺς ἼβηραςSpaniards τοὺς τοσοῦτο μέρος τῆς ἑσπερίου γῆς κατοικοῦντας , καὶ τὰ μήτε γενόμενα παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔθη μήτε λεγόμενα γράφειν ὡς ἐκείνων αὐτοῖς χρωμένων ἐτόλμησαν . | |
| 67 Winston | 67 Their most esteemed historians, for example Ephorus, were so unaware of the Gauls and the Spaniards, that he thought of the Spaniards, who inhabit such a large part of the western world, as no more than a single city. And yet they ventured to describe as their customs things they never did or said! |
| 67 Barach | |
| 68 Αἴτιον δὲ τοῦ μὲν μὴ γιγνώσκειν τἀληθὲς τὸ λίαν ἀνεπίμικτον , τοῦ δὲ γράφειν ψευδῆ τὸ βούλεσθαι δοκεῖν τι πλέον τῶν ἄλλων ἱστορεῖν . Πῶς οὖν ἔτι θαυμάζειν προσῆκεν , εἰ μηδὲ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἔθνος πολλοῖς ἐγιγνώσκετοto know μηδὲ τῆς ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασι μνήμης ἀφορμὴν παρέσχεν , οὕτως μὲν ἀπῳκισμένον τῆς θαλάσσης , οὕτως δὲ βιοτεύειν προῃρημένον ; | |
| 68 Winston | 68 The reason they did not know the truth about them was that they had no contact with them; and they wrote such falsities because they wished to appear to know more than others. Is it any wonder, then, if our nation too was unknown to many of the Greeks, nor had they occasion to mention us in their writings, as we lived so far from the sea, with a lifestyle so special to ourselves? |
| 68 Barach | |
| 69 Φέρε τοίνυν ἡμᾶς ἀξιοῦν τεκμηρίῳ χρῆσθαι περὶ τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks , ὅτι μὴ παλαιόν ἐστιν αὐτῶν τὸ γένος , τῷ μηθὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡμετέραις ἀναγραφαῖς περὶ αὐτῶν εἰρῆσθαι . ἆρ᾽then, so then οὐχὶ πάντως ἂν κατεγέλων αὐτὰς οἶμαι τὰς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ νῦν εἰρημένας κομίζοντες αἰτίας καὶ μάρτυρας ἂν τοὺς πλησιοχώρους παρείχοντο τῆς αὐτῶν ἀρχαιότητος; | |
| 69 Winston | 69 Suppose we tried to prove to the Greeks that their nation is not ancient because nothing is said of them in our records. Would they not laugh at us and give the same reasons for our silence that I have now given, and adduce their neighbouring nations as witnesses to their own antiquity? |
| 69 Barach | |
| 70 Κἀγὼ τοίνυν πειράσομαι τοῦτο ποιεῖν · ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian γὰρ καὶ ΦοίνιξιPhoenicians μάλιστα δὴ χρήσομαι μάρτυσιν , οὐκ ἄν τινος ὡς ψευδῆ τὴν μαρτυρίαν διαβάλλειν δυνηθέντος · φαίνονται γὰρ καὶ δὴ μάλιστα πρὸς ἡμᾶς δυσμενῶς διατεθέντες κοινῇ μὲν ἅπαντες ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians , ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians δὲ ΤύριοιTyrians . | |
| 70 Winston | 70 I will try to do the very same thing, by bringing the Egyptians and Phoenicians as my main witnesses, for no one can dismiss their testimony as false, since they are known to have been hostile toward us. This is generally true of the Egyptians, while among the Phoenicians the Tyrians were mostly hostile to us. |
| 70 Barach | |
| 71 περὶ μέντοι ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees οὐκέτι ταὐτὸ τοῦτο δυναίμην ἂν λέγειν , ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχηγοὶ καθεστήκασιν καὶ διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν ἀναγραφαῖς ἸουδαίωνJews μνημονεύουσιν . | |
| 71 Winston | 71 I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since the first leaders and ancestors of our race came from them, and due to this relationship they mention the Jews in their records. |
| 71 Barach | |
| 72 ὅταν δὲ τὰς περὶ τούτων πίστεις παράσχω , τότε καὶ τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks συγγραφέων ἀποφανῶ τοὺς μνήμην ἸουδαίωνJews πεποιηκότας , ἵνα μηδὲ ταύτην ἔτι τὴν πρόφασιν οἱ βασκαίνοντες ἔχωσιν τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀντιλογίας . | |
| 72 Winston | 72 When I have proved this as far as concerns these groups, I will go on to show that even some of the Greek writers have mentioned the Jews, so that those who envy us may not have even this pretext to contradict what I have said about our nation. |
| 72 Barach | |
Chapter 5
Early Jews in Egyptian records
| 73 Ἄρξομαι δὲ πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν παρ᾽ ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian γραμμάτων . Αὐτὰ μὲν οὖν οὐχ οἷόν τε παρατίθεσθαι τἀκείνων , ΜάνεθωςManetho δ᾽ ἦν τὸ γένος ΑἰγύπτιοςEgyptian ἀνὴρ τῆς ἙλληνικῆςGreek μετεσχηκὼς παιδείας , ὡς δῆλός ἐστιν · γέγραφεν γὰρ ἙλλάδιGreek φωνῇ τὴν πάτριον ἱστορίαν ἔκ τε τῶν ἱερῶν , ὥς φησιν αὐτός , μεταφράσας καὶ πολλὰ τὸν ἩρόδοτονHerodotus ἐλέγχει τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶνof/for Egyptians ὑπ᾽ ἀγνοίας ἐψευσμένον . | |
| 73 Winston | 73 Let me begin with the writings of the Egyptians, though not those written in their own language. Manetho was of Egyptian origin and was a master of Greek learning, as is clear from his writing the history of his country in Greek, but translating it, as he says himself, from their sacred books. He finds much fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and lies about Egyptian matters. |
| 73 Barach | |
| 74 Οὗτος δὴ τοίνυν ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶνof/for Egyptians ταῦτα περὶ ἡμῶν γράφει . Παραθήσομαι δὲ τὴν λέξιν αὐτοῦ καθάπερ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον παραγαγὼν μάρτυρα · | |
| 74 Winston | 74 This Manetho, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes this about us, and I will set down his very words, as if putting the man himself in the witness-box: |
| 74 Barach | |
| 75 Τοῦ ΤίμαιοςTimaeus ὄνομα . Ἐπὶ τούτου οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως θεὸς ἀντέπνευσεν καὶ παραδόξως ἐκ τῶν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν μερῶν ἄνθρωποι τὸ γένος ἄσημοιunmarked, obscure καταθαρρήσαντες ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν ἐστράτευσαν καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀμαχητὶ ταύτην κατὰ κράτος εἷλον , | |
| 75 Winston | 75 "[We had] a king named Timaeus, under whom, I don't know why, God turned away from us for some ruffians from the east unexpectedly invaded our country and easily subdued it without a fight. |
| 75 Barach | |
| 76 καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμονεύσαντας ἐν αὐτῇ χειρωσάμενοι τὸ λοιπὸν τάς τε πόλεις ὠμῶς ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερὰ κατέσκαψαν , πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἐχθρότατάmost hated πως ἐχρήσαντο τοὺς μὲν σφάζοντες , | |
| 76 Winston | 76 After capturing our rulers, they burned down our cities and demolished the temples of the gods and cruelly treated all the inhabitants, killing some |
| 76 Barach | |
| 77 τῶν δὲ καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας εἰς δουλείαν ἄγοντες . Πέρας δὲ καὶ βασιλέα ἕνα ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐποίησαν , ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν ΣάλιτιςSalitis. Καὶ οὗτος ἐν τῇ ΜέμφιδιMemphis κατεγίνετο τήν τε ἄνω καὶ κάτω χώραν δασμολογῶν καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις καταλιπὼν τόποις . Μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἠσφαλίσατο μέρη προορώμενος ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians ποτὲ μεῖζον ἰσχυόντων ἐσομένην ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῆς αὐτοῦ βασιλείας ἔφοδον . | |
| 77 Winston | 77 and leading their children and wives into slavery. Finally they appointed as king one of themselves, named Salitis. This man lived in Memphis and imposed taxes on both the upper and lower parts of the land, placing garrisons in the most suitable places, but he took most care of his eastern border, foreseeing that the Assyrians, who were then the dominant power, would desire that kingdom and invade them. |
| 77 Barach | |
| 78 Εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν νομῷa law τῷ ΣεθροίίτῃSethroite πόλιν ἐπικαιροτάτην , κειμένην μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τοῦ ΒουβαστίτουBubastic ποταμοῦ , καλουμένην δ᾽ ἀπό τινος ἀρχαίας θεολογίας ΑὔαρινAvaris , ταύτην ἔκτισέν τε καὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ὀχυρωτάτην ἐποίησεν ἐνοικίσας αὐτῇ καὶ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν εἰς εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρας μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν προφυλακήν . | |
| 78 Winston | 78 As he found in the city of Sethroite on the Bubastic river-channel suited for this purpose, (though for some theological reason it was called Avaris,) he rebuilt it and fortified it around with walls and placed a numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand warriors to defend it. |
| 78 Barach | |
| 79 Ἔνθα δὲ κατὰ θέρειαν ἤρχετο τὰ μὲν σιτομετρῶνmeasure of grain καὶ μισθοφορίαν παρεχόμενος τὰ δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἐξοπλισίαιςsoldiers in parade πρὸς φόβον τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιμελῶς γυμνάζων . ἄρξας δ᾽ ἐννεακαίδεκα ἔτη τὸν βίον ἐτελεύτησε . | |
| 79 Winston | 79 There he came every summer to gather his corn and pay his soldiers their wages and to exercise his warriors and thereby to deter foreigners. After a reign of thirteen years, he died. |
| 79 Barach | |
| 80 μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ἕτερος ἐβασίλευσεν τέσσαρα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη καλούμενος ΒηώνBeon. Μεθ᾽ ὃν ἄλλος ἈπαχνὰςApachnas ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά . Ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἌπωφιςApophis ἓν καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἸαννὰςJannas πεντήκοντα καὶ μῆνα ἕνα . | |
| 80 Winston | 80 After him another man called Beon reigned for forty-four years; after him Apachnas reigned for thirty-six years and seven months; and then Apophis reigned for sixty-one years and then Jannas for fifty years and one month. |
| 80 Barach | |
| 81 Ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ καὶ ἌσσιςAssis ἐννέα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ μῆνας δύο . Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἓξ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐγενήθησαν πρῶτοι ἄρχοντες ποθοῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ἐξᾶραι τὴν ῥίζαν . | |
| 81 Winston | 81 Finally Assis reigned for forty-nine years and two months. These six were their first leaders, always making war on the Egyptians and seeking to destroy them to the very roots. |
| 81 Barach | |
| 82 Ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ τὸ σύμπαν αὐτῶν ἔθνος ὙκσώςHyksos , τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν βασιλεῖς ποιμένες · τὸ γὰρ Ὑκ καθ᾽ ἱερὰν γλῶσσαν βασιλέα σημαίνει , τὸ δὲ σὼς ποιμήν ἐστι καὶ ποιμένες κατὰ τὴν κοινὴν διάλεκτον , καὶ οὕτως συντιθέμενον γίνεται ὙκσώςHyksos . | |
| 82 Winston | 82 This whole nation was styled HYKSOS, that is, Shepherd-kings. For the first syllable HYK, according to the sacred dialect, means a king, as is SOS a shepherd in the local dialect, and of these the word HYKSOS is formed. |
| 82 Barach | |
| 83 Τινὲς δὲ λέγουσιν αὐτοὺς ἌραβαςArabs εἶναι . Ἐν δ᾽ ἄλλῳ ἀντιγράφῳ οὐ βασιλεῖς σημαίνεσθαι διὰ τῆς ὑκ προσηγορίας , ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον αἰχμαλώτους δηλοῦσθαι ποιμένας · τὸ γὰρ ὓκ πάλιν Αἰγυπτιστὶin Egyptian language καὶ τὸ ἃκ δασυνόμενον αἰχμαλώτους ῥητῶς μηνύει . Καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον πιθανώτερόνmore persuasive μοι φαίνεται καὶ παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας ἐχόμενον . | |
| 83 Winston | 83 But some say that these people were Arabs." In another copy it is said that this word does not denote Kings, but on the contrary, means Captive Shepherds and this due to the particle HYK, since in Egyptian HYK, with the aspiration, means Shepherds and HAK means captives, and this to me seems the more in accord with ancient history. |
| 83 Barach | |
| 84 Τούτους τοὺς προκατωνομασμένους βασιλέας καὶ τοὺς τῶν ποιμένων καλουμένων καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν γενομένους κρατῆσαι τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt φησὶν ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἕνδεκα . | |
| 84 Winston | 84 "These people, whom we have before named kings and shepherds and their descendants kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years." |
| 84 Barach | |
| 85 μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ΘηβαίίδοςThebais καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ΑἰγύπτουEgypt βασιλέων γενέσθαι φησὶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ποιμένας ἐπανάστασινan insurrection, a rising καὶ πόλεμον συρραγῆναι μέγαν καὶ πολυχρόνιον . | |
| 85 Winston | 85 After these, he says, "The kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt rebelled against the shepherds and there a fierce and lengthy war between them." |
| 85 Barach | |
| 86 Ἐπὶ δὲ βασιλέως , ᾧ ὄνομα εἶναι ΜισφραγμούθωσιςMisphragmuthosis , ἡττωμένους φησὶ τοὺς ποιμένας ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἄλλης ΑἰγύπτουEgypt πάσης ἐκπεσεῖν , κατακλεισθῆναι δ᾽ εἰς τόπον ἀρουρῶν ἔχοντα μυρίων τὴν περίμετρον · | |
| 86 Winston | 86 He says that under a king called Misphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued and driven out of other parts of Egypt, and shut up within an area of ten thousand acres. |
| 86 Barach | |
| 87 ΑὔαρινAvaris ὄνομα τῷ τόπῳ . τοῦτόν φησιν ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho ἅπαντα τείχει τε μεγάλῳ καὶ ἰσχυρῷ περιβαλεῖν τοὺς ποιμένας , ὅπως τήν τε κτῆσιν ἅπασαν ἔχωσιν ἐν ὀχυρῷ καὶ τὴν λείαν τὴν ἑαυτῶν . | |
| 87 Winston | 87 This place Manetho calls Avaris and says that the shepherds surrounded it with a large, strong wall, to defend all their possessions and booty within a stronghold. |
| 87 Barach | |
| 88 Τὸν δὲ ΜισφραγμουθώσεωςMisphragmuthosis υἱὸν ΘούμμωσινThummosis ἐπιχειρῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς διὰ πολιορκίας ἑλεῖν κατὰ κράτος ὀκτὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα μυριάσι στρατοῦ προσεδρεύσαντα τοῖς τείχεσιν · ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀπέγνω , ποιήσασθαι συμβάσεις , ἵνα τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐκλιπόντες ὅποιto which place βούλονται πάντες ἀβλαβεῖς ἀπέλθωσι . | |
| 88 Winston | 88 He says that Thummosis the son of Misphragmuthosis attempted to take them by force, besieging them with four hundred and eighty thousand men, but that, unable to take the place by siege, they came to an agreement for them to leave Egypt unharmed, to go wherever they wished. |
| 88 Barach | |
| 89 Τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὁμολογίαις πανοικησίᾳwith all his house μετὰ τῶν κτήσεων οὐκ ἐλάττους μυριάδων ὄντας εἴκοσι καὶ τεσσάρων ἀπὸ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὴν ἔρημον εἰς ΣυρίανSyria διοδοιπορῆσαι . | |
| 89 Winston | 89 After this treaty they went off with all their families and effects, no less than two hundred and forty thousand and journeyed from Egypt, through the wilderness, toward Syria. |
| 89 Barach | |
| 90 Φοβουμένους δὲ τὴν ἈσσυρίωνAssyrians δυναστείαν , τότε γὰρ ἐκείνους τῆς ἈσίαςAsia κρατεῖν , ἐν τῇ νῦν ἸουδαίᾳJudea καλουμένῃ πόλιν οἰκοδομησαμένους τοσαύταις μυριάσιν ἀνθρώπων ἀρκέσουσαν ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ταύτην ὀνομάσαι . | |
| 90 Winston | 90 Being afraid of the Assyrians who then dominated Asia, they built a city in the country which is now called Judea, large enough to contain so many thousands of people, and gave it the name Jerusalem. |
| 90 Barach | |
| 91 Ἐν ἄλλῃ δέ τινι βίβλῳ τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶνof/for Egyptians ΜάνεθωςManetho τοῦτό φησιν τὸ ἔθνος τοὺς καλουμένους ποιμένας αἰχμαλώτους ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς αὐτῶν βίβλοις γεγράφθαι λέγων ὀρθῶς · καὶ γὰρ τοῖς ἀνωτάτω προγόνοις ἡμῶν τὸ ποιμαίνειν πάτριον ἦν καὶ νομαδικὸν ἔχοντες τὸν βίον οὕτως ἐκαλοῦντο ποιμένες . | |
| 91 Winston | 91 In another book Manetho says that this nation, so called Shepherds, were also called Captives, in their sacred books. This account of his is the truth, for pasturing sheep was the employment of our ancestors in the most ancient ages and as they led such a wandering life they were called Shepherds. |
| 91 Barach | |
| 92 Αἰχμάλωτοί τε πάλιν οὐκ ἀλόγως ὑπὸ τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians ἀνεγράφησαν , ἐπειδήπερ ὁ πρόγονος ἡμῶν ἸώσηποςJoseph, Josephus ἑαυτὸν ἔφη πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians αἰχμάλωτον εἶναι , καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς εἰς τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ὕστερον μετεπέμψατο τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιτρέψαντος . Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ποιήσομαι τὴν ἐξέτασινa close exam ἀκριβεστέραν . | |
| 92 Winston | 92 Nor were they called Captives by the Egyptians without reason, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive and later with the king's permission sent for his brothers to come to Egypt. I shall examine these things more in detail, elsewhere. |
| 92 Barach | |
| 93 Νυνὶ δὲ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ταύτης παρατίθεμαι τοὺς ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians μάρτυρας . Πάλιν οὖν τὰ τοῦ ΜανέθωManetho πῶς ἔχει πρὸς τὴν τῶν χρόνων τάξιν ὑπογράψω . | |
| 93 Winston | 93 Now I present some Egyptian witnesses to our antiquity, for I call on Manetho again and what he has to say about the relevant time-scale. |
| 93 Barach | |
| 94 Φησὶ δὲ οὕτως · μετὰ τὸ ἐξελθεῖν ἐξ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὸν λαὸν τῶν ποιμένων εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem ὁ ἐκβαλὼν αὐτοὺς ἐξ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt βασιλεὺς ΤέθμωσιςTethmosis ἐβασίλευσεν μετὰ ταῦτα ἔτη εἰκοσιπέντε καὶ μῆνας τέσσαρας καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν , καὶ παρέλαβεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ αὐτοῦ ΝαχώρηςNahor ΧέβρωνChebron ἔτη δεκατρία . | |
| 94 Winston | 94 He says: "After the nation of shepherds left Egypt for Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of Egypt, who drove them out, reigned for twenty-five years and four months and then died and after him his son Chebron ruled for thirteen years, and after him Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months. |
| 94 Barach | |
| 95 Μεθ᾽ ὃν ἈμένωφιςAmenophis εἴκοσι καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά . Τοῦ δὲ ἀδελφὴ ἈμεσσὴςAmesses εἰκοσιὲν καὶ μῆνας ἐννέα . Τῆς δὲ ΜήφρηςMephres δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας ἐννέα . Τοῦ δὲ ΜηφραμούθωσιςMephramuthosis εἰκοσιπέντε καὶ μῆνας δέκα . | |
| 95 Winston | 95 His sister Amesses ruled for twenty-one years and nine months, then Mephres, for twelve years and nine months, and Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five years and ten months; |
| 95 Barach | |
| 96 Τοῦ δὲ ΘμῶσιςThmosis ἐννέα καὶ μῆνας ὀκτώ . Τοῦ δ᾽ ἈμένωφιςAmenophis τριάκοντα καὶ μῆνας δέκα . Τοῦ δὲ ὮροςHorus τριακονταὲξ καὶ μῆνας πέντε . Τοῦ δὲ θυγάτηρ ἈκεγχερὴςAcencheres δώδεκα καὶ μῆνα ἕνα . Τῆς δὲ ῬάθωτιςRathotis ἀδελφὸς ἐννέα . Τοῦ δὲ ἈκεγχήρηςAchencheres δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας πέντε . | |
| 96 Winston | 96 Thmosis, for nine years and eight months; Amenophis for thirty years and ten months; Horus, for thirty-six years and five months; his daughter Acencheres, for twelve years and one month; then her brother Rathotis, for nine years. |
| 96 Barach | |
| 97 Τοῦ δὲ ἈκεγχήρηςAchencheres ἕτερος δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας τρεῖς . Τοῦ δὲ ἍρμαϊςArmais τέσσαρα καὶ μῆνα ἕνα . Τοῦ δὲ ῬαμέσσηςRamesses ἓν καὶ μῆνας τέσσαρας . Τοῦ δὲ ἉρμέσσηςArmesses ΜιαμοῦνMiammoun ἑξηκονταὲξ καὶ μῆνας δύο . Τοῦ δὲ ἈμένωφιςAmenophis δεκαεννέα καὶ μῆνας ἕξ . | |
| 97 Winston | 97 Acencheres reigned for twelve years and five months; another Acencheres, for twelve years and three months; Armais, for four years and one month; Ramesses, for one year and four months; Armesses Miammoun, for sixty-six years and two months; then Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months. |
| 97 Barach | |
| 98 Τοῦ δὲ ΣέθωςSethosis ὁ καὶ ῬαμέσσηςRamesses ἱππικὴν καὶ ναυτικὴν ἔχων δύναμιν τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν ἍρμαϊνArmais ἐπίτροπον τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt κατέστησεν καὶ πᾶσαν μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν ἄλλην βασιλικὴν περιέθηκεν ἐξουσίαν , μόνον δὲ ἐνετείλατο διάδημα μὴ φορεῖν μηδὲ τὴν βασιλίδα μητέρα τε τῶν τέκνων ἀδικεῖν , ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλικῶν παλλακίδων . | |
| 98 Winston | 98 Then came Sethosis and Ramesses, who had an army of cavalry and a naval force and appointed his brother Armais as his deputy over Egypt, giving him all the other royal authority, except not to wear a crown or molest the queen, the mother of his children, or the other royal concubines. |
| 98 Barach | |
| 99 αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ ΚύπρονCyprus καὶ ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia καὶ πάλιν ἈσσυρίουςAssyrians τε καὶ ΜήδουςMedes στρατεύσας ἅπαντας τοὺς μὲν δόρατι , τοὺς δὲ ἀμαχητὶ φόβῳ δὲ τῆς πολλῆς δυνάμεως ὑποχειρίους ἔλαβε καὶ μέγα φρονήσας ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐπραγίαις ἔτι καὶ θαρσαλεώτερον ἐπεπορεύετο τὰς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς πόλεις τε καὶ χώρας καταστρεφόμενος . | |
| 99 Winston | 99 Meanwhile the king made an expedition against Cyprus and Phoenicia and against the Assyrians and the Medes, all of whom he subdued, some with war and some without, since they feared his large army. Flushed by his successes, he went on still more boldly destroying cities and countries off to the east. |
| 99 Barach | |
| 100 Χρόνου τε ἱκανοῦ γεγονότος ἍρμαϊςArmais ὁ καταλειφθεὶς ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt πάντα τἄμπαλιν οἷς ἀδελφὸς παρῄνει μὴ ποιεῖν ἀδεῶς ἔπραττεν · καὶ γὰρ τὴν βασιλίδα βιαίως ἔσχεν καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις παλλακίσινconcubine ἀφειδῶς διετέλει χρώμενος , πειθόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων διάδημα ἐφόρει καὶ ἀντῆρε τῷ ἀδελφῷ . | |
| 100 Winston | 100 After a long time, Armais, who was behind left in Egypt, began to do all that his brother had forbidden, forcing himself on the queen and regularly abusing the other concubines. At his friends' persuasion he even donned the crown and set up in opposition to his brother. |
| 100 Barach | |
| 101 Ὁ δὲ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερέων τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt γράψας βιβλίον ἔπεμψε τῷ ΣεθώσειSethosis δηλῶν αὐτῷ πάντα καὶ ὅτι ἀντῆρεν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ἍρμαϊςArmais . Παραχρῆμα οὖν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς ΠηλούσιονPelusium καὶ ἐκράτησεν τῆς ἰδίας βασιλείας . | |
| 101 Winston | 101 But the overseer of the priests of Egypt wrote an account to Sethosis, telling him of all this and how his brother had set up as his rival, so he immediately returned to Pelusium and regained his own kingdom. |
| 101 Barach | |
| 102 ἡ δὲ χώρα ἐκλήθη ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ὀνόματος ΑἴγυπτοςEgypt · λέγει γάρ , ὅτι ὁ μὲν ΣέθωςSethosis ἐκαλεῖτο ΑἴγυπτοςEgypt , ἍρμαϊςArmais δὲ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ΔαναόςDanaus . | |
| 102 Winston | 102 The country was named Egypt after him, for Manetho says that Sethosis was called Egyptus, and his brother Armais was called Danaus. |
| 102 Barach | |
| 103 Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho . Δῆλον δέ ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν εἰρημένων ἐτῶν τοῦ χρόνου συλλογισθέντος , ὅτι οἱ καλούμενοι ποιμένες ἡμέτεροι δὲ πρόγονοι τρισὶ καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίοις πρόσθεν ἔτεσιν ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ἀπαλλαγέντες τὴν χώραν ταύτην ἐπῴκησαν ἢ ΔαναὸνDanaus εἰς ἌργοςArgos ἀφικέσθαι · καίτοι τοῦτον ἀρχαιότατον ἈργεῖοιArgives νομίζουσι . | |
| 103 Winston | 103 This is Manetho's account, and if we add up the years assigned to this period, it is clear that those he calls the Shepherds were our ancestors, who were brought back from Egypt and came to inhabit this land three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus came to Argos, although the Argives regard him as their most ancient king. |
| 103 Barach | |
| 104 Δύο τοίνυν ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho ἡμῖν τὰ μέγιστα μεμαρτύρηκεν ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian γραμμάτων , πρῶτον μὲν τὴν ἑτέρωθεν ἄφιξιν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν ἐκεῖθεν ἀπαλλαγὴν οὕτως ἀρχαίαν τοῖς χρόνοις , ὡς ἐγγύς που προτερεῖν αὐτὴν τῶν ἸλιακῶνIlia, Troy ἔτεσι χιλίοις . | |
| 104 Winston | 104 From the Egyptian records Manetho testifies to us on two main points, first, that we came to Egypt from another country, and also that our rescue from it was so long ago that it precedes the siege of Troy by almost a thousand years. |
| 104 Barach | |
| 105 Ὑπὲρ ὧν δ᾽ ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho οὐκ ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian γραμμάτων , ἀλλ᾽ ὡς αὐτὸς ὡμολόγηκεν ἐκ τῶν ἀδεσπότως μυθολογουμένων προστέθεικεν , ὕστερον ἐξελέγξω κατὰ μέρος ἀποδεικνὺς τὴν ἀπίθανον αὐτοῦ ψευδολογίαν . | |
| 105 Winston | 105 Some items that Manetho adds not from the Egyptian records but as he confesses himself, he drew from mythology of uncertain origin, I will later tackle in detail, and show that they are nothing but incredible fables. |
| 105 Barach | |
Chapter 6
In Phoenician and other records
| 106 Βούλομαι τοίνυν ἀπὸ τούτων ἤδη μετελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς ΦοίνιξινPhoenician ἀναγεγραμμένα περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἐκείνων μαρτυρίας παρασχεῖν . | |
| 106 Winston | 106 Let me now pass from these to some Phoenician records concerning our nation and present the evidence drawn from them. |
| 106 Barach | |
| 107 Ἔστι τοίνυν παρὰ ΤυρίοιςTyrians ἀπὸ παμπόλλων ἐτῶν γράμματα δημοσίᾳ γεγραμμένα καὶ πεφυλαγμένα λίαν ἐπιμελῶς περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς γενομένων καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους πραχθέντων μνήμης ἀξίων . | |
| 107 Winston | 107 Among the Tyrians there are exact public records going back many years, about matters of significance done by them or with each other. |
| 107 Barach | |
| 108 Ἐν οἷς γέγραπται , ὅτι ὁ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ᾠκοδομήθη ναὸς ὑπὸ ΣολομῶνοςSolomon τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτεσι θᾶττον ἑκατὸν τεσσαρακοντατρισὶν καὶ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τοῦ κτίσαι ΤυρίουςTyrians ΚαρχηδόναCarthage . | |
| 108 Winston | 108 It is recorded there that the temple was built by king Solomon in Jerusalem a hundred and forty-three years and eight months before the Tyrians built Karchedon [Carthage.] |
| 108 Barach | |
| 109 Ἀνεγράφη δὲ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις οὐκ ἀλόγως ἡ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευὴ τοῦ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν · ΕἴρωμοςHiram γὰρ ὁ τῶν ΤυρίωνTyrians βασιλεὺς Φίλος ἦν τοῦ βασιλέως ἡμῶν ΣολομῶνοςSolomon πατρικὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν διαδεδεγμένος . | |
| 109 Winston | 109 The building of our temple is reported in their annals, for Hiram, the king of Tyre, was a friend of our king Solomon, carrying on this friendship from his own father. |
| 109 Barach | |
| 110 Οὗτος οὖν συμφιλοτιμούμενος εἰς τὴν τοῦ κατασκευάσματος τῷ ΣολομῶνιSolomon λαμπρότητα χρυσίου μὲν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔδωκε τάλαντα , τεμὼν δὲ καλλίστην ὕλην ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους , ὃ καλεῖται ΛίβανοςLibanus , εἰς τὸν ὄροφονroof reeds, roof ἀπέστειλεν . Ἀντεδωρήσατο δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ ΣολομὼνSolomon ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς καὶ δὴ καὶ χώραν τῆς ΓαλιλαίαςGalilee ἐν τῇ ΧαβουλῶνChabulon λεγομένῃ . | |
| 110 Winston | 110 He saw it as sharing in a glorious project to contribute to the splendour of Solomon's building and so he gave him a hundred and twenty talents of gold and for its roof he cut down the best of timber from the mountain called Libanus to send to him. In return, Solomon gave him many gifts, including an area of Galilee called Chabulon. |
| 110 Barach | |
| 111 Μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοὺς εἰς φιλίαν ἡ τῆς σοφίας συνῆγεν ἐπιθυμία · προβλήματα γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἀνταπέστελλον λύειν κελεύοντες , καὶ κρείττων ἐν τούτοις ἦν ὁ ΣολομὼνSolomon καὶ τἆλλα σοφώτερος . Σώζονται δὲ μέχρι νῦν παρὰ τοῖς ΤυρίοιςTyrians πολλαὶ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν , ἃς ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔγραψαν . | |
| 111 Winston | 111 Their friendship was also based on a shared passion for philosophy, for they sent each other problematic riddles for the other to resolve. In these, Solomon had the upper hand as he was the wiser in several respects, and many of the letters between them are still preserved among the Tyrians. |
| 111 Barach | |
| 112 Ὅτι δ᾽ οὐ λόγος ἐστὶν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ συγκείμενος ὁ περὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς ΤυρίοιςTyrians γραμμάτων , παραθήσομαι μάρτυρα ΔῖονDios ἄνδρα περὶ τὴν ΦοινικικὴνPhoenician ἱστορίαν ἀκριβῆ γεγονέναι πεπιστευμένον . Οὗτος τοίνυν ἐν ταῖς περὶ ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians ἱστορίαις γράφει τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον · | |
| 112 Winston | 112 Not to give just my word for this, I offer the witness of Dios, a man who is believed to have written the Phoenician history in accurate detail. In his Histories of the Phoenicians he writes in this way: |
| 112 Barach | |
| 113 ἈβιβάλουAbibalus τελευτήσαντος ὁ ΝαχώρηςNahor αὐτοῦ ΕἴρωμοςHiram ἐβασίλευσεν . Οὗτος τὰ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς μέρη τῆς πόλεως προσέχωσεν καὶ μεῖζον τὸ ἄστυ ἐποίησεν καὶ τοῦ ὈλυμπίουOlympian ΔιὸςZeus τὸ ἱερὸν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ ὂν ἐν νήσῳ χώσας τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον συνῆψε τῇ πόλει καὶ χρυσοῖς ἀναθήμασιν ἐκόσμησεν , ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς τὸν ΛίβανονLibanus ὑλοτόμησεν πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἱερῶν κατασκευήν . | |
| 113 Winston | 113 "After Abibalus died, his son Hiram took over the kingdom. He strengthened and enlarged the eastern parts of the city and made a causeway to join to the city the temple of Olympian Zeus, which had earlier stood on a separate island, and he adorned it with donations of gold. Then he went up to Libanus and had timber cut down for building the temple. |
| 113 Barach | |
| 114 Τὸν δὲ τυραννοῦντα ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ΣολομῶναSolomon πέμψαι φασὶ πρὸς τὸν ΕἴρωμονHiram αἰνίγματα καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν ἀξιοῦν , τὸν δὲ μὴ δυνηθέντα διακρῖναι τῷ λύσαντι χρήματα ἀποτίνειν . | |
| 114 Winston | 114 They also say that when Solomon was tyrant of Jerusalem, he sent riddles for Hiram to solve and asked to receive others back on condition that whoever could not find the answer would pay money to the one who solved them. |
| 114 Barach | |
| 115 ὁμολογήσαντα δὲ τὸν ΕἴρωμονHiram καὶ μὴ δυνηθέντα λῦσαι τὰ αἰνίγματα πολλὰ τῶν χρημάτων εἰς τὸ ἐπιζήμιον ἀναλῶσαι . Εἶτα δὲ ἈβδήμουνόνAbdemon τινα ΤύριονTyrian ἄνδρα τά τε προτεθέντα λῦσαι καὶ αὐτὸν ἄλλα προβαλεῖν , ἃ μὴ λύσαντα τὸν ΣολομῶναSolomon πολλὰ τῷ ΕἰρώμῳHiram προσαποτῖσαι χρήματα . ΔῖοςDios μὲν οὕτω περὶ τῶν προειρημένων ἡμῖν μεμαρτύρηκεν . | |
| 115 Winston | 115 When Hiram agreed to this, but was unable to solve the riddles, he had to pay a lot of money in penalties. A Tyrian called Abdemon is said to have solved some and posed others which Solomon could not solve, and then he had to pay a lot of money back to Hiram." These items attested by Dius confirm things we have already said. |
| 115 Barach | |
| 116 Ἀλλὰ πρὸς τούτῳ παραθήσομαι καὶ ΜένανδρονMenander τὸν ἘφέσιονEphesian . Γέγραφεν δὲ οὗτος τὰς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου τῶν βασιλέων πράξεις τὰς παρὰ τοῖς ἝλλησιGreeks καὶ βαρβάροις γενομένας ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐπιχωρίων γραμμάτων σπουδάσας τὴν ἱστορίαν μαθεῖν . | |
| 116 Winston | 116 Let me also adduce Menander the Ephesian, who wrote the Acts of individual kings both among the Greeks and the Barbarians, having studied hard to learn their history from their own records. |
| 116 Barach | |
| 117 Γράφων τοίνυν περὶ τῶν ἐν ΤύρῳTyre βεβασιλευκότων ἔπειτα γενόμενος κατὰ τὸν ΕἴρωμονHiram Ταῦτά φησι · τελευτήσαντος δὲ ἈβιβάλουAbibalus διεδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ ὁ ΝαχώρηςNahor ΕἴρωμοςHiram , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη νγ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη λδ. | |
| 117 Winston | 117 Writing about the kings who reigned in Tyre, he says of Hiram, "After the death of Abibalus, his son Hiram took over the kingdom. He lived for fifty-three years and reigned for thirty-four. |
| 117 Barach | |
| 118 Οὗτος ἔχωσε τὸν Εὐρύχωρον τόν τε χρυσοῦν κίονα τὸν ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ΔιὸςZeus ἀνέθηκαν , ἐπί τε ὕλην ξύλων ἀπελθὼν ἔκοψεν ἀπὸ τοῦ λεγομένου ΛιβάνουLibanus ὄρους κέδρινα ξύλα εἰς τὰς τῶν ἱερῶν στέγας , καθελών τε τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἱερὰ καὶ ναοὺς ᾠκοδόμησεν τό τε τοῦ ἩρακλέουςHercules καὶ τῆς ἈστάρτηςAstarte , | |
| 118 Winston | 118 He levelled out the Wide Place and dedicated the golden pillar in Zeus' temple. He also went and cut timber from the mountain called Libanus and provided the cedar-wood for the roofs of the temples. He pulled down the old temples and built new ones and he also consecrated the temples of Hercules and of Astarte. |
| 118 Barach | |
| 119 πρῶτόν τε τοῦ ἩρακλέουςHercules ἔγερσιν ἐποιήσατο ἐν τῷ ΠεριτίῳPeritius μηνί , τοῖς τε ἸτυκαίοιςUtica ἐπεστρατεύσατο μὴ ἀποδιδοῦσι τοὺς φόρους · οὓς καὶ ὑποτάξας ἑαυτῷ πάλιν ἀνέστρεψεν . | |
| 119 Winston | 119 He first built the temple of Hercules in the month of Peritius and the other when he invaded the people of Utica, who would not pay him tribute, and when he had subdued them, he returned home. |
| 119 Barach | |
| 120 Ἐπὶ τούτου ἦν ἈβδήμουνοςAbdemon παῖς νεώτερος , ὃς ἀεὶ ἐνίκα τὰ προβλήματα , ἃ ἐπέταττε ΣολομὼνSolomon ὁ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem βασιλεύς . | |
| 120 Winston | 120 In his reign there was a younger son of Abdemon, who mastered the problems sent by king Solomon of Jerusalem." |
| 120 Barach | |
| 121 Ψηφίζεται δὲ ὁ χρόνος ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως ἄχρι ΚαρχηδόνοςCarthage κτίσεως οὕτως · τελευτήσαντος ΕἰρώμουHiram διεδέξατο τὴν βασιλείαν ΒαλβάζεροςBaleazarus υἱός , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη μγ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ιζ . | |
| 121 Winston | 121 The time from this king to the building of Carthage is calculated so: "After the death of Hiram, his son Baleazarus took over the kingdom. He lived forty-three years and reigned for seven years. |
| 121 Barach | |
| 122 μετὰ τοῦτον ἈβδάσταρτοςAbdastartus ΝαχώρηςNahor βιώσας ἔτη λθ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη θ᾽ . Τοῦτον οἱ τῆς τροφοῦ αὐτοῦ υἱοὶ τέσσαρες ἐπιβουλεύσαντες ἀπώλεσαν , ὧν ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἐβασίλευσεν ΜεθουσάσταρτοςMethusastartus ὁ ΛεαστάρτουDeleastartus , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη νδ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ιβ . | |
| 122 Winston | 122 After him came his son Abdastartus, who lived for twenty-nine years and reigned for nine of them. But four sons of his nurse schemed against him and killed him, the eldest of whom reigned for twelve years. After them came Methusastartus, son of Deleastartus who lived for fifty-four years and reigned for twelve years. |
| 122 Barach | |
| 123 μετὰ τοῦτον ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ἈσθάρυμοςAserymus βιώσας ἔτη νη ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη θ᾽ . Οὗτος ἀπώλετο ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ΦέλλητοςPheles , ὃς λαβὼν τὴν βασιλείαν ἦρξεν μῆνας η βιώσας ἔτη ν . Τοῦτον ἀνεῖλεν ΕἰθώβαλοςIthobalus ὁ τῆς ἈστάρτηςAstarte ἱερεύς , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη μη ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη λβ . | |
| 123 Winston | 123 And after him came his brother Aserymus who lived for fifty-four years and reigned for nine years. He was killed by his brother Pheles, who took over the kingdom and reigned for but eight months, though he lived fifty years: he was killed by Ithobalus, the priest of Astarte, who reigned for thirty-two years and lived for sixty-eight years. |
| 123 Barach | |
| 124 Τοῦτον διεδέξατο ΒαλέζωροςBadezorus υἱός , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη με ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ἕξ . Τούτου διάδοχος γέγονε ΜέττηνοςMatgenus υἱός , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη λβ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη κθ . | |
| 124 Winston | 124 He was succeeded by his son Badezorus, who lived for forty-five years and reigned for six years. |
| 124 Barach | |
| 125 Τούτου διάδοχος γέγονεν ΠυγμαλίωνPygmalion , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη νη ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη μζ . Ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει ἡ ἀδελφὴ αὐτοῦ φυγοῦσα ἐν τῇ ΛιβύῃLibya πόλιν ᾠκοδόμησεν ΚαρχηδόναCarthage . | |
| 125 Winston | 125 He was succeeded by Matgenus his son, who lived for thirty-two years and reigned for nine years. Pygmalion succeeded him, and lived for fifty-six years, reigning for forty-seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign, his sister fled from him and built the city of Carthage in Libya." |
| 125 Barach | |
| 126 Συνάγεται πᾶς ὁ χρόνος ἀπὸ τῆς ΕἰρώμουHiram βασιλείας μέχρι ΚαρχηδόνοςCarthage κτίσεως ἔτη ρνε μῆνες η . Ἐπεὶ δὲ δωδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς αὐτοῦ βασιλείας ὁ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ᾠκοδομήθη ναός , γέγονεν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκοδομήσεως τοῦ ναοῦ μέχρι ΚαρχηδόνοςCarthage κτίσεως ἔτη ρμγ μῆνες η . | |
| 126 Winston | 126 So the whole time from Hiram's reign to the building of Karchedon, amounts to one hundred fifty-five years and eight months. Since the temple was built in Jerusalem in his twelfth year, from the building of the temple, until the building of Carthage was one hundred and forty-three years and eight months. |
| 126 Barach | |
| 127 Τῆς μὲν οὖν παρὰ ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians μαρτυρίας τί δεῖ προσθεῖναι πλέον; Βλέπεται γὰρ τἀληθὲς ἰσχυρῶς ὡμολογημένον καὶ πολὺ δήπου προάγειν τῆς τοῦ νεὼ κατασκευῆς τὴν τῶν προγόνων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν χώραν ἄφιξιν · ὅτε γὰρ αὐτὴν πᾶσαν πολέμῳ παρέλαβον , τότε τὸν νεὼν κατεσκεύασαν . Καὶ ταῦτα σαφῶς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δεδήλωται διὰ τῆς ἀρχαιολογίας . | |
| 127 Winston | 127 What more testimonies do I need from the Phoenician histories, since what I have said is so fully proven already? Our ancestors came into this country long before the building of the temple, for we could not build it until we had possession of the whole land by war. This is the point that I have clearly proved in my Antiquities, from our sacred writings. |
| 127 Barach | |
| 128 λέξω δὲ νῦν ἤδη τὰ παρὰ ΧαλδαίοιςChaldeans ἀναγεγραμμένα καὶ ἱστορούμενα περὶ ἡμῶν , ἅπερ ἔχει πολλὴν ὁμολογίαν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοῖς ἡμετέροις γράμμασι . | |
| 128 Winston | 128 I will now tell what has been written about us in the Chaldean histories, records in large agreement with our books in other things. |
| 128 Barach | |
| 129 Μάρτυς δὲ τούτων ΒηρῶσοςBerosus ἀνὴρ ΧαλδαῖοςChaldean μὲν τὸ γένος , γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς περὶ παιδείαν ἀναστρεφομένοις , ἐπειδὴ περὶ τε ἀστρονομίας καὶ περὶ τῶν παρὰ ΧαλδαίοιςChaldeans φιλοσοφουμένων αὐτὸς εἰς τοὺς ἝλληναςGreeks ἐξήνεγκε τὰς συγγραφάςa writing . | |
| 129 Winston | 129 Berosus shall be witness to what I say: he was by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, having published among the Greeks the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy. |
| 129 Barach | |
| 130 Οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ ΒηρῶσοςBerosus ταῖς ἀρχαιοτάταις ἐπακολουθῶνto follow after ἀναγραφαῖς περὶ τε τοῦ γενομένου ὡς καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῷ φθορᾶς τῶν ἀνθρώπων καθάπερ ΜωσῆςMoses οὕτως ἱστόρηκεν καὶ περὶ τῆς λάρνακος , ἐν ᾗ ΝῶχοςNoah ὁ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχηγὸς διεσώθη προσενεχθείσης αὐτῆς ταῖς ἀκρωρείαις τῶν ἈρμενίωνArmenia ὀρῶνto see . | |
| 130 Winston | 130 Following the most ancient records of that nation, this Berosus gives us the story of the flood and of its destruction of mankind and agrees with Moses' narrative, and of the ark where Noah, the origin of our race, was preserved, when it was brought to the highest part of the Armenian mountains. |
| 130 Barach | |
| 131 Εἶτα τοὺς ἀπὸ ΝώχουNoah καταλέγων καὶ τοὺς χρόνους αὐτοῖς προστιθεὶς ἐπὶ ΝαβοπαλάσσαρονNabolassar παραγίνεται τὸν ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon καὶ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees βασιλέα | |
| 131 Winston | 131 Then he lists the descendants of Noah with their dates and finally comes down to Nabolassar, king of Babylon and of the Chaldeans. |
| 131 Barach | |
| 132 καὶ τὰς τούτου πράξεις ἀφηγούμενος λέγει , τίνα τρόπον πέμψας ἐπὶ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν γῆν τὸν υἱὸν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ΝαβοκοδρόσορονNabuchodonosor μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως , ἐπειδήπερ ἀφεστῶτας αὐτοὺς ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire , πάντων ἐκράτησεν καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐνέπρησε τὸν ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ὅλως τε πάντα τὸν παρ᾽ ἡμῶν λαὸν ἀναστήσας εἰς ΒαβυλῶναBabylon μετῴκισεν , συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐρημωθῆναι χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑβδομήκοντα μέχρι ΚύρουCyrus τοῦ ΠερσῶνPersians βασιλέως . | |
| 132 Winston | 132 When relating the acts of that king, he tells how he sent his son Nabuchodonosor with a large army against Egypt and against our land, after hearing that they had rebelled from him, and how he subdued them all and burned our temple in Jerusalem; also that he entirely deported our people from their own country and moved them to Babylon, so that our city was desolate for a period of seventy years, until Cyrus king of the Persians. |
| 132 Barach | |
| 133 Κρατῆσαι δέ φησι τὸν ΒαβυλώνιονBabylonian ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ΣυρίαςSyria ΦοινίκηςPhoenicia ἈραβίαςArabia πάντας ὑπερβαλόμενον ταῖς πράξεσι τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees καὶ ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians βεβασιλευκότας . | |
| 133 Winston | 133 This Babylonian king, he says, conquered Egypt and Syria and Phoenicia and Arabia and in his exploits surpassed all who had reigned before him in Chaldea and Babylon. |
| 133 Barach | |
| 134 Εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς ὑποκαταβὰς ὀλίγον ὁ ΒηρῶσοςBerosus πάλιν παρατίθεται ἐν τῇ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος . Αὐτὰ δὲ παραθήσομαι τὰ τοῦ ΒηρώσουBerosus τοῦτον ἔχοντα τὸν τρόπον · | |
| 134 Winston | 134 I will quote Berosus himself as follows: |
| 134 Barach | |
Chapter 7
In Chaldean and Persian sources
| 135 ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ ΝαβοπαλάσαροςNabolassar , ὅτι ὁ τεταγμένος σατράπης ἔν τε ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν ΣυρίανSyria τὴν κοίλην καὶ τὴν ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia τόποις ἀποστάτης γέγονεν , οὐ δυνάμενος αὐτὸς ἔτι κακοπαθεῖν συστήσας τῷ υἱῷ ΝαβοκοδροσόρῳNabuchodonosor ὄντι ἔτι ἐν ἡλικίᾳ μέρη τινὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν . | |
| 135 Winston | 135 "When his father Nabolassar heard that the ruler he had set over Egypt and the regions of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia had rebelled, he could not endure it, so entrusting parts of his army to Nabuchodonosor his son, who was still young, he sent him against him. |
| 135 Barach | |
| 136 συμμίξας δὲ ΝαβοκοδρόσοροςNabuchodonosor τῷ ἀποστάτῃ καὶ παραταξάμενος αὐτοῦ τ᾽ ἐκράτει καὶ τὴν χώραν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτῶν βασιλείαν ἐποιήσατο . Τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτοῦ συνέβη ΝαβοπαλασάρῳNabolassar κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀρρωστήσαντι ἐν τῇ ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians πόλει μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον ἔτη βεβασιλευκότι κα᾽ . | |
| 136 Winston | 136 Nabuchodonosor fought and defeated the rebel and brought the country under their rule again. But his father Nabolassar fell ill at this time and died in the city of Babylon, after a reign of twenty-nine years. |
| 136 Barach | |
| 137 αἰσθόμενος δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ΝαβουκοδρόσοροςNabuchodonosor , καταστήσας τὰ κατὰ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt πράγματα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν χώραν καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἸουδαίωνJews τε καὶ ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians καὶ ΣύρωνSyrian καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐθνῶν συντάξας τισὶ τῶν φίλων μετὰ τῆς βαρυτάτης δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ὠφελείας ἀνακομίζειν εἰς τὴν ΒαβυλωνίανBabylon , αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας ὀλιγοστὸς παρεγένετο διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου εἰς ΒαβυλῶναBabylon . | |
| 137 Winston | 137 Hearing soon of the death of his father Nabuchodonosor, he set in order the affairs of Egypt and the other territory and left some of his friends in charge of the captives he had taken from the Jews and Phoenicians and Syrians and of the nations under Egypt, to bring his heavily armed troops and the rest of his baggage to Babylonia, while he sped back across the desert to Babylon with just a small force. |
| 137 Barach | |
| 138 Καταλαβὼν δὲ τὰ πράγματα διοικούμενα ὑπὸ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees καὶ διατηρουμένην τὴν βασιλείαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βελτίστου αὐτῶν , κυριεύσας ὁλοκλήρου τῆς πατρικῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς μὲν αἰχμαλώτοις παραγενομένοις συνέταξεν αὐτοῖς κατοικίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia τόποις ἀποδεῖξαι , | |
| 138 Winston | 138 He found that affairs had been well managed by the Chaldeans and that his kingdom had been preserved for him by the best of them, so he now controlled all of his father's dominions; and then he ordered the captives to be placed as colonies in the most suitable places of Babylonia. |
| 138 Barach | |
| 139 αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου λαφύρων τό τε ΒήλουBelus ἱερὸν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ κοσμήσας φιλοτίμως τήν τε ὑπάρχουσαν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πόλιν καὶ ἑτέραν ἔξωθεν προσχαρισάμενος καὶ ἀναγκάσας πρὸς τὸ μηκέτι δύνασθαι τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας τὸν ποταμὸν ἀναστρέφοντας ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν κατασκευάζειν , περιεβάλετο τρεῖς μὲν τῆς ἔνδον πόλεως περιβόλους , τρεῖς δὲ τῆς ἔξω , τούτων δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐξ ὀπτῆς πλίνθου καὶ ἀσφάλτου , τοὺς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς πλίνθου . | |
| 139 Winston | 139 He proceeded to elegantly adorn the temple of Belus and the other temples with the spoils he had taken in the war, and rebuilt the old city and added another outside it and built it so that none who might later besiege it would be able to divert the river for an easier access to the city. This he did by building three walls around the inner city and three around the outer, built partly of brick and asphalt and some of brick alone. |
| 139 Barach | |
| 140 Καὶ τειχίσας ἀξιολόγως τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς πυλῶνας κοσμήσας ἱεροπρεπῶς προσκατεσκεύασεν τοῖς πατρικοῖς βασιλείοις ἕτερα βασίλεια ἐχόμενα ἐκείνων , ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀνάστημα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν πολυτέλειαν μακρὸν ἴσως ἔσται ἐάν τις ἐξηγῆταιexpositor, interpreter , πλὴν ὄντα γε ὑπερβολὴν ὡς μεγάλα καὶ ὑπερήφαναarrogant συνετελέσθη ἡμέραις δεκαπέντε. | |
| 140 Winston | 140 When he had well fortified the city with walls, and had magnificently adorned the gates, he added a new, higher and more splendid palace near the one where his father had lived. It would probably take too long to describe it, but large and as magnificent as it was, it was completed in fifteen days. |
| 140 Barach | |
| 141 Ἐν δὲ τοῖς βασιλείοις τούτοις ἀναλήμματαfortification λίθινα ὑψηλὰ ἀνοικοδομήσας καὶ τὴν ὄψιν ἀποδοὺς ὁμοιοτάτην τοῖς ὄρεσι , καταφυτεύσας δένδρεσι παντοδαποῖς ἐξειργάσατο καὶ κατεσκεύασε τὸν καλούμενον κρεμαστὸν παράδεισον διὰ τὸ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ ἐπιθυμεῖν τῆς ὀρείας διαθέσεως τεθραμμένην ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ΜηδίανMedia τόποις . | |
| 141 Winston | 141 Now in this palace he built lofty terraces, supported by stone pillars and made what were called the Hanging Gardens planting them with all sorts of trees, creating the appearance of mountain scenery to please his queen who had been reared in Media and loved the mountains." |
| 141 Barach | |
| 142 Ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἱστόρηκεν περὶ τοῦ προειρημένου βασιλέως καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς τούτοις ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ βίβλῳ τῶν ΧαλδαϊκῶνChaldean , ἐν ᾗ μέμφεται τοῖς ἙλληνικοῖςGreek συγγραφεῦσιν ὡς μάτην οἰομένοις ὑπὸ ΣεμιράμεωςSemiramis τῆς ἈσσυρίαςAssyria κτισθῆναι τὴν ΒαβυλῶναBabylon καὶ τὰ θαυμάσια κατασκευασθῆναι περὶ αὐτὴν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης ἔργα ψευδῶς γεγραφόσι . | |
| 142 Winston | 142 This is what was given about the aforesaid king, besides many other things in the third book of the Chaldean History, where he censures the Greek writers for their baseless speculation that Babylon was built by Semiramis of Assyria and their lying claim that those wonderful buildings were due to her. |
| 142 Barach | |
| 143 Καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα τὴν μὲν τῶν ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees ἀναγραφὴν ἀξιόπιστον ἡγητέον · οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ἀρχείοις τῶν ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians σύμφωνα τοῖς ὑπὸ ΒηρώσουBerosus λεγομένοις ἀναγέγραπται περὶ τοῦ τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians βασιλέως , ὅτι καὶ τὴν ΣυρίανSyria καὶ τὴν ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia ἅπασαν ἐκεῖνος κατεστρέψατο . | |
| 143 Winston | 143 In these matters the Chaldean History must be the most credible. And we find a confirmation of what Berosus says in the archives of the Phoenicians, about the king of the Babylonians, that he conquered all Syria and Phoenicia. |
| 143 Barach | |
| 144 περὶ τούτων γοῦν συμφωνεῖ καὶ ΦιλόστρατοςPhilostrates ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις μεμνημένος τῆς ΤύρουTyre πολιορκίας , καὶ ΜεγασθένηςMegasthenes ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν ἸνδικῶνIndia , δι᾽ ἧς ἀποφαίνειν πειρᾶται τὸν προειρημένον βασιλέα τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians ἩρακλέουςHercules ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ μεγέθει πράξεων διενηνοχέναι · καταστρέψασθαι γὰρ αὐτόν φησι καὶ ΛιβύηςLibya τὴν πολλὴν καὶ ἸβηρίανIberia . | |
| 144 Winston | 144 Philostratus agrees with the others in the history he composed, where he mentions the siege of Tyre; as does Megasthenes, in his fourth book on India, where he tries to prove that the aforesaid king of the Babylonians was superior to Hercules in bravery and size, for he says that he conquered most of Libya and Iberia. |
| 144 Barach | |
| 145 Τὰ δὲ περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προειρημένα τοῦ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem , ὅτι κατεπρήσθη μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians ἐπιστρατευσάντων , ἤρξατο δὲ πάλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖσθαι ΚύρουCyrus τῆς ἈσίαςAsia τὴν βασιλείαν παρειληφότος , ἐκ τῶν ΒηρώσουBerosus σαφῶς ἐπιδειχθήσεται παρατεθέντων · λέγει γὰρ οὕτως διὰ τῆς τρίτης · | |
| 145 Winston | 145 Now as to what I said earlier about the temple in Jerusalem, that it was burned by the Babylonians invaders, but was opened again when Cyrus became king of Asia, shall be clearly shown from what Berosus adds about it, for in his third book he says: |
| 145 Barach | |
| 146 ΝαβοκοδρόσοροςNabuchodonosor μὲν οὖν μετὰ τὸ ἄρξασθαι τοῦ προειρημένου τείχους ἐμπεσὼν εἰς ἀρρωστίαν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον βεβασιλευκὼς ἔτη μγ , τῆς δὲ βασιλείας κύριος ἐγένετο ὁ ΝαχώρηςNahor αὐτοῦ ΕὐειλμαράδουχοςEvilmerodach . | |
| 146 Winston | 146 "Nabuchodonosor, after he began to build the aforesaid wall, fell sick and departed this life, after reigning forty-three years and his son Evilmerodach came to power. |
| 146 Barach | |
| 147 Οὗτος προστὰς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀνόμως καὶ ἀσελγῶς ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ ΝηριγλισάρουNeriglissar ἀνῃρέθη βασιλεύσας ἔτη β . μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἀναιρεθῆναι τοῦτον διαδεξάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁ ἐπιβουλεύσας αὐτῷ ΝηριγλίσαροςNeriglissar ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη δ . | |
| 147 Winston | 147 He ruled lawlessly and licentiously and a plot was hatched against him by Neriglissar, his sister's husband who killed him when he had reigned for just two years. After he was killed, Neriglissar, who schemed against him, succeeded him in the kingdom and reigned for four years. |
| 147 Barach | |
| 148 Τούτου ΝαχώρηςNahor ΛαβοροσοάρδοχοςLaborosoardoch ἐκυρίευσε μὲν τῆς βασιλείας παῖς ὢν μῆνας θ᾽ , ἐπιβουλευθεὶς δὲ διὰ τὸ πολλὰ ἐμφαίνειν κακοήθη ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἀπετυμπανίσθη . | |
| 148 Winston | 148 his son Laborosoardoch ruled the kingdom for nine months though he was only a child; but because of his public bad behaviour he was conspired against and tortured to death by his friends. |
| 148 Barach | |
| 149 Ἀπολομένου δὲ τούτου συνελθόντες οἱ ἐπιβουλεύσαντες αὐτῷ κοινῇ τὴν βασιλείαν περιέθηκαν ΝαβοννήδῳNabonnedus τινὶ τῶν ἐκ ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon ὄντι ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐπισυστάσεωςa conspiracy, insurrection . Ἐπὶ τούτου τὰ περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τείχη τῆς ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians πόλεως ἐξ ὀπτῆς πλίνθου καὶ ἀσφάλτου κατεκοσμήθη . | |
| 149 Winston | 149 After his death, the conspirators gathered and by common consent put the crown upon the head of Nabonnedus, a Babylonian and one of their group. It was in his reign that the ramparts of the city of Babylon were finely built with burned brick and asphalt. |
| 149 Barach | |
| 150 ΟὔσηςOuses δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ ἔτει προεξεληλυθὼς ΚῦροςCyrus ἐκ τῆς ΠερσίδοςPersia μετὰ δυνάμεως πολλῆς καταστρεψάμενος τὴν λοιπὴν βασιλείαν πᾶσαν ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia . | |
| 150 Winston | 150 In the seventeenth year of his reign, Cyrus came from Persia with a large army, and having already conquered all the rest of Asia, he hurried to Babylonia. |
| 150 Barach | |
| 151 αἰσθόμενος δὲ ΝαβόννηδοςNabonnedus τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ , ἀπαντήσας μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ παραταξάμενος , ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ καὶ φυγὼν ὀλιγοστὸς | |
| 151 Winston | 151 When Nabonnedus saw him coming to attack him, he met him with his forces and was defeated in the battle and fled with a few of his troops but was shut up within the city of Borsippus. |
| 151 Barach | |
| 152 συνεκλείσθη εἰς τὴν ΒορσιππηνῶνBorsippus πόλιν , ΚῦροςCyrus δὲ ΒαβυλῶναBabylon καταλαβόμενος καὶ συντάξας τὰ ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τείχη κατασκάψαι διὰ τὸ λίαν αὐτῷ πραγματικὴνofficial καὶ δυσάλωτον φανῆναι τὴν πόλιν ἀνέζευξεν ἐπὶ ΒορσίππωνBorsippus ἐκπολιορκήσων τὸν ΝαβόννηδονNabonnedus . | |
| 152 Winston | 152 Then Cyrus took Babylon and had the outer walls of the city demolished, since the city had proved formidable and had cost him a large amount of trouble to take, and marched to besiege Nabonnedus in Borsippus. |
| 152 Barach | |
| 153 Τοῦ δὲ ΝαβοννήδουNabonnedus οὐχ ὑπομείναντοςto stay behind τὴν πολιορκίαν , ἀλλ᾽ ἐγχειρίσαντος αὑτὸν πρότερον , χρησάμενος ΚῦροςCyrus φιλανθρώπως καὶ δοὺς οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ ΚαρμανίανCarmania ἐξέπεμψεν ἐκ τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia . ΝαβόννηδοςNabonnedus μὲν οὖν τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ χρόνου διαγενόμενος ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον . | |
| 153 Winston | 153 Nabonnedus did not withstand the siege, but gave himself up and was at first kindly treated by Cyrus, who let him reside in Carmania but sent him out of Babylonia. So Nabonnedus spent the rest of his time in that country and there died." |
| 153 Barach | |
| 154 Ταῦτα σύμφωνον ἔχει ταῖς ἡμετέραις βίβλοις τὴν ἀλήθειαν · γέγραπται γὰρ ἐν αὐταῖς , ὅτι ΝαβουχοδονόσοροςNabuchodonosor ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῳ τῆς αὐτοῦ βασιλείας ἔτει τὸν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ναὸν ἠρήμωσεν καὶ ἦν ἀφανὴς ἐπ᾽ ἔτη πεντήκοντα , δευτέρῳ δὲ τῆς ΚύρουCyrus βασιλείας ἔτει τῶν θεμελίων ὑποβληθέντων δευτέρῳ πάλιν τῆς ΔαρείουDarius βασιλείας ἀπετελέσθη . | |
| 154 Winston | 154 These accounts agree with the truth in our books, for it is written in them that Nabuchodonosor, in the eighteenth year of his reign, devastated our temple and for fifty years it lay hidden; but that in the second year of the reign of Cyrus its foundations were laid and it was finished again in the second year of Darius. |
| 154 Barach | |
| 155 Προσθήσω δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians ἀναγραφάς · οὐ γὰρ παραλειπτέον τῶν ἀποδείξεων τὴν περιουσίαν · | |
| 155 Winston | 155 I will now add the records of the Phoenicians, for it will not be amiss to give the reader the many proofs that exist. |
| 155 Barach | |
| 156 ἔστι δὲ τοιαύτη τῶν χρόνων ἡ καταρίθμησις · ἐπ᾽ ἸθωβάλουEthbaal τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπολιόρκησεto besiege ΝαβουχοδονόσοροςNabuchodonosor τὴν ΤύρονTyre ἐπ᾽ ἔτη δεκατρία . | |
| 156 Winston | 156 This is their calculation of the times of their several kings: "Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal, their king. |
| 156 Barach | |
| 157 μετὰ τοῦτον ἐβασίλευσε ΒαὰλBaal ἔτη δέκα . μετὰ τοῦτον δικασταὶ κατεστάθησαν , καὶ ἐδίκασαν ἘκνίβαλοςEcnibalus ΒασλήχουBaslacus μῆνας β , ΧέλβηςChelbes ἈβδαίουAbbar μῆνας ι , ἌββαροςAbbar ἀρχιερεὺς μῆνας γ , ΜύττυνοςMitgonus καὶ ΓεράστρατοςGerastratus τοῦ ἈβδηλίμουAbdelemus δικασταὶ ἔτη στιγμα , ὧν μεταξὺ ἐβασίλευσε ΒαλάτοροςBalatorus ἐνιαυτὸν ἕνα . | |
| 157 Winston | 157 After him Baal reigned for ten years; and after him judges were appointed, among them Ecnibalus, son of Baslacus, for two months; Chelbes, son of Abdeus, for ten months; Abbar, the high priest, for three months; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons of Abdelemus, judged for six years; after whom Balatorus reigned for one year. |
| 157 Barach | |
| 158 Τούτου τελευτήσαντος ἀποστείλαντες μετεπέμψαντο ΜέρβαλονMerbalus ἐκ τῆς ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon , καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη δ . Τούτου τελευτήσαντος μετεπέμψαντο τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ΕἴρωμονHiram , ὃς ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη εἴκοσιν . Ἐπὶ τούτου ΚῦροςCyrus ΠερσῶνPersians ἐδυνάστευσεν . | |
| 158 Winston | 158 after his death they sent to Babylon for Merbalus, who reigned for four years; after his death they sent for his brother Hiram, who reigned for twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus the Persian came to power." |
| 158 Barach | |
| 159 Οὐκοῦν ὁ σύμπας χρόνος ἔτη νδ καὶ τρεῖς μῆνες πρὸς αὐτοῖς · ἑβδόμῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔτει τῆς ΝαβουχοδονοσόρουNabuchodonosor βασιλείας ἤρξατο πολιορκεῖν ΤύρονTyre , τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῳ δ᾽ ἔτει τῆς ΕἰρώμουHiram ΚῦροςCyrus ὁ ΠέρσηςPersian τὸ κράτος παρέλαβεν . | |
| 159 Winston | 159 So the whole period is fifty-four years and three months, for in the seventh year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor he began to besiege Tyre and Cyrus the Persian took power in the fourteenth year of Hiram. |
| 159 Barach | |
| 160 Καὶ σύμφωνα μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῖς ἡμετέροις γράμμασι τὰ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees καὶ ΤυρίωνTyrians , ὡμολογημένη δὲ καὶ ἀναντίρρητος ἡ περὶ τῶν εἰρημένων μοι μαρτυρία τῆς τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχαιότητος . Τοῖς μὲν οὖν μὴ σφόδρα φιλονείκοις ἀρκέσειν ὑπολαμβάνω τὰ προειρημένα . | |
| 160 Winston | 160 So the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple, and the testimonies here produced are an indisputable and undeniable proof of the antiquity of our nation. I suppose that what I have said will suffice for any but the most contentious. |
| 160 Barach | |
Chapter 8
Greek authors who mention the Jews
| 161 Δεῖ δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ τῶν ἀπιστούντων μὲν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀναγραφαῖς μόνοις δὲ τοῖς ἝλλησιGreeks πιστεύειν ἀξιούντωνto think worthy ἀποπληρῶσαι τὴν ἐπιζήτησινa search καὶ παρασχεῖν πολλοὺς καὶ τούτων ἐπισταμένους τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν καὶ καθ᾽ ὃ καιρὸς ἦν αὐτοῖς μνημονεύοντας παραθέσθαι ἐν ἰδίοις αὐτῶν συγγράμμασι . | |
| 161 Winston | 161 But now I should answer those who disbelieve the records of barbarians and think no one may be trusted except the Greeks, by appealing to many of these very Greeks who knew of our nation and listing some who have mentioned us in their writings. |
| 161 Barach | |
| 162 ΠυθαγόραςPythagoras τοίνυν ὁ ΣάμιοςSamos ἀρχαῖος ὤν , σοφίᾳ δὲ καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ πάντων ὑπειλημμένος διενεγκεῖν τῶν φιλοσοφησάντων , οὐ μόνον ἐγνωκὼς τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν δῆλός ἐστιν , ἀλλὰ καὶ ζηλωτὴς αὐτῶν ἐκ πλείστου γεγενημένος . | |
| 162 Winston | 162 Pythagoras of Samos, lived in very ancient times and was esteemed above all philosophers in wisdom and piety. Now clearly he not only knew our doctrines, but also was in large measure a follower and admirer of them. |
| 162 Barach | |
| 163 Αὐτοῦ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν ὁμολογεῖται σύγγραμμα , πολλοὶ δὲ τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ἱστορήκασι , καὶ τούτων ἐπισημότατόςmost notable ἐστιν ἝρμιπποςHermippus ἀνὴρ περὶ πᾶσαν ἱστορίαν ἐπιμελήςcareful, attentive . | |
| 163 Winston | 163 No acknowledged writing of his is extant but many have written his history, of whom the most celebrated is Hermippus, a very careful historian. |
| 163 Barach | |
| 164 Λέγει τοίνυν ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ ΠυθαγόρουPythagoras βιβλίων , ὅτι ΠυθαγόραςPythagoras ἑνὸς αὐτοῦ τῶν συνουσιαστῶν τελευτήσαντος τοὔνομα ΚαλλιφῶντοςCalliphon τὸ γένος ΚροτωνιάτουCroton τὴν ἐκείνου ψυχὴν ἔλεγε συνδιατρίβειν αὐτῷ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν · καὶ ὅτι παρεκελεύετο μὴ διέρχεσθαι τόπον , ἐφ᾽ ὃν ὄνος ὀκλάσῃ , καὶ τῶν διψίων ὑδάτων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ πάσης ἀπέχειν βλασφημίας . | |
| 164 Winston | 164 In his first book about Pythagoras he says that after the death of one of his associates, Calliphon of Croton, Pythagoras affirmed that this man's soul conversed with him both night and day and warned him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down, and not to drink from thirst-producing waters and to abstain from all blasphemy. |
| 164 Barach | |
| 165 Εἶτα προστίθησι μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τάδε · ταῦτα δὲ ἔπραττεν καὶ ἔλεγε τὰς ἸουδαίωνJews καὶ ΘρᾳκῶνThracians δόξας μιμούμενος καὶ μεταφέρων εἰς ἑαυτόν . Λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκεῖνος πολλὰ τῶν παρὰ ἸουδαίοιςJews νομίμων εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ μετενεγκεῖν φιλοσοφίαν . | |
| 165 Winston | 165 He adds that in his acts and words he was imitating the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he took to himself. For the man himself truly said that he took many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. |
| 165 Barach | |
| 166 Ἦν δὲ καὶ κατὰ πόλεις οὐκ ἄγνωστον ἡμῶν πάλαι τὸ ἔθνος , καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἐθῶν εἴς τινας ἤδη διαπεφοιτήκει καὶ ζήλου παρ᾽ ἐνίοις ἠξιοῦτο . Δηλοῖ δὲ ὁ ΘεόφραστοςTheophrastus ἐν τοῖς περὶ νόμων · | |
| 166 Winston | 166 Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Greek cities and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. |
| 166 Barach | |
| 167 λέγει γάρ , ὅτι κωλύουσιν οἱ ΤυρίωνTyrians νόμοι ξενικοὺς ὅρκους ὀμνύειν , ἐν οἷς μετά τινων ἄλλων καὶ τὸν καλούμενον ὅρκον κορβὰν καταριθμεῖ . Παρ᾽ οὐδενὶ δ᾽ ἂν οὗτος εὑρεθείη πλὴν μόνοις ἸουδαίοιςJews , δηλοῖ δ᾽ ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις ἐκ τῆς ἙβραίωνHebrews μεθερμηνευόμενος διαλέκτου δῶρον θεοῦ . | |
| 167 Winston | 167 Theophrastus too, writing about laws, says, "The laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths." Among which he lists some others and particularly that called Corban: which can only be found among the Jews and declares what a man may call devoted to God. |
| 167 Barach | |
| 168 Καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ ἩρόδοτοςHerodotus ὁ ἉλικαρνασεὺςHalicarnassus ἠγνόηκεν ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος , ἀλλὰ τρόπῳ τινὶ φαίνεται μεμνημένος · περὶ γὰρ ΚόλχωνColchians ἱστορῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ φησὶν οὕτως · | |
| 168 Winston | 168 Nor was our nation unknown to Herodotus of Halicarnassus, who mentions it in his own way when he says in the second book about the Colchians: |
| 168 Barach | |
| 169 μοῦνοι δὲ πάντων , φησί , ΚόλχοιColchians καὶ ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians καὶ ΑἰθίοπεςEthiopian περιτέμνονται ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τὰ αἰδοῖα . ΦοίνικεςPhoenicians δὲ καὶ ΣύριοιSyrians οἱ ἐν τῇ ΠαλαιστίνῃPalestine καὶ οὗτοι ὁμολογοῦσι παρ᾽ ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians μεμαθηκέναι . | |
| 169 Winston | 169 "The only people who were originally circumcised were the Colchians, the Egyptians and the Ethiopians. The Phoenicians and the Syrians in Palestine admit that they learned it from the Egyptians. |
| 169 Barach | |
| 170 ΣύριοιSyrians δὲ οἱ περὶ ΘερμώδονταThermodon καὶ ΠαρθένιονParthenius ποταμὸν καὶ ΜάκρωνεςMacrones οἱ τούτοισιν ἀστυγείτονες ὄντες ἀπὸ ΚόλχωνColchians φασὶ νεωστὶ μεμαθηκέναι · οὗτοι γάρ εἰσιν οἱ περιτεμνόμενοι ἀνθρώπων μοῦνοι καὶ οὗτοι ΑἰγυπτίοισιEgyptians φαίνονται ποιοῦντες κατὰ ταὐτά . Αὐτῶν δὲ ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians καὶ ΑἰθιόπωνEthiopian οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὁπότεροι παρὰ τῶν ἑτέρων ἐξέμαθον . | |
| 170 Winston | 170 And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius and their neighbours the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians, for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind and appear to have done the very same as the Egyptians. Between the Egyptians and Ethiopians I could not find out which received it from the other." |
| 170 Barach | |
| 171 Οὐκοῦν εἴρηκε ΣύρουςSyrians τοὺς ἐν τῇ ΠαλαιστίνῃPalestine περιτέμνεσθαι · τῶν δὲ τὴν ΠαλαιστίνηνPalestine κατοικούντων μόνοι τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν ἸουδαῖοιJews · τοῦτο ἄρα γιγνώσκων εἴρηκεν περὶ αὐτῶν . | |
| 171 Winston | 171 He says that the Syrians in Palestine are circumcised. But none of the people of Palestine are circumcised except the Jews, so he must have known them in order to make this reference. |
| 171 Barach | |
| 172 Καὶ ΧοιρίλοςCherilus δὲ ἀρχαιότερος γενόμενος ποιητὴς μέμνηται τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν , ὅτι συνεστράτευται ΞέρξῃXerxes τῷ ΠερσῶνPersians βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τὴν ἙλλάδαGreek · καταριθμησάμενος γὰρ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη τελευταῖον καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἐνέταξε λέγων · | |
| 172 Winston | 172 Cherilus also, an ancient poet, mentions our nation and how it joined in the expedition of king Xerxes of Persia against Greece, for in numbering all the nations, he lists ours last of all saying, |
| 172 Barach | |
| 173
Τῶν
δ᾽
ὄπιθεν
διέβαινε
γένος
θαυμαστὸν
ἰδέσθαι
,
γλῶσσαν μὲν ΦοίνισσανPhoenician ἀπὸ στομάτων ἀφιέντες , ᾤκεον δ᾽ ἐν ΣολύμοιςSolymean ὄρεσι πλατέῃ παρὰ λίμνῃ αὐχμαλέοι κορυφὰς τροχοκουράδες , αὐτὰρ ὕπερθεν ἵππων δαρτὰ πρόσωπ᾽ ἐφόρουν ἐσκληκότα καπνῷ . | |
| 173 Winston | 173 173 "Finally came a remarkable people from whose mouths came the Phoenician tongue though they lived in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake. Their heads were shaggy though shorn in a circle, and over them they carried hides like horse-heads, hardened in the smoke." |
| 173 Barach | |
| 174 Δῆλον οὖν ἐστιν , ὡς οἶμαι , πᾶσιν ἡμῶν αὐτὸν μεμνῆσθαι τῷ καὶ τὰ ΣόλυμαSolymean ὄρη ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ εἶναι χώρᾳ , ἃ κατοικοῦμεν , καὶ τὴν ἈσφαλτῖτινAsphaltitis λεγομένην λίμνην · αὕτη γὰρ πασῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ ΣυρίᾳSyria λίμνη πλατυτέρα καὶ μείζων καθέστηκεν . | |
| 174 Winston | 174 It is clear to all, I think, that he is referring to us, as the Solymean mountains are in the country where we live, as is the lake called Asphaltitis, which is broader and larger than any other lake in Syria. |
| 174 Barach | |
| 175 Καὶ ΧοιρίλοςCherilus μὲν οὖν οὕτω μέμνηται ἡμῶν . Ὅτι δὲ οὐ μόνον ἠπίσταντο τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews , ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐθαύμαζον ὅσοιςall who, as much αὐτῶν ἐντύχοιεν οὐχ οἱ φαυλότατοι τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks , ἀλλ᾽ οἱ ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ μάλιστα τεθαυμασμένοι , ῥᾴδιον γνῶναι · | |
| 175 Winston | 175 So that is how Cherilus mentions us. One can easily discover that not only the lowest sort of Greeks, but also those most admired for wisdom among them, not only knew the Jews, but when they met any of them, admired them too. |
| 175 Barach | |
| 176 ΚλέαρχοςClearchus γὰρ ὁ ἈριστοτέλουςAristotle ὢν μαθητὴς καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Περιπάτου φιλοσόφων οὐδενὸς δεύτερος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ περὶ ὕπνου βιβλίῳ φησὶν ἈριστοτέληνAristotole τὸν διδάσκαλον αὐτοῦ περὶ τινος ἀνδρὸς ἸουδαίουJew ταῦτα ἱστορεῖν , αὐτῷ τε τὸν λόγον ἈριστοτέλειAristotle παρατιθείς · ἔστι δὲ οὕτω γεγραμμένον · | |
| 176 Winston | 176 For Clearchus, the disciple of Aristotle and second to none among the Peripatetics, in his first book about sleep, reports a story that his master Aristotle told about a Jew and the conversation he had with him. The account, as written by him is this: |
| 176 Barach | |
| 177 ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ μακρὸν ἂν εἴη λέγειν , ὅσα δ᾽ ἔχει τῶν ἐκείνου θαυμασιότητά τινα καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ὁμοίως διελθεῖν οὐ χεῖρον . Σαφῶς δ᾽ ἴσθι , εἶπεν , ὙπεροχίδηHyperochides , θαυμαστὸν ὀνείροιςa dream ἴσα σοι δόξω λέγειν . Καὶ ὁ ὙπεροχίδηςHyperochides εὐλαβούμενος , δι᾽ αὐτὸ γάρ , ἔφη , τοῦτο καὶ ζητοῦμεν ἀκοῦσαι πάντες . | |
| 177 Winston | 177 "It would be too much to report the whole story, but some points about this man's remarkable character and philosophy are worthy of mention. To speak plainly, Hyperochides, what I say will seem as remarkable to you as are dreams. Hyperochides modestly replied, That is why we are all eager to heart it. |
| 177 Barach | |
| 178 Οὐκοῦν , εἶπεν ὁ ἈριστοτέληςAristotle , κατὰ τὸ τῶν ῥητορικῶν παράγγελμα τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ πρῶτον διέλθωμεν , ἵνα μὴ ἀπειθῶμεν τοῖς τῶν ἀπαγγελιῶνa report διδασκάλοις . Λέγε , εἶπεν ὁ ὙπεροχίδηςHyperochides , εἴ τί σοι δοκεῖ . | |
| 178 Winston | 178 "Then," said Aristotle, following the rule of rhetoric so as not to be unfaithful to our teachers, I must first describe the man's race." "Go on, if you please," said Hyperochides. |
| 178 Barach | |
| 179 Κἀκεῖνος τοίνυν τὸ μὲν γένος ἦν ἸουδαῖοςJew ἐκ τῆς κοίλης ΣυρίαςSyria . Οὗτοι δέ εἰσιν ἀπόγονοι τῶν ἐν ἸνδοῖςIndians φιλοσόφων , καλοῦνται δέ , ὥς φασιν , οἱ φιλόσοφοι παρὰ μὲν ἸνδοῖςIndians ΚαλανοίCalami , παρὰ δὲ ΣύροιςSyrians ἸουδαῖοιJews τοὔνομα λαβόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου · προσαγορεύεται γὰρ ὃν κατοικοῦσι τόπον ἸουδαίαJudea . Τὸ δὲ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ὄνομα πάνυ σκολιόν ἐστιν · ἹερουσαλήμηνJerusalem γὰρ αὐτὴν καλοῦσιν . | |
| 179 Winston | 179 "Well, this man was by birth a Jew from Coele-Syria. These are descended from the Indian philosophers and are called Calami by the Indians and Judaei by the Syrians, taking the name of the place they live in, which is Judea. Their city has a very difficult name, for they call it Jerusalem. |
| 179 Barach | |
| 180 Οὗτος οὖν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπιξενούμενός τε πολλοῖς κἀκ τῶν ἄνω τόπων εἰς τοὺς ἐπιθαλαττίους ὑποκαταβαίνων ἙλληνικὸςGreek ἦν οὐ τῇ διαλέκτῳ μόνον , ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ . | |
| 180 Winston | 180 This man, who was hospitably entertained by many, came down from the interior to the coast and became a Greek, not only in his language, but also in his very soul. |
| 180 Barach | |
| 181 Καὶ τότε διατριβόντων ἡμῶν περὶ τὴν ἈσίανAsian παραβαλὼν εἰς τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους ἄνθρωπος ἐντυγχάνει ἡμῖν τε καί τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν σχολαστικῶν πειρώμενος αὐτῶν τῆς σοφίας . ὡς δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν ἐν παιδείᾳ συνῳκείωτο , παρεδίδου τι μᾶλλον ὧν εἶχεν . | |
| 181 Winston | 181 So when we happened to be in Asia in the same places as this man, he conversed with us and other scholars to test our philosophy, and as he had lived with many learned men, he shared with us more than he received." |
| 181 Barach | |
| 182 Ταῦτ᾽ εἴρηκεν ὁ ἈριστοτέληςAristotle παρὰ τῷ ΚλεάρχῳClearchus καὶ προσέτι πολλὴν καὶ θαυμάσιον καρτερίαν τοῦ ἸουδαίουJew ἀνδρὸς ἐν τῇ διαίτῃ καὶ σωφροσύνην διεξιών . Ἔνεστι δὲ τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὸ πλέον γνῶναι τοῦ βιβλίου · φυλάττομαι γὰρ ἐγὼ τὰ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν παρατίθεσθαι . | |
| 182 Winston | 182 These are Aristotle's words, as reported by Clearchus, and he added much about this Jew's astonishing sobriety in his diet and his continent lifestyle. Those who so wish may learn more about him from the book itself, for I refrain from quoting any more than is required. |
| 182 Barach | |
| 183 ΚλέαρχοςClearchus μὲν οὖν ἐν παρεκβάσειtransgression ταῦτ᾽ εἴρηκεν , τὸ γὰρ προκείμενον ἦν αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἕτερον , οὕτως ἡμῶν μνημονεῦσαι . ἙκαταῖοςHecataeus δὲ ὁ ἈβδηρίτηςAbdera , ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος ἅμα καὶ περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἱκανώτατος , ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander τῷ βασιλεῖ συνακμάσας καὶ ΠτολεμαίῳPtolemy τῷ ΛάγουLagus συγγενόμενος , οὐ παρέργως ἀλλὰ περὶ αὐτῶν ἸουδαίωνJews συγγέγραφε βιβλίον , ἐξ οὗ βούλομαι κεφαλαιωδῶς ἐπιδραμεῖνto give besides ἔνια τῶν εἰρημένων . | |
| 183 Winston | 183 Clearchus said this as a digression, for his main point was something else. But Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher and a very competent man of action, who became prominent under king Alexander in his youth and was later with Ptolemy the son of Lagus, treated of the Jews not just marginally but wrote an entire book about them, from which I wish to briefly run over a few passages. |
| 183 Barach | |
| 184 Καὶ πρῶτον ἐπιδείξω τὸν χρόνον · μνημονεύει γὰρ τῆς ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy περὶ ΓάζανGaza πρὸς ΔημήτριονDemetrius μάχης · αὕτη δὲ γέγονεν ἑνδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander τελευτῆς , ἐπὶ δὲ ὀλυμπιάδος ἑβδόμης καὶ δεκάτης καὶ ἑκατοστῆς , ὡς ἱστορεῖ ΚάστωρCastor . | |
| 184 Winston | 184 First let me situate him in time, for he mentions Ptolemy's battle with Demetrius near Gaza, which was fought in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander and in the hundred and seventeenth Olympiad, as Castor reports. |
| 184 Barach | |
| 185 Προσθεὶς γὰρ ταύτην τὴν ὈλυμπιάδαςOlympiads φησίν · ἐπὶ ταύτης ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ὁ ΛάγουLagus ἐνίκα κατὰ ΓάζανGaza μάχῃ ΔημήτριονDemetrius τὸν ἈντιγόνουAntigonus τὸν ἐπικληθέντα ΠολιορκητήνPoliorcetes . ἈλέξανδρονAlexander δὲ τεθνάναι πάντες ὁμολογοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτης ὀλυμπιάδος . Δῆλον οὖν , ὅτι καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον καὶ κατὰ ἈλέξανδρονAlexander ἤκμαζεν ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος . | |
| 185 Winston | 185 For in reference to this Olympiad he says, "In this Olympiad Ptolemy, son of Lagus, defeated Demetrius, son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, in battle at Gaza." Now all agree that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, so it is clear that our nation flourished at his time, under Alexander. |
| 185 Barach | |
| 186 Λέγει τοίνυν ὁ ἙκαταῖοςHecataeus πάλιν τάδε , ὅτι μετὰ τὴν ἐν ΓάζῃGaza μάχην ὁ ΠτολεμαῖοςPtolemy ἐγένετο τῶν περὶ ΣυρίανSyria τόπων ἐγκρατής , καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πυνθανόμενοι τὴν ἠπιότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy συναπαίρειν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt αὐτῷ καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ἠβουλήθησαν . | |
| 186 Winston | 186 Hecateus says in the same vein that Ptolemy occupied the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza, and many, when they heard of Ptolemy's fairness and kindness, went with him to Egypt and wanted to be associated with his realm. |
| 186 Barach | |
| 187 Ὧν εἷς ἦν , φησίν , ἘζεκίαςHezekiah ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews , ἄνθρωπος τὴν μὲν ἡλικίαν ὡς ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν , τῷ δ᾽ ἀξιώματι τῷ παρὰ τοῖς ὁμοέθνοις μέγας καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ ἀνόητοςuneducated , ἔτι δὲ καὶ λέγειν δυνατὸς καὶ τοῖς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων , εἴπερ τις ἄλλος , ἔμπειρος . | |
| 187 Winston | 187 One of them says he was Hezekiah the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age and honoured by his own people. He was an intelligent man and a powerful speaker, as skilled as any man in the management of affairs. |
| 187 Barach | |
| 188 Καίτοι , φησίν , οἱ πάντες ἱερεῖς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews οἱ τὴν δεκάτην τῶν γινομένων λαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες περὶ χιλίους μάλιστα καὶ πεντακοσίους εἰσίν . | |
| 188 Winston | 188 Yet, he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the produce of the land and managed public affairs and were at most fifteen hundred in number. |
| 188 Barach | |
| 189 Πάλιν δὲ τοῦ προειρημένου μνημονεύων ἀνδρός οὗτος , φησίν , ὁ ἄνθρωπος τετευχὼς τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης καὶ συνήθης ἡμῖν γενόμενος , παραλαβών τινας τῶν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τήν τε διαφορὰν ἀνέγνω πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς · εἶχεν γὰρ τὴν κατοίκησιν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν γεγραμμένην . | |
| 189 Winston | 189 He mentions this Hezekiah a second time, saying that as he had such dignity and had become familiar with us, he took some of his companions and explained to them their distinctive identity, for he had all their dwellings and their political system down in writing. |
| 189 Barach | |
| 190 Εἶτα ἙκαταῖοςHecataeus δηλοῖ πάλιν , πῶς ἔχομεν πρὸς τοὺς νόμους , ὅτι πάντα πάσχειν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ παραβῆναι τούτους προαιρούμεθα καὶ καλὸν εἶναι νομίζομεν . | |
| 190 Winston | 190 Hecateus again tells of our regard for our laws and how we are more than ready to endure anything rather than transgress them. |
| 190 Barach | |
| 191 Τοιγαροῦν , φησί , καὶ κακῶς ἀκούοντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων καὶ τῶν εἰσαφικνουμένων πάντες καὶ προπηλακιζόμενοι πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῶν ΠερσικῶνPersia βασιλέων καὶ σατραπῶν οὐ δύνανται μεταπεισθῆναι τῇ διανοίᾳ , ἀλλὰ γεγυμνωμένως περὶ τούτων καὶ αἰκίαις καὶ θανάτοις δεινοτάτοις μάλιστα πάντων ἀπαντῶσι μὴ ἀρνούμενοι τὰ πάτρια . | |
| 191 Winston | 191 He adds that, "though they are badly thought of by their neighbours and all who come to them and were often badly treated by the kings and satraps of Persia, yet they cannot be turned from acting as they think best. Even if stripped on this account and tortured and put to the most terrible kinds of death, they face it beyond all others, rather than renounce the faith of their fathers." |
| 191 Barach | |
| 192 Παρέχεται παρέχεται δὲ καὶ τεκμήρια τῆς ἰσχυρογνωμοσύνης τῆς περὶ τῶν νόμων οὐκ ὀλίγα · φησὶ γάρ , ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander ποτὲ ἐν ΒαβυλῶνιBabylon γενομένου καὶ προελομένουto bring forth, produce τὸ τοῦ ΒήλουBelus πεπτωκὸς ἱερὸν ἀνακαθᾶραιto cleanse, purify καὶ πᾶσιν αὐτοῦ τοῖς στρατιώταις ὁμοίως φέρειν τὸν χοῦν προστάξαντος , μόνους τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews οὐ προσσχεῖν , ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλὰς ὑπομεῖναι πληγὰς καὶ ζημίας ἀποτῖσαιto repay μεγάλας , ἕως αὐτοῖς συγγνόντα τὸν βασιλέα δοῦναι τὴν χρόνου . | |
| 192 Winston | 192 He gives several proofs of their amazing tenacity to their laws, and says: "Alexander was once in Babylon and wanted to rebuild the temple of Belus that had fallen into decay, and so ordered all his soldiers to bring earth there; but the Jews alone would not obey the command, and endured whipping and great losses until the king forgave them and left them in peace." |
| 192 Barach | |
| 193 Ἔτι γε μὴν τῶν εἰς τὴν χώραν , φησί , πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀφικνουμένωνto arrive at νεὼς καὶ βωμοὺς κατασκευασάντων ἅπαντα ταῦτα κατέσκαπτον , καὶ τῶν μὲν ζημίαν τοῖς σατράπαις ἐξέτινον , περὶ τινων δὲ καὶ συγγνώμης μετελάμβανον . Καὶ προσεπιτίθησιν , ὅτι δίκαιον ἐπὶ τούτοις αὐτούς ἐστι θαυμάζειν . | |
| 193 Winston | 193 He says, "When the Macedonians came into that land and demolished the temples and the altars, they helped them demolish them all but then endured losses to the satraps, or sometimes met with forgiveness"; adding further, "They deserve to be admired on that account." |
| 193 Barach | |
| 194 Λέγει δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολυανθρωπότατον γεγονέναι ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος · πολλὰς μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν , φησίν , ἀνασπάστους εἰς ΒαβυλῶναBabylon ΠέρσαιPersians πρότερον αὐτῶν ἐποίησαν μυριάδας , οὐκ ὀλίγαι δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἈλεξάνδρουAlexander θάνατον εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt καὶ ΦοινίκηνPhoenicia μετέστησαν διὰ τὴν ἐν ΣυρίᾳSyria στάσιν . | |
| 194 Winston | 194 He speaks of how prolific our nation is and says that the Persians formerly took many thousands of our people off to Babylon, and after Alexander's death not a few were moved into Egypt and Phoenicia, because of the rebellion that arose in Syria." |
| 194 Barach | |
| 195 Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς οὗτος ἀνὴρ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς χώρας ἣν κατοικοῦμεν καὶ τὸ κάλλος ἱστόρηκεν · τριακοσίας γὰρ μυριάδας ἀρουρῶν σχεδὸν τῆς ἀρίστηςbest, most valiant καὶ παμφορωτάτης χώρας νέμονται , φησίν · ἡ γὰρ ἸουδαίαJudea τοσαύτη πλῆθός ἐστιν . | |
| 195 Winston | 195 The same man notes in his history, how large and excellent is the country we inhabit and says, "The land where the Jews live contains three million arourae, and the soil is generally excellent and fruitful, and that is the extent of Judea." |
| 195 Barach | |
| 196 Ἀλλὰ μὴν ὅτι καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καλλίστην τε καὶ μεγίστην ἐκ παλαιοτάτου κατοικοῦμεν καὶ περὶ πλήθους ἀνδρῶν καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ νεὼ κατασκευῆς οὕτως αὐτὸς διηγεῖται . | |
| 196 Winston | 196 He describes our city of Jerusalem as very beautiful and large and inhabited from the most ancient times; and he deals with its population and the building of our temple, as follows: |
| 196 Barach | |
| 197 Ἔστι γὰρ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ὀχυρώματα κατὰ τὴν χώραν καὶ κῶμαι , μία δὲ πόλις ὀχυρὰ πεντήκοντα μάλιστα σταδίων τὴν περίμετρον , ἣν οἰκοῦσι μὲν ἀνθρώπων περὶ δώδεκα μυριάδες , καλοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem . | |
| 197 Winston | 197 "The Jews have in their land many strongholds and villages, but only one fortified city, about fifty furlongs in perimeter, inhabited by about a hundred and twenty thousand people, and they call it Jerusalem. |
| 197 Barach | |
| 198 Ἐνταῦθα δ᾽ ἐστὶ κατὰ μέσον μάλιστα τῆς πόλεως περίβολος λίθινος μῆκος ὡς πεντάπλεθρος , εὖρος δὲ πηχῶν ρ , ἔχων διπλᾶς πύλας , ἐν ᾧ βωμός ἐστι τετράγωνος ἀτμήτων συλλέκτων ἀργῶνinactive, idle λίθων οὕτως συγκείμενος , πλευρὰν μὲν ἑκάστην εἴκοσι πηχῶν , ὕψος δὲ δεκάπηχυ . Καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν οἴκημα μέγα , οὗ βωμός ἐστι καὶ λυχνίον ἀμφότερα χρυσᾶ δύο τάλαντα τὴν ὁλκήν . | |
| 198 Winston | 198 In the middle of the city is a wall of stone, five hundred feet long and a hundred feet wide, with double porticoes; where there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone, but assembled of white stones, each twenty feet long and ten feet high. Nearby is a large building, with an altar and a candlestick, both of gold and weighing two talents. |
| 198 Barach | |
| 199 Ἐπὶ τούτων φῶς ἐστιν ἀναπόσβεστον καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας . Ἄγαλμαidol, statue δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ ἀνάθημα τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ φύτευμα παντελῶς οὐδὲν οἷον ἀλσῶδες ἤ τι τοιοῦτον . Διατρίβουσι δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἱερεῖς ἁγνείας τινὰς ἁγνεύοντες καὶ τὸ παράπαν οἶνον οὐ πίνοντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ . | |
| 199 Winston | 199 On these burns a light that is never extinguished, night or day. There is no image whatever within it, not even donations, and nothing at all is planted there, no grove or anything of that sort. The priests live there night and day, performing purifications and drinking no wine whatever while they are in the temple." |
| 199 Barach | |
| 200 Ἔτι γε μὴν ὅτι καὶ ἈλεξάνδρῳAlexander τῷ βασιλεῖ συνεστρατεύσαντο καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τοῖς διαδόχοις αὐτοῦ μεμαρτύρηκεν . Οἷς δ᾽ αὐτὸς παρατυχεῖν φησιν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἸουδαίουJew κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν γενομένοις , τοῦτο παραθήσομαι . | |
| 200 Winston | 200 He attests that they went with king Alexander as allies and afterward with his successors. I will add what he says he learned when he was in the army about the actions of a man who was a Jew. |
| 200 Barach | |
| 201 Λέγει δ᾽ οὕτως · ἐμοῦ γοῦν ἐπὶ τὴν ἘρυθρὰνRed θάλασσαν βαδίζοντος συνηκολούθει τις μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παραπεμπόντων ἡμᾶς ἱππέων ἸουδαίωνJews ὄνομα ΜοσόλλαμοςMosollamus , ἄνθρωπος ἱκανῶς κατὰ ψυχὴν εὔρωστος καὶ τοξότης δὴ πάντων ὁμολογουμένως καὶ τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄριστος . | |
| 201 Winston | 201 This is what he says: "As I was going toward the Red Sea, among the accompanying Jewish cavalry was a man called Mosollamus, a man of lively mind, physically strong and admitted by all to be the best bowman of both the Greeks and the barbarians. |
| 201 Barach | |
| 202 Οὗτος οὖν ὁ ἄνθρωπος διαβαδιζόντων πολλῶν κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ μάντεώς τινος ὀρνιθευομένου καὶ πάντας ἐπισχεῖν ἀξιοῦντος ἠρώτησε , διὰ τί προσμένουσιto stay, remain . | |
| 202 Winston | 202 As many using the road, this man noticed how a seer was testing the entrails of a bird and holding them all up, so he asked why they were being kept waiting. |
| 202 Barach | |
| 203 Δείξαντος δὲ τοῦ μάντεως αὐτῷ τὸν ὄρνιθαbird, hen καὶ φήσαντος , ἐὰν μὲν αὐτοῦ μένῃ προσμένειν συμφέρειν πᾶσιν , ἂν δ᾽ ἀναστὰς εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν πέτηται προάγειν , ἐὰν δὲ εἰς τοὔπισθεν ἀναχωρεῖν αὖθις , σιωπήσας καὶ παρελκύσας τὸ τόξον ἔβαλε καὶ τὸν ὄρνιθαbird, hen πατάξας ἀπέκτεινεν . | |
| 203 Winston | 203 The seer showed him the bird from which he took his augury and said that if the bird stayed still, they ought all to wait, but if it got up and flew on, they should go on, and if it flew back, they must draw back. Without answering, he drew his bow and shot and killed the bird. |
| 203 Barach | |
| 204 Ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τοῦ μάντεως καί τινων ἄλλων καὶ καταρωμένων αὐτῷ , τί μαίνεσθε , ἔφη , κακοδαίμονες ; Εἶτα τὸν ὄρνιθαbird, hen λαβὼν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας , πῶς γάρ , ἔφη , οὗτος τὴν αὐτοῦ σωτηρίαν οὐ προϊδὼν περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας πορείας ἡμῖν ἄν τι ὑγιὲς ἀπήγγελλενto bring a report ; Εἰ γὰρ ἠδύνατο προγιγνώσκειν τὸ μέλλον , εἰς τὸν τόπον τοῦτον οὐκ ἂν ἦλθε φοβούμενος , μὴ τοξεύσαςto shoot (an arrow) αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνῃ ΜοσόλλαμοςMosollamus ὁ ἸουδαῖοςJew . | |
| 204 Winston | 204 As the augur and some others were upset and cursed him, he asked, "You wretches, why are you so mad as to lay hands on this bird? For how can it give us any true information about our march, if it could not foresee how to save itself? For had it been able to know the future, it would not have come to this place, lest it be shot and killed by Mosollam the Jew." |
| 204 Barach | |
| 205 Ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν ἙκαταίουHecateus μαρτυριῶν ἅλις · τοῖς γὰρ βουλομένοις πλείω μαθεῖν τῷ βιβλίῳ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν ἐντυχεῖν . Οὐκ ὀκνήσω δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾽ εὐηθείας διασυρμῷ , καθάπερ αὐτὸς οἴεται , μνήμην πεποιημένον ἡμῶν ἈγαθαρχίδηνAgatharchides ὀνομάσαι · | |
| 205 Winston | 205 That is enough about Hecateus' testimonies, for those who wish to know more of them can easily find them in the book. But I do not hesitate to name Agatharchides, who mentions us to mock what he sees as our foolishness. |
| 205 Barach | |
| 206 διηγούμενος γὰρ τὰ περὶ ΣτρατονίκηνStratonice , ὃν τρόπον ἦλθεν μὲν εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἐκ ΜακεδονίαςMacedonia καταλιποῦσα τὸν ἑαυτῆς ἄνδρα ΔημήτριονDemetrius , ΣελεύκουSeleucus δὲ γαμεῖν αὐτὴν οὐ θελήσαντος , ὅπερ ἐκείνη προσεδόκησεν , ποιουμένου δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon στρατείαν αὐτοῦ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἈντιόχειανAntioch ἐνεωτέρισεν . | |
| 206 Winston | 206 When telling the story of Stratonice, how she came from Macedonia into Syria, leaving her husband Demetrius, and when Seleueus would not marry her as she expected, stirred up a rebellion about Antioch while he was on a campaign from Babylon, |
| 206 Barach | |
| 207 Εἶθ᾽ ὡς ἀνέστρεψεν ὁ βασιλεύς , ἁλισκομένηςto be caught τῆς ἈντιοχείαςAntioch εἰς ΣελεύκειανSeleucia φυγοῦσα , παρὸν αὐτῇ ταχέως ἀποπλεῖν ἐνυπνίῳ κωλύοντι πεισθεῖσα ἐλήφθη καὶ ἀπέθανεν . | |
| 207 Winston | 207 and how the king returned and when he took Antioch, she fled to Seleucia and though she could have quickly sailed away she obeyed a dream which stopped her doing so, and was caught and killed." |
| 207 Barach | |
| 208 Ταῦτα προειπὼνto predict ὁ ἈγαθαρχίδηςAgatharchides καὶ ἐπισκώπτων τῇ ΣτρατονίκῃStratonice τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν παραδείγματι χρῆται τῷ περὶ ἡμῶν λόγῳ καὶ γέγραφεν οὕτως · | |
| 208 Winston | 208 After telling this story and had joking about the of superstition of Stratonice, Agatharchides reports a similar example about us and writes as follows: |
| 208 Barach | |
| 209 οἱ καλούμενοι ἸουδαῖοιJews πόλιν οἰκοῦντες ὀχυρωτάτην πασῶν , ἣν καλεῖν ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem συμβαίνει τοὺς ἐγχωρίους , ἀργεῖν εἰθισμένοι δι᾽ ἑβδόμης ἡμέρας καὶ μήτε τὰ ὅπλα βαστάζειν ἐν τοῖς εἰρημένοις χρόνοις μήτε γεωργίας ἅπτεσθαι μήτε ἄλλης ἐπιμελεῖσθαι λειτουργίας μηδεμιᾶς , ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐκτετακότες τὰς χεῖρας εὔχεσθαι μέχρι τῆς ἑσπέρας , | |
| 209 Winston | 209 "The so-called Jews live in a city the strongest of all cities which the locals call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest each seventh day, when they do not bear arms, or work at farming, or attend to everyday tasks, but spread out their hands in their sanctuary and pray until the evening. |
| 209 Barach | |
| 210 εἰσιόντος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ΠτολεμαίουPtolemy τοῦ ΛάγουLagus μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀντὶ τοῦ φυλάττειν τὴν πόλιν διατηρούντων τὴν ἄνοιαν , ἡ μὲν πατρὶς εἰλήφει δεσπότην πικρόν , ὁ δὲ νόμος ἐξηλέγχθη φαῦλον ἔχων ἐθισμόν . | |
| 210 Winston | 210 So when Ptolemy, son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, instead of guarding the city these men followed their mad custom and let their country be subjected to a harsh master, so that their law was shown to command a foolish practice. |
| 210 Barach | |
| 211 Τὸ δὲ συμβὰνto meet, happen πλὴν ἐκείνων τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας δεδίδαχε τηνικαῦτα φυγεῖν εἰς ἐνύπνια καὶ τὴν περὶ τοῦ νόμου παραδεδομένην ὑπόνοιαν , ἡνίκα ἂν τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοιςhuman, humane λογισμοῖς περὶ τῶν διαπορουμένων ἐξασθενήσωσιν . | |
| 211 Winston | 211 This event taught all others except them to disregard dreams like this and not follow foolish thoughts delivered as a law, whenever in the uncertainty of human things, they are baffled about what to do." |
| 211 Barach | |
| 212 Τοῦτο μὲν ἈγαθαρχίδῃAgatharchides καταγέλωτος ἄξιον δοκεῖ , τοῖς δὲ μὴ μετὰ δυσμενείας ἐξετάζουσι φαίνεται μέγα καὶ πολλῶν ἄξιον ἐγκωμίων , εἰ καὶ σωτηρίας καὶ πατρίδος ἄνθρωποί τινες νόμων φυλακὴν καὶ τὴν πρὸς θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἀεὶ προτιμῶσιν . | |
| 212 Winston | 212 This custom of ours seems ridiculous to Agatharchides, but to the unprejudiced it seems great and deserving of much praise, that some men always put the observance of their laws and of piety toward God, above their own safety and that of their country. |
| 212 Barach | |
Chapter 9
Authors who suppress or calumniate the Jews
| 213 Ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἀγνοοῦντες ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν , ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ φθόνου τινὸς ἢ δι᾽ ἄλλας αἰτίας οὐχ ὑγιεῖς τὴν μνήμην παρέλιπον , τεκμήριον οἶμαι παρέξειν · ἹερώνυμοςHieronymus γὰρ ὁ τὴν περὶ τῶν διαδόχων ἱστορίαν συγγεγραφὼς κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν μὲν ἦν ἙκαταίῳHecateus χρόνον , Φίλος δ᾽ ὢν ἈντιγόνουAntigonus τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν ΣυρίανSyria ἐπετρόπευενadministrator. | |
| 213 Winston | 213 I think I can prove by examples that some writers have omitted to mention our nation, not because they knew nothing of us, but because they envied us, or for some other unsavoury reasons. Hieronymus, for example, who wrote the history of the Successors, lived in the same time as Hecateus and was a friend of king Antigonus and ruler of Syria, |
| 213 Barach | |
| 214 ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἙκαταῖοςHecataeus μὲν καὶ βιβλίον ἔγραψεν περὶ ἡμῶν , ἹερώνυμοςHieronymus δ᾽ οὐδαμοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν ἐμνημόνευσε καίτοι σχεδὸν ἐν τοῖς τόποις διατετριφώς · τοσοῦτον αἱ προαιρέσεις τῶν ἀνθρώπων διήνεγκαν . Τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἐδόξαμεν καὶ σπουδαίαςeager εἶναι μνήμης ἄξιοι , τῷ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν πάντως τι πάθος οὐκ εὔγνωμον ἐπεσκότησεν . | |
| 214 Winston | 214 but whereas Hecateus wrote an entire book about us, Hieronymus never mentions us in his history, although he was reared very near our territory, so various are the inclinations of men. One of them thought we should be carefully remembered, while some malicious passion entirely blinded the other to the truth. |
| 214 Barach | |
| 215 Ἀρκοῦσι δὲ ὅμως εἰς τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῆς ἀρχαιότητος αἵ τε ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians καὶ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees καὶ ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians ἀναγραφαὶ πρὸς ἐκείναις τε τοσοῦτοι τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks συγγραφεῖς · | |
| 215 Winston | 215 The citations from the Egyptians and Chaldeans and Phoenicians, along with so many of the Greek writers, will certainly suffice to prove our antiquity. |
| 215 Barach | |
| 216 ἔτι δὲ πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις ΘεόφιλοςTheophilus καὶ ΘεόδοτοςTheodotus καὶ ΜνασέαςMnaseas καὶ ἈριστοφάνηςAristophanes καὶ ἙρμογένηςHermogenes ΕὐήμερόςEuhemerus τε καὶ ΚόνωνConon καὶ ΖωπυρίωνZopyrion καὶ πολλοί τινες ἄλλοι τάχα , οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε πᾶσιν ἐντετύχηκα τοῖς βιβλίοις , οὐ παρέργως ἡμῶν ἐμνημονεύκασιν . | |
| 216 Winston | 216 Moreover, besides the aforementioned, Theophilus and Theodotus and Mnaseas and Aristophanes and Hermogenes, Euhemerus and Conon and Zopyrion and perhaps many others, for I have not found all the books, all distinctly mention us. |
| 216 Barach | |
| 217 Οἱ πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων ἀνδρῶν τῆς μὲν ἀληθείας τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πραγμάτων διήμαρτον , ὅτι μὴ ταῖς ἱεραῖς ἡμῶν βίβλοις ἐνέτυχον , κοινῶς μέντοι περὶ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἅπαντες μεμαρτυρήκασιν , ὑπὲρ ἧς τὰ νῦν λέγειν προεθέμην . | |
| 217 Winston | 217 Many of the men mentioned above have strayed from the truth in their accounts of the earliest times, because they had not read our sacred books, but all of them witness to our antiquity, which is my present topic. |
| 217 Barach | |
| 218 Ὁ μέντοι ΦαληρεὺςFalerus ΔημήτριοςDemetrius καὶ ΦίλωνPhilo ὁ πρεσβύτερος καὶ ΕὐπόλεμοςEupolemus οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας διήμαρτον . Οἷς συγγιγνώσκειν ἄξιον · οὐ γὰρ ἐνῆν αὐτοῖς μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας τοῖς ἡμετέροις γράμμασι παρακολουθεῖν . | |
| 218 Winston | 218 However, Demetrius Phalereus and the elder Philo, and Eupolemus, were not far wrong about us, and therefore we should forgiven their lesser mistakes as they were unable to follow our writings in detail. |
| 218 Barach | |
| 219 Ἓν ἔτι μοι κεφάλαιον ὑπολείπεται τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν προτεθέντων τοῦ λόγου , τὰς διαβολὰς καὶ τὰς λοιδορίας , αἷς κέχρηνταί τινες κατὰ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν , ἀποδεῖξαι ψευδεῖς καὶ τοῖς γεγραφόσι ταύτας καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν χρήσασθαι μάρτυσιν . | |
| 219 Winston | 219 There is one further aspect of my proposed prologue that remains to be treated and that is, to prove that those calumnies and insults which some have cast at our nation, are lies and to call those writers to witness against themselves. |
| 219 Barach | |
| 220 Ὅτι μὲν οὖν καὶ ἑτέροις τοῦτο πολλοῖς συμβέβηκε διὰ τὴν ἐνίωνsome δυσμένειαν , οἶμαι γιγνώσκειν τοὺς πλέον ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐντυγχάνοντας · καὶ γὰρ ἐθνῶν τινες καὶ τῶν ἐνδοξοτάτων πόλεων ῥυπαίνειν τὴν εὐγένειαν καὶ τὰς πολιτείας ἐπεχείρησαν λοιδορεῖν , ΘεόπομποςTheopompus μὲν τὴν ἈθηναίωνAthenians , | |
| 220 Winston | 220 Those who have read histories with sufficient care will, I believe, find that this has happened to many authors because of their hostility to some people. Some of them have tried to discredit the nobility of nations and glorious cities and have said harsh things against some forms of government. So has Theopompus insulted the city of Athens, |
| 220 Barach | |
| 221 τὴν δὲ ΛακεδαιμονίωνSpartans ΠολυκράτηςPolycrates , ὁ δὲ τὸν ΤριπολιτικὸνTripoliticus γράψας , οὐ γὰρ δὴ ΘεόπομπόςTheopompus ἐστιν ὡς οἴονταί τινες , καὶ τὴν ΘηβαίωνThebes πόλιν προσέλαβεν , πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ΤίμαιοςTimaeus ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις περὶ τῶν προειρημένων καὶ περὶ ἄλλων βεβλασφήμηκεν . | |
| 221 Winston | 221 as Polycrates did to the Spartans, and whoever wrote the Tripoliticus, for it was not Theopompus as some think, did the same to the city of Thebes. Timaeus too in his histories has maligned those people and others as well. |
| 221 Barach | |
| 222 Μάλιστα δὲ τοῦτο ποιοῦσι τοῖς ἐνδοξοτάτοις προσπλεκόμενοι , τινὲς μὲν διὰ φθόνον καὶ κακοήθειαν , ἄλλοι δὲ διὰ τοῦ καινολογεῖν μνήμης ἀξιωθήσεσθαι νομίζοντες . Παρὰ μὲν οὖν τοῖς ἀνοήτοις ταύτης οὐ διαμαρτάνουσι τῆς ἐλπίδος , οἱ δ᾽ ὑγιαίνοντες τῇ κρίσει πολλὴν αὐτῶν μοχθηρίαν καταδικάζουσι . | |
| 222 Winston | 222 They do this mainly when they conflict with the most eminent people; some do so from envy and malice and others hoping that this foolish talk will make them a reputation, and indeed their hope may be fulfilled in the eyes of foolish people, but those of sober judgment still condemn them for their malignity. |
| 222 Barach | |
| 223 Τῶν δὲ εἰς ἡμᾶς βλασφημιῶν ἤρξαντο μὲν ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians · βουλόμενοι δ᾽ ἐκείνοις τινὲς χαρίζεσθαι παρατρέπειν ἐπεχείρησαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν , οὔτε τὴν εἰς ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἄφιξιν ὡς ἐγένετο τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων ὁμολογοῦντες , οὔτε τὴν ἔξοδον ἀληθεύοντες . | |
| 223 Winston | 223 The Egyptians were the first to libel us, and in order to please that nation, others began to pervert the truth, either by not admitting the truth that our ancestors came into Egypt from another country, or falsifying our exodus from it. |
| 223 Barach | |
| 224 Αἰτίας δὲ πολλὰς ἔλαβον τοῦ μισεῖν καὶ φθονεῖν τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς , ὅτι κατὰ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐδυνάστευσαν ἡμῶν οἱ πρόγονοι κἀκεῖθεν ἀπαλλαγέντες ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκείαν πάλιν εὐδαιμόνησαν , εἶθ᾽ ἡ τούτων ὑπεναντιότης πολλὴν αὐτοῖς ἐνεποίησεν ἔχθραν , τοσοῦτον τῆς ἡμετέρας διαφερούσης εὐσεβείας πρὸς τὴν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων νενομισμένην , ὅσον θεοῦ φύσις ζῴων ἀλόγων διέστηκε . | |
| 224 Winston | 224 That nation had many reasons to hate and envy us. First of all because our ancestors had ruled over their country, and after they were saved from them and had returned to their own country they lived there in prosperity. Next, the difference of our religion from theirs has caused great enmity between us, while our way of worship so far exceed what their laws prescribe, as the nature of God exceeds that of brute beasts. |
| 224 Barach | |
| 225 Κοινὸν μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐστι πάτριον τὸ ταῦτα θεοὺς νομίζειν , ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐν ταῖς τιμαῖς αὐτῶν διαφέρονται . Κοῦφοι δὲ καὶ ἀνόητοι παντάπασιν ἄνθρωποι κακῶς ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰθισμένοι δοξάζειν περὶ θεῶν μιμήσασθαι μὲν τὴν σεμνότητα τῆς ἡμετέρας θεολογίας οὐκ ἐχώρησαν , ὁρῶντες δὲ ζηλουμένους ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἐφθόνησαν . | |
| 225 Winston | 225 For it is their common tradition to regard animals as gods, though they have local differences in the worship they pay to each of them. They are entirely vain and foolish who from the beginning were used to such notions about their gods and would not follow our decent form of theology, though they could not but envy us when they saw our ways admired by many others. |
| 225 Barach | |
| 226 Εἰς τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἦλθον ἀνοίας καὶ μικροψυχίας ἔνιοι τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς , ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲ ταῖς ἀρχαίαις αὐτῶν ἀναγραφαῖς ὤκνησαν ἐναντία λέγειν , ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐναντία γράφοντες ὑπὸ τυφλότητος τοῦ πάθους ἠγνόησαν . | |
| 226 Winston | 226 Some of them have been so foolish and small-minded as not to scruple to contradict their own ancient records, indeed to contradict themselves in their own writings, being too blinded by their passions to notice it. |
| 226 Barach | |
Chapter 10
The Hebrews were no "Leprous People"
| 227 Ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς δὲ πρώτου στήσω τὸν λόγον , ᾧ καὶ μάρτυρι μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἐχρησάμην . | |
| 227 Winston | 227 Let me speak of one of their principal writers, whom I called a little earlier as a witness to our antiquity. |
| 227 Barach | |
| 228 Ὁ γὰρ ΜανεθὼςManetho οὗτος ὁ τὴν ΑἰγυπτιακὴνEgyptians ἱστορίαν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων μεθερμηνεύειν ὑπεσχημένος , προειπὼνto predict τοὺς ἡμετέρους προγόνους πολλαῖς μυριάσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐλθόντας κρατῆσαι τῶν ἐνοικούντων , εἶτ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁμολογῶν χρόνῳ πάλιν ὕστερον ἐκπεσόνταςto fall off τὴν νῦν ἸουδαίανJudea κατασχεῖν καὶ κτίσαντας ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem τὸν νεὼ κατασκευάσασθαι , μέχρι μὲν τούτων ἠκολούθησε ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς . | |
| 228 Winston | 228 Manetho promised to interpret the Egyptian history from their sacred writings, prefacing it by saying that our people had come into Egypt in their thousands and subdued its inhabitants. He further confessed that later we left that country and settled in the land which is now called Judea and there built Jerusalem and its temple. So far he followed his ancient records. |
| 228 Barach | |
| 229 Ἔπειτα δὲ δοὺς ἐξουσίαν αὑτῷ διὰ τοῦ φάναι γράψειν τὰ μυθευόμενα καὶ λεγόμενα περὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews λόγους ἀπιθάνους παρενέβαλεν , ἀναμῖξαι βουλόμενος ἡμῖν πλῆθος ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians λεπρῶν καὶ ἐπὶ ἄλλοις ἀρρωστήμασινan illness , ὥς φησι , φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt καταγνωσθέντων . | |
| 229 Winston | 229 But then he clearly allows himself to write whatever rumours and reports were spread about the Jews and tells false stories to say that any of the Egyptian crowd suffering from leprosy and other ailments, had caught it from us, and that was why they were condemned to flee from Egypt together. |
| 229 Barach | |
| 230 ἈμένωφινAmenophis γὰρ βασιλέα προσθεὶς ψευδὲς ὄνομα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο χρόνον αὐτοῦ τῆς βασιλείας ὁρίσαι μὴ τολμήσας , καίτοι γε ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἀκριβῶς τὰ ἔτη προστιθείς , τούτῳ προσάπτει τινὰς μυθολογίας ἐπιλαθόμενος σχεδόν , ὅτι πεντακοσίοις ἔτεσι καὶ δεκαοκτὼ πρότερον ἱστόρηκε γενέσθαι τὴν τῶν ποιμένων ἔξοδον εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem . | |
| 230 Winston | 230 He mentions Amenophis, a fictitious king's name, though he dared not set down the number of years of his reign, as he accurately does for the other kings he mentions. He assigns mythic stories to this king, somehow forgetting what he had already said of the departure of the shepherds for Jerusalem five hundred and eighteen years earlier. |
| 230 Barach | |
| 231 ΤέθμωσιςTethmosis γὰρ ἦν βασιλεὺς ὅτε ἐξῄεσανto be allowed, be possible , ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων μεταξὺ τῶν βασιλέων κατ᾽ αὐτόν ἐστι τριακόσια ἐνενηκοντατρία93 ἔτη μέχρι τῶν δύο ἀδελφῶν ΣέθωSethos καὶ ἙρμαίουHermeus , ὧν τὸν μὲν ΣέθωνSethos ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , τὸν δὲ ἝρμαιονHermeus ΔαναὸνDanaus μετονομασθῆναί φησιν , ὃν ἐκβαλὼν ὁ ΣέθωςSethosis ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη νθ καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ πρεσβύτερος τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ ῬάμψηςRameses ξστιγμα . | |
| 231 Winston | 231 Tethmosis was king when they left and after his day the reigns of the intermediate kings, according to Manetho, added up to three hundred and ninety-three years, as he says, until the two brothers Sethos and Hermeus, one of whom, Sethos, was surnamed Egyptus and the other, Hermaeus, surnamed Danaus. He says that Sethos cast the other out of Egypt and reigned for fifty-nine years, and his eldest son Rameses reigned for sixty-six years after him. |
| 231 Barach | |
| 232 Τοσούτοις οὖν πρότερον ἔτεσιν ἀπελθεῖν ἐξ ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν ὡμολογηκὼς εἶτα τὸν ἈμένωφινAmenophis εἰσποιήσας ἐμβόλιμον βασιλέα φησὶν τοῦτον ἐπιθυμῆσαι θεῶν γενέσθαι θεατήν ὥσπερ ὪρOrus εἷς τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ βεβασιλευκότων , ἀνενεγκεῖν δὲ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ὁμωνύμῳ μὲν αὐτῷ ἈμενώφειAmenophis πατρὸς δὲ ΠάπιοςPapius ὄντι , θείας δὲ δοκοῦντι μετεσχηκέναι φύσεως κατά τε σοφίαν καὶ πρόγνωσιν τῶν ἐσομένωνto be . | |
| 232 Winston | 232 When he acknowledged that our ancestors had gone out of Egypt so many years ago, he introduces his fictitious king Amenophis and says, "This king wished to see the gods, as Orus, one of his predecessors in that kingdom, had done before him. He communicated his desire to his namesake Amenophis, who was the son of Papius and seemed to share in some divine gift for wisdom and knowledge of future events." |
| 232 Barach | |
| 233 Εἰπεῖν οὖν αὐτῷ τοῦτον τὸν ὁμώνυμον , ὅτι δυνήσεται θεοὺς ἰδεῖν , εἰ καθαρὰν ἀπό τε λεπρῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μιαρῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν ποιήσειεν . | |
| 233 Winston | 233 Manetho adds that this namesake told him he would be able to see the gods, if only he would rid the whole country of lepers and other impure people. |
| 233 Barach | |
| 234 Ἡσθέντα δὲ τὸν βασιλέα πάντας τοὺς τὰ σώματα λελωβημένους ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt συναγαγεῖν γενέσθαι δὲ τοῦ πλήθους μυριάδας ὀκτώ · | |
| 234 Winston | 234 Pleased with this advice, the king expelled from Egypt all who had any physical defect, eighty thousand in number, |
| 234 Barach | |
| 235 [235] καὶ τούτους εἰς τὰς λιθοτομίας τὰς ἐν τῷ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν μέρει τοῦ ΝείλουNile ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτόν , ὅπως ἐργάζοιντο καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians οἱ ἐγκεχωρισμένοι . Εἶναι δέ τινας ἐν αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν λογίων ἱερέων φησὶ λέπρᾳ συγκεχυμένους . | |
| 235 Winston | 235 and sent them to the quarries on the east side of the Nile, to work in them and remain separate from the rest of the Egyptians. He adds that some of the learned priests were afflicted with leprosy. |
| 235 Barach | |
| 236 Τὸν δὲ ἈμένωφινAmenophis ἐκεῖνον , τὸν σοφὸν καὶ μαντικὸν ἄνδρα , ὑποδεῖσαι πρὸς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα χόλον τῶν θεῶν , εἰ βιασθέντες ὀφθήσονται . Καὶ προσθέμενονto put to, persist εἰπεῖν , ὅτι συμμαχήσουσίto be an ally τινες τοῖς μιαροῖς καὶ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt κρατήσουσιν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη δεκατρία , μὴ τολμῆσαι μὲν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ , γραφὴν δὲ καταλιπόνταto leave περὶ πάντων ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν , ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ δὲ εἶναι τὸν βασιλέα . | |
| 236 Winston | 236 This Amenophis, wise man and prophet, was afraid that if any violence were done to them the gods would blame him and the king, though with prudent foreknowledge he knew that someone would come to the help of these diseased wretches and conquer Egypt and hold it for thirteen years. He did not dare tell the king of this, but left it behind him in writing and then killed himself, which left the king desolate. |
| 236 Barach | |
| 237 Κἄπειτα κατὰ λέξιν οὕτως γέγραφεν · τῶν δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς λατομίαις ὡς χρόνος ἱκανὸς διῆλθεν ταλαιπωρούντων , ἀξιωθεὶς ὁ βασιλεύς , ἵνα πρὸς κατάλυσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ σκέπην ἀπομερίσῃ , τὴν τότε τῶν ποιμένων ἐρημωθεῖσαν πόλιν ΑὔαρινAvaris συνεχώρησεν · ἔστι δ᾽ ἡ πόλις κατὰ τὴν θεολογίαν ἄνωθεν ΤυφώνιοςTypho . | |
| 237 Winston | 237 Our writer goes on: "After those who were sent to work in the quarries had stayed in that miserable state for a long time, they requested the king to designate the city of Avaris, vacated by the shepherds, for them to live in and this he granted. In the ancient theology, the city had been dedicated to Typho. |
| 237 Barach | |
| 238 Οἱ δὲ εἰς ταύτην εἰσελθόντες καὶ τὸν τόπον τοῦτον εἰς ἀπόστασινa revolt ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνα αὐτῶν λεγόμενόν τινα τῶν ἩλιοπολιτῶνHeliopolis ἱερέων ὈσάρσηφονOsarsiph ἐστήσαντο καὶ τούτῳ πειθαρχήσοντες ἐν πᾶσιν ὡρκωμότησαν . | |
| 238 Winston | 238 But when these went there they found the place suitable for a revolt, and chose for themselves a ruler named Osarsiph from the priests of Heliopolis, and swore to obey him in all things. |
| 238 Barach | |
| 239 Ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῖς νόμον ἔθετο μήτε προσκυνεῖν θεοὺς μήτε τῶν μάλιστα ἐν ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt θεμιστευομένων ἱερῶν ζῴων ἀπέχεσθαι μηδενός , πάντα δὲ θύειν καὶ ἀναλοῦν , συνάπτεσθαι δὲ μηδενὶ πλὴν τῶν συνομωμοσμένωνto swear together . | |
| 239 Winston | 239 He first made it a law that they should neither worship the Egyptian gods, nor abstain from any of those sacred animals which they so honoured, but kill and destroy them all, and associate with no one except those of their own confederacy. |
| 239 Barach | |
| 240 Τοιαῦτα δὲ νομοθετήσας καὶ πλεῖστα ἄλλα μάλιστα τοῖς ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian ἐθισμοῖς ἐναντιούμενα ἐκέλευσεν πολυχειρίᾳ τὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκευάζειν τείχη καὶ πρὸς πόλεμον ἑτοίμους γίνεσθαι τὸν πρὸς ἈμένωφινAmenophis τὸν βασιλέα . | |
| 240 Winston | 240 When he had made such laws as these and many more, contrary to the ways of the Egyptians, he set them to work at building walls around their city and make ready for war with king Amenophis. |
| 240 Barach | |
| 241 αὐτὸς δὲ προσλαβόμενος μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερέων καὶ συμμεμιαμμένωνto defile with ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὸ ΤεθμώσεωςTethmosis ἀπελαθένταςto expel from ποιμένας εἰς πόλιν τὴν καλουμένην ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem , καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς συνατιμασθέντας δηλώσας ἠξίου συνεπιστρατεύειν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐπ᾽ ΑἴγυπτονEgypt . | |
| 241 Winston | 241 He drew aside the other priests and those who like them were diseased and sent envoys to the shepherds whom Tethmosis had driven from the land to the city called Jerusalem, telling them of his situation that of the others so shamefully treated and asking them to come on a united expedition against Egypt. |
| 241 Barach | |
| 242 Ἐπάξειν μὲν οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐπηγγείλατο πρῶτον μὲν εἰς ΑὔαρινAvaris τὴν προγονικὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς ὄχλοις παρέξειν ἀφθόνως , ὑπερμαχήσεσθαι δὲ ὅτε δέοι καὶ ῥᾳδίως ὑποχείριον αὐτοῖς τὴν χώραν ποιήσειν . | |
| 242 Winston | 242 He promised first, to bring them back to their ancient city and country of Avaris and provide plentifully for their troops; and to protect them and fight for them as required so that they could easily conquer the country. |
| 242 Barach | |
| 243 Οἱ δὲ ὑπερχαρεῖς γενόμενοι πάντες προθύμως εἰς κ μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν συνεξώρμησαν καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ἧκον εἰς ΑὔαρινAvaris . ἈμένωφιςAmenophis δ᾽ ὁ τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians βασιλεὺς ὡς ἐπύθετοto ask, inquire τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἔφοδον , οὐ μετρίως συνεχύθη τῆς παρὰ ἈμενώφεωςAmenophis τοῦ ΠαάπιοςPapis μνησθεὶς προδηλώσεως . | |
| 243 Winston | 243 All the shepherds were glad of this message and went off eagerly, two hundred thousand men in number, and soon reached Avaris. Hearing of their invasion, Amenophis the king of Egypt was greatly troubled, calling to mind what Amenophis, the son of Papis, had foretold. |
| 243 Barach | |
| 244 Καὶ πρότερον συναγαγὼν πλῆθος ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians καὶ βουλευσάμενος μετὰ τῶν ἐν τούτοις ἡγεμόνων τά τε ἱερὰ ζῷα τὰ πρῶτα μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς τιμώμενα ὥς γ᾽ ἑαυτὸν μετεπέμψατο καὶ τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἱερεῦσι παρήγγελλεν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα τῶν θεῶν συγκρύψαι τὰ ξόανα . | |
| 244 Winston | 244 So he first assembled the Egyptian population and took advice from their leaders and sent for their sacred animals, especially those that were mainly worshipped in their temples and charged the priests to carefully hide the images of their gods. |
| 244 Barach | |
| 245 Τὸν δὲ υἱὸν ΣέθωSethos τὸν καὶ ῬαμεσσῆRamesses ἀπὸ ῬαψηοῦςRhampses τοῦ πατρὸς ὠνομασμένον πενταέτη ὄντα ἐξέθετο πρὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ φίλον . Αὐτὸς δὲ διαβὰς Τοῖς ἄλλοις ΑἰγυπτίοιςEgyptian οὖσιν εἰς τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν μαχιμωτάτων καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπαντήσας οὐ συνέβαλεν , | |
| 245 Winston | 245 He left his son, the five-year-old Sethos, who was also named Ramesses after his father Rhampses, in the care of one of his friends and with three hundred thousand of the most warlike of the Egyptians, went to meet the enemy. |
| 245 Barach | |
| 246 ἀλλὰ μέλλειν θεομαχεῖν νομίσας παλινδρομήσας ἧκεν εἰς ΜέμφινMemphis ἀναλαβών τε τόν τε ἎπινApis καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ ἐκεῖσε μεταπεμφθέντα ἱερὰ ζῷα εὐθὺς εἰς ΑἰθιοπίανEthiopian σὺν ἅπαντι τῷ στόλῳ καὶ πλήθει τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians ἀνήχθη · χάριτι γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ ὑποχείριος ὁ τῶν ΑἰθιόπωνEthiopian βασιλεύς . | |
| 246 Winston | 246 But then, thinking that to join battle with them would be to fight against the gods, he returned and came to Memphis, where he took Apis and the other sacred animals he had sent for to him and marched into Ethiopia, with his army and all the Egyptian followers, for the king of Ethiopia was his vassal. |
| 246 Barach | |
| 247 Ὃς ὑποδεξάμενος καὶ τοὺς ὄχλους πάντας ὑπολαβὼν οἷς ἔσχεν ἡ χώρα τῶν πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνην τροφὴν ἐπιτηδείωνuseful, necessary , καὶ πόλεις καὶ κώμας πρὸς τὴν τῶν πεπρωμένωνto furnish, offer, give τρισκαίδεκα ἐτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν ἔκπτωσιν αὐτάρκεις , οὐχ ἧττον δὲ καὶ στρατόπεδον ΑἰθιοπικὸνEthiopians πρὸς φυλακὴν ἐπέταξε τοῖς παρ᾽ ἈμενώφεωςAmenophis τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῶν ὁρίων τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt . | |
| 247 Winston | 247 So the latter received him and took care of all the people with him, while the country supplied all that was necessary to feed them. He assigned cities and villages for this exile, destined to be for thirteen years and he stationed an Ethiopian army at the borders of Egypt, to protect king Amenophis. |
| 247 Barach | |
| 248 Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν ΑἰθιοπίανEthiopian τοιαῦτα . Οἱ δὲ ΣολυμῖταιSolymites κατελθόντες σὺν τοῖς μιαροῖς τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians οὕτως ἀνοσίως καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις προσηνέχθησαν , ὥστε τὴν τῶν προειρημένων κράτησινmight, power, dominion χρυσὸν φαίνεσθαι τοῖς τότε τὰ τούτων ἀσεβήματα θεωμένοις · | |
| 248 Winston | 248 This was the state of things in Ethiopia. But the Solymites came with the diseased Egyptians and treated people so cruelly that in the light of these dreadful impieties the former regime seemed like a golden age. |
| 248 Barach | |
| 249 καὶ γὰρ οὐ μόνον πόλεις καὶ κώμας ἐνέπρησαν οὐδὲ ἱεροσυλοῦντες οὐδὲ λυμαινόμενοι ξόανα θεῶν ἠρκοῦντο , ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ὀπτανίοις τῶν σεβαστευομένωνto worship ἱερῶν ζῴων χρώμενοι διετέλουν καὶ θύτας καὶ σφαγεῖς τούτων ἱερεῖς καὶ προφήτας ἠνάγκαζον γίνεσθαι καὶ γυμνοὺς ἐξέβαλλον . | |
| 249 Winston | 249 They not only set cities and villages on fire but also did not stop short of sacrilege, destroying the images of the gods, to use them for roasting the sacred animals that used to be worshipped, and forcing the priests and prophets to kill those animals before ejecting them naked from the country. |
| 249 Barach | |
| 250 Λέγεται δέ , ὅτι τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καταβαλόμενος ἱερεὺς τὸ γένος ἩλιοπολίτηςHeliopolis ὄνομα ὈσαρσὶφOsarsiph ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν ἩλιουπόλειHeliopolos θεοῦ ὈσίρεωςOsyris , ὡς μετέβη εἰς τοῦτο τὸ γένος , μετετέθη τοὔνομα καὶ προσηγορεύθη ΜωυσῆςMoses . | |
| 250 Winston | 250 They say that the priest, who settled their regime and laws was born in Heliopolis and named Osarsiph, from Osyris the god of Heliopolis, but that when he went over to these people, he changed his name to Moses. |
| 250 Barach | |
| 251 Ἃ μὲν οὖν ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians φέρουσι περὶ τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ ἕτερα πλείονα , ἃ παρίημι συντομίας ἕνεκα . Λέγει δὲ ὁ ΜανεθὼςManetho πάλιν , ὅτι μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπῆλθεν ὁ ἈμένωφιςAmenophis ἀπὸ ΑἰθιοπίαςEthiopian μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως καὶ ὁ ΝαχώρηςNahor αὐτοῦ ῬάμψηςRameses καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων δύναμιν , καὶ συμβαλόντες οἱ δύο τοῖς ποιμέσι καὶ τοῖς μιαροῖς ἐνίκησαν αὐτοὺς καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποκτείναντες ἐδίωξαν αὐτοὺς ἄχρι τῶν ὁρίων τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria . | |
| 251 Winston | 251 This is the Egyptian story about the Jews, along with much else which I omit for the sake of brevity. But Manetho says that after this, Amenophis returned from Ethiopia with a large army, and his son Rampses also with an army and both of them fought the shepherds and the diseased people and beat them and killed many of them and pursued them to the borders of Syria. |
| 251 Barach | |
| 252 Ταῦτα μὲν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα ΜανεθὼςManetho συνέγραψεν . Ὅτι δὲ ληρεῖ καὶ ψεύδεται περιφανῶς , ἐπιδείξω προδιαστειλάμενος ἐκεῖνο τῶν ὕστερον πρὸς ἄλλους λεχθησομένων ἕνεκα · δέδωκε γὰρ οὗτος ἡμῖν καὶ ὡμολόγηκεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε μὴ εἶναι τὸ γένος ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians , ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔξωθεν ἐπελθόντας κρατῆσαι τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt καὶ πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀπελθεῖν . | |
| 252 Winston | 252 Such are the accounts written by Manetho, and I will prove that he is a trifler who tells outright lies, but first I must make a distinction about what I am going to say about him, for he has granted and admitted that this nation was not originally Egyptian, but came in from another country and subdued Egypt and then left it again. |
| 252 Barach | |
| 253 Ὅτι δ᾽ οὐκ ἀνεμίχθησαν ἡμῖν ὕστερον τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians οἱ τὰ σώματα λελωβημένοι , καὶ ὅτι ἐκ τούτων οὐκ ἦν ΜωυσῆςMoses ὁ τὸν λαὸν ἀγαγών , ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς ἐγεγόνει γενεαῖς πρότερον , ταῦτα πειράσομαι διὰ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λεγομένων ἐλέγχειν . | |
| 253 Winston | 253 But I shall try to prove from Manetho's own accounts that the Egyptians who were so diseased in their bodies were not mingled with us later and that neither did Moses who brought the people out belong to their company, but lived many generations earlier. |
| 253 Barach | |
| 254 Πρώτην δὴ τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ πλάσματος ὑποτίθεται καταγέλαστον · ὁ βασιλεὺς γάρ φησιν ἈμένωφιςAmenophis ἐπεθύμησε τοὺς θεοὺς ἰδεῖν . Ποίους; Εἰ μὲν τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς νενομοθετημένους τὸν βοῦν καὶ τράγον καὶ κροκοδείλους καὶ κυνοκεφάλους , ἑώρα . | |
| 254 Winston | 254 As the first item of his fiction, Manetho purports the ludicrous notion that king Amenophis asked to see the gods. Which gods? If he meant the gods worshipped according to their laws, the ox, the goat, the crocodile and the baboon, he saw them already; |
| 254 Barach | |
| 255 Τοὺς οὐρανίους δὲ πῶς ἐδύνατο ; Καὶ διὰ τί ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ; Ὅτι νὴ Δία καὶ πρότερος αὐτοῦ βασιλεὺς ἄλλος ἑωράκει . Παρ᾽ ἐκείνου τοίνυν ἐπέπυστο , ποταποί τινές εἰσι καὶ τίνα τρόπον αὐτοὺς εἶδεν , ὥστε καινῆς αὐτῷ τέχνης οὐκ ἔδει . | |
| 255 Winston | 255 but how could he see the heavenly gods and what prompted the desire? Because another king before him had already seen them? Had he been told what sort of gods they were and how they were seen, so that he did not need any new device to gain this sight. |
| 255 Barach | |
| 256 Ἀλλὰ σοφὸς ἦν ὁ μάντις , δι᾽ οὗ τοῦτο κατορθώσεινto set upright, erect ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπελάμβανε . Καὶ πῶς οὐ προέγνω τὸ ἀδύνατον αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ; Οὐ γὰρ ἀπέβη . Τίνα δὲ καὶ λόγον εἶχε διὰ τοὺς ἠκρωτηριασμένους ἢ λεπρῶντας ἀφανεῖς εἶναι τοὺς θεούς ; Ὀργίζονται γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀσεβήμασινa profane act , οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐλαττώμασιa defect, defeat τῶν σωμάτων . | |
| 256 Winston | 256 But the prophet through whom the king thought to achieve his aim was a wise man. If so, how did he not know that his desire was impossible? For it did not succeed. And what pretext was there to suppose that the gods would not be seen because of the people's diseased bodies, or leprosy? For the gods are not angry with imperfect bodies, but at wicked practices. |
| 256 Barach | |
| 257 Ὀκτὼ δὲ μυριάδας τῶν λεπρῶν καὶ κακῶς διακειμένων πῶς οἷόν τε μιᾷ σχεδὸν ἡμέρᾳ συλλεγῆναι ; Πῶς δὲ παρήκουσεν τοῦ μάντεως ὁ βασιλεύς ; Ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐξορίσαι τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τοὺς λελωβημένους , ὁ δ᾽ αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰς λιθοτομίας ἐνέβαλεν , ὥσπερ τῶν ἐργασομένωνto work, labour δεόμενος , ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ καθᾶραι τὴν χώραν προαιρούμενος . | |
| 257 Winston | 257 As to the eighty thousand lepers in such a bad condition, how was it possible to gather them together in one day? And why did the king not listen to the prophet, who said that the diseased should be expelled from Egypt, while the king only sent them to the quarries, as if seeking labourers rather than to purge his country. |
| 257 Barach | |
| 258 Φησὶ δὲ τὸν μὲν μάντιν αὑτὸν ἀνελεῖν τὴν ὀργὴν τῶν θεῶν προορώμενονto see beforehand καὶ τὰ συμβησόμενα περὶ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ γεγραμμένην τὴν πρόρρησιν καταλιπεῖν . Εἶτα πῶς οὐκ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ μάντις τὸν αὑτοῦ θάνατον προηπίστατο ; | |
| 258 Winston | 258 Later he says that this prophet killed himself as he foresaw the anger of the gods and what would befall Egypt later and that he left the prediction in writing for the king. But how was it that this prophet did not foresee his own death from the first? |
| 258 Barach | |
| 259 Πῶς δὲ οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀντεῖπεν τῷ βασιλεῖ βουλομένῳ τοὺς θεοὺς ἰδεῖν ; Πῶς δ᾽ εὔλογος ὁ φόβος τῶν μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν συμβησομένων κακῶν; Ἦ τι χεῖρον ἔδει παθεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἑαυτὸν ἔσπευδεν . | |
| 259 Winston | 259 Why did he not immediately oppose the king's desire to see the gods? How did he feel that blessed fear of judgments that were not to happen to him? Or what worse could he suffer, that made him hurry to kill himself? |
| 259 Barach | |
| 260 Τὸ δὲ δὴ πάντων εὐηθέστατον ἴδωμεν · πυθόμενος γὰρ ταῦτα καὶ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων φοβηθεὶς τοὺς λελωβημένους ἐκείνους , ὧν αὐτῷ καθαρεῦσαι προείρητο τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , οὐδὲ τότε τῆς χώρας ἐξήλασενto drive out , ἀλλὰ δεηθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκε πόλιν , ὥς φησι , τὴν πάλαι μὲν οἰκηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν ποιμένων , ΑὔαρινAvaris δὲ καλουμένην . | |
| 260 Winston | 260 But now let us look at the silliest thing of all. The king, though he had been told of these things and terrified with the fear of what was to come, still did not expel these maimed people from his country, when he had already been told him he was to clear Egypt of them. Rather, says our writer, at their request he gave them the city that formerly belonged to the shepherds and was called Avaris. |
| 260 Barach | |
| 261 Εἰς ἣν ἀθροισθέντας αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνα φησὶν ἐξελέσθαι τῶν ἐξ ἩλιουπόλεωςHeliopolis πάλαι γεγονότων ἱερέων , καὶ τοῦτον αὐτοῖς εἰσηγήσασθαι μήτε θεοὺς προσκυνεῖν μήτε τῶν ἐπ᾽ ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt θρησκευομένων ζῴων ἀπέχεσθαι , πάντα δὲ θύειν καὶ κατεσθίειν , συνάπτεσθαι δὲ μηδενὶ πλὴν τῶν συνομωμοσμένωνto swear together , ὅρκοις τε τὸ πλῆθος ἐνδησάμενονto bind in , ἦ μὴν τούτοις ἐμμενεῖν τοῖς νόμοις , καὶ τειχίσαντα τὴν ΑὔαρινAvaris πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν . | |
| 261 Winston | 261 When they had gone there in crowds, he says, they chose one who had formerly been priest of Heliopolis, and that this priest first told them neither to worship the gods, nor to abstain from those animals that were worshipped by the Egyptians, but to kill and eat them all and associate with no one but the allies, and that he bound the people by oaths to continue in these laws, and then built a wall around Avaris, he made war on the king. |
| 261 Barach | |
| 262 Καὶ προστίθησιν , ὅτι ἔπεμψεν εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem παρακαλῶν ἐκείνους αὐτοῖς συμμαχεῖν καὶ δώσειν αὐτοῖς τὴν ΑὔαρινAvaris ὑπισχνούμενος , εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐκ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἀφιξομένοιςto arrive at προγονικήν , ἀφ᾽ ἧς ὁρμωμένουςto set in motion αὐτοὺς πᾶσαν τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt καθέξειν . | |
| 262 Winston | 262 He adds that he sent to Jerusalem to call them to ally with him and promised them Avaris, as it had belonged to the ancestors of those who would come from Jerusalem and that on their arrival they made war on the king and occupied all of Egypt. |
| 262 Barach | |
| 263 Εἶτα τοὺς μὲν ἐπελθεῖν εἴκοσι στρατοῦ μυριάσι λέγει , τὸν βασιλέα δὲ τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians ἈμένωφινAmenophis οὐκ οἰόμενον δεῖν θεομαχεῖν εἰς τὴν ΑἰθιοπίανEthiopian εὐθὺς ἀποδρᾶναι , τὸν δὲ ἎπινApis καί τινα τῶν ἄλλων ἱερῶν ζῴων παρατεθεικέναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι διαφυλάττεσθαι κελεύσαντα . | |
| 263 Winston | 263 Then apparently the Egyptians came with an army of two hundred thousand men and Amenophis, the king of Egypt, not thinking he should fight against the gods, soon fled to Ethiopia, entrusting Apis and some of their other sacred animals to the priests, with orders to preserve them. |
| 263 Barach | |
| 264 Εἶτα τοὺς ἹεροσολυμίταςJerusalem ἐπελθόντας τάς τε πόλεις ἀνιστάναι καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ κατακαίειν καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας ἀποσφάττειν , ὅλως τε μηδεμιᾶς ἀπέχεσθαι παρανομίας μηδὲ ὠμότητος . | |
| 264 Winston | 264 He went on to say that the Jerusalemites attacked the Egyptians, destroying their cities, burning their temples and killing their cavalry, in short, refraining from no evil or savagery; |
| 264 Barach | |
| 265 Ὁ δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καταβαλόμενος ἱερεύς , φησίν , ἦν τὸ γένος ἩλιοπολίτηςHeliopolis , ὄνομα δ᾽ ὈσαρσὴφOsarsiph ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν ἩλιουπόλειHeliopolos θεοῦ ὈσίρεωςOsyris , μεταθέμενος δὲ ΜωυσῆνMoses αὑτὸν προσηγόρευσεto call, name . | |
| 265 Winston | 265 and that the priest who settled their system and laws was by birth of Heliopolis, and named Osarsiph, from Osyris the god of Heliopolis, but that he changed his name and called himself Moses. |
| 265 Barach | |
| 266 Τρισκαιδεκάτῳ δέ φησιν ἔτει τὸν ἈμένωφινAmenophis , τοσοῦτον γὰρ αὐτῷ χρόνον εἶναι τῆς ἐκπτώσεως πεπρωμένονto furnish, offer, give , ἐξ ΑἰθιοπίαςEthiopian ἐπελθόντα μετὰ πολλῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ συμβαλόντα τοῖς ποιμέσι καὶ τοῖς μιαροῖς νικῆσαί τε τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κτεῖναι πολλοὺς ἐπιδιώξαντα μέχρι τῶν τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ὅρωνto see . | |
| 266 Winston | 266 He adds that on the thirteenth year Amenophis, according to the destined duration of his woes, attacked from Ethiopia with a large army and defeated the shepherds and diseased people in battle and killed many of them and pursued them as far as the borders of Syria. |
| 266 Barach | |
| 267 Ἐν τούτοις πάλιν οὐ συνίησιν ἀπιθάνως ψευδόμενος · οἱ γὰρ λεπροὶ καὶ τὸ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν πλῆθος , εἰ καὶ πρότερον ὠργίζοντο τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς τὰ περὶ αὐτοὺς πεποιηκόσι κατὰ τε τὴν τοῦ μάντεως προαγόρευσιν , ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε τῶν λιθοτομιῶν ἐξῆλθον καὶ πόλιν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ χώραν ἔλαβον , πάντως ἂν γεγόνεισαν πρᾳότεροι πρὸς αὐτόν . | |
| 267 Winston | 267 Manetho does not realize how improbable his lie is, for the lepers and those with them, although they might formerly have been angry with the king and those who had treated them so harshly, according to the prediction of the prophet, still, when they had emerged from the quarries and received from the king a city and a country, they would have grown milder toward him. |
| 267 Barach | |
| 268 Εἰ δὲ δὴ κἀκεῖνον ἐμίσουν , ἰδίᾳ μὲν ἄνω ἐπεβούλευον , οὐκ ἂν δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἤραντο πόλεμον , δῆλον ὅτι πλείστας ἔχοντες συγγενείας τοσοῦτοί γε τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες . | |
| 268 Winston | 268 Even had they still hated him they could have conspired against him personally, but would hardly have made war against all the Egyptians, given the numerous relationships so large a group must have had with them. |
| 268 Barach | |
| 269 Ὅμως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πολεμεῖν διεγνωκότες οὐκ ἂν εἰς τοὺς αὐτῶν θεοὺς πολεμεῖν ἐτόλμησαν οὐδ᾽ ὑπεναντιωτάτους ἔθεντο νόμους τοῖς πατρίοις αὐτῶν καὶ οἷς ἐνετράφησαν . | |
| 269 Winston | 269 But even if they had decided on war against the people, they would not have dared to go with their gods or to make laws so contrary to the ancestral ones in which they had been reared. |
| 269 Barach | |
| 270 Δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς τῷ ΜανεθῶνιManetho χάριν ἔχειν , ὅτι ταύτης τῆς παρανομίας οὐχὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἐλθόντας ἀρχηγοὺς γενέσθαι φησίν , ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους ὄντας ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians καὶ τούτων μάλιστα τοὺς ἱερέας ἐπινοῆσαίto think on τε ταῦτα καὶ ὁρκωμοτῆσαι τὸ πλῆθος . | |
| 270 Winston | 270 We must be thankful to Manetho for not laying the blame for this crime on those who came from Jerusalem, for he says that the Egyptians themselves were the most guilty and it was their priests who thought of imposing this oath on the people. |
| 270 Barach | |
| 271 Ἐκεῖνο μέντοι πῶς οὐκ ἄλογον , τῶν μὲν οἰκείων αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν φίλων συναποστῆναι οὐδένα μηδὲ τοῦ πολέμου τὸν κίνδυνον συνάρασθαι , πέμψαι δὲ τοὺς μιαροὺς εἰς ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ τὴν παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐπάγεσθαιto bring on συμμαχίαν ; | |
| 271 Winston | 271 But still how absurd is it to suppose that none of these people's relatives or friends were persuaded to revolt and share with them the risks of war, so that these diseased people had to send and get their allies from Jerusalem! |
| 271 Barach | |
| 272 Ποίας αὐτοῖς φιλίας ἢ τίνος αὐτοῖς οἰκειότητος προυυπηργμένηςto previously exist ; Τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἦσαν πολέμιοι καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσι πλεῖστον διέφερον . Ὁ δέ φησιν εὐθὺς ὑπακοῦσαι τοῖς ὑπισχνουμένοιςto promise , ὅτι τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt καθέξουσιν , ὥσπερ αὐτῶν οὐ σφόδρα τῆς χώρας ἐμπείρως δυσμενῶς , ἧς βιασθέντες ἐκπεπτώκασινto fall off . | |
| 272 Winston | 272 What sort of friendship or relationship was there formerly between them? On the contrary, they were enemies whose customs greatly differed from theirs. But he says that they immediately agreed, once the others promised that they would conquer Egypt, as if they did not already know very well the country from which they had been forced out. |
| 272 Barach | |
| 273 Εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀπόρως ἢ κακῶς ἔπραττον , ἴσως ἂν καὶ παρεβάλλοντο , πόλιν δὲ κατοικοῦντες εὐδαίμονα καὶ χώραν πολλὴν κρείττω τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt καρπούμενοι , διὰ τί ποτ᾽ ἂν ἐχθροῖς μὲν πάλαι τὰ δὲ σώματα λελωβημένοις , οὓς μηδὲ τῶν οἰκείων οὐδεὶς ὑπέμενε , τούτοις ἔμελλον παρακινδυνεύσειν βοηθοῦντες ; Οὐ γὰρ ] δή γε τὸν γενησόμενον προῄδεσαν δρασμὸν τοῦ βασιλέως · | |
| 273 Winston | 273 Perhaps they might have risked it had they been in want or misfortune, but as they lived in a prosperous city with a large country better than Egypt itself, why would they run such risks to come to the help of people who had been their enemies of old, who were diseased in body and whom none of their own relatives could endure? Surely they could not foresee that the king would flee from them. |
| 273 Barach | |
| 274 τοὐναντίον γὰρ αὐτὸς εἴρηκεν , ὡς ὁ παῖς τοῦ ἈμενώφιοςAmenophis τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἔχων εἰς τὸ ΠηλούσιονPelusium ὑπηντίαζεν . Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ᾖδεισανto know πάντως οἱ παραγινόμενοι , τὴν δὲ μετάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν φυγὴν πόθεν εἰκάζειν ἔμελλον ; | |
| 274 Winston | 274 Quite the contrary, he says himself that Amenophis' son had three hundred thousand men with him and met them at Pelusium. Those who were coming could not fail to know this; but how could they possibly guess that he would change his mind and flee? |
| 274 Barach | |
| 275 Εἶτα κρατήσαντάς φησι τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ δρᾶν τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ἐπιστρατεύσαντας καὶ περὶ τούτων ὀνειδίζει καθάπερ οὐ πολεμίους αὐτοῖς ἐπαγαγὼν ἢ δέον τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἐπικληθεῖσιν ἐγιγνώσκετοto know , ὁπότεwhen ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφίξεως ἔπραττον καὶ πράξειν ὠμωμόκεσαν οἱ τὸ γένος ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians . | |
| 275 Winston | 275 Then he says that the invaders from Jerusalem conquered Egypt and committed terrible crimes, for which he rebukes them, as though he had not introduced them as enemies, or as though these things were worse when done by invited foreigners, when before they arrived the Egyptians themselves were doing the same and had sworn to continue doing so. |
| 275 Barach | |
| 276 Ἀλλὰ καὶ χρόνοις ὕστερον ἈμένωφιςAmenophis ἐπελθὼν ἐνίκησε μάχῃ καὶ κτείνων τοὺς πολεμίους μέχρι τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἤλασεν . Οὕτω γὰρ παντάπασίν ἐστιν ἡ ΑἴγυπτοςEgypt τοῖς ὁποθενδηποτοῦνfrom wherever ἐπιοῦσιν εὐάλωτος , | |
| 276 Winston | 276 Subsequently, he says, Amenophis came back at them and conquered them in battle and killed his enemies and drove them before him as far as Syria. As if Egypt were so easily taken by people coming from anywhere else! |
| 276 Barach | |
| 277 καὶ οἱ τότε πολέμῳ κρατοῦντες αὐτὴν ζῆν πυνθανόμενοι τὸν ἈμένωφινAmenophis οὔτε τὰς ἐκ τῆς ΑἰθιοπίαςEthiopian ἐμβολὰςembarkation ὠχύρωσαν πολλὴν εἰς τοῦτο παρασκευὴν ἔχοντες οὔτε τὴν ἄλλην ἡτοίμασαν δύναμιν , ὁ δὲ καὶ μέχρι τῆς ΣυρίαςSyria ἀναιρῶν , φησίν , αὐτοὺς ἠκολούθησε διὰ τῆς ψάμμου τῆς ἀνύδρου , δῆλον ὅτι οὐ ῥᾴδιον οὐδὲ ἀμαχεὶ στρατοπέδῳ διελθεῖν . | |
| 277 Winston | 277 How was it that its former conquerors, aware that Amenophis was still alive, did not fortify the passes into it from Ethiopia, although they had plenty of opportunity to do so, nor have the rest of their forces ready in defence? No, "he pursued them across the sandy desert as far as Syria, slaughtering them"—but it is not easy for an army, even without fighting, to cross that desert country. |
| 277 Barach | |
| 278 Κατὰ μὲν οὖν τὸν ΜανεθῶνManetho οὔτε ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ἐστιν οὔτε τῶν ἐκεῖθέν τινες ἀνεμίχθησαν · τῶν γὰρ λεπρῶν καὶ νοσούντων πολλοὺς μὲν εἰκὸς ἐν ταῖς λιθοτομίαις ἀποθανεῖν πολὺν χρόνον ἐκεῖ γενομένους καὶ κακοπαθοῦντας , πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς μετὰ ταῦτα μάχαις , πλείστους δ᾽ ἐν τῇ τελευταίᾳfinal, end καὶ τῇ φυγῇ . | |
| 278 Winston | 278 Our nation, therefore, according to Manetho, does not derive from Egypt, nor were any of the Egyptians mingled with us. For as they had been there a long time and in such poor conditions, one must suppose that many of the leprous, diseased people died in the quarries; many others must have died in the battles that happened later and more still in the final battle and flight. |
| 278 Barach | |
Chapter 11
Distorted depictions of Moses
| 279 Λοιπόν μοι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν περὶ ΜωυσέωςMoses . Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν ἄνδρα θαυμαστὸν μὲν ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians καὶ θεῖον νομίζουσι , βούλονται δὲ προσποιεῖν αὐτοῖς μετὰ βλασφημίας ἀπιθάνου , λέγοντες ἩλιοπολίτηνHeliopolis εἶναι τῶν ἐκεῖθεν ἱερέων ἕνα διὰ τὴν λέπραν συνεξεληλαμένον . | |
| 279 Winston | 279 It remains for me to deal with what Manetho says about Moses. The Egyptians acknowledge him as a wonderful and even divine person, and they want to claim him as one of themselves, wrongly and incredibly stating that he was a priest from Heliopolis, expelled from it along with others, because of his leprosy. |
| 279 Barach | |
| 280 Δείκνυται δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς ὀκτωκαίδεκα σὺν τοῖς πεντακοσίοις πρότερον ἔτεσι γεγονὼς καὶ τοὺς ἡμετέρους ἐξαγαγὼν ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt πατέρας εἰς τὴν χώραν τὴν νῦν οἰκουμένην ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν . | |
| 280 Winston | 280 But by their records it has been shown that he lived five hundred and eighteen years earlier and then brought our ancestors out of Egypt into the country we now inhabit. |
| 280 Barach | |
| 281 Ὅτι δὲ οὐδὲ συμφορᾷ τινι τοιαύτῃ περὶ τὸ σῶμα κεχρημένος ἦν , ἐκ τῶν λεγομένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δῆλός ἐστι · τοῖς γὰρ λεπρῶσιν ἀπείρηκε μήτε μένειν ἐν πόλει μήτ᾽ ἐν κώμῃ κατοικεῖν , ἀλλὰ μόνους περιπατεῖν κατεσχισμένους τὰ ἱμάτια , καὶ τὸν ἁψάμενονto ignite, kindle αὐτῶν ἢ ὁμωρόφιον γενόμενον οὐ καθαρὸν ἡγεῖται . | |
| 281 Winston | 281 Rogers |
| 281 Barach | |
| 282 Καὶ μὴν κἂν θεραπευθῇ τὸ νόσημα καὶ τὴν αὑτοῦ φύσιν ἀπολάβῃ , προείρηκένto say beforehand τινας ἁγνείας καθαρμοὺς πηγαίων ὑδάτων λουτροῖς καὶ ξυρήσεις πάσης τῆς τριχός , πολλάς τε κελεύει καὶ παντοίας ἐπιτελέσαντα θυσίας τότε παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν . | |
| 282 Winston | 282 Even if one is healed of the disease and returns to normal, he decreed certain purifications and washings with spring water and shaving off all his hair and makes him offer many sacrifices of various kinds, before being finally admitted into the holy city. |
| 282 Barach | |
| 283 Καίτοι τοὐναντίον εἰκὸς ἦν προνοίᾳ τινὶ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρήσασθαι τὸν ἐν τῇ συμφορᾷ ταύτῃ γεγονότα πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίως αὐτῷ δυστυχήσαντας . | |
| 283 Winston | 283 On the contrary, if he had endured the same misfortune, one would expect him to have provided for such people to be more gently treated, having been equally unfortunate himself. |
| 283 Barach | |
| 284 Οὐ μόνον δὲ περὶ τῶν λεπρῶν οὕτως ἐνομοθέτησεν , ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῖς καὶ τὸ βραχύτατόν τι τοῦ σώματος ἠκρωτηριασμένοις ἱερᾶσθαι συγκεχώρηκεν , ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ μεταξύ τις ἱερώμενος τοιαύτῃ χρήσαιτο συμφορᾷ , τὴν τιμὴν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο . | |
| 284 Winston | 284 But he made these laws not only for those leprous people but also for whoever was maimed in the smallest part of their body, whom he does not allow to officiate as priests, and if this misfortune should afflict any priest already in office, the honour is removed from him. |
| 284 Barach | |
| 285 GREEK Πῶς οὖν εἰκὸς ἐκεῖνον ταῦτα νομοθετεῖν ἀνοήτως ἀπὸ τοιούτων συμφορῶν συνειλεγμένους πρόεσθαι καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν εἰς ὄνειδός τε καὶ βλάβην νόμους συντιθεμένουςto put together ; | |
| 285 Winston | 285 Is one likely to make such laws against oneself, so insulting and injurious to the one who made them? |
| 285 Barach | |
| 286 Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοὔνομα λίαν ἀπιθάνως μετατέθεικεν · ὈσαρσὴφOsarsiph γάρ , φησίν , ἐκαλεῖτο . Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν μετάθεσιν οὐκ ἐναρμόζει , τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς ὄνομα δηλοῖ τὸν ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος σωθέντα ΜωσῆνMoses · τὸ γὰρ ὕδωρ οἱ ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians μῶυυMou καλοῦσιν . | |
| 286 Winston | 286 Nor is there any reason to believe the claim that he was formerly called Osarsiph, which bears no relation to his true name, Moses, which means someone saved from the water, for the Egyptians call water "Mou." |
| 286 Barach | |
| 287 Ἱκανῶς οὖν γεγονέναι νομίζω καὶ δῆλον δ᾽ ὅτι ΜανεθὼςManetho ἕως μὲν ἠκολούθει ταῖς ἀρχαίαις ἀναγραφαῖς οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας διημάρτανεν , ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀδεσπότους μύθους τραπόμενος ἢ συνέθηκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπιθάνως ἤ τισι τῶν πρὸς ἀπέχθειανhatred εἰρηκότων ἐπίστευσεν . | |
| 287 Winston | 287 I think I have sufficiently shown that Manetho made few mistakes about historical truth as long as he was following his annals; but when he offers hearsay without reference to any certain source, he either forgets it himself, implausibly, or relies on some who said this out of malice toward us. |
| 287 Barach | |
Chapter 12
The fictions of Chaeremon
| 288 μετὰ τοῦτον ἐξετάσαι βούλομαι ΧαιρήμοναChaeremon · καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ΑἰγυπτιακὴνEgyptians φάσκων ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν καὶ προσθεὶς ταὐτὸ ὄνομα τοῦ βασιλέως ὅπερ ὁ ΜανεθὼςManetho ἈμένωφινAmenophis καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ῬαμεσσήνRamesses , | |
| 288 Winston | 288 Now I will inquire into what Chaeremon says, for purporting to write the history of Egypt, he too names this king Amenophis, just like Manetho, and names his son Ramesses. |
| 288 Barach | |
| 289 φησὶν ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἡ ἾσιςIsis ἐφάνηto give light, shine τῷ ἈμενώφειAmenophis μεμφομένη αὐτόν , ὅτι τὸ ἱερὸν αὐτῆς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατέσκαπται . ΦριτιβαύτηνPhritobautes δὲ ἱερογραμματέαa sacred scribe φάναι , ἐὰν τῶν τοὺς μολυσμοὺς δυσμενῶς ἀνδρῶν καθάρῃ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt , παύσεσθαι τῆς πτοίας αὐτόν . | |
| 289 Winston | 289 Then he says that the goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep and blamed him for the destruction of her temple in the war; but that the sacred scribe Phritobautes told him that he need no longer be troubled if he purged Egypt of the diseased population. |
| 289 Barach | |
| 290 Ἐπιλέξαντα δὲ τῶν ἐπισινῶν μυριάδας εἰκοσιπέντε ἐκβαλεῖν . ἡγεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτῶν γραμματέας ΜωσῆνMoses τε καὶ ἸώσηπονJoseph καὶ τοῦτον ἱερογραμματέαa sacred scribe , ΑἰγύπτιαEgyptian δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὀνόματα εἶναι τῷ μὲν ΜωσῇMoses ΤισιθένTisithen , τῷ δὲ ἸωσήπῳJoseph ΠετεσήφPeteseph . | |
| 290 Winston | 290 So he gathered two hundred and fifty thousand of those who were so diseased and expelled them from the country and that they were led by the scribe Moses and Joseph, another sacred scribe, whose names were originally Egyptian, as Moses had been Tisithen and Joseph, Peteseph. |
| 290 Barach | |
| 291 Τούτους δ᾽ εἰς ΠηλούσιονPelusium ἐλθεῖν καὶ ἐπιτυχεῖν μυριάσι τριακονταοκτὼ καταλελειμμέναις ὑπὸ τοῦ ἈμενώφιοςAmenophis , ἃς οὐ θέλειν εἰς τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt διακομίζειν · οἷς φιλίαν συνθεμένους ἐπὶ τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt στρατεῦσαι . | |
| 291 Winston | 291 These two, he said, came to Pelusium and found three hundred and eighty thousand who had been left there by Amenophis, as he was unwilling to let them into Egypt, and with these they made a pact and jointly invaded Egypt. |
| 291 Barach | |
| 292 Τὸν δὲ ἈμένωφινAmenophis οὐχ ὑπομείνανταto remain τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτῶν εἰς ΑἰθιοπίανEthiopian φυγεῖν καταλιπόνταto leave τὴν γυναῖκα ἔγκυον , ἣν κρυβομένην ἔν τισι σπηλαίοις τεκεῖν παῖδα ὄνομα ῬαμέσσηνRamesses , ὃν ἀνδρωθέντα ἐκδιῶξαι τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἰς τὴν ΣυρίανSyria ὄντας περὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας καὶ τὸν πατέρα ἈμένωφινAmenophis ἐκ τῆς ΑἰθιοπίαςEthiopian καταδέξασθαι . | |
| 292 Winston | 292 He says that Amenophis did not avoid their attack, but fled to Ethiopia leaving behind his pregnant wife who stayed hidden in some caves and there gave birth to a son, named Ramesses who, when he grew up drove the Jews, about two hundred thousand of them, into Syria, and then brought his father Amenophis home from Ethiopia. |
| 292 Barach | |
| 293 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ΧαιρήμωνChaeremon . Οἶμαι δὲ αὐτόθεν φανερὰν εἶναι ἐκ τῶν εἰρημένων τὴν ἀμφοῖν ψευδολογίαν · ἀληθείας μὲν γάρ τινος ὑποκειμένης ἀδύνατον ἦν διαφωνεῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον , οἱ δὲ τὰ ψευδῆ συντιθέντες οὐχ ἑτέροις σύμφωνα γράφουσιν , ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ δόξαντα πλάττουσιν . | |
| 293 Winston | 293 This is Chaeremon's account. I believe that what I have said has plainly proved the falsity of both these accounts, for had there been any real basis to them, they could not disagree so much about the details, whereas those who write fiction will easily diverge from each other, since they simply invent whatever they please. |
| 293 Barach | |
| 294 Ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ βασιλέως , ἵνα τοὺς θεοὺς ἴδῃ , φησὶν ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι τῆς τῶν μιαρῶν ἐκβολῆςejection , ὁ δὲ ΧαιρήμωνChaeremon ἴδιον ὡς τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis ἐνύπνιον συντέθεικε . | |
| 294 Winston | 294 Manetho says that the diseased people were expelled because of the king's desire to see the gods, |
| 294 Barach | |
| 295 Κἀκεῖνος μὲν ἈμένωφινAmenophis εἶναι λέγει τὸν προειπόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν καθαρμόν , οὗτος δὲ ΦριτοβαύτηνPhritobautes · ὁ δὲ δὴ τοῦ πλήθους ἀριθμὸς καὶ σφόδρα σύνεγγυς , ὀκτὼ μὲν μυριάδας ἐκείνου λέγοντος , τούτου δὲ πέντε πρὸς ταῖς εἴκοσιν . | |
| 295 Winston | 295 but Chaeremon claims it was his dream, sent to him by Isis, that caused it. The former says that it was Amenophis who foreshowed to the king this purgation of Egypt; but the latter says it was Phritobautes. On to the numbers of those expelled, how well they agree, with the former reckoning them as eighty thousand and the latter about two hundred and fifty thousand! |
| 295 Barach | |
| 296 Ἔτι τοίνυν ὁ μὲν ΜανεθὼςManetho πρότερον εἰς τὰς λιθοτομίας τοὺς μιαροὺς ἐκβαλὼν εἶτα αὐτοῖς τὴν ΑὔαρινAvaris δοὺς ἐγκατοικεῖν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians ἐκπολεμώσας τότε φησὶν ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὴν παρὰ τῶν ἹεροσολυμιτῶνJerusalem αὐτοὺς ἐπικουρίανsupplication, help , | |
| 296 Winston | 296 Manetho describes the diseased people as sent to work in the quarries at first and says that the city of Avaris was given them to live in. He says that it was not until after they had made war on the rest of the Egyptians that they invited the people of Jerusalem to come to their help; |
| 296 Barach | |
| 297 ὁ δὲ ΧαιρήμωνChaeremon ἀπαλλαττομένουςto set free ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt περὶ ΠηλούσιονPelusium εὑρεῖν ὀκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων καταλελειμμένας ὑπὸ τοῦ ἈμενώφιοςAmenophis καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνων πάλιν εἰς τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἐμβαλεῖν , φεύγειν δὲ τὸν ἈμένωφινAmenophis εἰς τὴν ΑἰθιοπίανEthiopian . | |
| 297 Winston | 297 while Chaeremon says only that they had left Egypt and found three hundred and eighty thousand men about Pelusium, who had been left there by Amenophis and with them they invaded Egypt again, upon which Amenophis fled into Ethiopia. |
| 297 Barach | |
| 298 Τὸ δὲ δὴ γενναιότατον , οὐδὲ τίνες ἢ πόθεν ἦσαν αἱ τοσαῦται τοῦ στρατοῦ μυριάδες εἴρηκεν εἴτε ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians τὸ γένος εἴτ᾽ ἔξωθεν ἥκοντες , ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὴν αἰτίαν διεσάφησε , δι᾽ ἣν αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν ΑἴγυπτονEgypt ἀνάγειν οὐκ ἠθέλησεν , ὁ περὶ τῶν λεπρῶν τὸ τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis ἐνύπνιον συμπλάσας . | |
| 298 Winston | 298 But then he does not tell who this army of so many thousands were, or where they came from; whether they were native Egyptians or came from a foreign country. Nor indeed has this man, who forged a dream from Isis about the leprous people, given the reason why the king would not let them into Egypt. |
| 298 Barach | |
| 299 Τῷ δὲ ΜωσεῖMoses καὶ τὸν ἸώσηπονJoseph ὁ ΧαιρήμωνChaeremon ὡς ἐν ταὐτῷ χρόνῳ συνεξηλελαμένον προστέθεικεν τὸν πρὸ ΜωυσέωςMoses πρεσβύτερον τέσσαρσι γενεαῖς τετελευτηκότα , ὧν ἐστιν ἔτη σχεδὸν ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν . | |
| 299 Winston | 299 Chaeremon has Joseph expelled at the same time as Moses, though he died four generations or nearly a hundred and seventy years before Moses. |
| 299 Barach | |
| 300 Ἀλλὰ μὴν ὁ ῬαμέσσηςRamesses ὁ τοῦ ἈμενώφιοςAmenophis ΝαχώρηςNahor κατὰ μὲν τὸν ΜανεθὼνManetho νεανίας συμπολεμεῖ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ συνεκπίπτει φυγὼν εἰς τὴν ΑἰθιοπίανEthiopian , οὗτος δὲ πεποίηκεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ἐν σπηλαίῳ τινὶ γεγενημένον καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα νικῶντα μάχῃ καὶ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews εἰς ΣυρίανSyria ἐξελαύνοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντας περὶ μυριάδας κ . | |
| 300 Winston | 300 Besides, in Manetho's account, Ramesses, the son of Amenophis, was a young man and helped his father in his war and left the country and fled with him to Ethiopia, while the other has him born in a cave after his father's death and then overcoming the Jews in battle and driving all two hundred thousand of them into Syria. |
| 300 Barach | |
| 301 Ὢ τῆς εὐχερείας · οὔτε γὰρ πρότερον οἵτινες ἦσαν αἱ τριάκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ μυριάδες εἶπεν οὔτε πῶς αἱ εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς διεφθάρησαν , πότερον ἐν τῇ μάχῃ κατέπεσον ἢ πρὸς τὸν ῬαμεσσῆRamesses μετεβάλοντο . | |
| 301 Winston | 301 What nonsense! First he never told us who the three hundred and eighty thousand were, nor the fate of the two hundred and thirty thousand, whether they fell in war, or deserted to Ramesses. |
| 301 Barach | |
| 302 Τὸ δὲ δὴ θαυμασιώτατον , οὐδὲ τίνας καλεῖ τοὺς ἸουδαίουςJews δυνατόν ἐστι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μαθεῖν ἢ ποτέροις αὐτοῖς τίθεται ταύτην τὴν προσηγορίαν , ταῖς κε μυριάσι τῶν λεπρῶν ἢ ταῖς η καὶ λ ταῖς περὶ τὸ ΠηλούσιονPelusium . | |
| 302 Winston | 302 Strangest of all, one cannot find out whom he calls Jews, or to which of these two groups he applies that name, to the two hundred and fifty thousand leprous people, or to the three hundred and eighty thousand around Pelusium. |
| 302 Barach | |
| 303 Ἀλλὰ γὰρ εὔηθες ἴσως ἂν εἴη διὰ πλειόνων ἐλέγχειν τοὺς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἐληλεγμένους · τὸ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἦν μετριώτερον . | |
| 303 Winston | 303 But perhaps it will seem silly for me to go on refuting writers who refute each other, and I would rather leave their refutation to others. |
| 303 Barach | |
Chapter 13
The anti-Jewish forgeries of Lysimachus
| 304 Ἐπεισάξω δὲ τούτοις ΛυσίμαχονLysimachus εἰληφότα μὲν τὴν αὐτὴν τοῖς προειρημένοις ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ ψεύσματος περὶ τῶν λεπρῶν καὶ λελωβημένων , ὑπερπεπαικότα δὲ τὴν ἐκείνων ἀπιθανότητα τοῖς πλάσμασι , δῆλος συντεθεικὼς κατὰ πολλὴν ἀπέχθειανhatred · | |
| 304 Winston | 304 I shall now add to these accounts about Manetho and Chaeremon something about Lysimachus, who has taken up the same falsehood as they, but has gone far beyond them in his incredible fictions, which he clearly invented out of his virulent hatred of our nation. |
| 304 Barach | |
| 305 λέγει γὰρ ἐπὶ ΒοχχόρεωςBocchoris τοῦ ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians βασιλέως τὸν λαὸν τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews λεπροὺς ὄντας καὶ ψωροὺς καὶ ἄλλα νοσήματά τινα δυσμενῶς εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ καταφεύγοντας μεταιτεῖν τροφήν . παμπόλλων δὲ ἀνθρώπων νοσηλείᾳ περιπεσόντων ἀκαρπίαν ἐν τῇ ΑἰγύπτῳEgypt γενέσθαι . | |
| 305 Winston | 305 He says, "in the days of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, the Jewish people being leprous and scabby and suffering from other ailments, fled to the temples and got their food there by imploring: and the large numbers of victims of these diseases caused a blight in Egypt. |
| 305 Barach | |
| 306 ΒόχχορινBocchoris δὲ τὸν τῶν ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians βασιλέα εἰς ἌμμωνοςHammon πέμψαι περὶ τῆς ἀκαρπίαςunfruitfulness, barrenness τοὺς μαντευσομένους , τὸν θεὸν δὲ ἐρεῖν τὰ ἱερὰ καθᾶραι ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ἀνάγνωνunchaste, impure καὶ δυσσεβῶν ἐκβάλλοντα αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους , τοὺς δὲ ψωροὺς καὶ λεπροὺς βυθίσαι , ὡς τοῦ ἡλίου ἀγανακτοῦντοςto be aroused, indignant ἐπὶ τῇ τούτων ζωῇ , καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἁγνίσαι καὶ οὕτω τὴν γῆν καρποφορήσειν . | |
| 306 Winston | 306 Bocchoris the Egyptian king sent people to consult the oracle at Hammon about his blight. The god's reply was that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, and expel them from the temples into desert places; but he must drown the scabby and the leprous, as the sun was angry that they were allowed to live, and purge the temples so that the land would bring forth its fruits. |
| 306 Barach | |
| 307 Τὸν δὲ ΒόκχορινBocchoris τοὺς χρησμοὺς λαβόντα τούς τε ἱερεῖς καὶ ἐπιβωμίτας προσκαλεσάμενονto summon κελεῦσαι ἐπιλογὴν ποιησαμένους τῶν ἀκαθάρτων τοῖς στρατιώταις τούτους παραδοῦναι κατάξειν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν ἔρημον , τοὺς δὲ λεπροὺς εἰς μολιβδίνουςmade of lead χάρτας ἐνδήσαντας , ἵνα καθῶσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος . | |
| 307 Winston | 307 When Bocchoris received these oracles, he called the priests and temple attendants and ordered them to assemble the impure people and to deliver them to the soldiers, to bring them off to the desert, but to take the lepers and wrap them in sheets of lead and submerge them in the sea. |
| 307 Barach | |
| 308 Βυθισθέντων δὲ τῶν λεπρῶν καὶ ψωρῶν τοὺς ἄλλους συναθροισθέντας εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους ἐκτεθῆναι ἐπ᾽ ἀπωλείᾳ , συναχθέντας δὲ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ αὑτῶν , νυκτὸς δὲ ἐπιγενομένηςto be born after πῦρ καὶ λύχνους καύσαντας φυλάττειν ἑαυτοὺς τήν τ᾽ ἐπιοῦσανthe next day νύκτα νηστεύσαντας ἱλάσκεσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τοῦ σῶσαι αὐτούς . | |
| 308 Winston | 308 Thus the leprous and scabby people were to be drowned and the rest gathered and sent into desert places to die. These assembled to decide what to do. As night was coming on, they kindled fires and lamps and kept watch, and fasted the next night in order to propitiate the gods and be saved. |
| 308 Barach | |
| 309 Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ ΜωσῆνMoses τινα συμβουλεῦσαι αὐτοῖς παραβαλλομένοις μίαν ὁδὸν τέμνειν ἄχρι ἂν ὅτου ἔλθωσιν εἰς τόπους οἰκουμένους , παρακελεύσασθαίto recommend τε αὐτοῖς μήτε ἀνθρώπων τινὶ εὐνοήσειν μήτε ἄρισταbest συμβουλεύσεινto advise, counsel ἀλλὰ τὰ χείρονα θεῶν τε ναοὺς καὶ βωμούς , οἷς ἂν περιτύχωσιν , ἀνατρέπειν . | |
| 309 Winston | 309 Next day a man named Moses advised them to go on a journey and follow a particular road until they came to a habitable place, charging them to show no regard for any man, and not to give the best but the worst advice, and to destroy any temples and altars of the gods they came across. |
| 309 Barach | |
| 310 συναινεσάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τὰ δοχθέντα ποιοῦντας διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου πορεύεσθαι , ἱκανῶς δὲ ὀχληθέντας ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν οἰκουμένην χώραν καὶ τούς τε ἀνθρώπους ὑβρίζοντας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συλῶντας καὶ ἐμπρήσαντας ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν νῦν ἸουδαίανJudea προσαγορευομένηνto call, name , κτίσαντας δὲ πόλιν ἐνταῦθα κατοικεῖν . | |
| 310 Winston | 310 The others agreed and carried it out and so journeyed across the desert. But when the difficulties of the journey were over, they came to an inhabited place where they abused the population and plundered and burned their temples. Then they reached the land called Judea where they built a city and lived there. |
| 310 Barach | |
| 311 Τὸ δὲ ἄστυ τοῦτο ἹερόσυλαHierosula ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκείνων διαθέσεως ὠνομάσθαι . Ὕστερον δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπικρατήσανταςto prevail, rule over χρόνῳ διαλλάξαι τὴν ὀνομασίανact of naming, a name πρὸς τὸ ὀνειδίζεσθαι καὶ τήν τε πόλιν ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καὶ αὐτοὺς ἹεροσολυμίταςJerusalem προσαγορεύεσθαι . | |
| 311 Winston | 311 Their city was called Hiero-sula from their robbing of the temples, but at a later date when they rose to power they changed its name, that it might not cause them to be mocked, and called the city of Jerusalem and themselves Jerusalemites. |
| 311 Barach | |
| 312 Οὗτος οὐδὲ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκείνοις εὗρεν εἰπεῖν βασιλέα , καινότερον δ᾽ ὄνομα συντέθεικεν καὶ παρεὶς ἐνύπνιον καὶ προφήτην ΑἰγύπτιονEgyptian εἰς ἌμμωνοςHammon ἀπελήλυθεν περὶ τῶν ψωρῶν καὶ λεπρῶν χρησμὸν οἴσων · | |
| 312 Winston | 312 This man distinguishes himself by giving us a king of another name, who dispenses with the dream and the Egyptian prophet and goes to Hammon for an oracle about the scabby and leprous people, |
| 312 Barach | |
| 313 φησὶ γὰρ εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ συλλέγεσθαι πλῆθος ἸουδαίωνJews . Ἆρά γε τοῦτο τοῖς λεπροῖς ὄνομα θέμενος ἢ μόνον τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τοῖς νοσήμασι περιπεσόντων ; Λέγει γάρ ὁ λαὸς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews . | |
| 313 Winston | 313 for he says that the Jewish crowd was in the temples. Now it is unclear whether he attributes this name to these lepers, or only to the Jews who were subject to such diseases, for he describes them as the people of the Jews. |
| 313 Barach | |
| 314 Ὁποῖος ; Ἔπηλυς ἢ τὸ γένος ἐγχώριος ; Διὰ τί τοίνυν ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians αὐτοὺς ὄντας ἸουδαίουςJews καλεῖς ; Εἰ δὲ ξένοι , διὰ τί πόθεν οὐ λέγεις ; Πῶς δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν βυθίσαντος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν , τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς ἐρήμους τόπους ἐκβαλόντος , τοσοῦτοι τὸ πλῆθος ὑπελείφθησαν ; | |
| 314 Winston | 314 Does he mean foreigners or local people? If they were Egyptians, why do you call them Jews? But if they were foreigners, why do you not tell us where they came from? How is it that, after the king had drowned many of them in the sea and expelled the rest into the desert, there still remains so large a crowd? |
| 314 Barach | |
| 315 Ἢ τίνα τρόπον διεξῆλθον μὲν τὴν ἔρημον , ἐκράτησαν δὲ τῆς χώρας ἧς νῦν κατοικοῦμεν , ἔκτισαν δὲ καὶ πόλιν καὶ νεὼν ᾠκοδομήσαντο πᾶσι περιβόητον ; | |
| 315 Winston | 315 Or how did they cross the desert and conquer the land we now live in and build the city and the renowned temple? |
| 315 Barach | |
| 316 ἐχρῆν δὲ καὶ τοῦ νομοθέτου μὴ μόνον εἰπεῖν τοὔνομα , δηλῶσαι δὲ καὶ τὸ γένος ὅστις ἦν καὶ τίνων , διὰ τί δὲ τοιούτους ἂν αὐτοῖς ἐπεχείρησεto attempt τιθέναι νόμους περὶ θεῶν καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀδικίας κατὰ τὴν πορείαν . | |
| 316 Winston | 316 Rather than merely the name of our Legislator, he should also have said what family he came from, and explained why he ventured to make such laws about the gods and did such harm to people during that journey. |
| 316 Barach | |
| 317 Εἴτε γὰρ ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians τὸ γένος ἦσαν , οὐκ ἂν ἐκ τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν οὕτω ῥᾳδίως μετεβάλοντο , εἴτ᾽ ἀλλαχόθεν ἦσαν , πάντως τινὲς ὑπῆρχον αὐτοῖς νόμοι διὰ μακρᾶς συνηθείας πεφυλαγμένοι . | |
| 317 Winston | 317 Rather than merely the name of our Legislator, he should also have said what family he came from, and explained why he ventured to make such laws about the gods and did such harm to people during that journey. |
| 317 Barach | |
| 318 Εἰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τῶν ἐξελασάντων αὐτοὺς ὤμοσαν μηδέποτε εὐνοήσειν , λόγον εἶχεν εἰκότα , πᾶσι δὲ πόλεμον ἀνθρώποις ἀκήρυκτον ἄρασθαι τούτους , εἴπερ ἔπραττον ὡς αὐτὸς λέγει κακῶς , παρὰ πάντων βοηθείας δεομένους ἄνοιαν οὐκ ἐκείνων , ἀλλὰ τοῦ ψευδομένου πάνυ πολλὴν παρίστησιν , ὅς γε καὶ τοὔνομα θέσθαι τῇ πόλει ἀπὸ τῆς ἱεροσυλίας αὐτοὺς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν , τοῦτο δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα παρατρέψαι · | |
| 318 Winston | 318 It is true they might reasonably have sworn never to be friendly to those who had expelled them; but if they acted as wickedly as he says, it would be mad for them to resolve to wage endless war against all people while they needed the help of all people. The madness belongs not to the people but to the one who tells such lies about them, who dares to give the name "Spoiler of temples" to their city, and that this name was later changed! |
| 318 Barach | |
| 319 δῆλον γάρ , ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ὕστερον γενομένοις αἰσχύνην τοὔνομα καὶ μῖσος ἔφερεν , αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οἱ κτίζοντες τὴν πόλιν κοσμήσειν αὐτοὺς ὑπελάμβανον οὕτως ὀνομάσαντες . Ὁ δὲ γενναῖος ὑπὸ πολλῆς τοῦ λοιδορεῖν ἀκρασίας οὐ συνῆκεν , ὅτι ἱεροσυλεῖν οὐ κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν φωνὴν ἸουδαῖοιJews τοῖς ἝλλησινGreek ὀνομάζομεν . | |
| 319 Winston | 319 According to him, the name later brought insult and hatred while, it seems, those who built the city thought it a title of honour. So this fine fellow was so impelled to insult us, that he did not understand that among the Jews to despoil a temple is not expressed by the same word as it is among the Greeks. |
| 319 Barach | |
| 320 Τί οὖν ἐπὶ πλείω τις λέγοι πρὸς τὸν ψευδόμενον οὕτως ἀναισχύντως ; Ἀλλ᾽But ἐπειδὴ σύμμετρον ἤδη τὸ βιβλίον εἴληφε μέγεθος , ἑτέραν ποιησάμενος ἀρχὴν τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν εἰς τὸ προκείμενον πειράσομαι προσαποδοῦναι . | |
| 320 Winston | 320 Why bother to say any more in response to one who lies so shamelessly? But since this book is now long enough, I will make a new beginning and try in the following book to add what still remains to complete my work. |
| 320 Barach | |