FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, Against Apion--Book 1

The Jewish Nation’s Antiquity
and its Non-Egyptian Origin

Chapter 1 For Greeks to scorn the Jews is absurd
Chapter 2 The Sacred Records of the Jews
Chapter 3 Josephus' own historical writings
Chapter 4 The unique Jewish lifestyle
Chapter 5 Early Jews in Egyptian records
Chapter 6 In Phoenician and other records
Chapter 7 In Chaldean and Persian sources
Chapter 8 Greek authors who mention the Jews
Chapter 9 Authors who suppress or calumniate the Jews
Chapter 10 The Hebrews were no "Leprous People"
Chapter 11 Distorted depictions of Moses
Chapter 12 The fictions of Chaeremon
Chapter 13 The anti-Jewish forgeries of Lysimachus

Chapter 1
For Greeks to scorn the Jews is absurd

☞

¹ Ἱκανῶς μὲν ὑπολαμβάνω καὶ διὰ τῆς περὶ τὴν‎ συγγραφῆς, κράτιστε ἀνδρῶν , τοῖς αὐτῇ πεποιηκέναι φανερὸν περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν τῶν , ὅτι καὶ παλαιότατόν ἐστι καὶ τὴν‎ πρώτην ὑπόστασιν ἔσχεν ἰδίαν, καὶ πῶς τὴν‎ χώραν ἣν νῦν ἔχομεν κατῴκησε πεντακισχιλίων ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸν ἱστορίαν περιέχουσαν ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἱερῶν βίβλων διὰ τῆς φωνῆς συνεγραψάμην.

Barach

¹ I suppose, Epaphroditus—most excellent of men—that I have made it sufficiently clear to those who will read my treatise on Antiquities concerning our Jewish race, that it is both extremely ancient and possessed its own original existence from the start. I also set forth in the Greek language how our nation settled the land which we now occupy, composing a history embracing a span of five thousand years drawn from our own sacred books.

Whiston

¹ I suppose that by my books of the Antiquity of the Jews, most excellent Epaphroditus, I have made it evident to those who peruse them, that our Jewish nation is of very great antiquity, and had a distinct subsistence of its own originally; as also, I have therein declared how we came to inhabit this country wherein we now live. Those Antiquities contain the history of five thousand years, and are taken out of our sacred books, but are translated by me into the Greek tongue.

Rogers

¹ Epaphroditus, most excellent of men, I think it will be clear to those who have read what I have written on our Antiquities, that our Jewish nation is very ancient and has from the start had its own identity, and there I reported how we came to inhabit this country where we now live, for it contains the history of five thousand years as given in our sacred books and then interpreted by me into the Greek tongue.

² ἐπεὶ δὲ συχνοὺς ὁρῶ ταῖς ὑπὸ δυσμενείας τινων εἰρημέναις προσέχοντας βλασφημίαις καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ γεγραμμένοις ἀπιστοῦντας τε ποιουμένους τοῦ νεώτερον εἶναι τὸ γένος ἡμῶν τὸ μηδεμιᾶς παρὰ τοῖς τῶν ἱστοριογράφων μνήμης ἠξιῶσθαι,

Barach

² However, since I see that many people pay attention to the slanderous allegations uttered out of malice by certain individuals, disbelieving what I have written concerning our ancient history, and taking as proof that our race is modern the fact that we have not been deemed worthy of any mention by the most prominent Greek historians—

Whiston

² However, since I observe a considerable number of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill-will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so much as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most famous historiographers among the Grecians.

Rogers

² However, I notice how often people listen to scornful comments against us by some who are hostile to us. They seem to disbelieve what I have written about the antiquity of our nation, taking the fact that the most famous Greek history writers do not mention us to be a clear indication that we are of recent origin.

³ περὶ τούτων ἁπάντων ᾠήθην δεῖν γράψαι συντόμως τῶν μὲν λοιδορούντων τὴν‎ δυσμένειαν καὶ τὴν‎ ἑκούσιον ἐλέγξαι ψευδολογίαν, τῶν δὲ τὴν‎ ἄγνοιαν ἐπανορθώσασθαι, διδάξαι δὲ πάντας, ὅσοι τἀληθὲς εἰδέναι βούλονται, περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀρχαιότητος.

Barach

³ I thought it necessary to write briefly concerning all these matters: on the one hand, to expose the malice and deliberate falsehood of those who revile us; on the other hand, to correct the ignorance of others, and to instruct all who desire to know the truth concerning our antiquity.

Whiston

³ I therefore have thought myself under an obligation to write somewhat briefly about these subjects, in order to convict those that reproach us of spite and voluntary falsehood, and to correct the ignorance of others, and withal to instruct all those who are desirous of knowing the truth of what great antiquity we really are.

Rogers

³ Therefore I feel bound to write briefly on these topics, to rebut those who accuse us whether from spite or deliberate falsehood and to correct the ignorance of others, and also to teach the great antiquity of our nation to whomever wishes to know the truth about it.

⁴ Χρήσομαι δὲ τῶν μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ λεγομένων μάρτυσι τοῖς ἀξιοπιστοτάτοις εἶναι περὶ πάσης ἀρχαιολογίας ὑπὸ τῶν κεκριμένοις, τοὺς δὲ βλασφήμως περὶ ἡμῶν καὶ ψευδῶς γεγραφότας αὐτοὺς δι᾽ ἑαυτῶν παρέξω.

Barach

⁴ For my statements, I shall produce as witnesses those who are judged by the Greeks themselves to be most trustworthy concerning all ancient history, while I shall show that those who have written slanderously and falsely about us stand condemned out of their own mouths.

Whiston

⁴ As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skillful in the knowledge of all antiquity by the Greeks themselves. I will also show, that those who have written so reproachfully and falsely about us are to be convicted by what they have written themselves to the contrary.

Rogers

⁴ I shall use as witnesses those whom the Greeks themselves regard most highly for their general knowledge of antiquity, and shall show how those who have written about us so scornfully and falsely may be rebutted out of their own writings.

⁵ Πειράσομαι δὲ καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἀποδοῦναι, δι᾽ ἃς οὐ πολλοὶ τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐμνημονεύκασιν, ἔτι μέντοι καὶ τοὺς οὐ παραλιπόντας τὴν‎ περὶ ἡμῶν ἱστορίαν ποιήσω φανεροὺς τοῖς μὴ γιγνώσκουσιν ἢ ἀγνοεῖν.

Barach

⁵ I shall also endeavor to explain the causes why not many Greeks have mentioned our nation in their histories; and furthermore, I shall make known to those who are ignorant—or who pretend to be ignorant—those writers who did not pass over our history in silence.

Whiston

⁵ I shall also endeavor to give an account of the reasons why it hath so happened, that there have not been a great number of Greeks who have made mention of our nation in their histories. I will, however, bring those Grecians to light who have not omitted such our history, for the sake of those that either do not know them, or pretend not to know them already.

Rogers

⁵ I shall try to explain why so few Greeks have mentioned our nation in their histories and also highlight those Greeks who have not ignored our history, for the sake of those who don't already know them, or pretend not to know them.

⁶ Πρῶτον οὖν μοι πάνυ θαυμάζειν τοὺς οἰομένους δεῖν περὶ τῶν παλαιοτάτων ἔργων μόνοις προσέχειν τοῖς καὶ παρὰ τούτων πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις · πᾶν γὰρ ἐγὼ τοὐναντίον ὁρῶ συμβεβηκός, εἴ γε δεῖ μὴ ταῖς ματαίαις δόξαις ἐπακολουθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸ δίκαιον τῶν πραγμάτων λαμβάνειν.

Barach

⁶ First of all, then, it causes me great wonder that some imagine one ought to pay attention only to the Greeks regarding the most ancient events, and learn the truth from them alone, while disbelieving us and all other men. For I see that the exact opposite is the case—if indeed one must not follow empty opinions, but gather the true state of affairs from the facts themselves.

Whiston

⁶ And now, in the first place, I cannot but greatly wonder at those men, who suppose that we must attend to none but Grecians, when we are inquiring about the most ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of their truth from them only, while we must not believe ourselves nor other men; for I am convinced that the very reverse is the truth of the case. I mean this,--if we will not be led by vain opinions, but will make inquiry after truth from facts themselves;

Rogers

⁶ But first I am very surprised at those who think that when inquiring about the ancient past we should listen only to the Greeks and learn about it from them alone, trusting neither ourselves nor anyone else; for quite the reverse seems to me to be true, if we do not wish be led by empty opinions but want to deduce the truth from the actual facts.

⁷ Τὰ μὲν γὰρ παρὰ τοῖς ἅπαντα νέα καὶ χθὲς καὶ πρῴην, ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις, εὕροι γεγονότα, λέγω δὲ τὰς κτίσεις τῶν πόλεων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐπινοίας τῶν τεχνῶν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς τῶν νόμων ἀναγραφάς· πάντων δὲ νεωτάτη σχεδόν ἐστι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἡ περὶ τὸ συγγράφειν τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιμέλεια.

Barach

⁷ For everything among the Greeks, one will find, is modern, having occurred, so to speak, but yesterday or the day before—I mean the founding of their cities, the invention of their arts, and the drafting of their laws. But youngest of all among them is the care and attention given to the writing of history.

Whiston

⁷ for they will find that almost all which concerns the Greeks happened not long ago; nay, one may say, is of yesterday only. I speak of the building of their cities, the inventions of their arts, and the description of their laws; and as for their care about the writing down of their histories, it is very near the last thing they set about.

Rogers

⁷ They will find that almost everything about the Greeks happened not long ago—only yesterday, one might say. I speak of the building of their cities, the invention of their arts and the writing up of their laws, and as for writing down their history, it is almost the last thing they care about.

⁸ Τὰ μέντοι παρ᾽ τε καὶ καὶ , γὰρ νῦν ἡμᾶς ἐκείνοις συγκαταλέγειν, αὐτοὶ δήπουθεν ὁμολογοῦσιν ἀρχαιοτάτην τε καὶ μονιμωτάτην ἔχειν τῆς μνήμης τὴν‎ παράδοσιν·

Barach

⁸ On the other hand, regarding the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phoenicians—for I refrain for now from ranking ourselves alongside them—they themselves surely admit that they possess the most ancient and permanent tradition of memory.

Whiston

⁸ However, they acknowledge themselves so far, that they were the Egyptians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of mankind;

Rogers

⁸ They themselves admit that it was the Egyptians, the Chaldeans and the Phoenicians, among whom I will not reckon us for the present, who preserved the most ancient and lasting human tradition.

⁹ καὶ γὰρ τόπους ἅπαντες οἰκοῦσιν ἥκιστα ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος φθοραῖς ὑποκειμένους καὶ πολλὴν ἐποιήσαντο πρόνοιαν τοῦ μηδὲν ἄμνηστον τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς παραλιπεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν δημοσίαις ἀναγραφαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν σοφωτάτων ἀεὶ καθιεροῦσθαι.

Barach

⁹ For they all inhabit regions least subject to destruction from the surrounding climate, and they took great foresight to leave nothing of their deeds unremembered, but to have all events continuously consecrated in public records by their wisest men.

Whiston

⁹ for almost all these nations inhabit such countries as are least subject to destruction from the world about them; and these also have taken especial care to have nothing omitted of what was [remarkably] done among them; but their history was esteemed sacred, and put into public tables, as written by men of the greatest wisdom they had among them.

Rogers

⁹ All these peoples live in places very little subject to natural disasters, and they have taken special care not to forget anything of note that was done among them, and the wisest of them wrote it reverently into the public record.

¹⁰ Τὸν δὲ περὶ τὴν‎ τόπον μυρίαι μὲν φθοραὶ κατέσχον ἐξαλείφουσαι τὴν‎ μνήμην τῶν γεγονότων, ἀεὶ δὲ καινοὺς καθιστάμενοι βίους τοῦ παντὸς ἐνόμιζον ἄρχειν ἕκαστοι τῶν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, ὀψὲ δὲ καὶ μόλις ἔγνωσαν φύσιν γραμμάτων· οἱ γοῦν ἀρχαιοτάτην αὐτῶν τὴν‎ χρῆσιν εἶναι θέλοντες παρὰ καὶ σεμνύνονται μαθεῖν.

Barach

¹⁰ But the region around Greece has been overtaken by countless destructions that erased the memory of past events; and setting up new modes of life time and again, each generation thought that the world began with themselves. Only late and with difficulty did they learn the nature of letters; indeed, those who wish to claim the most ancient use of writing for them boast that they learned it from the Phoenicians and Cadmus.

Whiston

¹⁰ But as for the place where the Grecians inhabit, ten thousand destructions have overtaken it, and blotted out the memory of former actions; so that they were ever beginning a new way of living, and supposed that every one of them was the origin of their new state. It was also late, and with difficulty, that they came to know the letters they now use; for those who would advance their use of these letters to the greatest antiquity pretend that they learned them from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus;

Rogers

¹⁰ The land of Greece itself was many times destroyed, blotting out the memory of past actions, so that they were always inventing new lifestyles and they each thought the world began with them, though it was recently and with difficulty that they knew of writing, for those who want to trace their oldest literature claim that they learned it from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus.

¹¹ Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου δύναιτό τις ἂν δεῖξαι ἀναγραφὴν οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἱεροῖς οὔτ᾽ ἐν δημοσίοις ἀναθήμασιν, ὅπου γε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τοσούτοις ἔτεσι ὕστερον πολλὴ γέγονεν ἀπορία τε καὶ ζήτησις, εἰ γράμμασιν ἐχρῶντο, καὶ τἀληθὲς ἐπικρατεῖ μᾶλλον περὶ τοῦ τὴν‎ νῦν οὖσαν τῶν γραμμάτων χρῆσιν ἐκείνους ἀγνοεῖν.

Barach

¹¹ Yet even from that time, no one could produce a preserved record either in temples or on public monuments; seeing that even concerning those who campaigned against Troy so many years later, there arose great doubt and inquiry as to whether they used writing, and the truth rather prevails that they were ignorant of the present use of letters.

Whiston

¹¹ yet is nobody able to demonstrate that they have any writing preserved from that time, neither in their temples, nor in any other public monuments. This appears, because the time when those lived who went to the Trojan war, so many years afterward, is in great doubt, and great inquiry is made, whether the Greeks used their letters at that time; and the most prevailing opinion, and that nearest the truth, is, that their present way of using those letters was unknown at that time.

Rogers

¹¹ There is no proof that they have any writing extant from that time, in their temples or in any other public monuments. This is because there is great doubt about the time of the Trojan war, so many years later, and it is a big question whether the Greeks used writing at that time, and the most probable opinion is that their present form of writing was unknown at that time.

¹² Ὅλως δὲ παρὰ τοῖς οὐδὲν εὑρίσκεται γράμμα τῆς ποιήσεως πρεσβύτερον, οὗτος δὲ καὶ τῶν ὕστερος φαίνεται γενόμενος, καί φασιν οὐδὲ τοῦτον ἐν γράμμασι τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ ποίησιν καταλιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ διαμνημονευομένην ἐκ τῶν ᾀσμάτων ὕστερον συντεθῆναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλὰς ἐν αὐτῇ σχεῖν τὰς διαφωνίας.

Barach

¹² In general, among the Greeks no acknowledged document is found older than the poetry of Homer; and he appears to have lived later than the Trojan War. They say that even he did not leave his poetry in writing, but that it was preserved by memory from song and only compiled later, which is why it contains many discrepancies.

Whiston

¹² However, there is not any writing which the Greeks agree to be genuine among them ancienter than Homer’s Poems, who must plainly he confessed later than the siege of Troy; nay, the report goes, that even he did not leave his poems in writing, but that their memory was preserved in songs, and they were put together afterward, and that this is the reason of such a number of variations as are found in them.

Rogers

¹² The Greeks do not acknowledge as genuine any of their writings claiming to predate Homer’s poetry, which is clearly later than the siege of Troy. Some even say that he did not leave his poetry in writing, but that its memory was preserved in songs that were gathered later and that this is why so many variants are found in them.

¹³ Οἱ μέντοι τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιχειρήσαντες συγγράφειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, λέγω δὲ τοὺς περὶ τε τὸν καὶ τὸν καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον εἴ τινες ἄλλοι λέγονται γενέσθαι, βραχὺ τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν‎ στρατείας τῷ χρόνῳ προύλαβον.

Barach

¹³ As for those among them who attempted to write histories—I mean Cadmus of Miletus, Acusilaus of Argos, and if any others are said to have lived after him—they preceded the Persian invasion of Greece by only a short time.

Whiston

¹³ As for those who set themselves about writing their histories, I mean such as Cadmus of Miletus, and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus, they lived but a little while before the Persian expedition into Greece.

Rogers

¹³ Those among them who undertook to write about their history, those around Cadmus of Miletus and Acusilaus of Argos and any others after him, were writing shortly before the Persian invasion of Greece.

¹⁴ Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῶν οὐρανίων τε καὶ θείων πρώτους παρ᾽ φιλοσοφήσαντας, οἷον τε τὸν καὶ καὶ , πάντες συμφώνως ὁμολογοῦσιν καὶ γενομένους μαθητὰς ὀλίγα συγγράψαι, καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς εἶναι δοκεῖ πάντων ἀρχαιότατα καὶ μόλις αὐτὰ πιστεύουσιν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων γεγράφθαι.

Barach

¹⁴ Furthermore, as for those who first philosophized among the Greeks about heavenly and divine matters—such as Pherecydes of Syros, Pythagoras, and Thales—all unanimously agree that they became disciples of the Egyptians and Chaldeans and wrote down but little; and these writings are considered by the Greeks to be the oldest of all, though they scarcely believe they were written by those men.

Whiston

¹⁴ But then for those that first introduced philosophy, and the consideration of things celestial and divine among them, such as Pherceydes the Syrian, and Pythagoras, and Thales, all with one consent agree, that they learned what they knew of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and wrote but little And these are the things which are supposed to be the oldest of all among the Greeks; and they have much ado to believe that the writings ascribed to those men are genuine.

Rogers

¹⁴ But of those among them who first introduced philosophy and astronomy and theology, such as Pherkydes the Syrian and Pythagoras and Thales, it is generally agreed that whatever they knew was learned from the Egyptians and Chaldeans; what little these wrote is reckoned to be the oldest of all writings among the Greeks; and even then are hardly believed to be genuine.

¹⁵ Πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλογον τετυφῶσθαι τοὺς ὡς μόνους ἐπισταμένους τἀρχαῖα καὶ τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν περὶ αὐτῶν ἀκριβῶς παραδιδόντας ; Ἢ τίς οὐ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἂν τῶν συγγραφέων μάθοι ῥᾳδίως, ὅτι μηδὲν βεβαίως εἰδότες συνέγραφον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἕκαστοι περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εἴκαζον ; Τὸ πλεῖον γοῦν διὰ τῶν βιβλίων ἀλλήλους ἐλέγχουσι καὶ τἀναντιώτατα περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν λέγειν οὐκ ὀκνοῦσι.

Barach

¹⁵ How, then, is it not irrational for the Greeks to be puffed up with pride as if they alone knew ancient history and transmitted its truth accurately? Or who could not easily learn from the writers themselves that they wrote without knowing anything with certainty, but merely guessing as each saw fit about events? At any rate, they continuously refute one another through their books and do not hesitate to make the most contradictory assertions about the same subjects.

Whiston

¹⁵ How can it then be other than an absurd thing, for the Greeks to be so proud, and to vaunt themselves to be the only people that are acquainted with antiquity, and that have delivered the true accounts of those early times after an accurate manner? Nay, who is there that cannot easily gather from the Greek writers themselves, that they knew but little on any good foundation when they set to write, but rather wrote their histories from their own conjectures? Accordingly, they confute one another in their own books to purpose, and are not ashamed.

Rogers

¹⁵ Is it not absurd then for the Greeks to proudly claim to be the only experts in antiquity and to have accurately passed on the truth about those early times? For can we not easily see from those authors how little basis they had for their writings, but rather imagined how things occurred? In their books they often contradict each other and are not ashamed to hold the most conflicting views.

¹⁶ Περίεργος δ᾽ ἂν εἴην ἐγὼ τοὺς ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον ἐπισταμένους διδάσκων ὅσα μὲν περὶ τῶν γενεαλογιῶν διαπεφώνηκεν, ὅσα δὲ διορθοῦται τὸν , ἢ τίνα τρόπον μὲν ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις ψευδόμενον ἐπιδείκνυσιν, δὲ καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον γεγονότες, δὲ πάντες.

Barach

¹⁶ It would be superfluous for me to teach those who know better than I how much Hellanicus disagrees with Acusilaus concerning genealogies, or how much Acusilaus corrects Hesiod, or in what manner Ephorus demonstrates that Hellanicus is lying in most instances, while Timaeus refutes Ephorus, and subsequent writers refute Timaeus, while everyone refutes Herodotus.

Whiston

¹⁶ Accordingly, they confute one another in their own books to purpose, and are not ashamed to give us the most contradictory accounts of the same things; and I should spend my time to little purpose, if I should pretend to teach the Greeks that which they know better than I already, what a great disagreement there is between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about their genealogies; in how many eases Acusilaus corrects Hesiod: or after what manner Ephorus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies in the greatest part of his history; as does Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all the later writers do to Herodotus

Rogers

¹⁶ It would be idle to try to show the Greeks what they know better than I, how much Hellanicus and Acusilaus disagree in their genealogies, how often Acusilaus corrects Hesiod, or Ephorus proves Hellanicus to have lied in most of his history, as Timaeus does to Ephorus and later writers do to Timaeus and all do to Herodotus.

¹⁷ οὐδὲ περὶ τῶν τοῖς περὶ καὶ ἢ συμφωνεῖν ἠξίωσεν, οὐδ᾽ αὖ περὶ τῶν οἱ τὰς συγγεγραφότες ἢ περὶ τῶν οἱ τὰ περὶ ἱστοροῦντες ἀλλήλοις κατηκολουθήκασι.

Barach

¹⁷ Nor did Timaeus deign to agree with Antiochus, Philistus, or Callias concerning Sicilian history; nor again have the authors of the Atthides [Attic chronicles] or the historians of Argive affairs followed one another regarding Attic or Argive history.

Whiston

¹⁷ nor could Timeus agree with Antiochus and Philistius, or with Callias, about the Sicilian History, no more than do the several writers of the Athide follow one another about the Athenian affairs; nor do the historians the like, that wrote the Argolics, about the affairs of the Argives.

Rogers

¹⁷ About the Sicilian History, Timaeus could not agree with Antiochus and Philistius, or with Callias, no more than do the writers of the Athides agree about affairs in Athens, or the historians who wrote of the Argives agree about them.

¹⁸ Καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν περὶ τῶν κατὰ πόλεις καὶ βραχυτέρων ; Ὅπου γε περὶ τῆς στρατείας καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ πραχθέντων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι διαπεφωνήκασι, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ὡς ψευδόμενος ὑπό τινων κατηγορεῖται καίτοι δοκῶν ἀκριβεστάτην τὴν‎ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν.

Barach

¹⁸ And what need is there to speak about local and minor histories? Seeing that concerning the Persian campaign and the events in it, even the most esteemed writers disagree; and Thucydides himself is accused by some of lying, despite appearing to write the most accurate history of his own time.

Whiston

¹⁸ And now what need I say any more about particular cities and smaller places, while in the most approved writers of the expedition of the Persians, and of the actions which were therein performed, there are so great differences? Nay, Thucydides himself is accused of some as writing what is false, although he seems to have given us the exactest history of the affairs of his own time.

Rogers

¹⁸ Need I say more about particular cities and smaller places, when there are such great differences between the most approved writers about the Persian invasion and of the exploits then performed? Some accuse even Thucydides of writing much that is false, though he seems to have written the most exact history of his own time.

¹⁹ Αἰτίαι δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης διαφωνίας πολλαὶ μὲν ἴσως ἂν καὶ ἕτεραι τοῖς βουλομένοις ζητεῖν ἂν φανεῖεν, ἐγὼ δὲ δυσὶ ταῖς λεχθησομέναις τὴν‎ μεγίστην ἰσχὺν ἀνατίθημι, καὶ προτέραν Ἐρῶ τὴν‎ κυριωτέραν εἶναί μοι δοκοῦσαν·

Barach

¹⁹ Now, many other causes for such disagreement might perhaps appear to those who seek them; but I assign the greatest weight to two which I shall mention, and I shall state first the one that seems to me the most principal.

Whiston

¹⁹ As for the occasions of so great disagreement of theirs, there may be assigned many that are very probable, if any have a mind to make an inquiry about them; but I ascribe these contradictions chiefly to two causes, which I will now mention, and still think what I shall mention in the first place to be the principal of all.

Rogers

¹⁹ If one wished to study the question, many reasons for these divergences could be found, but I attribute them mainly to two things, of which the first seems to me the main one.

²⁰ τὸ γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὴ σπουδασθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς δημοσίας γίνεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἑκάστοτε ἀναγραφὰς τοῦτο μάλιστα δὴ καὶ τὴν‎ πλάνην καὶ τὴν‎ ἐξουσίαν τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα βουληθεῖσι περὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τι γράφειν παρέσχεν.

Barach

²⁰ The fact that from the very beginning no care was taken among the Greeks to make public records of contemporary events—this above all provided both error and license for lying to those who later wished to write about ancient times.

Whiston

²⁰ For if we remember that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would afterward write about those ancient transactions the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also;

Rogers

²⁰ In the beginning, the Greeks took no care to preserve public records of each one’s actions, which could clearly give rise to mistakes and lying by those who would later write about those ancient deeds.

²¹ Οὐ γὰρ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἠμελήθη τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφάς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ παρὰ τοῖς , οὓς αὐτόχθονας εἶναι λέγουσιν καὶ παιδείας ἐπιμελεῖς, οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον εὑρίσκεται γενόμενον, ἀλλὰ τῶν δημοσίων γραμμάτων ἀρχαιοτάτους εἶναί φασι τοὺς ὑπὸ Δράκοντος αὐτοῖς περὶ τῶν φονικῶν γραφέντας νόμους ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τῆς τυραννίδος ἀνθρώπου νεωτέρου .

Barach

²¹ For not only was record-keeping neglected among other Greeks, but not even among the Athenians—whom they call autochthonous and devoted to culture—is any such thing found; rather, they say that the oldest of their public writings are the laws concerning homicide drafted for them by Draco, a man who lived only a short time before the tyranny of Pisistratus.

Whiston

²¹ for this original recording of such ancient transactions hath not only been neglected by the other states of Greece, but even among the Athenians themselves also, who pretend to be Aborigines, and to have applied themselves to learning, there are no such records extant; nay, they say themselves that the laws of Draco concerning murders, which are now extant in writing, are the most ancient of their public records; which Draco yet lived but a little before the tyrant Pisistratus.

Rogers

²¹ Indeed, the recording of such ancient deeds was neglected not only by the other Greeks, but even among the Athenians no such records are extant, though they claim to be originators and promoters of learning. They say that their most ancient public records are the written laws of Draco about murders, but that was just a little before the tyrant Pisistratus.

²² περὶ μὲν γὰρ ἈρκάδωνArcadians τί δεῖ λέγειν αὐχούντων ἀρχαιότητα ; Μόλις γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα γράμμασιν ἐπαιδεύθησαν.	Barach ²² As for the Arcadians, what need is there to speak of them, boasting as they do of antiquity? For they were educated in letters only late and after these events.
Whiston ²² For as to the Arcadians, who make such boasts of their antiquity, what need I speak of them in particular, since it was still later before they got their letters, and learned them, and that with difficulty also.	Rogers ²² As for the Arcadians, who boast so much about their antiquity, it was still later and with some difficulty that they became literate.

²³ Ἅτε δὴ τοίνυν οὐδεμιᾶς προκαταβεβλημένης ἀναγραφῆς, ἣ καὶ τοὺς μαθεῖν βουλομένους διδάξειν ἔμελλεν καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους ἐλέγξειν, ἡ πολλὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγένετο διαφωνία τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιan author, writer.	Barach ²³ Inasmuch, then, as no primary record had been laid down beforehand—which was bound both to instruct those who wished to learn and to refute those who lied—great disagreement arose among the historians.
Whiston ²³ There must therefore naturally arise great differences among writers, when they had no original records to lay for their foundation, which might at once inform those who had an inclination to learn, and contradict those that would tell lies.	Rogers ²³ It is inevitable that great differences arise among writers, when original records are lacking to inform those who seek knowledge and to put a check on liars.

²⁴ Δευτέραν δὲ πρὸς ταύτῃ θετέον ἐκείνην αἰτίαν· οἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ γράφειν οὐ περὶ τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν ἐσπούδασαν, καίτοι τοῦτο ἐστιν ἀεὶ τὸ ἐπάγγελμα, λόγων δὲ δύναμιν ἐπεδείκνυντο, καὶ καθ᾽ ὅντινα τρόπον ἐν τούτῳ παρευδοκιμήσειν τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπελάμβανον,

Barach

²⁴ As a second cause in addition to this, one must set the following: those who set out to write were not eager for the truth, although this is always the ready profession; rather, they were displaying their eloquence of speech.

Whiston

²⁴ However, we are to suppose a second occasion besides the former of these contradictions; it is this: That those who were the most zealous to write history were not solicitous for the discovery of truth, although it was very easy for them always to make such a profession; but their business was to demonstrate that they could write well, and make an impression upon mankind thereby; and in what manner of writing they thought they were able to exceed others, to that did they apply themselves.

Rogers

²⁴ But there is also a second reason. Those who quickly rushed into writing history were not so devoted to the truth, though they always profess to be; their real aim was to prove how well they could write and how to make an impression upon others.

¹or: their literary skill

²⁵ κατὰ τοῦτον ἡρμόζοντο τινὲς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ μυθολογεῖν τραπόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ πρὸς χάριν ἢ τὰς πόλεις ἢ τοὺς βασιλέας · ἄλλοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ κατηγορεῖν τῶν πράξεων ἢ τῶν γεγραφότων ἐχώρησαν ἐνευδοκιμήσειν τούτῳ νομίζοντες.

Barach

²⁵ And in whatever manner they assumed they would outshine others in this regard, to that manner they adapted themselves—some turning to myth-making, others praising cities or kings to curry favor, while others proceeded to accuse past actions or writers, believing they would gain renown thereby.

Whiston

²⁵ Some of them betook themselves to the writing of fabulous narrations; some of them endeavored to please the cities or the kings, by writing in their commendation; others of them fell to finding faults with transactions, or with the writers of such transactions, and thought to make a great figure by so doing.

Rogers

²⁵ Some turned to writing mythology and some sought favour with cities or kings, by writing in praise of them. Still others set to finding fault with deeds of others, or with other writers, expecting in this way to gain a reputation.

²⁶ Ὅλως δὲ τὸ πάντων ἐναντιώτατον ἱστορίᾳ διατελοῦσι· τῆς μὲν γὰρ ἀληθοῦς ἐστι τεκμήριον ἱστορίας, εἰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἅπαντες ταὐτὰ καὶ λέγοιεν καὶ γράφοιεν. Οἱ δ᾽ εἰ ταῦτα γράψειαν ἑτέρως, οὕτως ἐνόμιζον αὐτοὶ φανεῖσθαι πάντων ἀληθέστατοι.

Barach

²⁶ In short, they continuously act in a way most contrary to true history. For the proof of true history is if all say and write the same things about the same matters; but these writers believed that if they wrote things differently, they themselves would appear the most truthful of all.

Whiston

²⁶ And indeed these do what is of all things the most contrary to true history; for it is the great character of true history that all concerned therein both speak and write the same things; while these men, by writing differently about the same things, think they shall be believed to write with the greatest regard to truth.

Rogers

²⁶ The latter are the most contrary to true history, whose hallmark is for all its practitioners to show consistency in what they speak and write, while these, by writing conflicting views about the same things, imagine that they give the appearance of writing the most truly of all.

²⁷ Λόγων μὲν οὖν ἕνεκα καὶ τῆς ἐν τούτοις δεινότητος δεῖ παραχωρεῖν ἡμᾶς τοῖς τοῖς , οὐ μὴν καὶ τῆς περὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων ἀληθοῦς ἱστορίας καὶ μάλιστά γε τῆς περὶ τῶν ἑκάστοις ἐπιχωρίων.

Barach

²⁷ For the sake of rhetoric, then, and cleverness in speech, we must concede the palm to the Greek writers; but certainly not for the true history of ancient times, and least of all for that of local national origins.

Whiston

²⁷ We therefore [who are Jews] must yield to the Grecian writers as to language and eloquence of composition; but then we shall give them no such preference as to the verity of ancient history, and least of all as to that part which concerns the affairs of our own several countries.

Rogers

²⁷ So we may indeed yield to the Greek writers on the level of language and eloquent composition; but we shall not defer to them about the truth of ancient history and least of all regarding what pertains to the affairs of our own particular countries.

Chapter 2
The Sacred Records of the Jews

☜ ☞

²⁸ Ὅτι μὲν οὖν παρ᾽ τε καὶ ἐκ μακροτάτων ἄνωθεν χρόνων τὴν‎ περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφὰς ἐπιμέλειαν ὅπου μὲν οἱ ἱερεῖς ἦσαν ἐγκεχειρισμένοι καὶ περὶ ταύτας ἐφιλοσόφουν, δὲ παρὰ τοῖς , καὶ ὅτι μάλιστα δὴ τῶν ἐπιμιγνυμένων ἐχρήσαντο γράμμασιν εἴς τε τὰς περὶ τὸν βίον οἰκονομίας καὶ πρὸς τὴν‎ τῶν κοινῶν ἔργων παράδοσιν, ἐπειδὴ συγχωροῦσιν ἅπαντες, ἐάσειν μοι δοκῶ.

Barach

²⁸ That among the Egyptians and Babylonians, from the most distant ages past, the care of public records was entrusted to the priests, who devoted themselves to it—the Chaldeans among the Babylonians—and that the Phoenicians especially made use of writing in their contact with the Greeks, both for the affairs of life and for the transmission of public works, since all concede this, I think I may pass over it.

Whiston

²⁸ As to the care of writing down the records from the earliest antiquity among the Egyptians and Babylonians; that the priests were intrusted therewith, and employed a philosophical concern about it; that they were the Chaldean priests that did so among the Babylonians; and that the Phoenicians, who were mingled among the Greeks, did especially make use of their letters, both for the common affairs of life, and for the delivering down the history of common transactions, I think I may omit any proof, because all men allow it so to be.

Rogers

²⁸ I need hardly prove that among the Egyptians and Babylonians, the priests were entrusted with writing down their records from the earliest antiquity and they pondered on them, that the Chaldean priests did so among the Babylonians, and that the Phoenicians mingled with the Greeks and used their alphabet, both for everyday things and for passing on the history of public actions, since all are agreed on this.

²⁹ περὶ δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων ὅτι τὴν‎ αὐτήν, γὰρ λέγειν εἰ καὶ πλείω τῶν εἰρημένων ἐποιήσαντο περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφὰς ἐπιμέλειαν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι καὶ τοῖς προφήταις τοῦτο προστάξαντες, καὶ ὡς μέχρι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνων πεφύλακται μετὰ πολλῆς ἀκριβείας, εἰ δὲ δεῖ θρασύτερον εἰπεῖν καὶ φυλαχθήσεται, πειράσομαι συντόμως διδάσκειν.

Barach

²⁹

Whiston

²⁹ But now as to our forefathers, that they took no less care about writing such records, [for I will not say they took greater care than the others I spoke of,] and that they committed that matter to their high priests and to their prophets, and that these records have been written all along down to our own times with the utmost accuracy; nay, if it be not too bold for me to say it, our history will be so written hereafter;—I shall endeavor briefly to inform you.

Rogers

²⁹ But I shall try to say briefly how our ancestors took no less care to write down their records, for I won't claim that they took even more care than those I have mentioned, and that they entrusted this work to their high priests and prophets and that these records have been preserved with the utmost care down to our own times; indeed if I dare to say so, will continue to be so preserved.

³⁰ Οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τούτων τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ τῇ θεραπείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προσεδρεύοντας κατέστησαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως τὸ γένος τῶν ἱερέων ἄμικτον καὶ καθαρὸν διαμενεῖ προυνόησανto plan ahead.	Barach ³⁰ For not only did they appoint from the beginning the best men and those who attended upon the service of God for this task, but they also took foresight that the priestly lineage should remain unmixed and pure.
Whiston ³⁰ For our forefathers did not only appoint the best of these priests, and those that attended upon the Divine worship, for that design from the beginning, but made provision that the stock of the priests should continue unmixed and pure;	Rogers ³⁰ From the start, they assigned for that purpose the best of those in charge of the divine worship, and took care that the stock of the priests should continue unmixed and pure.

³¹ Δεῖ γὰρ τὸν μετέχοντα τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἐξ γυναικὸς παιδοποιεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ πρὸς χρήματα μηδὲ τὰς ἄλλας ἀποβλέπειν τιμὰς, ἀλλὰ τὸ γένος ἐξετάζειν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων λαμβάνοντα τὴν‎ διαδοχὴν καὶ πολλοὺς παρεχόμενον μάρτυρας.

Barach

³¹ For he who shares in the priesthood must father children by a woman of his own nation, and not look to money or other honors, but examine her lineage, taking her descent from the ancient records and producing many witnesses.

Whiston

³¹ for he who is partaker of the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to money, or any other dignities; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take his wife’s genealogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses to it.

Rogers

³¹ Whoever shares in the priesthood must procreate with a wife of the same group, irrespective of money or other advantages, and he must study his wife’s genealogy from the ancient tables and have many witnesses to it.

³² Καὶ ταῦτα πράττομεν οὐ μόνον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἸουδαίαςJudea, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπου ποτὲ σύστημα τοῦ γένους ἐστὶν ἡμῶν κἀκεῖ τὸ ἀκριβὲς ἀποσώζεται τοῖς ἱερεῦσι περὶ τοὺς γάμους·	Barach ³² And we do this not only in Judea itself, but wherever there is a settlement of our nation, there too exactness regarding marriages is preserved by the priests—
Whiston ³² And this is our practice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any body of men of our nation do live; and even there an exact catalogue of our priests' marriages is kept;	Rogers ³² This is our practice not only in Judea, but also wherever any of our nation lives, and even out there an exact catalogue of our priests' marriages is kept,

³³ λέγω δὲ τοὺς ἐν καὶ καὶ εἴ που τῆς ἄλλης οἰκουμένης τοῦ γένους τῶν ἱερέων εἰσί τινες διεσπαρμένοι· πέμπουσι γὰρ εἰς συγγραψαντες πατρόθεν τοὔνομα τῆς τε γαμετῆς καὶ τῶν ἐπάνω προγόνων καὶ τίνες οἱ μαρτυροῦντες.

Barach

³³ I mean those in Egypt, in Babylon, and wherever else in the rest of the inhabited world any of the priestly line are dispersed. For they send to Jerusalem written records containing the name of the bride and her ancestors from father to father, along with the names of the witnesses.

Whiston

³³ I mean at Egypt and at Babylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they send to Jerusalem the ancient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also.

Rogers

³³ I mean in Egypt and Babylon, or anywhere in the rest of the world that our priests are scattered. They send to Jerusalem, in writing, their parents' names as well as those of their more remote ancestors, indicating also who are the witnesses.

³⁴ Πόλεμος δ᾽ εἰ κατάσχοι, καθάπερ ἤδη γέγονεν πολλάκις τε τοῦ εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ἐμβαλόντος καὶ καὶ μάλιστα δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνοις,

Barach

³⁴ But if war should break out—as has already happened many times, when Antiochus Epiphanes invaded the country, as well as Pompey the Great, Quintilius Varus, and especially in our own times—

Whiston

³⁴ But if any war falls out, such as have fallen out a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times,

Rogers

³⁴ But whenever there is a war, as when Antiochus Epiphanes invaded our country, or when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so, and especially in our own times,

³⁵ οἱ περιλειπόμενοι τῶν ἱερέων καινὰ πάλιν ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων γραμμάτων συνιστᾶσιν καὶ δοκιμάζουσι τὰς ὑπολειφθείσας γυναῖκας. Οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰς αἰχμαλώτους γενομένας προσίενται πολλάκις γεγονυιῶν αὐταῖς τὴν‎ πρὸς ἀλλόφυλον κοινωνίαν ὑφορώμενοι.

Barach

³⁵ the surviving priests compile new tables from the ancient records and examine the women who are left. For they do not accept those who have been taken captive, suspecting that they may often have had intercourse with foreigners.

Whiston

³⁵ those priests that survive them compose new tables of genealogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had conversation with some foreigners.

Rogers

³⁵ the priests who survive them write new genealogical tables from the old records and examine the status of the female survivors, and they do not register women who have been taken prisoner, for in many cases these will have been subjected to intercourse with foreigners.

³⁶ Τεκμήριον δὲ μέγιστον τῆς ἀκριβείας· οἱ γὰρ ἀρχιερεῖς οἱ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀπὸ δισχιλίων ἐτῶν ὀνομαστοὶ παῖδες ἐκ πατρὸς εἰσὶν ἐν ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς. τοῖς δ’ εἴ τι τῶν εἰρημένων γένοιτο εἰς παράβασιν ἀπηγόρευται μήτε τοῖς βωμοῖς παρίστασθαι μήτε μετέχειν τῆς ἄλλης ἁγιστείας.

Barach

³⁶ And this is a very great proof of accuracy: our high priests from two thousand years ago are recorded by name, son from father, in the registers. And if any of them violate any of the aforementioned rules, he is forbidden either to stand at the altars or to share in the rest of the sacred rites.

Whiston

³⁶ But what is the strongest argument of our exact management in this matter is what I am now going to say, that we have the names of our high priests from father to son set down in our records for the interval of two thousand years; and if any of these have been transgressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications;

Rogers

³⁶ The best proof of our diligence is this: we have in our records the names of our high priests from father to son for the period of two thousand years. If any of the aforementioned priests sinned, he was barred from standing at the altar, or taking part in any other act of worship.

³⁷ εἰκότως οὖν, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀναγκαίως, ἅτε μήτε τὸ ὑπογράφειν αὐτεξουσίου πᾶσιν ὄντος μήτε τινὸς ἐν τοῖς γραφομένοις ἐνούσης διαφωνίας, ἀλλὰ μόνον τῶν προφητῶν τὰ μὲν ἀνωτάτω καὶ παλαιότατα κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐπίπνοιαν τὴν‎ ἀπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ μαθόντων, τὰ δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ὡς ἐγένετο σαφῶς συγγραφόντων,

Barach

³⁷ Reasonably, then—or rather out of necessity—since the drafting of scripture is not open to everyone at will, nor is there any discrepancy in what is written, but only the prophets learned the highest and most ancient things by inspiration from God, while writing down clearly the events of their own times as they happened—

Whiston

³⁷ and this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is not permitted of his own accord to be a writer, nor is there any disagreement in what is written; they being only prophets that have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them of God himself by inspiration; and others have written what hath happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also.

Rogers

³⁷ This is just, and even necessary, because not every one is allowed to write history on his own initiative, and there should be no inconsistency in what is written, since only the prophets learned from the inspiration of God himself, and others have written sagely of what happened in their own times.

³⁸ οὐ μυριάδες βιβλίων εἰσὶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀσυμφώνωνinharmonious καὶ μαχομένων, δύο δὲ μόνα πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι βιβλία τοῦ παντὸς ἔχοντα χρόνου τὴν‎ ἀναγραφήν, τὰ δικαίως πεπιστευμένα.	Barach ³⁸ we do not possess myriads of inconsistent and conflicting books, but only twenty-two books containing the record of all time, which are justly believed to be divine.
Whiston ³⁸ For we have not an innumerable multitude of books among us, disagreeing from and contradicting one another, [as the Greeks have,] but only twenty-two books, which contain the records of all the past times; which are justly believed to be divine;	Rogers ³⁸ We do not have thousands of discordant and conflicting books, but only twenty-two which contain the records of all our past and which are properly believed.

³⁹ Καὶ τούτων πέντε μέν ἐστι ΜωυσέωςMoses, ἃ τούς τε νόμους περιέχει καὶ τὴν‎ ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρωπογονίας παράδοσιν μέχρι τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ τελευτῆς· οὗτος ὁ χρόνος ἀπολείπει τρισχιλίων ὀλίγῳ ἐτῶν.	Barach ³⁹ Of these, five are the books of Moses, which contain the laws and the tradition of mankind's origin down to his death; this period lacks a little of three thousand years.
Whiston ³⁹ and of them five belong to Moses, which contain his laws and the traditions of the origin of mankind till his death. This interval of time was little short of three thousand years;	Rogers ³⁹ Of these, five come from Moses, containing his laws and the tradition from the origin of mankind until his death; this period was little short of three thousand years.

⁴⁰ δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς μέχρι τῆς τοῦ μετὰ βασιλέως οἱ μετὰ προφῆται τὰ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς πραχθέντα συνέγραψαν ἐν τρισὶ καὶ δέκα βιβλίοις· αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ τέσσαρες ὕμνους εἰς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τοῦ βίου περιέχουσιν.

Barach

⁴⁰ From the death of Moses down to Artaxerxes, king of the Persians after Xerxes, the prophets who came after Moses wrote down the events of their times in thirteen books; the remaining four books contain hymns to God and precepts of life for men.

Whiston

⁴⁰ but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, who reigned after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life.

Rogers

⁴⁰ From the death of Moses to the reign of Artaxerxes, who reigned after Xerxes, king of Persia, the prophets after Moses wrote down in thirteen books what was done in their times. The other four books contain hymns to God and precepts for human living.

⁴¹ Ἀπὸfrom δὲ ἈρταξέρξουArtaxerxes μέχρι τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς χρόνου γέγραπται μὲν ἕκαστα, πίστεως δ᾽ οὐχ ὁμοίαςlike, similar ἠξίωται τοῖς πρὸ αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ μὴ γενέσθαι τὴν‎ τῶν προφητῶν ἀκριβῆ διαδοχήν.	Barach ⁴¹ From Artaxerxes down to our own time, every event has been written down, but these writings have not been deemed worthy of equal trust with those before them, because there was no exact succession of prophets.
Whiston ⁴¹ It is true, our history hath been written since Artaxerxes very particularly, but hath not been esteemed of the like authority with the former by our forefathers, because there hath not been an exact succession of prophets since that time;	Rogers ⁴¹ It is true, our history since Artaxerxes has also been written but it is not esteemed as highly as the former, as there was no clear succession of prophets during that time.

⁴² Δῆλον δ᾽ ἐστὶν , πῶς ἡμεῖς πρόσιμεν τοῖς ἰδίοις γράμμασι· τοσούτου γὰρ αἰῶνος ἤδη παρῳχηκότος οὔτε προσθεῖναί τις οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀφελεῖν αὐτῶν οὔτε μεταθεῖναι τετόλμηκεν, πᾶσι δὲ σύμφυτόν ἐστιν εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης γενέσεως τὸ νομίζειν αὐτὰ θεοῦ δόγματα καὶ τούτοις ἐμμένειν καὶ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, εἰ δέοι, θνήσκειν ἡδέως.

Barach

⁴² It is clear in practice how we approach our own writings: for although so great an age has now passed, no one has dared either to add anything, to subtract from them, or to alter them; but it is innate in all Jews straight from birth to regard them as decrees of God, to abide by them, and, if necessary, gladly to die for them.

Whiston

⁴² and how firmly we have given credit to these books of our own nation is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add any thing to them, to take any thing from them, or to make any change in them; but it is become natural to all Jews immediately, and from their very birth, to esteem these books to contain Divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and, if occasion be willingly to die for them.

Rogers

⁴² How firmly we trust in these books of ours is proven by what we do, for in the many ages that have passed, no one has dared either to add anything to them, or take anything from them, or make any change in them. From their earliest childhood, all Jews believe that these books contain the very decrees of God, and hold firmly to them, and, if necessary, will gladly die for them.

⁴³ Ἤδη οὖν πολλοὶ πολλάκις ἑώρανται τῶν αἰχμαλώτων στρέβλας καὶ παντοίων θανάτων τρόπους ἐν θεάτροις ὑπομένοντες ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν ῥῆμα προέσθαι παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὰς μετὰ τούτων ἀναγραφάς.	Barach ⁴³ Indeed, many captives have already been seen many times enduring tortures and all modes of death in theaters rather than utter a single word against the laws and the records that accompany them.
Whiston ⁴³ For it is no new thing for our captives, many of them in number, and frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that they may not be obliged to say one word against our laws and the records that contain them;	Rogers ⁴³ Many captives have endure racks and all kinds of death in the theatres, rather than say a single word against our laws and the records that contain them.

⁴⁴ Ὃ τίς ἂν ὑπομείνειεν ἙλλήνωνGreeks ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ‎ ; Ἀλλ᾽But οὐδ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ καὶ πάντα τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀφανισθῆναι συγγράμματα τὴν‎ τυχοῦσαν ὑποστήσεται βλάβην·	Barach ⁴⁴ Who among the Greeks would endure such a thing for his own beliefs? Nay, not even to save all the writings among them from destruction would anyone undergo the slightest harm!
Whiston ⁴⁴ whereas there are none at all among the Greeks who would undergo the least harm on that account, no, nor in case all the writings that are among them were to be destroyed;	Rogers ⁴⁴ But who among the Greeks would suffer for theirs? They would rather let all their writings be destroyed than suffer any harm,

⁴⁵ λόγους γὰρ αὐτὰ νομίζουσιν εἶναι κατὰ τὴν‎ τῶν γραψάντων βούλησιν , καὶ τοῦτο δικαίως καὶ περὶ τῶν παλαιοτέρων φρονοῦσιν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ τῶν νῦν ἐνίους ὁρῶσι τολμῶντας περὶ τούτων συγγράφειν, οἷς μήτ᾿ αὐτοὶ παρεγένοντο μήτε πυθέσθαι παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων ἐφιλοτιμήθησαν.

Barach

⁴⁵ For they regard them as mere stories improvised according to the whim of those who wrote them; and they hold this opinion justly even concerning the older writers, since they see some of their contemporaries daring to write about matters at which they were neither present nor took the trouble to inquire from those who knew.

Whiston

⁴⁵ for they take them to be such discourses as are framed agreeably to the inclinations of those that write them; and they have justly the same opinion of the ancient writers, since they see some of the present generation bold enough to write about such affairs, wherein they were not present, nor had concern enough to inform themselves about them from those that knew them;

Rogers

⁴⁵ for they regard them as pleasing works of literature, composed as the writers felt inclined, and they rightly have the same opinion of their older literature, since they see some of the present generation daring to write about matters where they were not present, not even taking the trouble to find out about them from those who knew.

⁴⁶ Ἀμέλει καὶ περὶ τοῦ γενομένου νῦν ἡμῖν πολέμου τινὲς ἱστορίας ἐπιγράψαντες ἐξενηνόχασιν οὔτ᾽ εἰς τοὺς τόπους παραβαλόντες οὔτε πλησίον τούτων προσελθόντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ παρακουσμάτων ὀλίγα συνθέντες τῷ τῆς ἱστορίας ὀνόματι λίαν ἀναιδῶς ἐνεπαροίνησαν.

Barach

⁴⁶ Indeed, concerning our recent war, certain individuals have published so-called histories without having visited the places or been anywhere near the events as they occurred; but compiling a few facts from hearsay, they have acted with shameless insolence under the title of history.

Whiston

⁴⁶ examples of which may be had in this late war of ours, where some persons have written histories, and published them, without having been in the places concerned, or having been near them when the actions were done; but these men put a few things together by hearsay, and insolently abuse the world, and call these writings by the name of Histories.

Rogers

⁴⁶ For instance, some have written and published histories about our late war without having been involved or even ever going near the places when the actions took place. They just put together a few things by hearsay and then shamelessly claim to have written history.

Chapter 3
Josephus' own historical writings

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⁴⁷ Ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου παντὸς καὶ περὶ τῶν αὐτῷ κατὰ μέρος γενομένων ἀληθῆ τὴν‎ ἀναγραφὴν ἐποιησάμην, τοῖς πράγμασιν αὐτὸς ἅπασι παρατυχών·	Barach ⁴⁷ As for myself, both concerning the war as a whole and concerning the detailed events that occurred within it, I compiled a truthful record, having been personally present at all the events.
Whiston ⁴⁷ As for myself, I have composed a true history of that whole war, and of all the particulars that occurred therein, as having been concerned in all its transactions;	Rogers ⁴⁷ On the contrary, having been involved in all the actions of that whole war, I have written a true history of it and of all its episodes.

⁴⁸ ἐστρατήγουν μὲν γὰρ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ὀνομαζομένων ἕως ἀντέχειν δυνατὸν ἦν, ἐγενόμην δὲ παρὰ αἰχμάλωτος, καί με διὰ φυλακῆς καὶ ἔχοντες ἀεὶ προσεδρεύειν αὐτοῖς ἠνάγκασαν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον δεδεμένον, αὖθις δὲ λυθεὶς συνεπέμφθην ἀπὸ τῆς πρὸς τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν.

Barach

⁴⁸ For I held command over those who are called Galilaeans among us as long as it was possible to hold out, and having been taken prisoner by the Romans, Vespasian and Titus kept me under guard and compelled me to attend upon them constantly—at first bound in chains, but later set free, I was sent from Alexandria alongside Titus to the siege of Jerusalem.

Whiston

⁴⁸ for I acted as general of those among us that are named Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to make any opposition. I was then seized on by the Romans, and became a captive. Vespasian also and Titus had me kept under a guard, and forced me to attend them continually. At the first I was put into bonds, but was set at liberty afterward, and sent to accompany Titus when he came from Alexandria to the siege of Jerusalem;

Rogers

⁴⁸ I served as general of those among us called Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to put up any opposition, and then I was taken prisoner by the Romans and Vespasian and Titus had me kept under guard and constantly in their presence. At first I was in chains, but was later set free and sent to accompany Titus when he came from Alexandria to the siege of Jerusalem.

⁴⁹ Ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ οὐδὲν τῶν πραττομένωνto do τὴν‎ ἐμὴν γνῶσιν διέφυγεν· καὶ γὰρ τὰ κατὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ῬωμαίωνRoman, Latin ὁρῶν ἐπιμελῶς ἀνέγραφον, καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῶν αὐτομόλων ἀπαγγελλόμενα μόνος αὐτὸς συνίειν.	Barach ⁴⁹ During that time, nothing of what took place escaped my knowledge. For I carefully recorded what was occurring in the Roman camp through my own observation, and I alone understood the reports brought in by the deserters.
Whiston ⁴⁹ during which time there was nothing done which escaped my knowledge; for what happened in the Roman camp I saw, and wrote down carefully; and what informations the deserters brought [out of the city], I was the only man that understood them.	Rogers ⁴⁹ During that time none of the events escaped my knowledge, for I saw and wrote down carefully what happened in the Roman camp, and I was the only one who understood the information that was brought by the deserters.

⁵⁰ Εἶτα σχολῆς ἐν τῇ λαβόμενος, πάσης μοι τῆς πραγματείας ἐν παρασκευῇ γεγενημένης, χρησάμενός τισι πρὸς τὴν‎ φωνὴν συνεργοῖς οὕτως ἐποιησάμην τῶν πράξεων τὴν‎ παράδοσιν. Τοσοῦτον δέ μοι περιῆν θάρσος τῆς ἀληθείας, ὥστε πρώτους πάντων τοὺς αὐτοκράτορας τοῦ πολέμου γενομένους, καὶ , ἠξίωσα λαβεῖν μάρτυρας.

Barach

⁵⁰ Afterwards, having obtained leisure in Rome, and once the entire material for my work had been prepared, I employed certain collaborators to assist with the Greek language, and thus I produced the narrative of events. Indeed, so great was my confidence in the truth of the account that I deemed it right to take Vespasian and Titus, the commanders-in-chief of the war, as my primary witnesses.

Whiston

⁵⁰ Afterward I got leisure at Rome; and when all my materials were prepared for that work, I made use of some persons to assist me in learning the Greek tongue, and by these means I composed the history of those transactions. And I was so well assured of the truth of what I related, that I first of all appealed to those that had the supreme command in that war, Vespasian and Titus, as witnesses for me,

Rogers

⁵⁰ Later I came to have leisure in Rome, and after gathering all my material for my work, I used others to help me in learning the Greek tongue and so I wrote the story of those events. I was so sure of the truth of what I reported that I appealed first of all to the witness of those who were in command in that war, Vespasian and Titus,

⁵¹ Πρώτοις γὰρ δέδωκα τὰ βιβλία, καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους πολλοῖς μὲν τοῖς συμπεπολεμηκόσι, πολλοῖς δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐπεδίδουν, ἀνδράσι καὶ τῆς σοφίας μετεσχηκόσιν, ὧν ἐστιν , ὁ σεμνότατος, αὐτὸς τε ὁ θαυμασιώτατος βασιλεὺς .

Barach

⁵¹ For to them first I presented the books, and after them I distributed copies to many of the Romans who had fought alongside them, as well as to many of our own people—men who were also versed in Greek wisdom, among whom were Julius Archelaus, the most venerable Herod, and King Agrippa himself, who deserves the highest admiration.

Whiston

⁵¹ for to them I presented those books first of all, and after them to many of the Romans who had been in the war. I also sold them to many of our own men who understood the Greek philosophy; among whom were Julius Archelaus, Herod [king of Chalcis], a person of great gravity, and king Agrippa himself, a person that deserved the greatest admiration.

Rogers

⁵¹ for I first presented those books to them and later to many of the Romans who had fought alongside them. I also sold them to many of our own people who were familiar with Greek philosophy; among whom were Julius Archelaus, the venerable Herod and the amazing king Agrippa himself.

⁵² Οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἅπαντες ἐμαρτύρησαν ὅτι τῆς ἀληθείας προύστην ἐπιμελῶς, οὐκ ἂν ὑποστειλάμενοιto withdraw καὶ σιωπήσαντες εἴ τι κατ᾽ ἄγνοιαν ἢ χαριζόμενος μετέθηκα τῶν γεγονότων ἢ παρέλιπον.	Barach ⁵² All these men bore witness that I paid rigorous attention to the truth; nor would they have held back or remained silent if, through ignorance or a desire to flatter, I had altered or omitted any of the events that had occurred.
Whiston ⁵² Now all these men bore their testimony to me, that I had the strictest regard to truth; who yet would not have dissembled the matter, nor been silent, if I, out of ignorance, or out of favor to any side, either had given false colors to actions, or omitted any of them.	Rogers ⁵² All of these can witness how careful I was about the truth, and they would have spoken out if, from ignorance or partiality, I falsely portrayed or omitted any of the events.

⁵³ φαῦλοι δέ τινες ἄνθρωποι διαβάλλειν μου τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν ἐπικεχειρήκασιν, ὥσπερ ἐν σχολῇ μειρακίων γύμνασμα προκεῖσθαι νομίζοντες κατηγορίας Παραδόξου καὶ διαβολῆς, δέον ἐκεῖνο γιγνώσκειν, ὅτι δεῖ τὸν ἄλλοις παράδοσιν πράξεων ἀληθινῶν αὐτὸν ἐπίστασθαι ταύτας πρότερον ἀκριβῶς, ἢ παρηκολουθηκότα τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἢ παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων πυνθανόμενον.

Barach

⁵³ Certain malicious individuals, however, have attempted to slander my history, treating it as though it were a schoolboy exercise set forth for novel accusations and calumny. They ought to recognize that anyone who promises to transmit true accounts of events to others must himself possess precise knowledge of them beforehand—either by having followed the events as they happened, or by inquiring from those who know them.

Whiston

⁵³ There have been indeed some bad men, who have attempted to calumniate my history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic performance for the exercise of young men. A strange sort of accusation and calumny this! since every one that undertakes to deliver the history of actions truly ought to know them accurately himself in the first place, as either having been concerned in them himself, or been informed of them by such as knew them.

Rogers

⁵³ Still, some malicious people have attempted to take issue with my history as a kind of scholastic exercise, a strange sort of accusation and calumny, since anyone who undertakes to truly deliver the history of things past should first know them well himself, either by having been involved in them, or having learned of them from those who knew them.

⁵⁴ Ὅπερ ἐγὼ μάλιστα περὶ ἀμφοτέρας νομίζω πεποιηκέναι τὰς πραγματείας· τὴν‎ μὲν γὰρ , ὥσπερ ἔφην, ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων , γεγονὼς ἱερεὺς ἐκ γένους καὶ μετεσχηκὼς τῆς φιλοσοφίας τῆς ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς γράμμασι·

Barach

⁵⁴ This is precisely what I believe I have done for both of my treatises. My Antiquities, as I have said, I translated from the sacred scriptures, being a priest by descent and a participant in the philosophy contained within those writings.

Whiston

⁵⁴ Now both these methods of knowledge I may very properly pretend to in the composition of both my works; for, as I said, I have translated the Antiquities out of our sacred books; which I easily could do, since I was a priest by my birth, and have studied that philosophy which is contained in those writings:

Rogers

⁵⁴ I believe I may claim to have composed both my works with the benefit of such knowledge; for, as I said, I have derived the Antiquities from our sacred books, since as a priest by birth I was familiar with the philosophy contained in those books.

⁵⁵ τοῦ δὲ πολέμου τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν ἔγραψα πολλῶν μὲν αὐτουργὸς πράξεων, πλείστων δ᾽ αὐτόπτης γενόμενος, ὅλως δὲ τῶν λεχθέντων ἢ πραχθέντων οὐδ᾽ ὁτιοῦνanyone, anything ἀγνοήσας.	Barach ⁵⁵ As for the history of the war, I wrote it having been an actor in many of its events, an eyewitness to the vast majority, and entirely cognizant of everything that was said or done.
Whiston ⁵⁵ and for the History of the War, I wrote it as having been an actor myself in many of its transactions, an eye-witness in the greatest part of the rest, and was not unacquainted with any thing whatsoever that was either said or done in it.	Rogers ⁵⁵ Then I wrote the history of the war as one who was involved in many of its actions, an eye-witness in most of them and not unaware of anything that was said or done in it.

⁵⁶ Πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἂν θρασεῖς τις ἡγήσαιτο τοὺς ἀνταγωνίζεσθαί μοι περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπικεχειρηκότας; οἳ κἂν εἰ τοῖς τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχεῖν λέγωσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὔ γε καὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις τῶν ἀντιπολεμούντων πράγμασι παρέτυχον.

Barach

⁵⁶ How, then, could anyone fail to regard as audacious those who attempt to contend with me concerning the truth? Even if they claim to have examined the memoirs of the emperors, they certainly were not present to witness the affairs of us, their opponents.

Whiston

⁵⁶ How impudent then must those deserve to be esteemed that undertake to contradict me about the true state of those affairs! who, although they pretend to have made use of both the emperors’ own memoirs, yet could not they he acquainted with our affairs who fought against them.

Rogers

⁵⁶ How brazen a man must be to contradict me about the truth of those matters, men who claim to have used the memoirs of the emperors but were unfamiliar with the deeds of us who were their opponents.

⁵⁷ περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀναγκαίαν ἐποιησάμην τὴν‎ παρέκβασινtransgression, ἐπισημήνασθαιto mark βουλόμενος τῶν ἐπαγγελλομένων τὰς ἱστορίας συγγράφειν τὴν‎ εὐχέρειαν.	Barach ⁵⁷ I have made this necessary digression because I wished to expose the levity of those who profess to write history.
Whiston ⁵⁷ This digression I have been obliged to make out of necessity, as being desirous to expose the vanity of those that profess to write histories;	Rogers ⁵⁷ I felt obliged to make this digression to show the frivolity of some who profess to write about this history;

⁵⁸ ἱκανῶς δὲ φανερόν, ὡς οἶμαι, πεποιηκὼς ὅτι πάτριός ἐστιν ἡ περὶ τῶν παλαιῶν ἀναγραφὴ τοῖς βαρβάροις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς , βούλομαι μικρὰ πρότερον διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς τοὺς νέαν ἡμῶν ἀποφαίνειν τὴν‎ κατάστασιν ἐκ τοῦ μηδὲν περὶ ἡμῶν, ὥς φασιν ἐκεῖνοι, λελέχθαι παρὰ τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν.

Barach

⁵⁸ Having demonstrated sufficiently, as I believe, that the record of ancient times is a native custom among the barbarians rather than among the Greeks, I wish first to address briefly those who attempt to portray our constitution as recent, relying on the assertion that nothing, as they claim, has been said about us by Greek historians.

Whiston

⁵⁸ and I suppose I have sufficiently declared that this custom of transmitting down the histories of ancient times hath been better preserved by those nations which are called Barbarians, than by the Greeks themselves. I am now willing, in the next place, to say a few things to those that endeavor to prove that our constitution is but of late time, for this reason, as they pretend, that the Greek writers have said nothing about us;

Rogers

⁵⁸ and I think I have sufficiently shown that the so-called Barbarian nations have passed on the history of ancient times better than the Greeks. Next I will reply to those who seek to prove that our system is only of recent origin, since they claim that the Greek writers have said nothing about us.

⁵⁹ εἶτα δὲ τὰς μαρτυρίας τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ἄλλοις γραμμάτων παρέξω, καὶ τοὺς βεβλασφημηκότας ἡμῶν τὸ γένος ἀποδείξω λίαν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις βλασφημοῦντας.	Barach ⁵⁹ Following that, I shall present the evidence of our antiquity from the writings of other nations, and I shall demonstrate that those who have slandered our race are exceedingly abusive in their accounts.
Whiston ⁵⁹ I am now willing, in the next place, to say a few things to those that endeavor to prove that our constitution is but of late time, for this reason, as they pretend, that the Greek writers have said nothing about us;	Rogers ⁵⁹ I shall call on the writings of foreigners for proofs of our antiquity, and I shall prove that those who condemn our nation do so most unjustly.

Chapter 4
The unique Jewish lifestyle

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⁶⁰ Ἡμεῖς τοίνυν οὔτε χώραν οἰκοῦμεν παράλιον οὔτ᾽ χαίρομεν οὐδὲ ταῖς πρὸς ἄλλους διὰ τούτων ἐπιμιξίαις, ἀλλ᾽ εἰσὶ μὲν ἡμῶν αἱ πόλεις μακρὰν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀνῳκισμέναι, χώραν δὲ ἀγαθὴν νεμόμενοι ταύτην ἐκπονοῦμεν μάλιστα δὴ πάντων περὶ παιδοτροφίαν φιλοκαλοῦντες καὶ τὸ φυλάττειν τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν‎ κατὰ τούτους παραδεδομένην εὐσέβειαν ἔργον ἀναγκαιότατον παντὸς τοῦ βίου πεποιημένοι.

Barach

⁶⁰ We, therefore, do not inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in merchandise or in the interactions with others that come through such commerce. On the contrary, our cities are built far back from the sea, and since we occupy a good land, we cultivate it with great effort. Above all, we devote ourselves to the upbringing of our children, making the observance of our laws and the preservation of the piety handed down in accordance with them the most necessary duty of our entire life.

Whiston

⁶⁰ As for ourselves, therefore, we neither inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with other men as arises from it; but the cities we dwell in are remote from the sea, and having a fruitful country for our habitation, we take pains in cultivating that only. Our principal care of all is this, to educate our children well; and we think it to be the most necessary business of our whole life to observe the laws that have been given us, and to keep those rules of piety that have been delivered down to us.

Rogers

⁶⁰ My people do not inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight in trade, nor in the consequent mingling with others. Our cities are remote from the sea and as we live in a fruitful country, we devote all our efforts to cultivating it and educating our children well, and we think it to be the most essential thing in life to observe the laws that were given us and keep the rules of piety handed down to us.

⁶¹ Προσούσης τοίνυν τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ τῆς περὶ τὸν βίον ἡμῶν ἰδιότητος οὐδὲν ἐποίει ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς χρόνοις ποιοῦν ἡμῖν πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιμιξίαν, ὥσπερ μὲν τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰσαγόμενα, τοῖς δὲ τὴν‎ παράλιον τῆς κατοικοῦσιν ἡ περὶ τὰς καπηλείας καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐμπορίας σπουδὴ διὰ τὸ φιλοχρηματεῖν.

Barach

⁶¹ In addition to what has been said, the peculiar nature of our mode of life produced no interaction between us and the Greeks in ancient times—unlike the Egyptians, who interacted through their exports and imports, or those dwelling along the coast of Phoenicia, whose zeal for retail trade and commerce arose from their love of gain.

Whiston

⁶¹ Since, therefore, besides what we have already taken notice of, we have had a peculiar way of living of our own, there was no occasion offered us in ancient ages for intermixing among the Greeks, as they had for mixing among the Egyptians, by their intercourse of exporting and importing their several goods; as they also mixed with the Phoenicians, who lived by the sea-side, by means of their love of lucre in trade and merchandise.

Rogers

⁶¹ Besides what we have already noted, since we have had our own special way of living, in ancient ages we had no mingling with the Greeks such as they had with the Egyptians through their exporting and importing of goods, just as they also mixed with the Phoenicians who were a coastal people, on account of their love of profit through trading and merchandise.

⁶² Οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πρὸς λῃστείας, ὥσπερ ἄλλοι τινές, ἢ τὸ πλέον ἔχειν ἀξιοῦν πολεμοῦντες ἐτράπησαν ἡμῶν οἱ πατέρες καίτοι πολλὰς τῆς χώρας ἐχούσης μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν οὐκ ἀτόλμων.	Barach ⁶² Nor, indeed, did our ancestors turn to piracy, as some others have done, nor to making war out of a desire to gain more territory, even though our country possessed many tens of thousands of men who were by no means lacking in courage.
Whiston ⁶² Nor did our forefathers betake themselves, as did some others, to robbery; nor did they, in order to gain more wealth, fall into foreign wars, although our country contained many ten thousands of men of courage sufficient for that purpose.	Rogers ⁶² Nor did our ancestors resort to robbery as did some others; nor did they engage in foreign wars in order to gain more wealth, although our country contained many thousands of brave men.

⁶³ Διὰ τοῦτο μὲν αὐτοὶ κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν τοῖς ἐπεισπλέοντες εὐθὺς ἐγνώσθησαν καὶ δι᾽ ἐκείνων καὶ πάντες, ἀφ᾽ ὧν τὸν φόρτον εἰς τοὺς διεκόμιζον μεγάλα πελάγη διαίροντες.

Barach

⁶³ For this reason, the Phoenicians themselves, sailing to the Greeks for trade, immediately became known to them, and through them the Egyptians and all those from whom the Phoenicians transported cargo to the Greeks while crossing vast seas.

Whiston

⁶³ For this reason it was that the Phoenicians themselves came soon by trading and navigation to be known to the Grecians, and by their means the Egyptians became known to the Grecians also, as did all those people whence the Phoenicians in long voyages over the seas carried wares to the Grecians.

Rogers

⁶³ So it was that by trading and navigation the Phoenicians soon came to be known to the Greeks and through them the Egyptians also, as well as all the peoples whose wares the Phoenicians, in their long sea-voyages, brought to the Greeks.

⁶⁴ δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ φανεροὶ κατέστησαν τῆς ἐπάρξαντες, οἱ δὲ καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἡμετέρας ἠπείρου . δὲ διὰ γειτονίαν καὶ τὸ ὑπὸ τῶν εἰς τὸν πλεόντων ἐγνώσθη.

Barach

⁶⁴ Later on, the Medes and Persians became well known after ruling over Asia—the Persians especially when they campaigned even as far as our continent. The Thracians were known through their proximity, and the Scythians became known to those who sailed into the Euxine (Black) Sea.

Whiston

⁶⁴ The Medes also and the Persians, when they were lords of Asia, became well known to them; and this was especially true of the Persians, who led their armies as far as the other continent [Europe]. The Thracians were also known to them by the nearness of their countries, and the Scythians by the means of those that sailed to Pontus;

Rogers

⁶⁴ The Medes and later the Persians, when they were masters of Asia, were well known to them, and even more so the Persians, who led their armies to our part of the world. The Thracians were known to them by the proximity of their countries and the Scythians by means of those who sailed to Pontus.

⁶⁵ Ὅλως γὰρ ἅπαντες οἱ παρὰ τὴν‎ θάλασσαν καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς ἑσπέραν κατοικοῦντες τοῖς συγγράφειν τι βουλομένοις γνωριμώτεροι κατέστησαν, οἱ δὲ ταύτης ἀνωτέρω τὰς οἰκήσεις ἔχοντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἠγνοήθησαν.

Barach

⁶⁵ In short, all who dwelt along the coast, both toward the east and toward the west, became better known to those wishing to write history, while those who had their settlements further inland remained for the most part unknown.

Whiston

⁶⁵ for it was so in general that all maritime nations, and those that inhabited near the eastern or western seas, became most known to those that were desirous to be writers; but such as had their habitations further from the sea were for the most part unknown to them

Rogers

⁶⁵ In general, all maritime nations and those living near the eastern or western seas were best known to those who wished to write anything; but those who lived farther from the sea were for the most part unknown to them.

⁶⁶ Καὶ τοῦτο φαίνεται καὶ περὶ τὴν‎ συμβεβηκός, ὅπου γε τῆς πόλεως, τοιαύτην ἐκ μακροῦ δύναμιν κεκτημένης καὶ τοιαύτας πράξεις κατορθούσης , οὔθ᾽ ὁ οὔτε οὔτε τῶν ἅμα τούτοις γενομένων οὐδὲ εἷς ἐμνημόνευκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὀψέ ποτε καὶ μόλις αὐτῶν εἰς τοὺς ἡ γνῶσις διεξῆλθεν.

Barach

⁶⁶ This same thing appears to have happened even in Europe, where, although the city of Rome had acquired such great power for a long time and achieved such great military deeds, neither Herodotus nor Thucydides nor any single one of their contemporaries made mention of it. Rather, knowledge of the Romans penetrated to the Greeks late and with difficulty.

Whiston

⁶⁶ which things appear to have happened as to Europe also, where the city of Rome, that hath this long time been possessed of so much power, and hath performed such great actions in war, is yet never mentioned by Herodotus, nor by Thucydides, nor by any one of their contemporaries; and it was very late, and with great difficulty, that the Romans became known to the Greeks.

Rogers

⁶⁶ This seems to have happened with regard to Europe too, where the city of Rome, which for so long has held such power and done such great deeds in war, is yet never even mentioned by Herodotus or Thucydides, or by any of their contemporaries, for it was very late and with difficulty that the Romans became known to the Greeks.

⁶⁷ περὶ μὲν γὰρ τε καὶ οὕτως ἠγνόησαν οἱ δοκοῦντες ἀκριβέστατοι συγγραφεῖς, ὧν ἐστιν , ὥστε πόλιν οἴεσθαι μίαν εἶναι τοὺς τοὺς τοσοῦτο μέρος τῆς ἑσπερίου γῆς κατοικοῦντας, καὶ τὰ μήτε γενόμενα παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔθη μήτε λεγόμενα γράφειν ὡς ἐκείνων αὐτοῖς χρωμένων ἐτόλμησαν.

Barach

⁶⁷ Indeed, concerning the Gauls and the Iberians, those historians who are reputed to be the most accurate—among whom is Ephorus—were so ignorant that he thought the Iberians were a single city, despite their occupying so great a portion of the western land; and they dared to write about customs and sayings that neither existed nor were spoken among them, as though they actually practiced them.

Whiston

⁶⁷ Nay, those that were reckoned the most exact historians (and Ephorus for one) were so very ignorant of the Gauls and the Spaniards, that he supposed the Spaniards, who inhabit so great a part of the western regions of the earth, to be no more than one city. Those historians also have ventured to describe such customs as were made use of by them, which they never had either done or said;

Rogers

⁶⁷ Their most esteemed historians, for example Ephorus, were so unaware of the Gauls and the Spaniards, that he thought of the Spaniards, who inhabit such a large part of the western world, as no more than a single city. And yet they ventured to describe as their customs things they never did or said!

⁶⁸ Αἴτιον δὲ τοῦ μὲν μὴ γιγνώσκειν τἀληθὲς τὸ λίαν ἀνεπίμικτον, τοῦ δὲ γράφειν ψευδῆ τὸ βούλεσθαι δοκεῖν τι πλέον τῶν ἄλλων ἱστορεῖν. Πῶς οὖν ἔτι θαυμάζειν προσῆκεν, εἰ μηδὲ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἔθνος πολλοῖς ἐγινώσκετο μηδὲ τῆς ἐν τοῖς συγγράμμασι μνήμης ἀφορμὴν παρέσχεν, οὕτως μὲν ἀπῳκισμένον τῆς θαλάσσης, οὕτως δὲ βιοτεύειν προῃρημένον;

Barach

⁶⁸ The cause of their not knowing the truth was their extreme lack of intercourse with others, while the cause of their writing falsehoods was their desire to appear to know more history than the rest. How, then, is it reasonable to be surprised if our nation was not known to many, nor afforded an occasion for mention in their writings, settled as we were so far from the sea and having chosen to live in such a manner?

Whiston

⁶⁸ and the reason why these writers did not know the truth of their affairs was this, that they had not any commerce together; but the reason why they wrote such falsities was this, that they had a mind to appear to know things which others had not known. How can it then be any wonder, if our nation was no more known to many of the Greeks, nor had given them any occasion to mention them in their writings, while they were so remote from the sea, and had a conduct of life so peculiar to themselves?

Rogers

⁶⁸ The reason they did not know the truth about them was that they had no contact with them; and they wrote such falsities because they wished to appear to know more than others. Is it any wonder, then, if our nation too was unknown to many of the Greeks, nor had they occasion to mention us in their writings, as we lived so far from the sea, with a lifestyle so special to ourselves?

⁶⁹ Φέρε τοίνυν ἡμᾶς ἀξιοῦν τεκμηρίῳ χρῆσθαι περὶ τῶν , ὅτι μὴ παλαιόν ἐστιν αὐτῶν τὸ γένος, τῷ μηθὲν ἐν ταῖς ἡμετέραις ἀναγραφαῖς περὶ αὐτῶν εἰρῆσθαι. οὐχὶ πάντως ἂν κατεγέλων αὐτὰς οἶμαι τὰς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ νῦν εἰρημένας κομίζοντες αἰτίας καὶ μάρτυρας ἂν τοὺς πλησιοχώρους παρείχοντο τῆς αὐτῶν ἀρχαιότητος ;

Barach

⁶⁹ Come then! Suppose we were to claim to use it as proof concerning the Greeks that their race is not ancient, on the grounds that nothing is said about them in our own records: would they not utterly laugh us to scorn, bringing forward—I imagine—the very reasons I have just stated, and offering their neighbors as witnesses of their own antiquity?

Whiston

⁶⁹ Let us now put the case, therefore, that we made use of this argument concerning the Grecians, in order to prove that their nation was not ancient, because nothing is said of them in our records: would not they laugh at us all, and probably give the same reasons for our silence that I have now alleged, and would produce their neighbor nations as witnesses to their own antiquity?

Rogers

⁶⁹ Suppose we tried to prove to the Greeks that their nation is not ancient because nothing is said of them in our records. Would they not laugh at us and give the same reasons for our silence that I have now given, and adduce their neighbouring nations as witnesses to their own antiquity?

⁷⁰ Κἀγὼ τοίνυν πειράσομαι τοῦτο ποιεῖν· γὰρ καὶ μάλιστα δὴ χρήσομαι μάρτυσιν, οὐκ ἄν τινος ὡς ψευδῆ τὴν‎ μαρτυρίαν διαβάλλειν δυνηθέντος· φαίνονται γὰρ καὶ δὴ μάλιστα πρὸς ἡμᾶς δυσμενῶς διατεθέντες κοινῇ μὲν ἅπαντες , δὲ .

Barach

⁷⁰ I, therefore, shall attempt to do this very thing: for I shall use the Egyptians and Phoenicians as my chief witnesses, whose testimony no one could slander as false. For they are clearly disposed most hostilely toward us—all the Egyptians in common, and among the Phoenicians, the Tyrians.

Whiston

⁷⁰ Now the very same thing will I endeavor to do; for I will bring the Egyptians and the Phoenicians as my principal witnesses, because nobody can complain Of their testimony as false, on account that they are known to have borne the greatest ill-will towards us; I mean this as to the Egyptians in general all of them, while of the Phoenicians it is known the Tyrians have been most of all in the same ill disposition towards us:

Rogers

⁷⁰ I will try to do the very same thing, by bringing the Egyptians and Phoenicians as my main witnesses, for no one can dismiss their testimony as false, since they are known to have been hostile toward us. This is generally true of the Egyptians, while among the Phoenicians the Tyrians were mostly hostile to us.

⁷¹ περὶ μέντοι ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees οὐκέτι ταὐτὸ τοῦτο δυναίμην ἂν λέγειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχηγοὶ καθεστήκασιν καὶ διὰ τὴν‎ συγγένειαν ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν ἀναγραφαῖς ἸουδαίωνJews μνημονεύουσιν.	Barach ⁷¹ Concerning the Chaldeans, however, I could no longer say this same thing, since they happen to be the ancestors of our race, and because of this kinship, they make mention of the Jews in their own records.
Whiston ⁷¹ yet do I confess that I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since our first leaders and ancestors were derived from them; and they do make mention of us Jews in their records, on account of the kindred there is between us.	Rogers ⁷¹ I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since the first leaders and ancestors of our race came from them, and due to this relationship they mention the Jews in their records.

⁷² ὅταν δὲ τὰς περὶ τούτων πίστεις παράσχω, τότε καὶ τῶν συγγραφέων ἀποφανῶ τοὺς μνήμην πεποιηκότας, ἵνα μηδὲ ταύτην ἔτι τὴν‎ πρόφασιν οἱ βασκαίνοντες ἔχωσιν τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀντιλογίας.

Barach

⁷² When I have produced the proofs concerning these matters, I shall then also display those Greek historians who have made mention of the Jews, so that those who slander us may no longer have even this pretext for their opposition to us.

Whiston

⁷² Now when I shall have made my assertions good, so far as concerns the others, I will demonstrate that some of the Greek writers have made mention of us Jews also, that those who envy us may not have even this pretense for contradicting what I have said about our nation.

Rogers

⁷² When I have proved this as far as concerns these groups, I will go on to show that even some of the Greek writers have mentioned the Jews, so that those who envy us may not have even this pretext to contradict what I have said about our nation.

Chapter 5
Early Jews in Egyptian records

☜ ☞

⁷³ Ἄρξομαι δὲ πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν παρ᾽ γραμμάτων. Αὐτὰ μὲν οὖν οὐχ οἷόν τε παρατίθεσθαι τἀκείνων, δ᾽ ἦν τὸ γένος ἀνὴρ τῆς μετεσχηκὼς παιδείας, ὡς δῆλός ἐστιν· γέγραφεν γὰρ φωνῇ τὴν‎ πάτριον ἱστορίαν ἔκ τε τῶν ἱερῶν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, μεταφράσας καὶ πολλὰ τὸν ἐλέγχει τῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀγνοίας ἐψευσμένον.

Barach

⁷³ I shall begin first with the Egyptian records. Now, it is not possible to quote their original texts directly; but Manetho was an Egyptian by birth, a man who had participated in Greek culture, as is clear, for he wrote the history of his native land in the Greek language, translating it—as he himself says—from the sacred records. He also refutes Herodotus on many points where he had lied about Egyptian matters through ignorance.

Whiston

⁷³ I shall begin with the writings of the Egyptians; not indeed of those that have written in the Egyptian language, which it is impossible for me to do. But Manetho was a man who was by birth an Egyptian, yet had he made himself master of the Greek learning, as is very evident; for he wrote the history of his own country in the Greek tongue, by translating it, as he saith himself, out of their sacred records; he also finds great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and false relations of Egyptian affairs.

Rogers

⁷³ Let me begin with the writings of the Egyptians, though not those written in their own language. Manetho was of Egyptian origin and was a master of Greek learning, as is clear from his writing the history of his country in Greek, but translating it, as he says himself, from their sacred books. He finds much fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and lies about Egyptian matters.

⁷⁴ Οὗτος δὴ τοίνυν ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶνof/for Egyptians ταῦτα περὶ ἡμῶν γράφει. Παραθήσομαι δὲ τὴν‎ λέξιν αὐτοῦ‎ καθάπερ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον παραγαγὼν μάρτυρα·	Barach ⁷⁴ This Manetho, then, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes as follows concerning us. I shall quote his actual words, just as if I were bringing the man himself forward as a witness:
Whiston ⁷⁴ Now this Manetho, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes concerning us in the following manner. I will set down his very words, as if I were to bring the very man himself into a court for a witness:	Rogers ⁷⁴ This Manetho, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes this about us, and I will set down his very words, as if putting the man himself in the witness-box:

⁷⁵ [ Ἐγένετο βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν ] Τοῦ ὄνομα. Ἐπὶ τούτου οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως θεὸς ἀντέπνευσεν καὶ παραδόξως ἐκ τῶν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν μερῶν ἄνθρωποι τὸ γένος καταθαρρήσαντες ἐπὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐστράτευσαν καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀμαχητὶ ταύτην κατὰ κράτος εἷλον,

Barach

⁷⁵ "[There was a king among us] Tutimaeos [or Timaios] by name. During his reign, I know not how, a blast of God blew against us, and unexpectedly from the regions toward the east, men of obscure origin took courage and marched against our land, easily subduing it by force without a battle.

Whiston

⁷⁵ There was a king of ours whose name was Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know not how, that God was averse to us, and there came, after a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had boldness enough to make an expedition into our country, and with ease subdued it by force, yet without our hazarding a battle with them.

Rogers

⁷⁵ "[We had] a king named Timaeus, under whom, I don't know why, God turned away from us for some ruffians from the east unexpectedly invaded our country and easily subdued it without a fight.

⁷⁶ καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμονεύσαντας ἐν αὐτῇ χειρωσάμενοι τὸ λοιπὸν τάς τε πόλεις ὠμῶς ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἱερὰ κατέσκαψαν, πᾶσι δὲ τοῖς ἐπιχωρίοις ἐχθρότατάmost hated πως ἐχρήσαντο τοὺς μὲν σφάζοντες,	Barach ⁷⁶ Having overpowered the rulers in it, they subsequently burned down our cities in a brutal manner and razed the temples of the gods to the ground. They treated all the native inhabitants in the most hostile fashion, slaughtering some, while leading away the wives and children of others into slavery.
Whiston ⁷⁶ So when they had gotten those that governed us under their power, they afterwards burnt down our cities, and demolished the temples of the gods, and used all the inhabitants after a most barbarous manner; nay, some they slew, and led their children and their wives into slavery.	Rogers ⁷⁶ After capturing our rulers, they burned down our cities and demolished the temples of the gods and cruelly treated all the inhabitants, killing some

⁷⁷ τῶν δὲ καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας εἰς δουλείαν ἄγοντες. Πέρας δὲ καὶ βασιλέα ἕνα ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐποίησαν, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν . Καὶ οὗτος ἐν τῇ κατεγίνετο τήν τε ἄνω καὶ κάτω χώραν δασμολογῶν καὶ φρουρὰν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις καταλιπὼν τόποις. Μάλιστα δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν ἠσφαλίσατο μέρη προορώμενος ποτὲ μεῖζον ἰσχνόντων ἐσομένην ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλείας ἔφοδον.

Barach

⁷⁷ Finally, they also made one of their number king, whose name was Salitis. He resided in Memphis, collecting tribute from both Upper and Lower Egypt and leaving behind garrisons in the most advantageous places. Above all, he secured the eastern regions, foreseeing that the Assyrians—who were then growing stronger—would eventually have a desire to invade his kingdom.

Whiston

⁷⁷ At length they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salatis; he also lived at Memphis, and made both the upper and lower regions pay tribute, and left garrisons in places that were the most proper for them. He chiefly aimed to secure the eastern parts, as fore-seeing that the Assyrians, who had then the greatest power, would be desirous of that kingdom, and invade them;

Rogers

⁷⁷ and leading their children and wives into slavery. Finally they appointed as king one of themselves, named Salitis. This man lived in Memphis and imposed taxes on both the upper and lower parts of the land, placing garrisons in the most suitable places, but he took most care of his eastern border, foreseeing that the Assyrians, who were then the dominant power, would desire that kingdom and invade them.

⁷⁸ Εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν τῷ πόλιν ἐπικαιροτάτην, κειμένην μὲν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τοῦ ποταμοῦ, καλουμένην δ᾽ ἀπό τινος ἀρχαίας θεολογίας , ταύτην ἔκτισέν τε καὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ὀχυρωτάτην ἐποίησεν ἐνοικίσας αὐτῇ καὶ πλῆθος ὁπλιτῶν εἰς εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρας μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν προφυλακήν.

Barach

⁷⁸ Finding in the Sethroite nome a city exceptionally well suited for his purpose, situated to the east of the Bubastite branch of the river and called Avaris according to an ancient theological tradition, he built this up and made it exceedingly strong with walls, settling in it a garrison of heavy-armed troops to the number of two hundred and forty thousand men for protection.

Whiston

⁷⁸ and as he found in the Saite Nomos, [Sethroite,] a city very proper for this purpose, and which lay upon the Bubastic channel, but with regard to a certain theologic notion was called Avaris, this he rebuilt, and made very strong by the walls he built about it, and by a most numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men whom he put into it to keep it.

Rogers

⁷⁸ As he found in the city of Sethroite on the Bubastic river-channel suited for this purpose, (though for some theological reason it was called Avaris,) he rebuilt it and fortified it around with walls and placed a numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand warriors to defend it.

⁷⁹ Ἔνθα δὲ κατὰ θέρειαν ἤρχετο τὰ μὲν καὶ μισθοφορίαν παρεχόμενος τὰ δὲ καὶ ταῖς πρὸς φόβον τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιμελῶς γυμνάζων. ἄρξας δ᾽ ἐννεακαίδεκα ἔτη τὸν βίον ἐτελεύτησε.

Barach

⁷⁹ He used to go there during the summer season, partly to measure out grain and supply pay, and partly to train them carefully in military maneuvers to strike fear into those outside. After ruling for nineteen years, he ended his life.

Whiston

⁷⁹ Thither Salatis came in summer time, partly to gather his corn, and pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to exercise his armed men, and thereby to terrify foreigners.

Rogers

⁷⁹ There he came every summer to gather his corn and pay his soldiers their wages and to exercise his warriors and thereby to deter foreigners. After a reign of thirteen years, he died.

⁸⁰ μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ ἕτερος ἐβασίλευσεν τέσσαρα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη καλούμενος . Μεθ᾽ ὃν ἄλλος ἓξ καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. Ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἓν καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ μῆνα ἕνα.

Barach

⁸⁰ After him, another reigned for forty-four years, called Bnon. After him, another, Apachnas, for thirty-six years and seven months. Next, Apophis for sixty-one years, and Jannas for fifty-one years and one month.

Whiston

⁸⁰ When this man had reigned thirteen years, after him reigned another, whose name was Beon, for forty-four years; after him reigned another, called Apachnas, thirty-six years and seven months; after him Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then Janins fifty years and one month;

Rogers

⁸⁰ After him another man called Beon reigned for forty-four years; after him Apachnas reigned for thirty-six years and seven months; and then Apophis reigned for sixty-one years and then Jannas for fifty years and one month.

⁸¹ Ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ καὶ ἌσσιςAssis ἐννέα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα καὶ μῆνας δύο. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἓξ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐγενήθησαν πρῶτοι ἄρχοντες ποθοῦντες ἀεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ἐξᾶραι τὴν‎ ῥίζαν.	Barach ⁸¹ Above all these, Assis reigned for forty-nine years and two months. These six were their first rulers among them, continuously desiring more and more to pull up Egypt by the roots.
Whiston ⁸¹ after all these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two months. And these six were the first rulers among them, who were all along making war with the Egyptians, and were very desirous gradually to destroy them to the very roots.	Rogers ⁸¹ Finally Assis reigned for forty-nine years and two months. These six were their first leaders, always making war on the Egyptians and seeking to destroy them to the very roots.

⁸² Ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ τὸ σύμπαν αὐτῶν ἔθνος , τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν βασιλεῖς ποιμένες· τὸ γὰρ Ὑκ καθ᾽ ἱερὰν γλῶσσαν βασιλέα σημαίνει, τὸ δὲ σὼς ποιμήν ἐστι καὶ ποιμένες κατὰ τὴν‎ κοινὴν διάλεκτον, καὶ οὕτως συντιθέμενον γίνεται .

Barach

⁸² Their entire nation was called Hyksos, which means 'King-Shepherds'. For hyk in the sacred language signifies 'king', while sos is 'shepherd' and 'shepherds' in the common dialect; and when combined in this way, it becomes 'Hyksos'.

Whiston

⁸² This whole nation was styled HYCSOS, that is, Shepherd-kings: for the first syllable HYC, according to the sacred dialect, denotes a king, as is SOS a shepherd; but this according to the ordinary dialect; and of these is compounded HYCSOS:

Rogers

⁸² This whole nation was styled HYKSOS, that is, Shepherd-kings. For the first syllable HYK, according to the sacred dialect, means a king, as is SOS a shepherd in the local dialect, and of these the word HYKSOS is formed.

⁸³ Τινὲς δὲ λέγουσιν αὐτοὺς εἶναι.

Ἐν δ᾽ ἄλλῳ ἀντιγράφῳ οὐ βασιλεῖς σημαίνεσθαι διὰ τῆς ὑκ προσηγορίας, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον αἰχμαλώτους δηλοῦσθαι ποιμένας· τὸ γὰρ ὑκ πάλιν καὶ τὸ ακ δασυνόμενον αἰχμαλώτους ῥητῶς μηνύει. Καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον μοι φαίνεται καὶ παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας ἐχόμενον.

Barach

⁸³ Some say that they were Arabs."

In another copy, however, it is stated that "kings" is not signified by the designation hyk, but on the contrary, "captive shepherds" are indicated; for hyk, again in Egyptian, and ak when aspirated, explicitly denotes "captives". And this seems to me to be more plausible and closer to ancient history.

Whiston

⁸³ but some say that these people were Arabians. Now in another copy it is said that this word does not denote Kings, but, on the contrary, denotes Captive Shepherds, and this on account of the particle HYC; for that HYC, with the aspiration, in the Egyptian tongue again denotes Shepherds, and that expressly also; and this to me seems the more probable opinion, and more agreeable to ancient history.

Rogers

⁸³ But some say that these people were Arabs."

In another copy it is said that this word does not denote Kings, but on the contrary, means Captive Shepherds and this due to the particle HYK, since in Egyptian HYK, with the aspiration, means Shepherds and HAK means captives, and this to me seems the more in accord with ancient history.

⁸⁴ Τούτους τοὺς προκατωνομασμένους βασιλέας καὶ τοὺς τῶν ποιμένων καλουμένων καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν γενομένους κρατῆσαι τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt φησὶν ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἕνδεκα.	Barach ⁸⁴ These previously mentioned kings, both those called shepherds and those descended from them, ruled over Egypt—so he says—for five hundred and eleven years.
Whiston ⁸⁴ [But Manetho goes on]: These people, whom we have before named kings, and called shepherds also, and their descendants, as he says, kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years.	Rogers ⁸⁴ "These people, whom we have before named kings and shepherds and their descendants kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years."

⁸⁵ μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ τῶν ἐκ τῆς ΘηβαίίδοςThebais καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ΑἰγύπτουEgypt βασιλέων γενέσθαι φησὶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ποιμένας ἐπανάστασινan insurrection, a rising καὶ πόλεμον συρραγῆναι μέγαν καὶ πολυχρόνιον.	Barach ⁸⁵ After these events, he says that the kings of the Thebaid and of the rest of Egypt rose up against the shepherds, and that a great and long war broke out between them.
Whiston ⁸⁵ After these, he says, That the kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt made an insurrection against the shepherds, and that there a terrible and long war was made between them.	Rogers ⁸⁵ After these, he says, "The kings of Thebais and the other parts of Egypt rebelled against the shepherds and there a fierce and lengthy war between them."

⁸⁶ Ἐπὶ δὲ βασιλέως, ᾧ ὄνομα εἶναι ΜισφραγμούθωσιςMisphragmuthosis, ἡττωμένους φησὶ τοὺς ποιμένας ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἄλλης ΑἰγύπτουEgypt πάσης ἐκπεσεῖν, κατακλεισθῆναι δ᾽ εἰς τόπον ἀρουρῶν ἔχοντα μυρίων τὴν‎ περίμετρον·	Barach ⁸⁶ Under a king whose name was Misphragmouthosis, he says that the shepherds were defeated and driven out from all the rest of Egypt, but were shut up in a place having a perimeter of ten thousand arourae;
Whiston ⁸⁶ He says further, That under a king, whose name was Alisphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued by him, and were indeed driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place that contained ten thousand acres;	Rogers ⁸⁶ He says that under a king called Misphragmuthosis, the shepherds were subdued and driven out of other parts of Egypt, and shut up within an area of ten thousand acres.

⁸⁷ ΑὔαρινAvaris ὄνομα τῷ τόπῳ. τοῦτόν φησιν ὁ ΜάνεθωςManetho ἅπαντα τείχει τε μεγάλῳ καὶ ἰσχυρῷ περιβαλεῖν τοὺς ποιμένας, ὅπως τήν τε κτῆσιν ἅπασαν ἔχωσιν ἐν ὀχυρῷ καὶ τὴν‎ λείαν τὴν‎ ἑαυτῶν.	Barach ⁸⁷ the name of the place was Avaris. Manetho says that the shepherds enclosed this whole place with a great and strong wall, so that they might hold all their possessions and their plunder in a fortified place.
Whiston ⁸⁷ this place was named Avaris. Manetho says, That the shepherds built a wall round all this place, which was a large and a strong wall, and this in order to keep all their possessions and their prey within a place of strength,	Rogers ⁸⁷ This place Manetho calls Avaris and says that the shepherds surrounded it with a large, strong wall, to defend all their possessions and booty within a stronghold.

⁸⁸ Τὸν δὲ υἱὸν ἐπιχειρῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς διὰ πολιορκίας ἑλεῖν κατὰ κράτος ὀκτὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα μυριάσι στρατοῦ προσεδρεύσαντα τοῖς τείχεσιν· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν ἀπέγνω, ποιήσασθαι συμβάσεις, ἵνα τὴν‎ ἐκλιπόντες βούλονται πάντες ἀβλαβεῖς ἀπέλθωσι.

Barach

⁸⁸ Then Thoummosis, the son of Misphragmouthosis, attempted to subdue them by siege and take them by force, besieging the walls with an army of four hundred and eighty thousand men. When he despaired of the siege, he made a treaty with them, that they should leave Egypt and depart unharmed wherever they wished.

Whiston

⁸⁸ but that Thummosis the son of Alisphragmuthosis made an attempt to take them by force and by siege, with four hundred and eighty thousand men to lie rotund about them, but that, upon his despair of taking the place by that siege, they came to a composition with them, that they should leave Egypt, and go, without any harm to be done to them, whithersoever they would;

Rogers

⁸⁸ He says that Thummosis the son of Misphragmuthosis attempted to take them by force, besieging them with four hundred and eighty thousand men, but that, unable to take the place by siege, they came to an agreement for them to leave Egypt unharmed, to go wherever they wished.

⁸⁹ Τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὁμολογίαις πανοικησίᾳwith all his house μετὰ τῶν κτήσεων οὐκ ἐλάττους μυριάδων ὄντας εἴκοσι καὶ τεσσάρων ἀπὸ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt τὴν‎ ἔρημον εἰς ΣυρίανSyria διοδοιπορῆσαι.	Barach ⁸⁹ Under these agreements, with their whole households and possessions, numbering not fewer than two hundred and forty thousand, they departed from Egypt and journeyed through the wilderness into Syria.
Whiston ⁸⁹ and that, after this composition was made, they went away with their whole families and effects, not fewer in number than two hundred and forty thousand, and took their journey from Egypt, through the wilderness, for Syria;	Rogers ⁸⁹ After this treaty they went off with all their families and effects, no less than two hundred and forty thousand and journeyed from Egypt, through the wilderness, toward Syria.

⁹⁰ Φοβουμένους δὲ τὴν‎ δυναστείαν, τότε γὰρ ἐκείνους τῆς κρατεῖν, ἐν τῇ νῦν καλουμένῃ πόλιν οἰκοδομησαμένους τοσαύταις μυριάσιν ἀνθρώπων ἀρκέσουσαν ταύτην ὀνομάσαι.

Barach

⁹⁰ Fearing the power of the Assyrians (for at that time they held sway over Asia), they built a city in the land now called Judea, sufficient to accommodate so many tens of thousands of people, and named it Jerusalem.

Whiston

⁹⁰ but that as they were in fear of the Assyrians, who had then the dominion over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judea, and that large enough to contain this great number of men, and called it Jerusalem.

Rogers

⁹⁰ Being afraid of the Assyrians who then dominated Asia, they built a city in the country which is now called Judea, large enough to contain so many thousands of people, and gave it the name Jerusalem.

⁹¹ Ἐν ἄλλῃ δέ τινι βίβλῳ τῶν τοῦτό φησιν τὸ ἔθνος τοὺς καλουμένους ποιμένας αἰχμαλώτους ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς αὐτῶν βίβλοις γεγράφθαι λέγων ὀρθῶς· καὶ γὰρ τοῖς ἀνωτάτω προγόνοις ἡμῶν τὸ ποιμαίνειν πάτριον ἦν καὶ νομαδικὸν ἔχοντες τὸν βίον οὕτως ἐκαλοῦντο ποιμένες.

Barach

⁹¹ In another book of his Egyptian History, Manetho says that this nation, those called shepherds, are recorded as "captives" in their sacred books, speaking correctly. For to our highest ancestors, shepherd-life was traditional, and as they lived a nomadic existence, they were called shepherds.

Whiston

⁹¹ Now Manetho, in another book of his, says, That this nation, thus called Shepherds, were also called Captives, in their sacred books. And this account of his is the truth; for feeding of sheep was the employment of our forefathers in the most ancient ages and as they led such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they were called Shepherds.

Rogers

⁹¹ In another book Manetho says that this nation, so called Shepherds, were also called Captives, in their sacred books. This account of his is the truth, for pasturing sheep was the employment of our ancestors in the most ancient ages and as they led such a wandering life they were called Shepherds.

⁹² Αἰχμάλωτοί τε πάλιν οὐκ ἀλόγως ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνεγράφησαν, ἐπειδήπερ ὁ πρόγονος ἡμῶν ἑαυτὸν ἔφη πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τῶν αἰχμάλωτον εἶναι, καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς εἰς τὴν‎ ὕστερον μετεπέμψατο τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιτρέψαντος. Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν ἄλλοις ποιήσομαι τὴν‎ ἀκριβεστέραν.

Barach

⁹² And again, they were recorded not unreasonably as "captives" by the Egyptians, since our ancestor Joseph said to the king of Egypt that he was a captive, and later summoned his brothers into Egypt when the king permitted it. But concerning these matters, I shall make a more precise examination elsewhere.

Whiston

⁹² Nor was it without reason that they were called Captives by the Egyptians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive, and afterward sent for his brethren into Egypt by the king's permission. But as for these matters, I shall make a more exact inquiry about them elsewhere.

Rogers

⁹² Nor were they called Captives by the Egyptians without reason, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive and later with the king’s permission sent for his brothers to come to Egypt. I shall examine these things more in detail, elsewhere.

⁹³ Νυνὶ δὲ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ταύτης παρατίθεμαι τοὺς ΑἰγυπτίουςEgyptians μάρτυρας. Πάλιν οὖν τὰ τοῦ ΜανέθωManetho πῶς ἔχει πρὸς τὴν‎ τῶν χρόνων τάξιν ὑπογράψω.	Barach ⁹³ For the present, I am presenting the Egyptians as witnesses to this ancient origin. I shall now outline again how Manetho's account stands with respect to chronological order.
Whiston ⁹³ But now I shall produce the Egyptians as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I shall therefore here bring in Manetho again, and what he writes as to the order of the times in this case;	Rogers ⁹³ Now I present some Egyptian witnesses to our antiquity, for I call on Manetho again and what he has to say about the relevant time-scale.

⁹⁴ Φησὶ δὲ οὕτως· μετὰ τὸ ἐξελθεῖν ἐξ τὸν λαὸν τῶν ποιμένων εἰς ὁ ἐκβαλὼν αὐτοὺς ἐξ βασιλεὺς ἐβασίλευσεν μετὰ ταῦτα ἔτη εἰκοσιπέντε καὶ μῆνας τέσσαρας καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν, καὶ παρέλαβεν τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὁ αὐτοῦ‎ υἱὸς ἔτη δεκατρία.

Barach

⁹⁴ He says as follows:

"After the people of the shepherds had gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis, the king who drove them out of Egypt, reigned after this for twenty-five years and four months, and then died. His son Chebron took over the rule for thirteen years.

Whiston

⁹⁴ and thus he speaks:

When this people or shepherds were gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethtoosis the king of Egypt, who drove them out, reigned afterward twenty-five years and four months, and then died; after him his son Chebron took the kingdom for thirteen years;

Rogers

⁹⁴ He says: "After the nation of shepherds left Egypt for Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of Egypt, who drove them out, reigned for twenty-five years and four months and then died and after him his son Chebron ruled for thirteen years, and after him Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months.

⁹⁵ μεθ᾽ ὃν ἈμένωφιςAmenophis εἴκοσι καὶ μῆνας ἑπτά. τοῦ δὲ ἀδελφὴ ἈμεσσὴςAmesses εἰκοσιὲν καὶ μῆνας ἐννέα. τῆς δὲ ΜήφρηςMephres δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας ἐννέα. τοῦ δὲ ΜηφραμούθωσιςMephramuthosis εἰκοσιπέντε καὶ μῆνας δέκα.	Barach ⁹⁵ After him, Amenophis for twenty years and seven months. His sister Amesses for twenty-one years and nine months. Her son Mephres for twelve years and nine months. His son Mephramouthosis for twenty-five years and ten months.
Whiston ⁹⁵ after whom came Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months; then came his sister Amesses, for twenty-one years and nine months; after her came Mephres, for twelve years and nine months; after him was Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five years and ten months;	Rogers ⁹⁵ His sister Amesses ruled for twenty-one years and nine months, then Mephres, for twelve years and nine months, and Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five years and ten months;

⁹⁶ τοῦ δὲ ἐννέα καὶ μῆνας ὀκτώ. Τοῦ δ᾽ τριάκοντα καὶ μῆνας δέκα. Τοῦ δὲ τριακονταὲξ καὶ μῆνας πέντε. Τοῦ δὲ θυγάτηρ δώδεκα καὶ μῆνα ἕνα. Τῆς δὲ ἀδελφὸς ἐννέα. Τοῦ δὲ δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας πέντε.

Barach

⁹⁶ His son Thmosis for nine years and eight months. His son Amenophis for thirty years and ten months. His son Oros for thirty-six years and five months. His daughter Akencheres for twelve years and one month. Her brother Rathotis for nine years.

Whiston

⁹⁶ after him was Thmosis, for nine years and eight months; after him came Amenophis, for thirty years and ten months; after him came Orus, for thirty-six years and five months; then came his daughter Acenchres, for twelve years and one month; then was her brother Rathotis, for nine years;

Rogers

⁹⁶ Thmosis, for nine years and eight months; Amenophis for thirty years and ten months; Horus, for thirty-six years and five months; his daughter Acencheres, for twelve years and one month; then her brother Rathotis, for nine years.

⁹⁷ Τοῦ δὲ ἕτερος δώδεκα καὶ μῆνας τρεῖς. Τοῦ δὲ τέσσαρα καὶ μῆνα ἕνα. Τοῦ δὲ ἓν καὶ μῆνας τέσσαρας. Τοῦ δὲ ἑξηκονταὲξ καὶ μῆνας δύο. Τοῦ δὲ δεκαεννέα καὶ μῆνας ἕξ.

Barach

⁹⁷ His son Akencheres for twelve years and five months. His son, another Akencheres, for twelve years and three months. His son Harmais for four years and one month. His son Ramesses for one year and four months. His son Harmesses Miamoun for sixty-six years and two months. His son Amenophis for nineteen years and six months.

Whiston

⁹⁷ then was Acencheres, for twelve years and five months; then came another Acencheres, for twelve years and three months; after him Armais, for four years and one month; after him was Ramesses, for one year and four months; after him came Armesses Miammoun, for sixty-six years and two months; after him Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months;

Rogers

⁹⁷ Acencheres reigned for twelve years and five months; another Acencheres, for twelve years and three months; Armais, for four years and one month; Ramesses, for one year and four months; Armesses Miammoun, for sixty-six years and two months; then Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months.

⁹⁸ Τοῦ δὲ ὁ καὶ ἱππικὴν καὶ ναυτικὴν ἔχων δύναμιν τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν ἐπίτροπον τῆς κατέστησεν καὶ πᾶσαν μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν‎ ἄλλην βασιλικὴν περιέθηκεν ἐξουσίαν, μόνον δὲ ἐνετείλατο διάδημα μὴ φορεῖν μηδὲ τὴν‎ βασιλίδα μητέρα γε τῶν τέκνων ἀδικεῖν, ἀπέχεσθαι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλικῶν παλλακίδων.

Barach

⁹⁸ His son Sethos, also called Ramesses, possessing a cavalry and naval force, appointed his brother Harmais viceroy of Egypt and vested him with all other royal authority, commanding him only not to wear a diadem, nor to injure the queen who was the mother of his children, and to abstain from the other royal concubines.

Whiston

⁹⁸ after him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, who had an army of horse, and a naval force. This king appointed his brother, Armais, to be his deputy over Egypt. [In another copy it stood thus: After him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, two brethren, the former of whom had a naval force, and in a hostile manner destroyed those that met him upon the sea; but as he slew Ramesses in no long time afterward, so he appointed another of his brethren to be his deputy over Egypt.] He also gave him all the other authority of a king, but with these only injunctions, that he should not wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the queen, the mother of his children, and that he should not meddle with the other concubines of the king;

Rogers

⁹⁸ Then came Sethosis and Ramesses, who had an army of cavalry and a naval force and appointed his brother Armais as his deputy over Egypt, giving him all the other royal authority, except not to wear a crown or molest the queen, the mother of his children, or the other royal concubines.

⁹⁹ αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ καὶ καὶ πάλιν τε καὶ στρατεύσας ἅπαντας τοὺς μὲν δόρατι, τοὺς δὲ ἀμαχητὶ φόβῳ δὲ τῆς πολλῆς δυνάμεως ὑποχειρίους ἔλαβε καὶ μέγα φρονήσας ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐπραγίαις ἔτι καὶ θαρσαλεώτερον ἐπεπορεύετο τὰς πρὸς ἀνατολὰς πόλεις τε καὶ χώρας καταστρεφόμενος.

Barach

⁹⁹ He himself marched against Cyprus and Phoenicia, and again against the Assyrians and Medes, subduing them all—some with the spear, and others without a fight, out of fear of his great power. Exulting in his successes, he advanced even more boldly, subduing the cities and regions toward the east.

Whiston

⁹⁹ while he made an expedition against Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and besides against the Assyrians and the Medes. He then subdued them all, some by his arms, some without fighting, and some by the terror of his great army; and being puffed up by the great successes he had had, he went on still the more boldly, and overthrew the cities and countries that lay in the eastern parts.

Rogers

⁹⁹ Meanwhile the king made an expedition against Cyprus and Phoenicia and against the Assyrians and the Medes, all of whom he subdued, some with war and some without, since they feared his large army. Flushed by his successes, he went on still more boldly destroying cities and countries off to the east.

¹⁰⁰ Χρόνου τε ἱκανοῦ γεγονότος ὁ καταλειφθεὶς ἐν πάντα τἄμπαλιν οἷς ὁ ἀδελφὸς παρῄνει μὴ ποιεῖν ἀδεῶς ἔπραττεν· καὶ γὰρ τὴν‎ βασιλίδα βιαίως ἔσχεν καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀφειδῶς διετέλει χρώμενος, πειθόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων διάδημα ἐφόρει καὶ ἀντῆρε τῷ ἀδελφῷ.

Barach

¹⁰⁰ When a considerable time had passed, Harmais, who had been left behind in Egypt, fearlessly did everything opposite to what his brother had advised him not to do: he took the queen by force, continued to use the other concubines without restraint, and, persuaded by his friends, wore a diadem and raised a revolt against his brother.

Whiston

¹⁰⁰ But after some considerable time, Armais, who was left in Egypt, did all those very things, by way of opposition, which his brother had forbid him to do, without fear; for he used violence to the queen, and continued to make use of the rest of the concubines, without sparing any of them; nay, at the persuasion of his friends he put on the diadem, and set up to oppose his brother.

Rogers

¹⁰⁰ After a long time, Armais, who was behind left in Egypt, began to do all that his brother had forbidden, forcing himself on the queen and regularly abusing the other concubines. At his friends' persuasion he even donned the crown and set up in opposition to his brother.

¹⁰¹ Ὁ δὲ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερέων τῆς γράψας βιβλίον ἔπεμψε τῷ δηλῶν αὐτῷ πάντα καὶ ὅτι ἀντῆρεν ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ . Παραχρῆμα οὖν ὑπέστρεψεν εἰς καὶ ἐκράτησεν τῆς ἰδίας βασιλείας.

Barach

¹⁰¹ The officer set over the priests of Egypt wrote a letter and sent it to Sethos, revealing everything to him and stating that his brother Harmais had revolted. Immediately, therefore, Sethos returned to Pelusium and took control of his own kingdom.

Whiston

¹⁰¹ But then he who was set over the priests of Egypt wrote letters to Sethosis, and informed him of all that had happened, and how his brother had set up to oppose him: he therefore returned back to Pelusium immediately, and recovered his kingdom again.

Rogers

¹⁰¹ But the overseer of the priests of Egypt wrote an account to Sethosis, telling him of all this and how his brother had set up as his rival, so he immediately returned to Pelusium and regained his own kingdom.

¹⁰² ἡ δὲ χώρα ἐκλήθη ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ ὀνόματος ΑἴγυπτοςEgypt· λέγει γάρ, ὅτι ὁ μὲν ΣέθωςSethosis ἐκαλεῖτο ΑἴγυπτοςEgypt, ἍρμαϊςArmais δὲ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ΔαναόςDanaus.	Barach ¹⁰² And the land was called Egypt after his name; for he says that Sethos was called Egyptus, and his brother Harmais was called Danaus."
Whiston ¹⁰² The country also was called from his name Egypt; for Manetho says, that Sethosis was himself called Egyptus, as was his brother Armais called Danaus.	Rogers ¹⁰² The country was named Egypt after him, for Manetho says that Sethosis was called Egyptus, and his brother Armais was called Danaus.

¹⁰³ Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ . Δῆλον δέ ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν εἰρημένων ἐτῶν τοῦ χρόνου συλλογισθέντος, ὅτι οἱ καλούμενοι ποιμένες ἡμέτεροι δὲ πρόγονοι τρισὶ καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίοις πρόσθεν ἔτεσιν ἐκ τῆς ἀπαλλαγέντες τὴν‎ χώραν ταύτην ἐπῴκησαν ἢ εἰς ἀφικέσθαι· καίτοι τοῦτον ἀρχαιότατον νομίζουσι.

Barach

¹⁰³ This is what Manetho says.

Now, it is clear from calculating the time according to the years mentioned that those called shepherds, our ancestors, departed from Egypt and settled this country three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus arrived at Argos—and yet the Argives consider him to be most ancient.

Whiston

¹⁰³ This is Manetho's account.

And evident it is from the number of years by him set down belonging to this interval, if they be summed up together, that these shepherds, as they are here called, who were no other than our forefathers, were delivered out of Egypt, and came thence, and inhabited this country, three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus came to Argos;

Rogers

¹⁰³ This is Manetho’s account, and if we add up the years assigned to this period, it is clear that those he calls the Shepherds were our ancestors, who were brought back from Egypt and came to inhabit this land three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus came to Argos, although the Argives regard him as their most ancient king.

¹⁰⁴ Δύο τοίνυν ὁ ἡμῖν τὰ μέγιστα μεμαρτύρηκεν ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ γραμμάτων, πρῶτον μὲν τὴν‎ ἑτέρωθεν ἄφιξιν εἰς , ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν‎ ἐκεῖθεν ἀπαλλαγὴν οὕτως ἀρχαίαν τοῖς χρόνοις, ὡς ἐγγύς που προτερεῖν αὐτὴν τῶν ἔτεσι χιλίοις.

Barach

¹⁰⁴ Manetho, therefore, has borne two most important testimonies for us from the Egyptian records: first, our arrival in Egypt from elsewhere; and second, our departure from there, which was so ancient in time that it preceded the Trojan War by nearly a thousand years.

Whiston

¹⁰⁴ although the Argives look upon him as their most ancient king Manetho, therefore, hears this testimony to two points of the greatest consequence to our purpose, and those from the Egyptian records themselves. In the first place, that we came out of another country into Egypt; and that withal our deliverance out of it was so ancient in time as to have preceded the siege of Troy almost a thousand years;

Rogers

¹⁰⁴ From the Egyptian records Manetho testifies to us on two main points, first, that we came to Egypt from another country, and also that our rescue from it was so long ago that it precedes the siege of Troy by almost a thousand years.

¹⁰⁵ Ὑπὲρ ὧν δ᾽ ὁ οὐκ ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ γραμμάτων, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς αὐτὸς ὡμολόγηκεν ἐκ τῶν ἀδεσπότως μυθολογουμένων προστέθεικεν, ὕστερον ἐξελέγξω κατὰ μέρος ἀποδεικνὺς τὴν‎ ἀπίθανον αὐτοῦ‎ ψευδολογίαν.

Barach

¹⁰⁵ As for the things that Manetho added—not from the Egyptian records, but, as he himself admitted, from unauthored mythic stories—I shall refute them later in detail, demonstrating his improbable falsehoods step by step.

Whiston

¹⁰⁵ but then, as to those things which Manetbo adds, not from the Egyptian records, but, as he confesses himself, from some stories of an uncertain original, I will disprove them hereafter particularly, and shall demonstrate that they are no better than incredible fables.

Rogers

¹⁰⁵ Some items that Manetho adds not from the Egyptian records but as he confesses himself, he drew from mythology of uncertain origin, I will later tackle in detail, and show that they are nothing but incredible fables.

Chapter 6
In Phoenician and other records

☜ ☞

¹⁰⁶ Βούλομαι τοίνυν ἀπὸ τούτων ἤδη μετελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς ΦοίνιξινPhoenician ἀναγεγραμμένα περὶ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν καὶ τὰς ἐξ ἐκείνων μαρτυρίας παρασχεῖν.	Barach ¹⁰⁶ I wish now, therefore, to pass on from these matters to the records preserved among the Phoenicians concerning our nation, and to present the testimonies derived from them.
Whiston ¹⁰⁶ I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those that belong to the Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall produce attestations to what I have said out of them.	Rogers ¹⁰⁶ Let me now pass from these to some Phoenician records concerning our nation and present the evidence drawn from them.

¹⁰⁷ Ἔστι τοίνυν παρὰ ΤυρίοιςTyrians ἀπὸ παμπόλλων ἐτῶν γράμματα δημοσίᾳ γεγραμμένα καὶ πεφυλαγμένα λίαν ἐπιμελῶς περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς γενομένων καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους πραχθέντων μνήμης ἀξίων.	Barach ¹⁰⁷ There are among the Tyrians public records written from ancient times and kept with great care, concerning the events that took place among them and the noteworthy deeds performed relative to one another.
Whiston ¹⁰⁷ There are then records among the Tyrians that take in the history of many years, and these are public writings, and are kept with great exactness, and include accounts of the facts done among them, and such as concern their transactions with other nations also, those I mean which were worth remembering.	Rogers ¹⁰⁷ Among the Tyrians there are exact public records going back many years, about matters of significance done by them or with each other.

¹⁰⁸ Ἐν οἷς γέγραπται, ὅτι ὁ ἐν ἹεροσολύμοιςJerusalem ᾠκοδομήθη ναὸς ὑπὸ ΣολομῶνοςSolomon τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτεσι πρότερον ἑκατὸν τεσσαράκοντα τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τοῦ κτίσαι ΤυρίουςTyrians ΚαρχηδόναCarthage.	Barach ¹⁰⁸ In these records it is written that the temple in Jerusalem was built by King Solomon one hundred and forty-three years and eight months before the Tyrians founded Carthage.
Whiston ¹⁰⁸ Therein it was recorded that the temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusalem, one hundred forty-three years and eight months before the Tyrians built Carthage;	Rogers ¹⁰⁸ It is recorded there that the temple was built by king Solomon in Jerusalem a hundred and forty-three years and eight months before the Tyrians built Karchedon [Carthage.]

¹⁰⁹ Ἀνεγράφη δὲ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις οὐκ ἀλόγως ἡ τοῦ ναοῦ κατασκευὴ τοῦ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν· ΕἴρωμοςHiram γὰρ ὁ τῶν ΤυρίωνTyrians βασιλεὺς Φίλος ἦν τοῦ βασιλέως ἡμῶν ΣολομῶνοςSolomon πατρικὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν διαδεδεγμένος.	Barach ¹⁰⁹ Now, the construction of our temple was recorded among them not without reason: for Hiram, king of the Tyrians, was a friend of our king Solomon, having inherited a paternal friendship toward him.
Whiston ¹⁰⁹ and in their annals the building of our temple is related; for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was the friend of Solomon our king, and had such friendship transmitted down to him from his forefathers.	Rogers ¹⁰⁹ The building of our temple is reported in their annals, for Hiram, the king of Tyre, was a friend of our king Solomon, carrying on this friendship from his own father.

¹¹⁰ οὗτος οὖν συμφιλοτιμούμενος εἰς τὴν‎ τοῦ κατασκευάσματος τῷ λαμπρότητα χρυσίου μὲν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἔδωκε τάλαντα, τεμὼν δὲ καλλίστην ὕλην ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους, ὃ καλεῖται , εἰς τὸν ἀπέστειλεν. ἀντεδωρήσατο δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς καὶ δὴ καὶ χώραν τῆς ἐν τῇ λεγομένῃ.

Barach

¹¹⁰ Hiram, therefore, out of a shared ambition for the brilliance of the structure, gave Solomon one hundred and twenty talents of gold, and cutting down the finest timber from the mountain called Lebanon, sent it for the roofing. In return, Solomon made him many other presents and, in particular, gave him land in Galilee in the district called Chabulon.

Whiston

¹¹⁰ He thereupon was ambitious to contribute to the splendor of this edifice of Solomon, and made him a present of one hundred and twenty talents of gold. He also cut down the most excellent timber out of that mountain which is called Libanus, and sent it to him for adorning its roof. Solomon also not only made him many other presents, by way of requital, but gave him a country in Galilee also, that was called Chabulon.

Rogers

¹¹⁰ He saw it as sharing in a glorious project to contribute to the splendour of Solomon’s building and so he gave him a hundred and twenty talents of gold and for its roof he cut down the best of timber from the mountain called Libanus to send to him. In return, Solomon gave him many gifts, including an area of Galilee called Chabulon.

¹¹¹ Μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοὺς εἰς φιλίαν ἡ τῆς σοφίας συνῆγεν ἐπιθυμία · προβλήματα γὰρ ἀλλήλοις ἀνταπέστελλον λύειν κελεύοντες, καὶ κρείττων ἐν τούτοις ἦν ὁ καὶ τἆλλα σοφώτερος. Σώζονται δὲ μέχρι νῦν παρὰ τοῖς πολλαὶ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν, ἃς ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔγραψαν.

Barach

¹¹¹ Above all, it was a mutual desire for wisdom that drew them together into friendship: for they used to send riddles to one another, requesting their solution, and Solomon was superior in these matters and wiser in general. Many of the letters which they wrote to each other are preserved among the Tyrians down to the present day.

Whiston

¹¹¹ But there was another passion, a philosophic inclination of theirs, which cemented the friendship that was betwixt them; for they sent mutual problems to one another, with a desire to have them unriddled by each other; wherein Solomon was superior to Hirom, as he was wiser than he in other respects: and many of the epistles that passed between them are still preserved among the Tyrians.

Rogers

¹¹¹ Their friendship was also based on a shared passion for philosophy, for they sent each other problematic riddles for the other to resolve. In these, Solomon had the upper hand as he was the wiser in several respects, and many of the letters between them are still preserved among the Tyrians.

¹¹² Ὅτι δ᾽ οὐ λόγος ἐστὶν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ συγκείμενος ὁ περὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς γραμμάτων, παραθήσομαι μάρτυρα ἄνδρα περὶ τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν ἀκριβῆ γεγονέναι πεπιστευμένον. Οὗτος τοίνυν ἐν ταῖς περὶ ἱστορίαις γράφει τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον·

Barach

¹¹² And to show that the account concerning the records among the Tyrians is not a story invented by me, I shall produce as a witness Dius, a man believed to have been an accurate historian of Phoenician affairs. In his Histories of the Phoenicians, he writes in the following manner:

Whiston

¹¹² Now, that this may not depend on my bare word, I will produce for a witness Dius, one that is believed to have written the Phoenician History after an accurate manner. This Dius, therefore, writes thus, in his Histories of the Phoenicians:

Rogers

¹¹² Not to give just my word for this, I offer the witness of Dios, a man who is believed to have written the Phoenician history in accurate detail. In his Histories of the Phoenicians he writes in this way:

¹¹³ τελευτήσαντος ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ‎ ἐβασίλευσεν. οὗτος τὰ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς μέρη τῆς πόλεως προσέχωσεν καὶ μεῖζον τὸ ἄστυ ἐποίησε καὶ τοῦ τὸ ἱερὸν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ ὂν ἐν νήσῳ χώσας τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον συνῆψε τῇ πόλει καὶ χρυσοῖς ἀναθήμασιν ἐκόσμησεν, ἀναβὰς δὲ εἰς τὸν ὑλοτόμησεν πρὸς τὴν‎ τῶν ἱερῶν κατασκευήν.

Barach

¹¹³ "Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hiram became king. He built up the eastern parts of the city and made the town larger; and by filling in the intervening space, he joined to the city the temple of Olympian Zeus, which had stood on an island by itself, and adorned it with golden offerings. He also went up into Lebanon and cut timber for the construction of the temples.

Whiston

¹¹³ Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom. This king raised banks at the eastern parts of the city, and enlarged it; he also joined the temple of Jupiter Olympius, which stood before in an island by itself, to the city, by raising a causeway between them, and adorned that temple with donations of gold. He moreover went up to Libanus, and had timber cut down for the building of temples.

Rogers

¹¹³ "After Abibalus died, his son Hiram took over the kingdom. He strengthened and enlarged the eastern parts of the city and made a causeway to join to the city the temple of Olympian Zeus, which had earlier stood on a separate island, and he adorned it with donations of gold. Then he went up to Libanus and had timber cut down for building the temple.

¹¹⁴ Τὸν δὲ τυραννοῦντα ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem ΣολομῶναSolomon πέμψαι φασὶ πρὸς τὸν ΕἴρωμονHiram αἰνίγματα καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λαβεῖν ἀξιοῦν, τὸν δὲ μὴ δυνηθέντα διακρῖναι τῷ λύσαντι χρήματα ἀποtίνειν.	Barach ¹¹⁴ They say that Solomon, ruler of Jerusalem, sent riddles to Hiram and asked to receive others from him in return, with the agreement that the one who was unable to solve them should pay a sum of money to the solver.
Whiston ¹¹⁴ They say further, that Solomon, when he was king of Jerusalem, sent problems to Hirom to be solved, and desired he would send others back for him to solve, and that he who could not solve the problems proposed to him should pay money to him that solved them.	Rogers ¹¹⁴ They also say that when Solomon was tyrant of Jerusalem, he sent riddles for Hiram to solve and asked to receive others back on condition that whoever could not find the answer would pay money to the one who solved them.

¹¹⁵ ὁμολογήσαντα δὲ τὸν καὶ μὴ δυνηθέντα λῦσαι τὰ αἰνίγματα πολλὰ τῶν χρημάτων εἰς τὸ ἐπιζήμιον ἀναλῶσαι. Εἶτα δὲ τινα ἄνδρα τά τε προτεθέντα λῦσαι καὶ αὐτὸν ἄλλα προβαλεῖν, ἃ μὴ λύσαντα τὸν πολλὰ τῷ προσαποτῖσαι χρήματα. μὲν οὕτω περὶ τῶν προειρημένων ἡμῖν μεμαρτύρηκεν.

Barach

¹¹⁵ Hiram agreed, but being unable to solve the riddles, spent a large sum of money in forfeits. Afterward, a certain Tyrian named Abdemon solved the problems that had been proposed and himself put forward others, which Solomon failed to solve, thereby paying back a large sum of money to Hiram."

Dius, then, has borne witness in this manner concerning the matters mentioned above.

Whiston

¹¹⁵ And when Hirom had agreed to the proposals, but was not able to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay a great deal of money, as a penalty for the same. As also they relate, that one·Abdemon, a man of Tyre, did solve the problems, and propose others which Solomon could not solve, upon which he was obliged to repay a great deal of money to Hirom. These things are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we have said upon the same subjects before.

Rogers

¹¹⁵ When Hiram agreed to this, but was unable to solve the riddles, he had to pay a lot of money in penalties. A Tyrian called Abdemon is said to have solved some and posed others which Solomon could not solve, and then he had to pay a lot of money back to Hiram." These items attested by Dius confirm things we have already said.

¹¹⁶ Ἀλλὰ πρὸς τούτῳ παραθήσομαι καὶ τὸν . Γέγραφεν δὲ οὗτος τὰς ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου τῶν βασιλέων πράξεις τὰς παρὰ τοῖς καὶ βαρβάροις γενομένας ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐπιχωρίων γραμμάτων σπουδάσας τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν μαθεῖν.

Barach

¹¹⁶ In addition to him, I shall also cite Menander of Ephesus. He wrote an account of the acts performed under each of the kings, both among the Greeks and the barbarians, having taken pains to learn history from the native records of each nation.

Whiston

¹¹⁶ And now I shall add Menander the Ephesian, as an additional witness. This Menander wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every one of the Tyrian kings, and had taken much pains to learn their history out of their own records.

Rogers

¹¹⁶ Let me also adduce Menander the Ephesian, who wrote the Acts of individual kings both among the Greeks and the Barbarians, having studied hard to learn their history from their own records.

¹¹⁷ Γράφων τοίνυν περὶ τῶν ἐν βεβασιλευκότων ἔπειτα γενόμενος κατὰ τὸν Ταῦτά φησι· τελευτήσαντος δὲ διεδέξατο τὴν‎ βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ‎ ὁ υἱὸς , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη νγ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη λδ.

Barach

¹¹⁷ Writing, then, about those who reigned in Tyre, when he comes to the time of Hiram, he speaks as follows:

"Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hiram succeeded to his kingdom; he lived fifty-three years and reigned thirty-four.

Whiston

¹¹⁷ Now when he was writing about those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came to Hirom, and says thus: Upon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the kingdom; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned thirty-four.

Rogers

¹¹⁷ Writing about the kings who reigned in Tyre, he says of Hiram, "After the death of Abibalus, his son Hiram took over the kingdom. He lived for fifty-three years and reigned for thirty-four.

¹¹⁸ Οὗτος ἔχωσε τὸν εὐρύχωρον τόν τε χρυσοῦν κίονα τὸν ἐν τοῖς τοῦ ἀνέθηκαν, ἐπί τε ὕλην ξύλων ἀπελθὼν ἔκοψεν ἀπὸ τοῦ λεγομένου ὄρους κέδρινα ξύλα εἰς τὰς τῶν ἱερῶν στέγας, καθελών τε τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἱερὰ καὶ ναοὺς ᾠκοδόμησεν τό τε τοῦ καὶ τῆς ,

Barach

¹¹⁸ He filled in the Eurychorus [or open space] and dedicated the golden pillar in the temple of Zeus; and going off to the forest, he cut down cedar logs from the mountain called Lebanon for the roofs of the temples. Having pulled down the ancient temples, he built new shrines for Heracles and Astarte;

Whiston

¹¹⁸ He raised a bank on that called the Broad Place, and dedicated that golden pillar which is in Jupiter's temple; he also went and cut down timber from the mountain called Libanus, and got timber Of cedar for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled down the old temples, and built new ones; besides this, he consecrated the temples of Hercules and of Astarte.

Rogers

¹¹⁸ He levelled out the Wide Place and dedicated the golden pillar in Zeus' temple. He also went and cut timber from the mountain called Libanus and provided the cedar-wood for the roofs of the temples. He pulled down the old temples and built new ones and he also consecrated the temples of Hercules and of Astarte.

¹¹⁹ πρῶτόν τε τοῦ ἩρακλέουςHercules ἔγερσιν ἐποιήσατο ἐν τῷ ΠεριτίῳPeritius μηνί, τοῖς τε ἸτυκαίοιςUtica ἐπεστρατεύσατο μὴ ἀποδιδοῦσι τοὺς φόρους· οὓς καὶ ὑποτάξας ἑαυτῷ πάλιν ἀνέστρεψεν.	Barach ¹¹⁹ he performed the raising of Heracles first in the month of Peritius, and campaigned against the Uticans, who were not paying their tribute; after subjecting them to himself once more, he returned home.
Whiston ¹¹⁹ He first built Hercules's temple in the month Peritus, and that of Astarte when he made his expedition against the Tityans, who would not pay him their tribute; and when he had subdued them to himself, he returned home.	Rogers ¹¹⁹ He first built the temple of Hercules in the month of Peritius and the other when he invaded the people of Utica, who would not pay him tribute, and when he had subdued them, he returned home.

¹²⁰ Ἐπὶ τούτου ἦν ἈβδήμουνοςAbdemon παῖς νεώτερος, ὃς ἀεὶ ἐνίκα τὰ προβλήματα, ἃ ἐπέταττε ΣολομὼνSolomon ὁ ἹεροσολύμωνJerusalem βασιλεύς.	Barach ¹²⁰ In his reign there was a young servant boy, Abdemon, who always used to solve the problems that Solomon, king of Jerusalem, proposed."
Whiston ¹²⁰ Under this king there was a younger son of Abdemon, who mastered the problems which Solomon king of Jerusalem had recommended to be solved.	Rogers ¹²⁰ In his reign there was a younger son of Abdemon, who mastered the problems sent by king Solomon of Jerusalem."

¹²¹ Ψηφίζεται δὲ ὁ χρόνος ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ βασιλέως ἄχρι ΚαρχηδόνοςCarthage κτίσεως οὕτως· τελευτήσαντος ΕἰρώμουHiram διεδέξατο τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ΒαλβάζεροςBaleazarus υἱός, ὃς βιώσας ἔτη μγ' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ιζ'.	Barach ¹²¹ The time from this king down to the founding of Carthage is calculated as follows: "Upon the death of Hiram, his son Balbazerus succeeded to the kingdom; he lived forty-three years and reigned seventeen.
Whiston ¹²¹ Now the time from this king to the building of Carthage is thus calculated: Upon the death of Hirom, Baleazarus his son took the kingdom; he lived forty-three years, and reigned seven years:	Rogers ¹²¹ The time from this king to the building of Carthage is calculated so: "After the death of Hiram, his son Baleazarus took over the kingdom. He lived forty-three years and reigned for seven years.

¹²² μετὰ τοῦτον υἱὸς βιώσας ἔτη λθ' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη θ'. Τοῦτον οἱ τῆς τροφοῦ αὐτοῦ‎ υἱοὶ τέσσαρες ἐπιβουλεύσαντες ἀπώλεσαν, ὧν ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἐβασίλευσεν ὁ , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη νδ' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ιβ'.

Barach

¹²² After him, his son Abdastartus lived thirty-nine years and reigned nine. The four sons of his nurse conspired against him and destroyed him; the eldest of them, Methousastartus, son of Leastartus, reigned twelve years, having lived fifty-four.

Whiston

¹²² after him succeeded his son Abdastartus; he lived twenty-nine years, and reigned nine years. Now four sons of his nurse plotted against him and slew him, the eldest of whom reigned twelve years: after them came Astartus, the son of Deleastartus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned twelve years:

Rogers

¹²² After him came his son Abdastartus, who lived for twenty-nine years and reigned for nine of them. But four sons of his nurse schemed against him and killed him, the eldest of whom reigned for twelve years. After them came Methusastartus, son of Deleastartus who lived for fifty-four years and reigned for twelve years.

¹²³ μετὰ τοῦτον ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ‎ βιώσας ἔτη νη' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη θ'. Οὗτος ἀπώλετο ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ , ὃς λαβὼν τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ἦρξεν μῆνας η' βιώσας ἔτη ν'. Τοῦτον ἀνεῖλεν ὁ τῆς ἱερεύς, ὃς βιώσας ἔτη μη' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη λβ'.

Barach

¹²³ After him, his brother Astharymus lived fifty-eight years and reigned nine. He was killed by his brother Phelles, who took the kingdom and ruled for eight months, having lived fifty years. He was slain by Ethbaal, the priest of Astarte, who lived forty-eight years and reigned thirty-two.

Whiston

¹²³ after him came his brother Aserymus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned nine years: he was slain by his brother Pheles, who took the kingdom and reigned but eight months, though he lived fifty years: he was slain by Ithobalus, the priest of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two years, and lived sixty-eight years:

Rogers

¹²³ And after him came his brother Aserymus who lived for fifty-four years and reigned for nine years. He was killed by his brother Pheles, who took over the kingdom and reigned for but eight months, though he lived fifty years: he was killed by Ithobalus, the priest of Astarte, who reigned for thirty-two years and lived for sixty-eight years.

¹²⁴ Τοῦτον διεδέξατο ΒαλέζωροςBadezorus υἱός, ὃς βιώσας ἔτη με' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη ἕξ.	Barach ¹²⁴ His son Balezorus succeeded him; he lived forty-five years and reigned six years.
Whiston ¹²⁴ after him came his brother Aserymus; he lived fifty-four years, and reigned nine years: he was slain by his brother Pheles, who took the kingdom and reigned but eight months, though he lived fifty years: he was slain by Ithobalus, the priest of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two years, and lived sixty-eight years:	Rogers ¹²⁴ He was succeeded by his son Badezorus, who lived for forty-five years and reigned for six years.

¹²⁵ τούτου διάδοχος γέγονε υἱός, ὃς βιώσας ἔτη λβ' ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη κθ'. τούτου διάδοχος γέγονεν , ὃς βιώσας ἔτη νη ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη μζ. Ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ ἑβδόμῳ ἔτει ἡ ἀδελφὴ αὐτοῦ‎ φυγοῦσα ἐν τῇ πόλιν ᾠκοδόμησεν .

Barach

¹²⁵ His successor was his son Mettenus, who lived thirty-two years and reigned twenty-nine. His successor was Pygmalion, who lived fifty-eight years and reigned forty-seven. In the seventh year of his reign, his sister fled and built the city of Carthage in Libya."

Whiston

¹²⁵ he was succeeded by Matgenus his son; he lived thirty-two years, and reigned nine years: Pygmalion succeeded him; he lived fifty-six years, and reigned forty-seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign, his sister fled away from him, and built the city Carthage in Libya.

Rogers

¹²⁵ He was succeeded by Matgenus his son, who lived for thirty-two years and reigned for nine years. Pygmalion succeeded him, and lived for fifty-six years, reigning for forty-seven years. Now in the seventh year of his reign, his sister fled from him and built the city of Carthage in Libya."

¹²⁶ συνάγεται πᾶς ὁ χρόνος ἀπὸ τῆς βασιλείας μέχρι κτίσεως ἔτη ρνε' μῆνες η'. Ἐπεὶ δὲ δωδεκάτῳ ἔτει τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλείας ὁ ἐν ᾠκοδομήθη ναός, γέγονεν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκοδομήσεως τοῦ ναοῦ μέχρι κτίσεως ἔτη ρμγ' μῆνες η'.

Barach

¹²⁶ The whole time from the reign of Hiram to the founding of Carthage amounts to one hundred and fifty-five years and eight months. And since the temple in Jerusalem was built in the twelfth year of Hiram's reign, the time from the building of the temple to the founding of Carthage comes to one hundred and forty-three years and eight months.

Whiston

¹²⁶ So the whole time from the reign of Hirom, till the building of Carthage, amounts to the sum of one hundred fifty-five years and eight months. Since then the temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth year of the reign of Hirom, there were from the building of the temple, until the building of Carthage, one hundred forty-three years and eight months.

Rogers

¹²⁶ So the whole time from Hiram’s reign to the building of Karchedon, amounts to one hundred fifty-five years and eight months. Since the temple was built in Jerusalem in his twelfth year, from the building of the temple, until the building of Carthage was one hundred and forty-three years and eight months.

¹²⁷ Τῆς μὲν οὖν παρὰ μαρτυρίας τί δεῖ προσθεῖναι πλέον ; Βλέπεται γὰρ τἀληθὲς ἰσχυρῶς ὡμολογημένον καὶ πολὺ δήπου προάγειν τῆς τοῦ νεὼ κατασκευῆς τὴν‎ τῶν προγόνων ἡμῶν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν ἄφιξιν· ὅτε γὰρ αὐτὴν πᾶσαν πολέμῳ παρέλαβον, τότε τὸν νεὼν κατεσκεύασαν. Καὶ ταῦτα σαφῶς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δεδήλωται διὰ τῆς ἀρχαιολογίας.

Barach

¹²⁷ What more need be added to the testimony of the Phoenicians? For the truth is seen to be strongly agreed upon, and the arrival of our ancestors in the land clearly long precedes the construction of the temple; for it was after they had conquered the whole country in war that they built the temple. These things have been clearly set forth by me from the sacred writings in the Antiquities.

Whiston

¹²⁷ Wherefore, what occasion is there for alleging any more testimonies out of the Phoenician histories [on the behalf of our nation], since what I have said is so thoroughly confirmed already? and to be sure our ancestors came into this country long before the building of the temple; for it was not till we had gotten possession of the whole land by war that we built our temple. And this is the point that I have clearly proved out of our sacred writings in my Antiquities.

Rogers

¹²⁷ What more testimonies do I need from the Phoenician histories, since what I have said is so fully proven already? Our ancestors came into this country long before the building of the temple, for we could not build it until we had possession of the whole land by war. This is the point that I have clearly proved in my Antiquities, from our sacred writings.

¹²⁸ λέξω δὲ νῦν ἤδη τὰ παρὰ ΧαλδαίοιςChaldeans ἀναγεγραμμένα καὶ ἱστορούμενα περὶ ἡμῶν, ἅπερ ἔχει πολλὴν ὁμολογίαν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοῖς ἡμετέροις γράμμασι.	Barach ¹²⁸ I shall now proceed to relate what is recorded and narrated about us among the Chaldeans, which shows a great deal of agreement with our own writings concerning other matters as well.
Whiston ¹²⁸ I will now relate what hath been written concerning us in the Chaldean histories, which records have a great agreement with our books in other things also.	Rogers ¹²⁸ I will now tell what has been written about us in the Chaldean histories, records in large agreement with our books in other things.

¹²⁹ Μάρτυς δὲ τούτων ἀνὴρ μὲν τὸ γένος, γνώριμος δὲ τοῖς περὶ παιδείαν ἀναστρεφομένοις, ἐπειδὴ περὶ τε ἀστρονομίας καὶ περὶ τῶν παρὰ φιλοσοφουμένων αὐτὸς εἰς τοὺς ἐξήνεγκε τὰς .

Barach

¹²⁹ Berossus is a witness to these things—a man who was a Chaldean by birth, but well known to those devoted to learning, since he himself published for the Greeks works on astronomy and on the philosophy of the Chaldeans.

Whiston

¹²⁹ Berosus shall be witness to what I say:

he was by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, on account of his publication of the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy among the Greeks.

Rogers

¹²⁹ Berosus shall be witness to what I say:

he was by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, having published among the Greeks the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy.

¹³⁰ οὗτος τοίνυν ὁ ταῖς ἀρχαιοτάταις ἀναγραφαῖς περὶ τε τοῦ γενομένου ὡς καὶ τῆς ἐν αὐτῷ φθορᾶς τῶν ἀνθρώπων καθάπερ οὕτως ἱστόρηκεν καὶ περὶ τῆς λάρνακος, ἐν ᾗ [ἢ ] ὁ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχηγὸς διεσώθη προσενεχθείσης αὐτῆς ταῖς ἀκρωρείαις τῶν .

Barach

¹³⁰ This Berossus, following the most ancient records, narrated the story of the flood that took place and the destruction of mankind in it, just as Moses did, as well as the ark in which Noah, the founder of our race, was saved when it was carried to the heights of the Armenian mountains.

Whiston

¹³⁰ This Berosus, therefore, following the most ancient records of that nation, gives us a history of the deluge of waters that then happened, and of the destruction of mankind thereby, and agrees with Moses's narration thereof. He also gives us an account of that ark wherein Noah, the origin of our race, was preserved, when it was brought to the highest part of the Armenian mountains;

Rogers

¹³⁰ Following the most ancient records of that nation, this Berosus gives us the story of the flood and of its destruction of mankind and agrees with Moses' narrative, and of the ark where Noah, the origin of our race, was preserved, when it was brought to the highest part of the Armenian mountains.

¹³¹ Εἶτα τοὺς ἀπὸ ΝώχουNoah καταλέγων καὶ τοὺς χρόνους αὐτοῖς προστιθεὶς ἐπὶ ΝαβοπαλάσσαρονNabolassar παραγίνεται τὸν ΒαβυλῶνοςBabylon καὶ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees βασιλέα	Barach ¹³¹ Then, listing the descendants of Noah and adding their dates, he comes to Nabopolassar, the king of Babylon and Chaldæa; and in narrating his deeds, he relates:
Whiston ¹³¹ after which he gives us a catalogue of the posterity of Noah, and adds the years of their chronology, and at length comes down to Nabolassar, who was king of Babylon, and of the Chaldeans.	Rogers ¹³¹ Then he lists the descendants of Noah with their dates and finally comes down to Nabolassar, king of Babylon and of the Chaldeans.

¹³² καὶ τὰς τούτου πράξεις ἀφηγούμενος λέγει, τίνα τρόπον πέμψας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἡμετέραν γῆν τὸν υἱὸν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως, ἐπειδήπερ ἀφεστῶτας αὐτοὺς , πάντων ἐκράτησεν καὶ τὸν ναὸν ἐνέπρησε τὸν ἐν ὅλως τε πάντα τὸν παρ᾽ ἡμῶν λαὸν ἀναστήσας εἰς μετῴκισεν, συνέβη δὲ καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν ἐρημωθῆναι χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑβδομήκοντα μέχρι τοῦ βασιλέως.

Barach

¹³² how, having learned that they had revolted, he sent his son Nebuchadnezzar with a large force against Egypt and against our land, and conquered them all, burning the temple in Jerusalem and completely removing all our people, deporting them to Babylon. It also happened that the city remained desolate for a period of seventy years, until Cyrus, king of the Persians.

Whiston

¹³² And when he was relating the acts of this king, he describes to us how he sent his son Nabuchodonosor against Egypt, and against our land, with a great army, upon his being informed that they had revolted from him; and how, by that means, he subdued them all, and set our temple that was at Jerusalem on fire; nay, and removed our people entirely out of their own country, and transferred them to Babylon; when it so happened that our city was desolate during the interval of seventy years, until the days of Cyrus king of Persia.

Rogers

¹³² When relating the acts of that king, he tells how he sent his son Nabuchodonosor with a large army against Egypt and against our land, after hearing that they had rebelled from him, and how he subdued them all and burned our temple in Jerusalem; also that he entirely deported our people from their own country and moved them to Babylon, so that our city was desolate for a period of seventy years, until Cyrus king of the Persians.

¹³³ Κρατῆσαι δέ φησι τὸν ΒαβυλώνιονBabylonian ΑἰγύπτουEgypt ΣυρίαςSyria ΦοινίκηςPhoenicia ἈραβίαςArabia πάντας ὑπερβαλόμενον ταῖς πράξεσι τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees καὶ ΒαβυλωνίωνBabylonians βεβασιλευκότας.	Barach ¹³³ He says that the Babylonian held sway over Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia, surpassing in his exploits all who had reigned over Chaldæa and Babylon before him.
Whiston ¹³³ He then says, That this Babylonian king conquered Egypt, and Syria, and Phoenicia, and Arabia, and exceeded in his exploits all that had reigned before him in Babylon and Chaldea.	Rogers ¹³³ This Babylonian king, he says, conquered Egypt and Syria and Phoenicia and Arabia and in his exploits surpassed all who had reigned before him in Chaldea and Babylon.

¹³⁴ Εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς ὑποκαταβὰς ὀλίγον ὁ ΒηρῶσοςBerosus πάλιν παρατίθεται ἐν τῇ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἱστοριογραφίᾳ. Αὐτὰ δὲ παραθήσομαι τὰ τοῦ ΒηρώσουBerosus τοῦτον ἔχοντα τὸν τρόπον·	Barach ¹³⁴ [Then shortly below, Berossus again presents this in his history of antiquity.] I shall quote the actual words of Berossus, which run in this manner:
Whiston ¹³⁴ A little after which Berosus subjoins what follows in his History of Ancient Times. I will set down Berosus's own accounts, which are these:	Rogers ¹³⁴ I will quote Berosus himself as follows:

Chapter 7
In Chaldean and Persian sources

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¹³⁵ ἀκούσας δ᾽ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ‎ , ὅτι ὁ τεταγμένος σατράπης ἔν τε καὶ τοῖς περὶ τὴν‎ τὴν‎ κοίλην καὶ τὴν‎ τόποις ἀποστάτης γέγονεν, οὐ δυνάμενος αὐτὸς ἔτι κακοπαθεῖν συστήσας τῷ υἱῷ ὄντι ἔτι ἐν ἡλικίᾳ μέρη τινὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν.

Barach

¹³⁵ "When his father Nabopolassar heard that the satrap appointed over Egypt and the regions round Coele-Syria and Phoenicia had revolted, being himself no longer able to endure hardships, he assigned certain parts of his army to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who was still in the vigor of youth, and sent him out against him.

Whiston

¹³⁵ When Nabolassar, father of Nabuchodonosor, heard that the governor whom he had set over Egypt, and over the parts of Celesyria and Phoenicia, had revolted from him, he was not able to bear it any longer; but committing certain parts of his army to his son Nabuchodonosor, who was then but young, he sent him against the rebel:

Rogers

¹³⁵ "When his father Nabolassar heard that the ruler he had set over Egypt and the regions of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia had rebelled, he could not endure it, so entrusting parts of his army to Nabuchodonosor his son, who was still young, he sent him against him.

¹³⁶ συμμίξας δὲ τῷ ἀποστάτῃ καὶ παραταξάμενος αὐτοῦ‎ τ᾽ ἐκράτει καὶ τὴν‎ χώραν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τὴν‎ αὐτῶν βασιλείαν ἐποιήσατο. Τῷ τε πατρὶ αὐτοῦ‎ συνέβη κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν ἀρρωστήσαντι ἐν τῇ πόλει μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον ἔτη βεβασιλευκότι κα᾽.

Barach

¹³⁶ Nebuchadnezzar engaged in battle with the rebel, defeated him, and brought the country back from the beginning under their own rule. It happened that at about this same time his father Nabopolassar fell sick in the city of Babylon and departed this life, having reigned twenty-one years.

Whiston

¹³⁶ Nabuchodonosor joined battle with him, and conquered him, and reduced the country under his dominion again. Now it so fell out that his father Nabolassar fell into a distemper at this time, and died in the city of Babylon, after he had reigned twenty-nine years.

Rogers

¹³⁶ Nabuchodonosor fought and defeated the rebel and brought the country under their rule again. But his father Nabolassar fell ill at this time and died in the city of Babylon, after a reign of twenty-nine years.

¹³⁷ αἰσθόμενος δὲ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν , καταστήσας τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ πράγματα καὶ τὴν‎ λοιπὴν χώραν καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους τε καὶ καὶ καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐθνῶν συντάξας τισὶ τῶν φίλων μετὰ τῆς βαρυτάτης δυνάμεως καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ὠφελείας ἀνακομίζειν εἰς τὴν‎ , αὐτὸς ὁρμήσας ὀλιγοστὸς παρεγένετο διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου εἰς .

Barach

¹³⁷ Nebuchadnezzar perceived the death of his father shortly after; and having settled the affairs of Egypt and the rest of the territory, and having instructed certain of his friends to bring back the captives of the Jews, Phoenicians, Syrians, and the nations in Egypt to Babylonia along with the heavy force and the rest of the spoils, he himself set out with a small retinue and arrived at Babylon through the desert.

Whiston

¹³⁷ But as he understood, in a little time, that his father Nabolassar was dead, he set the affairs of Egypt and the other countries in order, and committed the captives he had taken from the Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and of the nations belonging to Egypt, to some of his friends, that they might conduct that part of the forces that had on heavy armor, with the rest of his baggage, to Babylonia; while he went in haste, having but a few with him, over the desert to Babylon;

Rogers

¹³⁷ Hearing soon of the death of his father Nabuchodonosor, he set in order the affairs of Egypt and the other territory and left some of his friends in charge of the captives he had taken from the Jews and Phoenicians and Syrians and of the nations under Egypt, to bring his heavily armed troops and the rest of his baggage to Babylonia, while he sped back across the desert to Babylon with just a small force.

¹³⁸ Καταλαβὼν δὲ τὰ πράγματα διοικούμενα ὑπὸ καὶ διατηρουμένην τὴν‎ βασιλείαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βελτίστου αὐτῶν, κυριεύσας ὁλοκλήρου τῆς πατρικῆς ἀρχῆς τοῖς μὲν αἰχμαλώτοις παραγενομένοις συνέταξε κατοικίας ἐν τοῖς ἐπιτηδειοτάτοις τῆς τόποις ἀποδεῖξαι,

Barach

¹³⁸ Finding the state affairs administered by the Chaldeans, and the kingdom preserved for him by the chief among them, he assumed control of his whole fatherland empire. He ordered that dwelling places in the most suitable regions of Babylonia be assigned to the captives upon their arrival.

Whiston

¹³⁸ whither, when he was come, he found the public affairs had been managed by the Chaldeans, and that the principal person among them had preserved the kingdom for him. Accordingly, he now entirely obtained all his father's dominions. He then came, and ordered the captives to be placed as colonies in the most proper places of Babylonia;

Rogers

¹³⁸ He found that affairs had been well managed by the Chaldeans and that his kingdom had been preserved for him by the best of them, so he now controlled all of his father’s dominions; and then he ordered the captives to be placed as colonies in the most suitable places of Babylonia.

¹³⁹ αὐτὸς δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου λαφύρων τό τε ἱερὸν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ κοσμήσας φιλοτίμως τήν τε ὑπάρχουσαν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πόλιν καὶ ἑτέραν ἔξωθεν προσχαρισάμενος καὶ ἀναγκάσας πρὸς τὸ μηκέτι δύνασθαι τοὺς πολιορκοῦντας τὸν ποταμὸν ἀναστρέφοντας ἐπὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν κατασκευάζεσθαι, περιεβάλετο τρεῖς μὲν τῆς ἔνδον πόλεως περιβόλους, τρεῖς δὲ τῆς ἔξω, τούτων δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἐξ ὀπτῆς πλίνθου καὶ ἀσφάλτου, τοὺς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς πλίνθου.

Barach

¹³⁹ He himself, using the spoils of the war, splendidly adorned the temple of Belus and the rest of the shrines. He expanded the existing city and added another outside it, making provisions so that besiegers could no longer divert the river against the city to attack it; he enclosed the inner city with three walls, and the outer city with three walls, some of baked brick and asphalt, and others of brick alone.

Whiston

¹³⁹ but for himself, he adorned the temple of Belus, and the other temples, after an elegant manner, out of the spoils he had taken in this war. He also rebuilt the old city, and added another to it on the outside, and so far restored Babylon, that none who should besiege it afterwards might have it in their power to divert the river, so as to facilitate an entrance into it; and this he did by building three walls about the inner city, and three about the outer. Some of these walls he built of burnt brick and bitumen, and some of brick only.

Rogers

¹³⁹ He proceeded to elegantly adorn the temple of Belus and the other temples with the spoils he had taken in the war, and rebuilt the old city and added another outside it and built it so that none who might later besiege it would be able to divert the river for an easier access to the city. This he did by building three walls around the inner city and three around the outer, built partly of brick and asphalt and some of brick alone.

¹⁴⁰ Καὶ τειχίσας ἀξιολόγως τὴν‎ πόλιν καὶ τοὺς πυλῶνας κοσμήσας ἱεροπρεπῶς προσκατεσκεύασεν τοῖς πατρικοῖς βασιλείοις ἕτερα βασίλεια ἐχόμενα ἐκείνων, ὧν τὸ ἀνάστημα καὶ τὴν‎ λοιπὴν πολυτέλειαν μακρὸν ἴσως ἔσται‎ ἐάν τις , πλὴν ὄντα γε ὑπερβολὴν ὡς μεγάλα καὶ συνετελέσθη ἡμέραις δεκαπέντε.

Barach

¹⁴⁰ Having walled the city in a remarkable manner and adorned its gates magnificently, he built near his father’s palace another palace adjoining it, whose height and extraordinary luxury it would perhaps be tedious to describe; yet, despite being so vast and majestic beyond measure, it was completed in fifteen days.

Whiston

¹⁴⁰ So when he had thus fortified the city with walls, after an excellent manner, and had adorned the gates magnificently, he added a new palace to that which his father had dwelt in, and this close by it also, and that more eminent in its height, and in its great splendor. It would perhaps require too long a narration, if any one were to describe it. However, as prodigiously large and as magnificent as it was, it was finished in fifteen days.

Rogers

¹⁴⁰ When he had well fortified the city with walls, and had magnificently adorned the gates, he added a new, higher and more splendid palace near the one where his father had lived. It would probably take too long to describe it, but large and as magnificent as it was, it was completed in fifteen days.

¹⁴¹ Ἐν δὲ τοῖς βασιλείοις τούτοις λίθινα ὑψηλὰ ἀνοικοδομήσας καὶ τὴν‎ ὄψιν ἀποδοὺς ὁμοιοτάτην τοῖς ὄρεσι, καταφυτεύσας δένδρεσι παντοδαποῖς ἐξειργάσατο καὶ κατεσκεύασε τὸν καλούμενον κρεμαστὸν παράδεισον διὰ τὸ τὴν‎ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ‎ ἐπιθυμεῖν τῆς ὀρείας διαθέσεως τεθραμμένην ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν‎ τόποις.

Barach

¹⁴¹ In this palace he constructed high stone terraces, giving them an appearance closely resembling mountains, and planted them with all kinds of trees, thereby creating and completing the so-called Hanging Garden, because his wife, having been brought up in the regions of Media, desired a mountainous setting."

Whiston

¹⁴¹ Now in this palace he erected very high walks, supported by stone pillars, and by planting what was called a pensile paradise, and replenishing it with all sorts of trees, he rendered the prospect an exact resemblance of a mountainous country. This he did to please his queen, because she had been brought up in Media, and was fond of a mountainous situation.

Rogers

¹⁴¹ Now in this palace he built lofty terraces, supported by stone pillars and made what were called the Hanging Gardens planting them with all sorts of trees, creating the appearance of mountain scenery to please his queen who had been reared in Media and loved the mountains."

¹⁴² Ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἱστόρηκεν περὶ τοῦ προειρημένου βασιλέως καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς τούτοις ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ βίβλῳ τῶν , ἐν ᾗ μέμφεται τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν ὡς μάτην οἰομένοις ὑπὸ τῆς κτισθῆναι τὴν‎ καὶ τὰ θαυμάσια κατασκευασθῆναι περὶ αὐτὴν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνης ἔργα ψευδῶς γεγραφόσι.

Barach

¹⁴² These things Berossus has recorded concerning the aforementioned king, along with many other details in the third book of his Chaldaean History, in which he criticizes the Greek historians for vainly supposing that Babylon was built by Semiramis of Assyria, and for falsely writing that those wondrous works around it were constructed by her.

Whiston

¹⁴² This is what Berosus relates concerning the forementioned king, as he relates many other things about him also in the third book of his Chaldean History; wherein he complains of the Grecian writers for supposing, without any foundation, that Babylon was built by Semiramis, queen of Assyria, and for her false pretense to those wonderful edifices thereto buildings at Babylon, do no way contradict those ancient and relating, as if they were her own workmanship;

Rogers

¹⁴² This is what was given about the aforesaid king, besides many other things in the third book of the Chaldean History, where he censures the Greek writers for their baseless speculation that Babylon was built by Semiramis of Assyria and their lying claim that those wonderful buildings were due to her.

¹⁴³ Καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα τὴν‎ μὲν τῶν ἀναγραφὴν ἀξιόπιστον ἡγητέον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κἀν τοῖς ἀρχείοις τῶν σύμφωνα τοῖς ὑπὸ λεγομένοις ἀναγέγραπται περὶ τοῦ τῶν βασιλέως, ὅτι καὶ τὴν‎ καὶ τὴν‎ ἅπασαν ἐκεῖνος κατεστρέψατο.

Barach

¹⁴³ According to these facts, the record of the Chaldeans is to be deemed trustworthy. Furthermore, in the archives of the Phoenicians there are recorded statements agreeing with those made by Berossus concerning the king of the Babylonians, showing that he subdued all Syria and Phoenicia.

Whiston

¹⁴³ as indeed in these affairs the Chaldean History cannot but be the most credible. Moreover, we meet with a confirmation of what Berosus says in the archives of the Phoenicians, concerning this king Nabuchodonosor, that he conquered all Syria and Phoenicia;

Rogers

¹⁴³ In these matters the Chaldean History must be the most credible. And we find a confirmation of what Berosus says in the archives of the Phoenicians, about the king of the Babylonians, that he conquered all Syria and Phoenicia.

¹⁴⁴ περὶ τούτων γοῦν συμφωνεῖ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις μεμνημένος τῆς πολιορκίας, καὶ ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν , δι᾽ ἧς ἀποφαίνειν πειρᾶται τὸν προειρημένον βασιλέα τῶν ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ μεγέθει πράξεων διενηνοχέναι· καταστρέψασθαι γὰρ αὐτόν φησι καὶ τὴν‎ πολλὴν καὶ .

Barach

¹⁴⁴ Concerning these matters, Philostratus also agrees in his Histories, where he mentions the siege of Tyre; so too does Megasthenes in the fourth book of his Indica, through which he attempts to demonstrate that the aforementioned king of the Babylonians surpassed Heracles in bravery and the greatness of his deeds; for he says that he conquered most of Libya and Iberia.

Whiston

¹⁴⁴ in which case Philostratus agrees with the others in that history which he composed, where he mentions the siege of Tyre; as does Megasthenes also, in the fourth book of his Indian History, wherein he pretends to prove that the forementioned king of the Babylonians was superior to Hercules in strength and the greatness of his exploits; for he says that he conquered a great part of Libya, and conquered Iberia also.

Rogers

¹⁴⁴ Philostratus agrees with the others in the history he composed, where he mentions the siege of Tyre; as does Megasthenes, in his fourth book on India, where he tries to prove that the aforesaid king of the Babylonians was superior to Hercules in bravery and size, for he says that he conquered most of Libya and Iberia.

¹⁴⁵ Τὰ δὲ περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ προειρημένα τοῦ ἐν , ὅτι κατεπρήσθη μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιστρατευσάντων, ἤρξατο δὲ πάλιν ἀνοικοδομεῖσθαι τῆς τὴν‎ βασιλείαν παρειληφότος, ἐκ τῶν σαφῶς ἐπιδειχθήσεται παρατεθέντων· λέγει γὰρ οὕτως διὰ τῆς τρίτης·

Barach

¹⁴⁵ Moreover, the statements made earlier concerning the temple in Jerusalem—that it was burned down by the Babylonians who marched against it, and that it began to be rebuilt again when Cyrus assumed the kingdom of Asia—will be clearly demonstrated from the cited passages of Berossus.

Whiston

¹⁴⁵ Now as to what I have said before about the temple at Jerusalem, that it was fought against by the Babylonians, and burnt by them, but was opened again when Cyrus had taken the kingdom of Asia, shall now be demonstrated from what Berosus adds further upon that head; for thus he says in his third book:

Rogers

¹⁴⁵ Now as to what I said earlier about the temple in Jerusalem, that it was burned by the Babylonians invaders, but was opened again when Cyrus became king of Asia, shall be clearly shown from what Berosus adds about it, for in his third book he says:

¹⁴⁶ μὲν οὖν μετὰ τὸ ἄρξασθαι τοῦ προειρημένου τείχους ἐμπεσὼν εἰς ἀρρωστίαν μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον βεβασιλευκὼς ἔτη μγ, τῆς δὲ βασιλείας κύριος ἐγένετο ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ‎ .

Barach

¹⁴⁶ For he speaks as follows in his third book:

"Nebuchadnezzar, then, after beginning the aforementioned wall, fell sick and departed this life, having reigned forty-three years; and his son Evil-merodach became master of the kingdom.

Whiston

¹⁴⁶ Nabuchodonosor, after he had begun to build the forementioned wall, fell sick, and departed this life, when he had reigned forty-three years; whereupon his son Evilmerodach obtained the kingdom.

Rogers

¹⁴⁶ "Nabuchodonosor, after he began to build the aforesaid wall, fell sick and departed this life, after reigning forty-three years and his son Evilmerodach came to power.

¹⁴⁷ Οὗτος προστὰς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀνόμως καὶ ἀσελγῶς ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τὴν‎ ἀδελφὴν ἔχοντος αὐτοῦ‎ ἀνῃρέθη βασιλεύσας ἔτη β. μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἀναιρεθῆναι τοῦτον διαδεξάμενος τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν ὁ ἐπιβουλεύσας αὐτῷ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη δ.

Barach

¹⁴⁷ He governed state affairs in an arbitrary and licentious manner; and having been conspired against by Neriglissar, who was married to his sister, he was slain after reigning two years. After he was slain, Neriglissar, who had conspired against him, succeeded to the rule and reigned four years.

Whiston

¹⁴⁷ He governed public affairs after an illegal and impure manner, and had a plot laid against him by Neriglissoor, his sister's husband, and was slain by him when he had reigned but two years. After he was slain, Neriglissoor, the person who plotted against him, succeeded him in the kingdom, and reigned four years;

Rogers

¹⁴⁷ He ruled lawlessly and licentiously and a plot was hatched against him by Neriglissar, his sister’s husband who killed him when he had reigned for just two years. After he was killed, Neriglissar, who schemed against him, succeeded him in the kingdom and reigned for four years.

¹⁴⁸ Τούτου υἱὸς ΛαβοροσοάρδοχοςLaborosoardoch ἐκυρίευσε μὲν τῆς βασιλείας παῖς ὢν μῆνας θ᾽, ἐπιβουλευθεὶς δὲ διὰ τὸ πολλὰ ἐμφαίνειν κακοήθη ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἀπετυμπανίσθη.	Barach ¹⁴⁸ His son Laborosoarchod obtained control of the kingdom while still a boy for nine months; but because he manifested many evil dispositions, he was conspired against by his friends and beaten to death.
Whiston ¹⁴⁸ his son Laborosoarchod obtained the kingdom, though he was but a child, and kept it nine mouths; but by reason of the very ill temper and ill practices he exhibited to the world, a plot was laid against him also by his friends, and he was tormented to death.	Rogers ¹⁴⁸ his son Laborosoardoch ruled the kingdom for nine months though he was only a child; but because of his public bad behaviour he was conspired against and tortured to death by his friends.

¹⁴⁹ Ἀπολομένου δὲ τούτου συνελθόντες οἱ ἐπιβουλεύσαντες αὐτῷ κοινῇ τὴν‎ βασιλείαν περιέθηκαν τινὶ τῶν ἐκ ὄντι ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς . Ἐπὶ τούτου τὰ περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τείχη τῆς πόλεως ἐξ ὀπτῆς πλίνθου καὶ ἀσφάλτου κατεκοσμήθη.

Barach

¹⁴⁹ After his death, the conspirators met together and by common consent conferred the kingdom upon a certain Nabonnedus, a native of Babylon who belonged to the same conspiracy. In his reign, the walls of the city of Babylon along the river were adorned with baked brick and asphalt.

Whiston

¹⁴⁹ After his death, the conspirators got together, and by common consent put the crown upon the head of Nabonnedus, a man of Babylon, and one who belonged to that insurrection. In his reign it was that the walls of the city of Babylon were curiously built with burnt brick and bitumen;

Rogers

¹⁴⁹ After his death, the conspirators gathered and by common consent put the crown upon the head of Nabonnedus, a Babylonian and one of their group. It was in his reign that the ramparts of the city of Babylon were finely built with burned brick and asphalt.

¹⁵⁰ ΟὔσηςOuses δὲ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ‎ ἐν τῷ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῳ ἔτει προεξεληλυθὼς ΚῦροςCyrus ἐκ τῆς ΠερσίδοςPersia μετὰ δυνάμεως πολλῆς καταστρεψάμενος τὴν‎ λοιπὴν βασιλείαν πᾶσαν ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τῆς ΒαβυλωνίαςBabylonia.	Barach ¹⁵⁰ When his reign was in its seventeenth year, Cyrus came out from Persia with a large force, and having subdued all the rest of the kingdom, he marched against Babylonia.
Whiston ¹⁵⁰ but when he was come to the seventeenth year of his reign, Cyrus came out of Persia with a great army; and having already conquered all the rest of Asia, he came hastily to Babylonia.	Rogers ¹⁵⁰ In the seventeenth year of his reign, Cyrus came from Persia with a large army, and having already conquered all the rest of Asia, he hurried to Babylonia.

¹⁵¹ αἰσθόμενος δὲ ΝαβόννηδοςNabonnedus τὴν‎ ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ‎, ἀπαντήσας μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ παραταξάμενος, ἡττηθεὶς τῇ μάχῃ καὶ φυγὼν ὀλιγοστὸς	Barach ¹⁵¹ Nabonnedus, perceiving his approach, met him with his army and arrayed his forces; but being defeated in the battle and fleeing with a small retinue, he was shut up in the city of Borsippa.
Whiston ¹⁵¹ When Nabonnedus perceived he was coming to attack him, he met him with his forces, and joining battle with him was beaten, and fled away with a few of his troops with him, and was shut up within the city Borsippus.	Rogers ¹⁵¹ When Nabonnedus saw him coming to attack him, he met him with his forces and was defeated in the battle and fled with a few of his troops but was shut up within the city of Borsippus.

¹⁵² συνεκλείσθη εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν, δὲ καταλαβόμενος καὶ συντάξας τὰ ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τείχη κατασκάψαι διὰ τὸ λίαν αὐτῷ καὶ δυσάλωτον φανῆναι τὴν‎ πόλιν ἀνέζευξεν ἐπὶ ἐκπολιορκήσων τὸν .

Barach

¹⁵² Cyrus took Babylon, and having ordered the outer walls of the city to be demolished because the city appeared to him exceedingly formidable and hard to capture, he marched against Borsippa to besiege Nabonnedus.

Whiston

¹⁵² Hereupon Cyrus took Babylon, and gave order that the outer walls of the city should be demolished, because the city had proved very troublesome to him, and cost him a great deal of pains to take it. He then marched away to Borsippus, to besiege Nabonnedus;

Rogers

¹⁵² Then Cyrus took Babylon and had the outer walls of the city demolished, since the city had proved formidable and had cost him a large amount of trouble to take, and marched to besiege Nabonnedus in Borsippus.

¹⁵³ Τοῦ δὲ οὐχ τὴν‎ πολιορκίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγχειρίσαντος αὑτὸν πρότερον, χρησάμενος φιλανθρώπως καὶ δοὺς οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ ἐξέπεμψεν ἐκ τῆς . μὲν οὖν τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ χρόνου διαγενόμενος ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον.

Barach

¹⁵³ Nabonnedus, however, did not await the siege, but surrendered himself first; Cyrus treated him humanely and, giving him Carmania as a place to dwell, sent him out of Babylonia. Nabonnedus then spent the remainder of his life in that country and ended his days."

Whiston

¹⁵³ but as Nabonnedus did not sustain the siege, but delivered himself into his hands, he was at first kindly used by Cyrus, who gave him Carmania, as a place for him to inhabit in, but sent him out of Babylonia. Accordingly Nabonnedus spent the rest of his time in that country, and there died.

Rogers

¹⁵³ Nabonnedus did not withstand the siege, but gave himself up and was at first kindly treated by Cyrus, who let him reside in Carmania but sent him out of Babylonia. So Nabonnedus spent the rest of his time in that country and there died."

¹⁵⁴ Ταῦτα σύμφωνον ἔχει ταῖς ἡμετέραις βίβλοις τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν· γέγραπται γὰρ ἐν αὐταῖς, ὅτι ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῳ τῆς αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλείας ἔτει τὸν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ναὸν ἠρήμωσεν καὶ ἦν ἀφανὴς ἐπ᾽ ἔτη πεντήκοντα, δευτέρῳ δὲ τῆς βασιλείας ἔτει τῶν θεμελίων ὑποβληθέντων δευτέρῳ πάλιν τῆς βασιλείας ἀπετελέσθη.

Barach

¹⁵⁴ These accounts have truth in agreement with our books; for it is written in them that Nebuchadnezzar in the eighteenth year of his reign laid waste to our temple, and it lay desolate for fifty years; but in the second year of the reign of Cyrus its foundations were laid, and in turn in the second year of the reign of Darius it was completed.

Whiston

¹⁵⁴ These accounts agree with the true histories in our books; for in them it is written that Nebuchadnezzar, in the eighteenth year of his reign, laid our temple desolate, and so it lay in that state of obscurity for fifty years; but that in the second year of the reign of Cyrus its foundations were laid, and it was finished again in the second year of Darius.

Rogers

¹⁵⁴ These accounts agree with the truth in our books, for it is written in them that Nabuchodonosor, in the eighteenth year of his reign, devastated our temple and for fifty years it lay hidden; but that in the second year of the reign of Cyrus its foundations were laid and it was finished again in the second year of Darius.

¹⁵⁵ Προσθήσω δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians ἀναγραφάς· οὐ γὰρ παραλειπτέον τῶν ἀποδείξεων τὴν‎ περιουσίαν·	Barach ¹⁵⁵ I shall also add the records of the Phoenicians, for the abundance of proofs must not be passed over; the computation of the periods is as follows:
Whiston ¹⁵⁵ I will now add the records of the Phoenicians; for it will not be superfluous to give the reader demonstrations more than enough on this occasion.	Rogers ¹⁵⁵ I will now add the records of the Phoenicians, for it will not be amiss to give the reader the many proofs that exist.

¹⁵⁶ ἔστι δὲ τοιαύτη τῶν χρόνων ἡ καταρίθμησις· ἐπ᾽ ἸθωβάλουEthbaal τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπολιόρκησεto besiege ΝαβουχοδονόσοροςNabuchodonosor τὴν‎ ΤύρονTyre ἐπ᾽ ἔτη δεκατρία.	Barach ¹⁵⁶ "In the reign of King Ithobal, Nebuchadnezzar besieged Tyre for thirteen years.
Whiston ¹⁵⁶ In them we have this enumeration of the times of their several kings: Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal, their king;	Rogers ¹⁵⁶ This is their calculation of the times of their several kings: "Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal, their king.

¹⁵⁷ μετὰ τοῦτον ἐβασίλευσε ἔτη δέκα. μετὰ τοῦτον δικασταὶ κατεστάθησαν, καὶ ἐδίκασαν μῆνας δύο, μῆνας δέκα, ἀρχιερεὺς μῆνας τρεῖς, καὶ τοῦ δικασταὶ ἔτη ἕξ, ὧν μεταξὺ ἐβασίλευσε ἐνιαυτὸν ἕνα.

Barach

¹⁵⁷ After him, Baal reigned ten years. After him, judges were appointed, and they judged: Ecnibalus son of Baslechus for two months, Chelbes son of Abdaeus for ten months, Abbarus the high priest for three months, Myttynus and Gerastratus the sons of Abdelimus as judges for six years; between whom Balatorus reigned for one year.

Whiston

¹⁵⁷ after him reigned Baal, ten years; after him were judges appointed, who judged the people: Ecnibalus, the son of Baslacus, two months; Chelbes, the son of Abdeus, ten months; Abbar, the high priest, three months; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons of Abdelemus, were judges six years; after whom Balatorus reigned one year;

Rogers

¹⁵⁷ After him Baal reigned for ten years; and after him judges were appointed, among them Ecnibalus, son of Baslacus, for two months; Chelbes, son of Abdeus, for ten months; Abbar, the high priest, for three months; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons of Abdelemus, judged for six years; after whom Balatorus reigned for one year.

¹⁵⁸ Τούτου τελευτήσαντος ἀποστείλαντες μετεπέμψαντο ἐκ τῆς , καὶ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη δ. Τούτου τελευτήσαντος μετεπέμψαντο τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ‎ , ὃς ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη εἴκοσιν. Ἐπὶ τούτου ἐδυνάστευσεν.

Barach

¹⁵⁸ Upon his death, they sent and summoned Merbalus from Babylon, and he reigned four years. Upon his death, they sent for his brother Hiram, who reigned twenty years. In his time Cyrus became ruler of the Persians."

Whiston

¹⁵⁸ after his death they sent and fetched Merbalus from Babylon, who reigned four years; after his death they sent for his brother Hirom, who reigned twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus became king of Persia.

Rogers

¹⁵⁸ after his death they sent to Babylon for Merbalus, who reigned for four years; after his death they sent for his brother Hiram, who reigned for twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus the Persian came to power."

¹⁵⁹ Οὐκοῦν ὁ σύμπας χρόνος ἔτη νδ καὶ τρεῖς μῆνες πρὸς αὐτοῖς· ἑβδόμῳ μὲν γὰρ ἔτει τῆς βασιλείας ἤρξατο πολιορκεῖν , τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτῳ δ᾽ ἔτει τῆς ὁ τὸ κράτος παρέλαβεν.

Barach

¹⁵⁹ Therefore, the whole time amounts to fifty-four years and three months in addition; for in the seventh year of Nebuchadnezzar’s reign he began to besiege Tyre, and in the fourteenth year of Hiram’s reign Cyrus the Persian assumed sovereign power.

Whiston

¹⁵⁹ So that the whole interval is fifty-four years besides three months; for in the seventh year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar he began to besiege Tyre, and Cyrus the Persian took the kingdom in the fourteenth year of Hirom.

Rogers

¹⁵⁹ So the whole period is fifty-four years and three months, for in the seventh year of the reign of Nabuchodonosor he began to besiege Tyre and Cyrus the Persian took power in the fourteenth year of Hiram.

¹⁶⁰ Καὶ σύμφωνα μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῖς ἡμετέροις γράμμασι τὰ καὶ , ὡμολογημένη δὲ καὶ ἀναντίρρητος ἡ περὶ τῶν εἰρημένων μοι μαρτυρία τῆς τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν ἀρχαιότητος. Τοῖς μὲν οὖν μὴ σφόδρα φιλονείκοις ἀρκέσειν ὑπολαμβάνω τὰ προειρημένα.

Barach

¹⁶⁰ Thus the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our writings concerning the temple, and the testimony regarding the antiquity of our nation which I have cited is acknowledged and indisputable. To those who are not excessively contentious, I consider that what has been said will be sufficient.

Whiston

¹⁶⁰ So that the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple; and the testimonies here produced are an indisputable and undeniable attestation to the antiquity of our nation. And I suppose that what I have already said may be sufficient to such as are not very contentious.

Rogers

¹⁶⁰ So the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple, and the testimonies here produced are an indisputable and undeniable proof of the antiquity of our nation. I suppose that what I have said will suffice for any but the most contentious.

Chapter 8
Greek authors who mention the Jews

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¹⁶¹ Δεῖ δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ τῶν ἀπιστούντων μὲν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀναγραφαῖς μόνοις δὲ τοῖς πιστεύειν ἀποπληρῶσαι τὴν‎ καὶ παρασχεῖν πολλοὺς καὶ τούτους ἐπισταμένους τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν καὶ καθ᾽ ὃ καιρὸς ἦν αὐτοῖς μνημονεύοντας παραθέσθαι ἐν ἰδίοις αὐτῶν συγγράμμασι.

Barach

¹⁶¹ It is necessary, therefore, to satisfy the demand of those who disbelieve the records of the barbarians and deem it right to believe Greeks only, and to furnish many witnesses—and these being men who knew our nation and, whenever the occasion arose, made mention of it in their own works.

Whiston

¹⁶¹ But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of us in their own writings.

Rogers

¹⁶¹ But now I should answer those who disbelieve the records of barbarians and think no one may be trusted except the Greeks, by appealing to many of these very Greeks who knew of our nation and listing some who have mentioned us in their writings.

¹⁶² τοίνυν ὁ ἀρχαῖος ὤν, σοφίᾳ δὲ καὶ τῇ περὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ πάντων ὑπειλημμένος διενεγκεῖν τῶν φιλοσοφησάντων, οὐ μόνον ἐγνωκὼς τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν δῆλός ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζηλωτὴς αὐτῶν ἐκ πλείστου γεγενημένος.

Barach

¹⁶² Pythagoras, then, the Samian, who was of ancient date and acknowledged by all to have excelled all philosophers in wisdom and piety towards the Divine, is clearly shown not only to have known our customs, but also to have been for a long time an emulator of them.

Whiston

¹⁶² Pythagoras, therefore, of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that he did not only know our doctrines, but was in very great measure a follower and admirer of them.

Rogers

¹⁶² Pythagoras of Samos, lived in very ancient times and was esteemed above all philosophers in wisdom and piety. Now clearly he not only knew our doctrines, but also was in large measure a follower and admirer of them.

¹⁶³ Αὐτοῦ μὲν οὖν οὐδὲν ὁμολογεῖται σύγγραμμα, πολλοὶ δὲ τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ἱστορήκασι, καὶ τούτων ἐπισημότατόςmost notable ἐστιν ἝρμιπποςHermippus ἀνὴρ περὶ πᾶσαν ἱστορίαν ἐπιμελήςcareful, attentive.	Barach ¹⁶³ No work of his own, indeed, is acknowledged, but many have written about him, the most eminent of these being Hermippus, a man diligent in every branch of history.
Whiston ¹⁶³ There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned for his but many there are who have written his history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive into all sorts of history.	Rogers ¹⁶³ No acknowledged writing of his is extant but many have written his history, of whom the most celebrated is Hermippus, a very careful historian.

¹⁶⁴ Λέγει τοίνυν ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν περὶ βιβλίων, ὅτι ἑνὸς αὐτοῦ‎ τῶν συνουσιαστῶν τελευτήσαντος τοὔνομα τὸ γένος τὴν‎ ἐκείνου ψυχὴν ἔλεγε συνδιατρίβειν αὐτῷ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν· καὶ ὅτι παρεκελεύετο μὴ διέρχεσθαι τόπον, ἐφ᾽ ὃν ὄνος ὀκλάσῃ, καὶ τῶν διψίων ὑδάτων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ πάσης ἀπέχειν βλασφημίας.

Barach

¹⁶⁴ He states, therefore, in the first book of his On Pythagoras, that when one of Pythagoras' associates named Calliphon, a Crotoniate by race, died, Pythagoras said that his soul consorted with him both night and day; and that he exhorted [his disciples] not to cross a place where an ass had knelt down, to abstain from thirst-inducing waters, and to abstain from all blasphemy.

Whiston

¹⁶⁴ Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus: That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Calliphon, a Crotonlate by birth, affirmed that this man's soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches.

Rogers

¹⁶⁴ In his first book about Pythagoras he says that after the death of one of his associates, Calliphon of Croton, Pythagoras affirmed that this man’s soul conversed with him both night and day and warned him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down, and not to drink from thirst-producing waters and to abstain from all blasphemy.

¹⁶⁵ Εἶτα προστίθησι μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τάδε· ταῦτα δὲ ἔπραττεν καὶ ἔλεγε τὰς καὶ δόξας μιμούμενος καὶ μεταφέρων εἰς ἑαυτόν. Λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐκεῖνος πολλὰ τῶν παρὰ νομίμων εἰς τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ μετενεγκεῖν φιλοσοφίαν.

Barach

¹⁶⁵ Then he adds after this: "Now these things he did and said by imitating the opinions of the Jews and Thracians and transferring them to himself." For that man is truly said to have transferred many of the customs of the Jews into his own philosophy.

Whiston

¹⁶⁵ After which he adds thus: This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he transferred into his own philosophy. For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy.

Rogers

¹⁶⁵ He adds that in his acts and words he was imitating the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which he took to himself. For the man himself truly said that he took many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy.

¹⁶⁶ Ἦν δὲ καὶ κατὰ πόλεις οὐκ ἄγνωστον ἡμῶν πάλαι τὸ ἔθνος, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἐθῶν εἴς τινας ἤδη διαπεφοιτήκει καὶ ζήλου παρ᾽ ἐνίοις ἠξιοῦτο. Δηλοῖ δὲ ὁ ΘεόφραστοςTheophrastus ἐν τοῖς περὶ νόμων·	Barach ¹⁶⁶ Moreover, our nation was not unknown in the cities long ago, and many of our customs had already penetrated to certain persons and were emulated by some. This is shown by Theophrastus in his On Laws;
Whiston ¹⁶⁶ Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Grecian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them.	Rogers ¹⁶⁶ Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Greek cities and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them.

¹⁶⁷ λέγει γάρ, ὅτι κωλύουσιν οἱ νόμοι ξενικοὺς ὅρκους ὀμνύειν, ἐν οἷς μετά τινων ἄλλων καὶ τὸν καλούμενον ὅρκον κορβὰν καταριθμεῖ. Παρ᾽ οὐδενὶ δ᾽ ἂν οὗτος εὑρεθείη πλὴν μόνοις , δηλοῖ δ᾽ ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις ἐκ τῆς μεθερμηνευόμενος διαλέκτου δῶρον θεοῦ.

Barach

¹⁶⁷ for he says that the laws of the Tyrians forbid them to swear foreign oaths, among which he enumerates, along with certain others, the oath called Corban. Now this would be found with no one save the Jews alone, which—as one might explain when translated from the Hebrew tongue—means "Gift of God."

Whiston

¹⁶⁷ This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws; for he says that the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths. Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called Corban: which oath can only be found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call A thing devoted to God.

Rogers

¹⁶⁷ Theophrastus too, writing about laws, says, "The laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths." Among which he lists some others and particularly that called Corban: which can only be found among the Jews and declares what a man may call devoted to God.

¹⁶⁸ Καὶ μὴν οὐδὲ ἩρόδοτοςHerodotus ὁ ἉλικαρνασεὺςHalicarnassus ἠγνόηκεν ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος, ἀλλὰ τρόπῳ τινὶ φαίνεται μεμνημένος· περὶ γὰρ ΚόλχωνColchians ἱστορῶν ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ βίβλῳ φησὶν οὕτως·	Barach ¹⁶⁸ And indeed neither did Herodotus of Halicarnassus ignore our nation, but appears to make mention of it in a certain way; for when recording matters concerning the Colchians in his second book, he speaks thus:
Whiston ¹⁶⁸ Nor indeed was Herodotus of Halicarnassus unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book concerning the Colchians. His words are these:	Rogers ¹⁶⁸ Nor was our nation unknown to Herodotus of Halicarnassus, who mentions it in his own way when he says in the second book about the Colchians:

¹⁶⁹ μοῦνοι δὲ πάντων, φησί, καὶ καὶ περιτέμνονται ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τὰ αἰδοῖα. δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ καὶ οὗτοι ὁμολογοῦσι παρ᾽ μεμαθηκέναι.

Barach

¹⁶⁹ "The Colchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians are the only nations of the world who have practiced circumcision from the first. But the Phoenicians and the Syrians in Palestine acknowledge that they learned it from the Egyptians."

Whiston

¹⁶⁹ The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine confess that they learned it from the Egyptians.

Rogers

¹⁶⁹ "The only people who were originally circumcised were the Colchians, the Egyptians and the Ethiopians. The Phoenicians and the Syrians in Palestine admit that they learned it from the Egyptians.

¹⁷⁰ δὲ οἱ περὶ καὶ ποταμὸν καὶ οἱ τούτοισιν ἀστυγείτονες ὄντες ἀπὸ φασὶ νεωστὶ μεμαθηκέναι· οὗτοι γάρ εἰσιν οἱ περιτεμνόμενοι ἀνθρώπων μοῦνοι καὶ οὗτοι φαίνονται ποιοῦντες κατὰ ταὐτά. Αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὁπότεροι παρὰ τῶν ἑτέρων ἐξέμαθον.

Barach

¹⁷⁰ "The Syrians about the Thermodon and the Parthenius river and the Macronians, their neighbors, say that they learned it recently from the Colchians; for these are the only men who are circumcised and appear to do so in the same manner as the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I cannot say which of the two learned it from the other."

Whiston

¹⁷⁰ And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius, and their neighbors the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians. But as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians themselves, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other.

Rogers

¹⁷⁰ And for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius and their neighbours the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Colchians, for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind and appear to have done the very same as the Egyptians. Between the Egyptians and Ethiopians I could not find out which received it from the other."

¹⁷¹ Οὐκοῦν εἴρηκε ΣύρουςSyrians τοὺς ἐν τῇ ΠαλαιστίνῃPalestine περιτέμνεσθαι· τῶν δὲ τὴν‎ ΠαλαιστίνηνPalestine κατοικούντων μόνοι τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν ἸουδαῖοιJews· τοῦτο ἄρα γιγνώσκων εἴρηκεν περὶ αὐτῶν.	Barach ¹⁷¹ Thus he has stated that the Syrians in Palestine practice circumcision. Now of those who inhabit Palestine, the Jews alone do this; he spoke, therefore, of them with full knowledge of the fact.
Whiston ¹⁷¹ This therefore is what Herodotus says, that the Syrians that are in Palestine are circumcised. But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concerning them.	Rogers ¹⁷¹ He says that the Syrians in Palestine are circumcised. But none of the people of Palestine are circumcised except the Jews, so he must have known them in order to make this reference.

¹⁷² Καὶ δὲ ἀρχαιότερος γενόμενος ποιητὴς μέμνηται τοῦ ἔθνους ἡμῶν, ὅτι συνεστράτευται τῷ βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ τὴν‎ · καταριθμησάμενος γὰρ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη τελευταῖον καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἐνέταξε λέγων·

Barach

¹⁷² Choerilus also, who lived at an earlier date as a poet, makes mention of our nation, [stating] that they campaigned with Xerxes, the king of the Persians, against Greece; for after enumerating all the nations, he placed ours last, saying:

Whiston

¹⁷² Cherilus also, a still ancienter writer, and a poet, makes mention of our nation, and informs us that it came to the assistance of king Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece. For in his enumeration of all those nations, he last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he says,

Rogers

¹⁷² Cherilus also, an ancient poet, mentions our nation and how it joined in the expedition of king Xerxes of Persia against Greece, for in numbering all the nations, he lists ours last of all saying,

¹⁷³ Τῶν δ᾽ ὄπιθεν διέβαινε γένος θαυμαστὸν ἰδέσθαι,
γλῶσσαν μὲν ἀπὸ στομάτων ἀφιέντες,
ᾤκεον δ᾽ ἐν ὄρεσι πλατέῃ παρὰ λίμνῃ
αὐχμαλέοι κορυφὰς τροχοκουράδες, αὐτὰρ ὕπερθεν
ἵππων δαρτὰ πρόσωπ᾽ ἐφόρουν ἐσκληκότα καπνῷ.

Barach

¹⁷³ "And behind them there marched a race wondrous to behold, uttering a Phoenician tongue from their mouths, dwelling in the Solyrian mountains by a broad lake; dusty were their heads, with round-cropped hair, and above they wore the raw-hide faces of horses, stiffened with smoke."

Whiston

¹⁷³ At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld; for they spake the Phoenician tongue with their mouths; they dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake: their heads were sooty; they had round rasures on them; their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads also, that had been hardened in the smoke.

Rogers

¹⁷³ ¹⁷³ "Finally came a remarkable people from whose mouths came the Phoenician tongue though they lived in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake. Their heads were shaggy though shorn in a circle, and over them they carried hides like horse-heads, hardened in the smoke."

¹⁷⁴ Δῆλον οὖν ἐστιν, ὡς οἶμαι, πᾶσιν ἡμῶν αὐτὸν μεμνῆσθαι τῷ καὶ τὰ ὄρη ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ εἶναι χώρᾳ, ἃ κατοικοῦμεν, καὶ τὴν‎ λεγομένην λίμνην· αὕτη γὰρ πασῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ λίμνη πλατυτέρα καὶ μείζων καθέστηκεν.

Barach

¹⁷⁴ It is clear then, as I suppose, that he is mentioning us, both because the Solyrian mountains are in our country which we inhabit, and because of the so-called Asphaltic Lake; for this lake is broader and larger than all those in Syria.

Whiston

¹⁷⁴ I think, therefore, that it is evident to every body that Cherilus means us, because the Solymean mountains are in our country, wherein we inhabit, as is also the lake called Asphaltitis; for this is a broader and larger lake than any other that is in Syria:

Rogers

¹⁷⁴ It is clear to all, I think, that he is referring to us, as the Solymean mountains are in the country where we live, as is the lake called Asphaltitis, which is broader and larger than any other lake in Syria.

¹⁷⁵ Καὶ μὲν οὖν οὕτω μέμνηται ἡμῶν. Ὅτι δὲ οὐ μόνον ἠπίσταντο τοὺς , ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐθαύμαζον αὐτῶν ἐντύχοιεν οὐχ οἱ φαυλότατοι τῶν , ἀλλ᾽ οἱ ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ μάλιστα τεθαυμασμένοι, ῥᾴδιον γνῶναι·

Barach

¹⁷⁵ Choerilus, then, thus makes mention of us. But that not only did the Greeks know the Jews, but even admired them—not the most worthless of the Greeks, but those most celebrated for wisdom—is easy to know;

Whiston

¹⁷⁵ and thus does Cherilus make mention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but those that are had in the greatest admiration for their philosophic improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but when they lighted upon any of them, admired them also, it is easy for any one to know.

Rogers

¹⁷⁵ So that is how Cherilus mentions us. One can easily discover that not only the lowest sort of Greeks, but also those most admired for wisdom among them, not only knew the Jews, but when they met any of them, admired them too.

¹⁷⁶ γὰρ ὁ ὢν μαθητὴς καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ Περιπάτου φιλοσόφων οὐδενὸς δεύτερος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ περὶ ὕπνου βιβλίῳ φησὶν τὸν διδάσκαλον αὐτοῦ‎ περὶ τινος ἀνδρὸς ταῦτα ἱστορεῖν, αὐτῷ τε τὸν λόγον παρατιθείς· ἔστι δὲ οὕτω γεγραμμένον·

Barach

¹⁷⁶ for Clearchus, who was a pupil of Aristotle and inferior to none of the philosophers of the Peripatos, says in his first book On Sleep that his master Aristotle related these things concerning a certain Jewish man, presenting the account to Aristotle himself. It is written thus:

Whiston

¹⁷⁶ For Clearchus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whomsoever, in his first book concerning sleep, says that Aristotle his master related what follows of a Jew, and sets down Aristotle's own discourse with him. The account is this, as written down by him:

Rogers

¹⁷⁶ For Clearchus, the disciple of Aristotle and second to none among the Peripatetics, in his first book about sleep, reports a story that his master Aristotle told about a Jew and the conversation he had with him. The account, as written by him is this:

¹⁷⁷ ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν πολλὰ μακρὸν ἂν εἴη λέγειν, ὅσα δ᾽ ἔχει τῶν ἐκείνου θαυμασιότητά τινα καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ὁμοίως διελθεῖν οὐ χεῖρον. Σαφῶς δ᾽ ἴσθι, εἶπεν, , θαυμαστὸν ἴσα σοι δόξω λέγειν. Καὶ ὁ εὐλαβούμενος, δι᾽ αὐτὸ γάρ, ἔφη, τοῦτο καὶ ζητοῦμεν ἀκοῦσαι πάντες.

Barach

¹⁷⁷ "Now to tell many things would be tedious, but to recount as many of that man's matters as possess a certain marvel and philosophy is not worse. But know well, said he, Hyperochides, I shall seem to you to speak things akin to dreams." And Hyperochides, with hesitation, said: "For this very reason, you see, we all seek to hear."

Whiston

¹⁷⁷ Now, for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it; but what includes in it both wonder and philosophy it may not be amiss to discourse of. Now, that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders, and what will resemble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hyperochides answered modestly, and said, For that very reason it is that all of us are very desirous of hearing what thou art going to say.

Rogers

¹⁷⁷ "It would be too much to report the whole story, but some points about this man’s remarkable character and philosophy are worthy of mention. To speak plainly, Hyperochides, what I say will seem as remarkable to you as are dreams. Hyperochides modestly replied, That is why we are all eager to heart it.

¹⁷⁸ Οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν ὁ , κατὰ τὸ τῶν ῥητορικῶν παράγγελμα τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ‎ πρῶτον διέλθωμεν, ἵνα μὴ ἀπειθῶμεν τοῖς τῶν διδασκάλοις. Λέγε, εἶπεν ὁ , εἴ τί σοι δοκεῖ.

Barach

¹⁷⁸ "Well then," said Aristotle, "according to the rhetorical precept, let us first set forth his race, lest we disobey the masters of narrative." "Speak," said Hyperochides, "if anything seems good to you."

Whiston

¹⁷⁸ Then replied Aristotle, For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of what nation he was, that so we may not contradict our master's directions. Then said Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee.

Rogers

¹⁷⁸ "Then," said Aristotle, following the rule of rhetoric so as not to be unfaithful to our teachers, I must first describe the man’s race." "Go on, if you please," said Hyperochides.

¹⁷⁹ Κἀκεῖνος τοίνυν τὸ μὲν γένος ἦν ἐκ τῆς κοίλης . Οὗτοι δέ εἰσιν ἀπόγονοι τῶν ἐν φιλοσόφων, καλοῦνται δέ, ὥς φασιν, οἱ φιλόσοφοι παρὰ μὲν , παρὰ δὲ τοὔνομα λαβόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ τόπου· προσαγορεύεται γὰρ ὃν κατοικοῦσι τόπον . Τὸ δὲ τῆς πόλεως αὐτῶν ὄνομα πάνυ σκολιόν ἐστιν· γὰρ αὐτὴν καλοῦσιν.

Barach

¹⁷⁹ "Now that man by race was a Jew from Coele-Syria. These people are descendants of the philosophers of India; the philosophers are called, so they say, among the Indians Calani, and among the Syrians Jews, having taken their name from the place; for the place which they inhabit is called Judea. The name of their city is very awkward: they call it Hierosolyma."

Whiston

¹⁷⁹ This man then, [answered Aristotle,] was by birth a Jew, and came from Celesyria; these Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians Judaei, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for the name of their city, it is a very awkward one, for they call it Jerusalem.

Rogers

¹⁷⁹ "Well, this man was by birth a Jew from Coele-Syria. These are descended from the Indian philosophers and are called Calami by the Indians and Judaei by the Syrians, taking the name of the place they live in, which is Judea. Their city has a very difficult name, for they call it Jerusalem.

¹⁸⁰ Οὗτος οὖν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπιξενούμενός τε πολλοῖς κἀκ τῶν ἄνω τόπων εἰς τοὺς ἐπιθαλαττίους ὑποκαταβαίνων ἙλληνικὸςGreek ἦν οὐ τῇ διαλέκτῳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ.	Barach ¹⁸⁰ "This man, then, entertaining guests and coming down from the upper country to the maritime regions, was Greek not only in dialect, but also in soul."
Whiston ¹⁸⁰ Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian, not only in his language, but in his soul also;	Rogers ¹⁸⁰ This man, who was hospitably entertained by many, came down from the interior to the coast and became a Greek, not only in his language, but also in his very soul.

¹⁸¹ Καὶ τότε διατριβόντων ἡμῶν περὶ τὴν‎ παραβαλὼν εἰς τοὺς αὐτοὺς τόπους ἄνθρωπος ἐντυγχάνει ἡμῖν τε καί τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν σχολαστικῶν πειρώμενος αὐτῶν τῆς σοφίας. ὡς δὲ πολλοῖς τῶν ἐν παιδείᾳ συνῳκείωτο, παρεδίδου τι μᾶλλον ὧν εἶχεν.

Barach

¹⁸¹ "And while we were spending time around Asia, he came to the same parts and encountered us and certain other scholars, testing our wisdom. And since he had consorted with many men of learning, he imparted more of what he possessed."

Whiston

¹⁸¹ insomuch that when we ourselves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us, and with other philosophical persons, and made a trial of our skill in philosophy; and as he had lived with many learned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us.

Rogers

¹⁸¹ So when we happened to be in Asia in the same places as this man, he conversed with us and other scholars to test our philosophy, and as he had lived with many learned men, he shared with us more than he received."

¹⁸² Ταῦτ᾽ εἴρηκεν ὁ παρὰ τῷ καὶ προσέτι πολλὴν καὶ θαυμασίαν καρτερίαν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐν τῇ διαίτῃ καὶ σωφροσύνην διεξιών. Ἔνεστι δὲ τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐξ αὐτοῦ‎ τὸ πλέον γνῶναι τοῦ βιβλίου· φυλάττομαι γὰρ ἐγὼ τὰ πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν παρατίθεσθαι.

Barach

¹⁸² These things Aristotle spoke through Clearchus, and furthermore recounted the great and wondrous endurance of the Jewish man in his diet and self-control. It is open to those who wish to learn more from the book itself; for I refrain from putting forth more than is sufficient.

Whiston

¹⁸² This is Aristotle's account of the matter, as given us by Clearchus; which Aristotle discoursed also particularly of the great and wonderful fortitude of this Jew in his diet, and continent way of living, as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus's book itself; for I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose.

Rogers

¹⁸² These are Aristotle’s words, as reported by Clearchus, and he added much about this Jew’s astonishing sobriety in his diet and his continent lifestyle. Those who so wish may learn more about him from the book itself, for I refrain from quoting any more than is required.

¹⁸³ μὲν οὖν ἐν ταῦτ᾽ εἴρηκεν, τὸ γὰρ προκείμενον ἦν αὐτῷ καθ᾽ ἕτερον, οὕτως ἡμῶν μνημονεῦσαι. δὲ ὁ , ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος ἅμα καὶ περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἱκανώτατος, τῷ βασιλεῖ συνακμάσας καὶ τῷ συγγενόμενος, οὐ παρέργως ἀλλὰ περὶ αὐτῶν συγγέγραφε βιβλίον, ἐξ οὗ βούλομαι κεφαλαιωδῶς ἔνια τῶν εἰρημένων.

Barach

¹⁸³ Clearchus then has mentioned these things by way of digression, for his primary purpose was of another sort, thus making mention of us.

Hecataeus of Abdera, a philosopher and highly capable in practical affairs, who flourished alongside King Alexander and consorted with Ptolemy the son of Lagus, has written a book not casually but about the Jews themselves, from which I wish to run through certain of the statements in summary fashion.

Whiston

¹⁸³ Now Clearchus said this by way of digression, for his main design was of another nature. But for Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher, and one very useful ill an active life, he was contemporary with king Alexander in his youth, and afterward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus; he did not write about the Jewish affairs by the by only, but composed an entire book concerning the Jews themselves; out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating by way of epitome.

Rogers

¹⁸³ Clearchus said this as a digression, for his main point was something else. But Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher and a very competent man of action, who became prominent under king Alexander in his youth and was later with Ptolemy the son of Lagus, treated of the Jews not just marginally but wrote an entire book about them, from which I wish to briefly run over a few passages.

¹⁸⁴ Καὶ πρῶτον ἐπιδείξω τὸν χρόνον· μνημονεύει γὰρ τῆς περὶ πρὸς μάχης· αὕτη δὲ γέγονεν ἑνδεκάτῳ μὲν ἔτει τῆς τελευτῆς, ἐπὶ δὲ ὀλυμπιάδος ἑβδόμης καὶ δεκάτης καὶ ἑκατοστῆς, ὡς ἱστορεῖ .

Barach

¹⁸⁴ And first I will demonstrate the time; for he mentions the battle of Ptolemy against Demetrius at Gaza. This battle took place in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and in the 117th Olympiad, as Castor records.

Whiston

¹⁸⁴ And, in the first place, I will demonstrate the time when this Hecateus lived; for he mentions the fight that was between Ptolemy and Demetrius about Gaza, which was fought in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and in the hundred and seventeenth olympiad, as Castor says in his history.

Rogers

¹⁸⁴ First let me situate him in time, for he mentions Ptolemy’s battle with Demetrius near Gaza, which was fought in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander and in the hundred and seventeenth Olympiad, as Castor reports.

¹⁸⁵ Προσθεὶς γὰρ ταύτην τὴν‎ φησίν· ἐπὶ ταύτης ὁ ἐνίκα κατὰ μάχῃ τὸν τὸν ἐπικληθέντα . δὲ τεθνάναι πάντες ὁμολογοῦσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἑκατοστῆς τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτης ὀλυμπιάδος. Δῆλον οὖν, ὅτι καὶ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον καὶ κατὰ ἤκμαζεν ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος.

Barach

¹⁸⁵ For after adding this Olympiad, he says: "In this Olympiad Ptolemy the son of Lagus defeated in battle at Gaza Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was surnamed Poliorcetes." And all agree that Alexander died in the 114th Olympiad. It is clear, therefore, that both in his time and in Alexander's our nation was flourishing.

Whiston

¹⁸⁵ For when he had set down this olympiad, he says further, that in this olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza. Now, it is agreed by all, that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth olympiad; it is therefore evident that our nation flourished in his time, and in the time of Alexander.

Rogers

¹⁸⁵ For in reference to this Olympiad he says, "In this Olympiad Ptolemy, son of Lagus, defeated Demetrius, son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, in battle at Gaza." Now all agree that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, so it is clear that our nation flourished at his time, under Alexander.

¹⁸⁶ Λέγει τοίνυν ὁ πάλιν τάδε, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν‎ ἐν μάχην ὁ ἐγένετο τῶν περὶ τόπων ἐγκρατής, καὶ πολλοὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων πυνθανόμενοι τὴν‎ ἠπιότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ συναπαίρειν εἰς αὐτῷ καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῶν πραγμάτων ἠβουλήθησαν.

Barach

¹⁸⁶ Hecataeus says further these things: that after the battle at Gaza Ptolemy became master of the regions about Syria, and many of the people, learning of Ptolemy's mildness and philanthropy, wished to remove with him to Egypt and share in his affairs.

Whiston

¹⁸⁶ Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows: Ptolemy got possession of the places in Syria after that battle at Gaza; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy's moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were willing to assist him in his affairs;

Rogers

¹⁸⁶ Hecateus says in the same vein that Ptolemy occupied the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza, and many, when they heard of Ptolemy’s fairness and kindness, went with him to Egypt and wanted to be associated with his realm.

¹⁸⁷ Ὧν εἷς ἦν, φησίν, ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν , ἄνθρωπος τὴν‎ μὲν ἡλικίαν ὡς ἑξηκονταὲξ ἐτῶν, τῷ δ᾽ ἀξιώματι τῷ παρὰ τοῖς ὁμοέθνοις μέγας καὶ τὴν‎ ψυχὴν οὐκ , ἔτι δὲ καὶ λέγειν δυνατὸς καὶ τοῖς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, ἔμπειρος.

Barach

¹⁸⁷ Among these was, he says, Hezekiah, the high priest of the Jews, a man about sixty-six years of age, great in dignity among his compatriots, not foolish in soul, moreover powerful in speech, and experienced in affairs if any man ever was.

Whiston

¹⁸⁷ one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skillful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so;

Rogers

¹⁸⁷ One of them says he was Hezekiah the high priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age and honoured by his own people. He was an intelligent man and a powerful speaker, as skilled as any man in the management of affairs.

¹⁸⁸ Καίτοι, φησίν, οἱ πάντες ἱερεῖς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews οἱ τὴν‎ δεκάτην τῶν γινομένων λαμβάνοντες καὶ τὰ κοινὰ διοικοῦντες περὶ χιλίους μάλιστα καὶ πεντακοσίους εἰσίν.	Barach ¹⁸⁸ Although, he says, all the priests of the Jews who receive the tithe of the produce and administer public affairs are about fifteen hundred in number.
Whiston ¹⁸⁸ although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most.	Rogers ¹⁸⁸ Yet, he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the produce of the land and managed public affairs and were at most fifteen hundred in number.

¹⁸⁹ Πάλιν δὲ τοῦ προειρημένου μνημονεύων ἀνδρός οὗτος, φησίν, ὁ ἄνθρωπος τετευχὼς τῆς τιμῆς ταύτης καὶ συνήθης ἡμῖν γενόμενος, παραλαβών τινας τῶν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τήν τε διαφορὰν ἀνέγνω πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς· εἶχεν γὰρ τὴν‎ κατοίκησιν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν‎ πολιτείαν γεγραμμένην.

Barach

¹⁸⁹ Again, mentioning the aforesaid man: "This man," he says, "having attained this honor and having become familiar with us, took some of those with him and read out to them our entire constitution; for he had their settlement and polity written down."

Whiston

¹⁸⁹ Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that as he was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people; for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing.

Rogers

¹⁸⁹ He mentions this Hezekiah a second time, saying that as he had such dignity and had become familiar with us, he took some of his companions and explained to them their distinctive identity, for he had all their dwellings and their political system down in writing.

¹⁹⁰ Εἶτα ἙκαταῖοςHecataeus δηλοῖ πάλιν, πῶς ἔχομεν πρὸς τοὺς νόμους, ὅτι πάντα πάσχειν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ παραβῆναι τούτους προαιρούμεθα καὶ καλὸν εἶναι νομίζομεν.	Barach ¹⁹⁰ Next Hecataeus shows again how we stand towards our laws—that we choose to suffer everything rather than transgress them, and deem this to be noble.
Whiston ¹⁹⁰ Moreover, Hecateus declares again, what regard we have for our laws, and that we resolve to endure any thing rather than transgress them, because we think it right for us to do so.	Rogers ¹⁹⁰ Hecateus again tells of our regard for our laws and how we are more than ready to endure anything rather than transgress them.

¹⁹¹ Τοιγαροῦν, φησί, καὶ κακῶς ἀκούοντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων καὶ τῶν εἰσαφικνουμένων πάντες καὶ προπηλακιζόμενοι πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ σατραπῶν οὐ δύνανται μεταπεισθῆναι τῇ διανοίᾳ, ἀλλὰ γενναίως περὶ τούτων καὶ αἰκίαις καὶ θανάτοις δεινοτάτοις μάλιστα πάντων ἀπαντῶσι μὴ ἀρνούμενοι τὰ πάτρια.

Barach

¹⁹¹ "Therefore," he says, "even though ill-spoken of by neighbors and all incoming persons, and frequently treated with outrage by Persian kings and satraps, they cannot be perverted in mind, but bravely meet these things with tortures and most terrible deaths above all men, refusing to deny their ancestral customs."

Whiston

¹⁹¹ Whereupon he adds, that although they are in a bad reputation among their neighbors, and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated injuriously by the kings and governors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best; but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after an extraordinary manner, beyond all other people, and will not renounce the religion of their forefathers.

Rogers

¹⁹¹ He adds that, "though they are badly thought of by their neighbours and all who come to them and were often badly treated by the kings and satraps of Persia, yet they cannot be turned from acting as they think best. Even if stripped on this account and tortured and put to the most terrible kinds of death, they face it beyond all others, rather than renounce the faith of their fathers."

¹⁹² Παρέχεται παρέχεται δὲ καὶ τεκμήρια τῆς ἰσχυρογνωμοσύνης τῆς περὶ τῶν νόμων οὐκ ὀλίγα· φησὶ γάρ, ποτὲ ἐν γενομένου καὶ τὸ τοῦ πεπτωκὸς ἱερὸν καὶ πᾶσιν αὐτοῦ‎ τοῖς στρατιώταις ὁμοίως φέρειν τὸν χοῦν προστάξαντος, μόνους τοὺς οὐ προσσχεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλὰς ὑπομεῖναι πληγὰς καὶ ζημίας μεγάλας, ἕως αὐτοῖς συγγνόντα τὸν βασιλέα δοῦναι τὴν‎ χρόνου.

Barach

¹⁹² He furnishes also not a few proofs of this obstinacy concerning the laws; for he says that when Alexander was once in Babylon and ordered all his soldiers alike to carry earth to clear away the fallen temple of Belus, the Jews alone paid no attention, but even endured many blows and paid heavy fines, until the king, having compassion on them, granted them immunity.

Whiston

¹⁹² Hecateus also produces demonstrations not a few of this their resolute tenaciousness of their laws, when he speaks thus: Alexander was once at Babylon, and had an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus that was fallen to decay, and in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they only, would not comply with that command; nay, they underwent stripes and great losses of what they had on this account, till the king forgave them, and permitted them to live in quiet.

Rogers

¹⁹² He gives several proofs of their amazing tenacity to their laws, and says: "Alexander was once in Babylon and wanted to rebuild the temple of Belus that had fallen into decay, and so ordered all his soldiers to bring earth there; but the Jews alone would not obey the command, and endured whipping and great losses until the king forgave them and left them in peace."

¹⁹³ Ἔτι γε μὴν τῶν εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν, φησί, πρὸς αὐτοὺς νεὼς καὶ βωμοὺς κατασκευασάντων ἅπαντα ταῦτα κατέσκαπτον, καὶ τῶν μὲν ζημίαν τοῖς σατράπαις ἐξέτινον, περὶ τινων δὲ καὶ συγγνώμης μετελάμβανον. Καὶ προσεπιτίθησιν, ὅτι δίκαιον ἐπὶ τούτοις αὐτούς ἐστι θαυμάζειν.

Barach

¹⁹³ "Furthermore," he says, "when people coming into the country built temples and altars, they tore them all down, and in some cases paid fines to the satraps, while in others they obtained pardon." And he adds that it is right to admire them for these things.

Whiston

¹⁹³ He adds further, that when the Macedonians came to them into that country, and demolished the [old] temples and the altars, they assisted them in demolishing them all but [for not assisting them in rebuilding them] they either underwent losses, or sometimes obtained forgiveness. He adds further, that these men deserve to be admired on that account.

Rogers

¹⁹³ He says, "When the Macedonians came into that land and demolished the temples and the altars, they helped them demolish them all but then endured losses to the satraps, or sometimes met with forgiveness"; adding further, "They deserve to be admired on that account."

¹⁹⁴ Λέγει δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολυανθρωπότατον γεγονέναι ἡμῶν τὸ ἔθνος· πολλὰς μὲν γὰρ ἡμῶν, φησίν, ἀνασπάστους εἰς πρότερον αὐτῶν ἐποίησαν μυριάδας, οὐκ ὀλίγαι δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὸν θάνατον εἰς καὶ μετέστησαν διὰ τὴν‎ ἐν στάσιν.

Barach

¹⁹⁴ He speaks also of our nation having become most populous: for the Persians, he says, previously made many myriads of us deportees to Babylon, and not a few also migrated to Egypt and Phoenicia after the death of Alexander, because of the sedition in Syria.

Whiston

¹⁹⁴ He also speaks of the mighty populousness of our nation, and says that the Persians formerly carried away many ten thousands of our people to Babylon, as also that not a few ten thousands were removed after Alexander's death into Egypt and Phoenicia, by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria.

Rogers

¹⁹⁴ He speaks of how prolific our nation is and says that the Persians formerly took many thousands of our people off to Babylon, and after Alexander’s death not a few were moved into Egypt and Phoenicia, because of the rebellion that arose in Syria."

¹⁹⁵ Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς οὗτος ἀνὴρ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς χώρας ἣν κατοικοῦμεν καὶ τὸ κάλλος ἱστόρηκεν· τριακοσίας γὰρ μυριάδας ἀρουρῶν σχεδὸν τῆς καὶ παμφορωτάτης χώρας νέμονται, φησίν· ἡ γὰρ τοσαύτη πλῆθός ἐστιν.

Barach

¹⁹⁵ And this same man has recorded both the magnitude of the country which we inhabit and its beauty: "They occupy," he says, "about three million arourae of the best and most fruitful land; for Judea is of that extent in population."

Whiston

¹⁹⁵ The same person takes notice in his history, how large the country is which we inhabit, as well as of its excellent character, and says, that the land in which the Jews inhabit contains three millions of arourae, and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil; nor is Judea of lesser dimensions.

Rogers

¹⁹⁵ The same man notes in his history, how large and excellent is the country we inhabit and says, "The land where the Jews live contains three million arourae, and the soil is generally excellent and fruitful, and that is the extent of Judea."

¹⁹⁶ Ἀλλὰ μὴν ὅτι καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν αὐτὴν τὰ ἹεροσόλυμαJerusalem καλλίστην τε καὶ μεγίστην ἐκ παλαιοτάτου κατοικοῦμεν καὶ περὶ πλήθους ἀνδρῶν καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ νεὼ κατασκευῆς οὕτως αὐτὸς διηγεῖται.	Barach ¹⁹⁶ Moreover, that we have inhabited the city itself, Jerusalem, which is very beautiful and great, from the most ancient times, and concerning the multitude of men and the construction of the temple, he relates as follows:
Whiston ¹⁹⁶ The same man describe our city Jerusalem also itself as of a most excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it, and of the construction of our temple, after the following manner:	Rogers ¹⁹⁶ He describes our city of Jerusalem as very beautiful and large and inhabited from the most ancient times; and he deals with its population and the building of our temple, as follows:

¹⁹⁷ Ἔστι γὰρ τῶν τὰ μὲν πολλὰ ὀχυρώματα κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν καὶ κῶμαι, μία δὲ πόλις ὀχυρὰ πεντήκοντα μάλιστα σταδίων τὴν‎ περίμετρον, ἣν οἰκοῦσι μὲν ἀνθρώπων περὶ δώδεκα μυριάδες, καλοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτὴν .

Barach

¹⁹⁷ "There are indeed many fortresses and villages throughout the land of the Jews, but one fortified city about fifty stades in circumference, which some twelve myriads of men inhabit, and they call it Jerusalem."

Whiston

¹⁹⁷ There are many strong places and villages (says he) in the country of Judea; but one strong city there is, about fifty furlongs in circumference, which is inhabited by a hundred and twenty thousand men, or thereabouts; they call it Jerusalem.

Rogers

¹⁹⁷ "The Jews have in their land many strongholds and villages, but only one fortified city, about fifty furlongs in perimeter, inhabited by about a hundred and twenty thousand people, and they call it Jerusalem.

¹⁹⁸ Ἐνταῦθα δ᾽ ἐστὶ κατὰ μέσον μάλιστα τῆς πόλεως περίβολος λίθινος μῆκος ὡς πεντάπλεθρος, εὖρος δὲ πηχῶν ρ, ἔχων διπλᾶς πύλας, ἐν ᾧ βωμός ἐστι τετράγωνος ἀτμήτων συλλέκτων λίθων οὕτως συγκείμενος, πλευρὰν μὲν ἑκάστην εἴκοσι πηχῶν, ὕψος δὲ δεκάπηχυ. Καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν οἴκημα μέγα, οὗ βωμός ἐστι καὶ λυχνίον ἀμφότερα χρυσᾶ δύο τάλαντα τὴν‎ ὁλκήν.

Barach

¹⁹⁸ "Now in the center of the city there is a stone enclosure about five plethra in length and a hundred cubits broad, having double gates, in which there is a square altar of unhewn, collected, unpolished stones, built up thus: each side twenty cubits, and height ten cubits. And beside it a great building, wherein are an altar and a lampstand, both of gold, weighing two talents."

Whiston

¹⁹⁸ There is about the middle of the city a wall of stone, whose length is five hundred feet, and the breadth a hundred cubits, with double cloisters; wherein there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone, but composed of white stones gathered together, having each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar and a candlestick, both of gold, and in weight two talents:

Rogers

¹⁹⁸ In the middle of the city is a wall of stone, five hundred feet long and a hundred feet wide, with double porticoes; where there is a square altar, not made of hewn stone, but assembled of white stones, each twenty feet long and ten feet high. Nearby is a large building, with an altar and a candlestick, both of gold and weighing two talents.

¹⁹⁹ Ἐπὶ τούτων φῶς ἐστιν ἀναπόσβεστον καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας. δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ ἀνάθημα τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ φύτευμα παντελῶς οὐδὲν οἷον ἀλσῶδες ἤ τι τοιοῦτον. Διατρίβουσι δ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς νύκτας καὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἱερεῖς ἁγνείας τινὰς ἁγνεύοντες καὶ τὸ παράπαν οἶνον οὐ πίνοντες ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ.

Barach

¹⁹⁹ "On these there is light unquenchable both night and day. There is no image whatsoever nor any dedication at all, nor any planting whatsoever, nor anything like a grove. And the priests spend both nights and days in it, performing certain purifications and never drinking wine at all in the temple."

Whiston

¹⁹⁹ upon these there is a light that is never extinguished, either by night or by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing certain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple.

Rogers

¹⁹⁹ On these burns a light that is never extinguished, night or day. There is no image whatever within it, not even donations, and nothing at all is planted there, no grove or anything of that sort. The priests live there night and day, performing purifications and drinking no wine whatever while they are in the temple."

²⁰⁰ Ἔτι γε μὴν ὅτι καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ συνεστρατεύσαντο καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τοῖς διαδόχοις αὐτοῦ‎ μεμαρτύρηκεν. Οἷς δ᾽ αὐτὸς παρατυχεῖν φησιν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς κατὰ τὴν‎ στρατείαν γενομένοις, τοῦτο παραθήσομαι.

Barach

²⁰⁰ Furthermore, that they campaigned with King Alexander and after that with his successors, he has testified. But what he says he witnessed himself by a Jewish man during the campaign, this I will set forth.

Whiston

²⁰⁰ Moreover, he attests that we Jews went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add further what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew.

Rogers

²⁰⁰ He attests that they went with king Alexander as allies and afterward with his successors. I will add what he says he learned when he was in the army about the actions of a man who was a Jew.

²⁰¹ Λέγει δ᾽ οὕτως· ἐμοῦ γοῦν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ θάλασσαν βαδίζοντος συνηκολούθει τις μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παραπεμπόντων ἡμᾶς ἱππέων ὄνομα , ἄνθρωπος ἱκανῶς κατὰ ψυχὴν εὔρωστος καὶ τοξότης δὴ πάντων ὁμολογουμένως καὶ τῶν καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄριστος.

Barach

²⁰¹ He speaks thus: "As I was marching to the Red Sea, there accompanied us among the other horsemen who escorted us a Jew named Mosollamus, a man sufficiently robust in soul and an archer confessedly the best of all, both Greeks and barbarians."

Whiston

²⁰¹ His words are these: As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skillful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians.

Rogers

²⁰¹ This is what he says: "As I was going toward the Red Sea, among the accompanying Jewish cavalry was a man called Mosollamus, a man of lively mind, physically strong and admitted by all to be the best bowman of both the Greeks and the barbarians.

²⁰² Οὗτος οὖν ὁ ἄνθρωπος διαβαδιζόντων πολλῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ὁδὸν καὶ μάντεώς τινος ὀρνιθευομένου καὶ πάντας ἐπισχεῖν ἀξιοῦντος ἠρώτησε, διὰ τί προσμένουσιto stay, remain.	Barach ²⁰² "This man, then, while many were marching along the road and a certain seer was taking omens from birds and asking everyone to halt, asked why they waited."
Whiston ²⁰² Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird, and requiring them all to stand still, inquired what they staid for.	Rogers ²⁰² As many using the road, this man noticed how a seer was testing the entrails of a bird and holding them all up, so he asked why they were being kept waiting.

²⁰³ Δείξαντος δὲ τοῦ μάντεως αὐτῷ τὸν καὶ φήσαντος, ἐὰν μὲν αὐτοῦ‎ μένῃ προσμένειν συμφέρειν πᾶσιν, ἂν δ᾽ ἀναστὰς εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν πέτηται προάγειν, ἐὰν δὲ εἰς τοὔπισθεν ἀναχωρεῖν αὖθις, σιωπήσας καὶ παρελκύσας τὸ τόξον ἔβαλε καὶ τὸν πατάξας ἀπέκτεινεν.

Barach

²⁰³ "And when the seer showed him the bird and said that if it stayed there it was advantageous for all to wait, but if it rose and flew forward to advance, and if it retreated backward to withdraw—he remained silent, and drawing back his bow shot and hit the bird and killed it."

Whiston

²⁰³ Hereupon the augur showed him the bird from whence he took his augury, and told him that if the bird staid where he was, they ought all to stand still; but that if he got up, and flew onward, they must go forward; but that if he flew backward, they must retire again. Mosollam made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at the bird, and hit him, and killed him;

Rogers

²⁰³ The seer showed him the bird from which he took his augury and said that if the bird stayed still, they ought all to wait, but if it got up and flew on, they should go on, and if it flew back, they must draw back. Without answering, he drew his bow and shot and killed the bird.

²⁰⁴ Ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τοῦ μάντεως καί τινων ἄλλων καὶ καταρωμένων αὐτῷ, τί μαίνεσθε, ἔφη, κακοδαίμονες ; Εἶτα τὸν λαβὼν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας, πῶς γάρ, ἔφη, οὗτος τὴν‎ αὐτοῦ‎ σωτηρίαν οὐ προϊδὼν περὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας πορείας ἡμῖν ἄν τι ὑγιὲς ; Εἰ γὰρ ἠδύνατο προγιγνώσκειν τὸ μέλλον, εἰς τὸν τόπον τοῦτον οὐκ ἂν ἦλθε φοβούμενος, μὴ αὐτὸν ἀποκτείνῃ ὁ .

Barach

²⁰⁴ "And when the seer and some others were indignant and cursed him, he said: 'Why are you raving, you wretched creatures?' Then, taking the bird in his hands, he said: 'How pray could this creature, which could not foresee its own safety, give us any sound report concerning our march? For if it had been able to foreknow the future, it would not have come to this place, fearing lest it be shot and killed by Mosollamus the Jew.'"

Whiston

²⁰⁴ and as the augur and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him, he answered them thus: Why are you so mad as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? for how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march, who could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place, but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew should shoot at him, and kill him.

Rogers

²⁰⁴ As the augur and some others were upset and cursed him, he asked, "You wretches, why are you so mad as to lay hands on this bird? For how can it give us any true information about our march, if it could not foresee how to save itself? For had it been able to know the future, it would not have come to this place, lest it be shot and killed by Mosollam the Jew."

²⁰⁵ Ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν μαρτυριῶν ἅλις· τοῖς γὰρ βουλομένοις πλείω μαθεῖν τῷ βιβλίῳ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν ἐντυχεῖν. Οὐκ ὀκνήσω δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾽ εὐηθείας διασυρμῷ, καθάπερ αὐτὸς οἴεται, μνήμην πεποιημένον ἡμῶν ὀνομάσαι·

Barach

²⁰⁵ Now of the testimonies of Hecataeus there is enough; for it is easy for those who wish to learn more to consult the book. Nor will I hesitate to name Agatharchides, who made mention of us with a view to ridicule, as he supposes;

Whiston

²⁰⁵ But of Hecateus's testimonies we have said enough; for as to such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from his book itself. However, I shall not think it too much for me to name Agatharchides, as having made mention of us Jews, though in way of derision at our simplicity, as he supposes it to be;

Rogers

²⁰⁵ That is enough about Hecateus' testimonies, for those who wish to know more of them can easily find them in the book. But I do not hesitate to name Agatharchides, who mentions us to mock what he sees as our foolishness.

²⁰⁶ διηγούμενος γὰρ τὰ περὶ , ὃν τρόπον ἦλθεν μὲν εἰς ἐκ καταλιποῦσα τὸν ἑαυτῆς ἄνδρα , δὲ γαμεῖν αὐτὴν οὐ θελήσαντος, ὅπερ ἐκείνη προσεδόκησεν, ποιουμένου δὲ τὴν‎ ἀπὸ στρατείαν αὐτοῦ‎ τὰ περὶ τὴν‎ ἐνεωτέρισεν.

Barach

²⁰⁶ for when he relates the affairs of Stratonice—how she came into Syria from Macedonia, abandoning her husband Demetrius, and since Seleucus was unwilling to marry her as she expected, she fomented a revolution around Antioch while he was making his campaign from Babylon—

Whiston

²⁰⁶ for when he was discoursing of the affairs of Stratonice, how she came out of Macedonia into Syria, and left her husband Demetrius, while yet Seleueus would not marry her as she expected, but during the time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antioch;

Rogers

²⁰⁶ When telling the story of Stratonice, how she came from Macedonia into Syria, leaving her husband Demetrius, and when Seleueus would not marry her as she expected, stirred up a rebellion about Antioch while he was on a campaign from Babylon,

²⁰⁷ Εἶθ᾽ ὡς ἀνέστρεψεν ὁ βασιλεύς, ἁλισκομένηςto be caught τῆς ἈντιοχείαςAntioch εἰς ΣελεύκειανSeleucia φυγοῦσα, παρὸν αὐτῇ ταχέως ἀποπλεῖν ἐνυπνίῳ κωλύοντι πεισθεῖσα ἐλήφθη καὶ ἀπέθανεν.	Barach ²⁰⁷ then when the king returned, upon Antioch being captured, fleeing to Seleucia, though it was open to her to sail away quickly, persuaded by a dream that forbade her, she was captured and died.
Whiston ²⁰⁷ and how, after that, the king came back, and upon his taking of Antioch, she fled to Seleucia, and had it in her power to sail away immediately yet did she comply with a dream which forbade her so to do, and so was caught and put to death.	Rogers ²⁰⁷ and how the king returned and when he took Antioch, she fled to Seleucia and though she could have quickly sailed away she obeyed a dream which stopped her doing so, and was caught and killed."

²⁰⁸ Ταῦτα προειπὼνto predict ὁ ἈγαθαρχίδηςAgatharchides καὶ ἐπισκώπτων τῇ ΣτρατονίκῃStratonice τὴν‎ δεισιδαιμονίαν παραδείγματι χρῆται τῷ περὶ ἡμῶν λόγῳ καὶ γέγραφεν οὕτως·	Barach ²⁰⁸ Having recounted these things beforehand and mocking Stratonice's superstition, Agatharchides uses our history as an example and wrote thus:
Whiston ²⁰⁸ When Agatharehides had premised this story, and had jested upon Stratonice for her superstition, he gives a like example of what was reported concerning us, and writes thus:	Rogers ²⁰⁸ After telling this story and had joking about the of superstition of Stratonice, Agatharchides reports a similar example about us and writes as follows:

²⁰⁹ οἱ καλούμενοι πόλιν οἰκοῦντες ὀχυρωτάτην πασῶν, ἣν καλεῖν συμβαίνει τοὺς ἐγχωρίους, ἀργεῖν εἰθισμένοι δι᾽ ἑβδόμης ἡμέρας καὶ μήτε τὰ ὅπλα βαστάζειν ἐν τοῖς εἰρημένοις χρόνοις μήτε γεωργίας ἅπτεσθαι μήτε ἄλλης ἐπιμελεῖσθαι λειτουργίας μηδεμιᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐκτετακότες τὰς χεῖρας εὔχεσθαι μέχρι τῆς ἑσπέρας,

Barach

²⁰⁹ "The so-called Jews, inhabiting a city the strongest of all, which it happens to the natives to call Jerusalem, being accustomed to rest every seventh day and neither to bear arms in the times mentioned nor to touch agriculture nor to attend to any other service whatever, but stretching out their hands in the temples to pray until evening—

Whiston

²⁰⁹ There are a people called Jews, and dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with husbandry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but spread out their hands in their holy places, and pray till the evening.

Rogers

²⁰⁹ "The so-called Jews live in a city the strongest of all cities which the locals call Jerusalem, and are accustomed to rest each seventh day, when they do not bear arms, or work at farming, or attend to everyday tasks, but spread out their hands in their sanctuary and pray until the evening.

²¹⁰ εἰσιόντος εἰς τὴν‎ πόλιν τοῦ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀντὶ τοῦ φυλάττειν τὴν‎ πόλιν διατηρούντων τὴν‎ ἄνοιαν, ἡ μὲν πατρὶς εἰλήφει δεσπότην πικρόν, ὁ δὲ νόμος ἐξηλέγχθη φαῦλον ἔχων ἐθισμόν.

Barach

²¹⁰ when Ptolemy the son of Lagus entered the city with his force and men, instead of guarding the city they maintained their folly, and their country received a bitter master while their law was proved to have a worthless custom."

Whiston

²¹⁰ Now it came to pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, that these men, in observing this mad custom of theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered their country to submit itself to a bitter lord; and their law was openly proved to have commanded a foolish practice.

Rogers

²¹⁰ So when Ptolemy, son of Lagus, came into this city with his army, instead of guarding the city these men followed their mad custom and let their country be subjected to a harsh master, so that their law was shown to command a foolish practice.

²¹¹ Τὸ δὲ πλὴν ἐκείνων τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας δεδίδαχε τηνικαῦτα φυγεῖν εἰς ἐνύπνια καὶ τὴν‎ περὶ τοῦ νόμου παραδεδομένην ὑπόνοιαν, ἡνίκα ἂν τοῖς λογισμοῖς περὶ τῶν διαπορουμένων ἐξασθενήσωσιν.

Barach

²¹¹ "The event, save for them, taught all others at that time to flee to dreams and the traditional supposition concerning the law, whenever they are overpowered by human calculations concerning doubtful matters."

Whiston

²¹¹ This accident taught all other men but the Jews to disregard such dreams as these were, and not to follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do.

Rogers

²¹¹ This event taught all others except them to disregard dreams like this and not follow foolish thoughts delivered as a law, whenever in the uncertainty of human things, they are baffled about what to do."

²¹² Τοῦτο μὲν καταγέλωτος ἄξιον δοκεῖ, τοῖς δὲ μὴ μετὰ δυσμενείας ἐξετάζουσι φαίνεται μέγα καὶ πολλῶν ἄξιον ἐγκωμίων, εἰ καὶ σωτηρίας καὶ πατρίδος ἄνθρωποί τινες νόμων φυλακὴν καὶ τὴν‎ πρὸς θεὸν εὐσέβειαν ἀεὶ προτιμῶσιν.

Barach

²¹² This to Agatharchides seems worthy of laughter, but to those who do not examine the matter with hostility it appears great and worthy of many praises, if indeed men prefer the observance of laws and piety towards God to safety and country.

Whiston

²¹² Now this our procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharehides, but will appear to such as consider it without prejudice a great thing, and what deserved a great many encomiums; I mean, when certain men constantly prefer the observation of their laws, and their religion towards God, before the preservation of themselves and their country.

Rogers

²¹² This custom of ours seems ridiculous to Agatharchides, but to the unprejudiced it seems great and deserving of much praise, that some men always put the observance of their laws and of piety toward God, above their own safety and that of their country.

Chapter 9
Authors who suppress or calumniate the Jews

☜ ☞

²¹³ Ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἀγνοοῦντες ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων τὸ ἔθνος ἡμῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ φθόνου τινὸς ἢ δι᾽ ἄλλας αἰτίας οὐχ ὑγιεῖς τὴν‎ μνήμην παρέλιπον, τεκμήριον οἶμαι παρέξειν· γὰρ ὁ τὴν‎ περὶ τῶν διαδόχων ἱστορίαν συγγεγραφὼς κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν μὲν ἦν χρόνον, Φίλος δ᾽ ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν‎ .

Barach

²¹³ I believe I can offer proof that certain writers omitted mention of our nation not through ignorance, but because they passed over our record out of malice or for other reasons, producing an unreliable account. Hieronymus, for example, who wrote the history On the Successors, was a contemporary of Hecataeus and, as a friend of King Antigonus, governed Syria.

Whiston

²¹³ Now that some writers have omitted to mention our nation, not because they knew nothing of us, but because they envied us, or for some other unjustifiable reasons, I think I can demonstrate by particular instances; for Hieronymus, who wrote the History of Alexander's Successors, lived at the same time with Hecateus, and was a friend of king Antigonus, and president of Syria.

Rogers

²¹³ I think I can prove by examples that some writers have omitted to mention our nation, not because they knew nothing of us, but because they envied us, or for some other unsavoury reasons. Hieronymus, for example, who wrote the history of the Successors, lived in the same time as Hecateus and was a friend of king Antigonus and ruler of Syria,

²¹⁴ ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως μὲν καὶ βιβλίον ἔγραψε περὶ ἡμῶν, δ᾽ οὐδαμοῦ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν ἐμνημόνευσε καίτοι σχεδὸν ἐν τοῖς τόποις διατετριφώς· τοσοῦτον αἱ προαιρέσεις τῶν ἀνθρώπων διήνεγκαν. Τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἐδόξαμεν καὶ εἶναι μνήμης ἄξιοι, τῷ δὲ πρὸς τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν πάντως τι πάθος οὐκ εὔγνωμον ἐπεσκότησεν.

Barach

²¹⁴ Yet while Hecataeus wrote an entire book about us, Hieronymus nowhere mentioned us in his history, even though he had spent almost all his time in those very regions. So greatly did the inclinations of men differ! For to the former we seemed worthy of serious mention, whereas in the case of the latter, some ill-disposed passion completely obscured the truth.

Whiston

²¹⁴ Now it is plain that Hecateus wrote an entire book concerning us, while Hieronymus never mentions us in his history, although he was bred up very near to the places where we live. Thus different from one another are the inclinations of men; while the one thought we deserved to be carefully remembered, as some ill-disposed passion blinded the other's mind so entirely, that he could not discern the truth.

Rogers

²¹⁴ but whereas Hecateus wrote an entire book about us, Hieronymus never mentions us in his history, although he was reared very near our territory, so various are the inclinations of men. One of them thought we should be carefully remembered, while some malicious passion entirely blinded the other to the truth.

²¹⁵ Ἀρκοῦσι δὲ ὅμως εἰς τὴν‎ ἀπόδειξιν τῆς ἀρχαιότητος αἵ τε ΑἰγυπτίωνEgyptians καὶ ΧαλδαίωνChaldean, Chaldees καὶ ΦοινίκωνPhoenicians ἀναγραφαὶ πρὸς ἐκείναις τε τοσοῦτοι τῶν ἙλλήνωνGreeks συγγραφεῖς·	Barach ²¹⁵ Nevertheless, the records of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phoenicians—in addition to so many Greek historians—are sufficient to prove our antiquity.
Whiston ²¹⁵ And now certainly the foregoing records of the Egyptians, and Chaldeans, and Phoenicians, together with so many of the Greek writers, will be sufficient for the demonstration of our antiquity.	Rogers ²¹⁵ The citations from the Egyptians and Chaldeans and Phoenicians, along with so many of the Greek writers, will certainly suffice to prove our antiquity.

²¹⁶ ἔτι δὲ πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ καὶ καὶ καὶ τε καὶ καὶ καὶ πολλοί τινες ἄλλοι τάχα — οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε πᾶσιν ἐντετύχηκα τοῖς βιβλίοις — οὐ παρέργως ἡμῶν ἐμνημονεύκασιν.

Barach

²¹⁶ Furthermore, besides those already named, Theophilus, Theodotus, Mnaseas, Aristophanes, Hermogenes, Euhemerus, Conon, Zopyrion, and perhaps many others—for I certainly have not read all their books—have made no incidental mention of us.

Whiston

²¹⁶ Moreover, besides those forementioned, Theophilus, and Theodotus, and Mnaseas, and Aristophanes, and Hermogenes, Euhemerus also, and Conon, and Zopyrion, and perhaps many others, (for I have not lighted upon all the Greek books,) have made distinct mention of us.

Rogers

²¹⁶ Moreover, besides the aforementioned, Theophilus and Theodotus and Mnaseas and Aristophanes and Hermogenes, Euhemerus and Conon and Zopyrion and perhaps many others, for I have not found all the books, all distinctly mention us.

²¹⁷ Οἱ πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν εἰρημένων ἀνδρῶν τῆς μὲν ἀληθείας τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πραγμάτων διήμαρτον, ὅτι μὴ ταῖς ἱεραῖς ἡμῶν βίβλοις ἐνέτυχον, κοινῶς μέντοι περὶ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἅπαντες μεμαρτυρήκασιν, ὑπὲρ ἧς τὰ νῦν λέγειν προεθέμην.

Barach

²¹⁷ Most of these men erred concerning the truth of our early history because they did not encounter our sacred scriptures; nevertheless, they all bear general witness to our antiquity, which is the precise subject I proposed to discuss.

Whiston

²¹⁷ It is true, many of the men before mentioned have made great mistakes about the true accounts of our nation in the earliest times, because they had not perused our sacred books; yet have they all of them afforded their testimony to our antiquity, concerning which I am now treating.

Rogers

²¹⁷ Many of the men mentioned above have strayed from the truth in their accounts of the earliest times, because they had not read our sacred books, but all of them witness to our antiquity, which is my present topic.

²¹⁸ Ὁ μέντοι καὶ ὁ πρεσβύτερος καὶ οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας διήμαρτον. Οἷς συγγιγνώσκειν ἄξιον· οὐ γὰρ ἐνῆν αὐτοῖς μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας τοῖς ἡμετέροις γράμμασι παρακολουθεῖν.

Barach

²¹⁸ Demetrius of Phalerum, however, as well as Philo the Elder and Eupolemus, did not fall far short of the truth. They deserve pardon, for it was not possible for them to follow our writings with absolute precision.

Whiston

²¹⁸ However, Demetrius Phalereus, and the elder Philo, with Eupolemus, have not greatly missed the truth about our affairs; whose lesser mistakes ought therefore to be forgiven them; for it was not in their power to understand our writings with the utmost accuracy.

Rogers

²¹⁸ However, Demetrius Phalereus and the elder Philo, and Eupolemus, were not far wrong about us, and therefore we should forgiven their lesser mistakes as they were unable to follow our writings in detail.

²¹⁹ Ἓν ἔτι μοι κεφάλαιον ὑπολείπεται τῶν κατὰ τὴν‎ ἀρχὴν προτεθέντων τοῦ λόγου, τὰς διαβολὰς καὶ τὰς λοιδορίας, αἷς κέχρηνταί τινες κατὰ τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν, ἀποδεῖξαι ψευδεῖς καὶ τοῖς γεγραφόσι ταύτας καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν χρήσασθαι μάρτυσιν.

Barach

²¹⁹ One main topic still remains for me from those proposed at the beginning of this discourse: to demonstrate that the slanders and abuses that certain writers have directed against our race are false, and to turn those who wrote them into witnesses against themselves.

Whiston

²¹⁹ One particular there is still remaining behind of what I at first proposed to speak to, and that is, to demonstrate that those calumnies and reproaches which some have thrown upon our nation, are lies, and to make use of those writers’ own testimonies against themselves;

Rogers

²¹⁹ There is one further aspect of my proposed prologue that remains to be treated and that is, to prove that those calumnies and insults which some have cast at our nation, are lies and to call those writers to witness against themselves.

²²⁰ Ὅτι μὲν οὖν καὶ ἑτέροις τοῦτο πολλοῖς συμβέβηκε διὰ τὴν‎ δυσμένειαν, οἶμαι γιγνώσκειν τοὺς πλέον ταῖς ἱστορίαις ἐντυγχάνοντας· καὶ γὰρ ἐθνῶν τινες καὶ τῶν ἐνδοξοτάτων πόλεων ῥυπαίνειν τὴν‎ εὐγένειαν καὶ τὰς πολιτείας ἐπεχείρησαν λοιδορεῖν, μὲν τὴν‎ ,

Barach

²²⁰ That this has happened to many other nations as well, owing to the malice of certain individuals, is known, I think, to those who are well-read in history. Indeed, men have attempted to defile the noble origins of entire nations and the most illustrious cities, and to revile their constitutions—

Whiston

²²⁰ and that in general this self-contradiction hath happened to many other authors by reason of their ill-will to some people, I conclude, is not unknown to such as have read histories with sufficient care;for some of them have endeavored to disgrace the nobility of certain nations, and of some of the most glorious cities, and have cast reproaches upon certain forms of government. Thus hath Theopompus abused the city of Athens,

Rogers

²²⁰ Those who have read histories with sufficient care will, I believe, find that this has happened to many authors because of their hostility to some people. Some of them have tried to discredit the nobility of nations and glorious cities and have said harsh things against some forms of government. So has Theopompus insulted the city of Athens,

²²¹ τὴν‎ δὲ , ὁ δὲ τὸν γράψας, οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐστιν ὡς οἴονταί τινες, καὶ τὴν‎ πόλιν προσέλαβεν, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἐν ταῖς ἱστορίαις περὶ τῶν προειρημένων καὶ περὶ ἄλλων βεβλασφήμηκεν.

Barach

²²¹ Theopompus, for instance, attacked the constitution of the Athenians, Polycrates that of the Lacedaemonians, and the author of the Tripoliticus (for it is certainly not by Theopompus, as some suppose) included the city of the Thebans as well. Timaeus also cast much slander in his histories against the aforementioned and others.

Whiston

²²¹ Polycrates that of Lacedemon, as hath he hat wrote the Tripoliticus (for he is not Theopompus, as is supposed bys ome) done by the city of Thebes. Timeils also hath greatly abused the foregoing people and others also; and this ill-treatment they use chiefly when they have a contest with men of the greatest reputation;

Rogers

²²¹ as Polycrates did to the Spartans, and whoever wrote the Tripoliticus, for it was not Theopompus as some think, did the same to the city of Thebes. Timaeus too in his histories has maligned those people and others as well.

²²² Μάλιστα δὲ τοῦτο ποιοῦσι τοῖς ἐνδοξοτάτοις προσπλεκόμενοι, τινὲς μὲν διὰ φθόνον καὶ κακοήθειαν, ἄλλοι δὲ διὰ τοῦ καινολογεῖν μνήμης ἀξιωθήσεσθαι νομίζοντες. Παρὰ μὲν οὖν τοῖς ἀνοήτοις ταύτης οὐ διαμαρτάνουσι τῆς ἐλπίδος, οἱ δ᾽ ὑγιαίνοντες τῇ κρίσει πολλὴν αὐτῶν μοχθηρίαν καταδικάζουσι.

Barach

²²² They do this especially by picking quarrels with the most famous, some out of envy and malice, others believing that by novelty of expression they will be deemed worthy of remembrance. Before the foolish, indeed, they do not miss this expectation; but those of sound judgment condemn their deep depravity.

Whiston

²²² some out of envy and malice, and others as supposing that by this foolish talking of theirs they may be thought worthy of being remembered themselves; and indeed they do by no means fail of their hopes, with regard to the foolish part of mankind, but men of sober judgment still condemn them of great malignity.

Rogers

²²² They do this mainly when they conflict with the most eminent people; some do so from envy and malice and others hoping that this foolish talk will make them a reputation, and indeed their hope may be fulfilled in the eyes of foolish people, but those of sober judgment still condemn them for their malignity.

²²³ Τῶν δὲ εἰς ἡμᾶς βλασφημιῶν ἤρξαντο μὲν · βουλόμενοι δ᾽ ἐκείνοις τινὲς χαρίζεσθαι παρατρέπειν ἐπεχείρησαν τὴν‎ ἀλήθειαν, οὔτε τὴν‎ εἰς ἄφιξιν ὡς ἐγένετο τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων ὁμολογοῦντες, οὔτε τὴν‎ ἔξοδον ἀληθεύοντες.

Barach

²²³ The Egyptians were the first to initiate the slanders against us. Certain writers, wishing to curry favor with them, attempted to distort the truth, neither acknowledging the arrival of our ancestors in Egypt as it actually occurred, nor telling the truth regarding their departure.

Whiston

²²³ Now the Egyptians were the first that cast reproaches upon us; in order to please which nation, some others undertook to pervert the truth, while they would neither own that our forefathers came into Egypt from another country, as the fact was, nor give a true account of our departure thence.

Rogers

²²³ The Egyptians were the first to libel us, and in order to please that nation, others began to pervert the truth, either by not admitting the truth that our ancestors came into Egypt from another country, or falsifying our exodus from it.

²²⁴ Αἰτίας δὲ πολλὰς ἔλαβον τοῦ μισεῖν καὶ φθονεῖν τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ὅτι κατὰ τὴν‎ χώραν αὐτῶν ἐδυνάστευσαν ἡμῶν οἱ πρόγονοι κἀκεῖθεν ἀπαλλαγέντες ἐπὶ τὴν‎ οἰκείαν πάλιν εὐδαιμόνησαν, εἶθ᾽ ἡ τούτων ὑπεναντιότης πολλὴν αὐτοῖς ἐνεποίησεν ἔχθραν, τοσοῦτον τῆς ἡμετέρας διαφερούσης εὐσεβείας πρὸς τὴν‎ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων νενομισμένην, ὅσον θεοῦ φύσις ζῴων ἀλόγων διέστηκε.

Barach

²²⁴ They had many reasons for hating and envying us: first, from the beginning, because our ancestors held dominion over their country, and after departing from there to their own land, prospered once more; second, the religious opposition between us engendered deep enmity, since our piety differs from their customary beliefs as much as the nature of God differs from that of irrational animals.

Whiston

²²⁴ And indeed the Egyptians took many occasions to hate us and envy us: in the first place, because our ancestors had had the dominion over their country? and when they were delivered from them, and gone to their own country again, they lived there in prosperity. In the next place, the difference of our religion from theirs hath occasioned great enmity between us, while our way of Divine worship did as much exceed that which their laws appointed, as does the nature of God exceed that of brute beasts;

Rogers

²²⁴ That nation had many reasons to hate and envy us. First of all because our ancestors had ruled over their country, and after they were saved from them and had returned to their own country they lived there in prosperity. Next, the difference of our religion from theirs has caused great enmity between us, while our way of worship so far exceed what their laws prescribe, as the nature of God exceeds that of brute beasts.

²²⁵ Κοινὸν μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐστι πάτριον τὸ ταῦτα θεοὺς νομίζειν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐν ταῖς τιμαῖς αὐτῶν διαφέρονται. Κοῦφοι δὲ καὶ ἀνόητοι παντάπασιν ἄνθρωποι κακῶς ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰθισμένοι δοξάζειν περὶ θεῶν μιμήσασθαι μὲν τὴν‎ σεμνότητα τῆς ἡμετέρας θεολογίας οὐκ ἐχώρησαν, ὁρῶντες δὲ ζηλουμένους ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἐφθόνησαν.

Barach

²²⁵ For while it is their common ancestral custom to consider such creatures gods, they differ individually among themselves in the honors paid to them. Being fickle and completely senseless people, accustomed from the beginning to hold debased views regarding the gods, they were incapable of imitating the majesty of our theology; and seeing us admired by many, they grew envious.

Whiston

²²⁵ for so far they all agree through the whole country, to esteem such animals as gods, although they differ one from another in the peculiar worship they severally pay to them. And certainly men they are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have thus accustomed themselves from the beginning to have such bad notions concerning their gods, and could not think of imitating that decent form of Divine worship which we made use of, though, when they saw our institutions approved of by many others, they could not but envy us on that account;

Rogers

²²⁵ For it is their common tradition to regard animals as gods, though they have local differences in the worship they pay to each of them. They are entirely vain and foolish who from the beginning were used to such notions about their gods and would not follow our decent form of theology, though they could not but envy us when they saw our ways admired by many others.

²²⁶ Εἰς τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἦλθον ἀνοίας καὶ μικροψυχίας ἔνιοι τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς, ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲ ταῖς ἀρχαίαις αὐτῶν ἀναγραφαῖς ὤκνησαν ἐναντία λέγειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἐναντία γράφοντες ὑπὸ τυφλότητος τοῦ πάθους ἠγνόησαν.

Barach

²²⁶ For some among them reached such a pitch of folly and petty-mindedness that they did not hesitate to speak contrary even to their own ancient records, but through the blindness of their passion failed to recognize that they were writing in contradiction to themselves.

Whiston

²²⁶ for some of them have proceeded to that degree of folly and meanness in their conduct, as not to scruple to contradict their own ancient records, nay, to contradict themselves also in their writings, and yet were so blinded by their passions as not to discern it.

Rogers

²²⁶ Some of them have been so foolish and small-minded as not to scruple to contradict their own ancient records, indeed to contradict themselves in their own writings, being too blinded by their passions to notice it.

Chapter 10
The Hebrews were no "Leprous People"

☜ ☞

²²⁷ Ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς δὲ πρώτου στήσω τὸν λόγον, ᾧ καὶ μάρτυρι μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς ἀρχαιότητος ἐχρησάμην.	Barach ²²⁷ I shall focus my argument first on one writer, whom I also brought forward a little earlier as a witness to our antiquity.
Whiston ²²⁷ And now I will turn my discourse to one of their principal writers, whom I have a little before made use of as a witness to our antiquity;	Rogers ²²⁷ Let me speak of one of their principal writers, whom I called a little earlier as a witness to our antiquity.

²²⁸ Ὁ γὰρ οὗτος ὁ τὴν‎ ἱστορίαν ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων μεθερμηνεύειν ὑπεσχημένος, τοὺς ἡμετέρους προγόνους πολλαῖς μυριάσιν ἐπὶ τὴν‎ ἐλθόντας κρατῆσαι τῶν ἐνοικούντων, εἶτ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁμολογῶν χρόνῳ πάλιν ὕστερον τὴν‎ νῦν κατασχεῖν καὶ κτίσαντας τὸν νεὼ κατασκευάσασθαι, μέχρι μὲν τούτων ἠκολούθησε ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς.

Barach

²²⁸ For this Manetho, who had promised to translate the Egyptian history from the sacred writings, stated earlier that our ancestors came into Egypt in many tens of thousands and conquered the inhabitants; then he himself admits that at a later time they were expelled, occupied what is now Judea, founded Jerusalem, and built the temple. Up to this point, he followed the written records.

Whiston

²²⁸ I mean Manetho. He promised to interpret the Egyptian history out of their sacred writings, and premised this: that our people had come into Egypt, many ten thousands in number, and subdued its inhabitants; and when he had further confessed that we went out of that country afterward, and settled in that country which is now called Judea, and there built Jerusalem and its temple. Now thus far he followed his ancient records;

Rogers

²²⁸ Manetho promised to interpret the Egyptian history from their sacred writings, prefacing it by saying that our people had come into Egypt in their thousands and subdued its inhabitants. He further confessed that later we left that country and settled in the land which is now called Judea and there built Jerusalem and its temple. So far he followed his ancient records.

²²⁹ Ἔπειτα δὲ δοὺς ἐξουσίαν αὑτῷ διὰ τοῦ φάναι γράψειν τὰ μυθευόμενα καὶ λεγόμενα περὶ τῶν λόγους ἀπιθάνους παρενέβαλεν, ἀναμῖξαι βουλόμενος ἡμῖν πλῆθος λεπρῶν* καὶ ἐπὶ ἄλλοις , ὥς φησι, φυγεῖν ἐκ τῆς καταγνωσθέντων.

Barach

²²⁹ But then, giving himself license by claiming that he would record the fables and rumors circulating about the Jews, he introduced incredible fabrications, wishing to mix us up with a crowd of Egyptian lepers and others condemned, as he claims, to flee Egypt on account of diseases.

Whiston

²²⁹ but after this he permits himself, in order to appear to have written what rumors and reports passed abroad about the Jews, and introduces incredible narrations, as if he would have the Egyptian multitude, that had the leprosy and other distempers, to have been mixed with us, as he says they were, and that they were condemned to fly out of Egypt together;

Rogers

²²⁹ But then he clearly allows himself to write whatever rumours and reports were spread about the Jews and tells false stories to say that any of the Egyptian crowd suffering from leprosy and other ailments, had caught it from us, and that was why they were condemned to flee from Egypt together.

²³⁰ γὰρ βασιλέα προσθεὶς ψευδὲς ὄνομα καὶ διὰ τοῦτο χρόνον αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς βασιλείας ὁρίσαι μὴ τολμήσας, καίτοι γε ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἀκριβῶς τὰ ἔτη προστιθείς, τούτῳ προσάπτει τινὰς μυθολογίας ἐπιλαθόμενος σχεδόν, ὅτι πεντακοσίοις ἔτεσι καὶ δεκαοκτὼ πρότερον ἱστόρηκε γενέσθαι τὴν‎ τῶν ποιμένων ἔξοδον εἰς .

Barach

²³⁰ For having invented a king named Amenophis—a false name, which is why he did not dare to define the duration of his reign, although he carefully added the exact years for the other kings—he attaches certain myths to him, virtually forgetting that he had recorded that the departure of the Shepherds to Jerusalem occurred five hundred and eighteen years earlier!

Whiston

²³⁰ for he mentions Amenophis, a fictitious king's name, though on that account he durst not set down the number of years of his reign, which yet he had accurately done as to the other kings he mentions; he then ascribes certain fabulous stories to this king, as having in a manner forgotten how he had already related that the departure of the shepherds for Jerusalem had been five hundred and eighteen years before;

Rogers

²³⁰ He mentions Amenophis, a fictitious king’s name, though he dared not set down the number of years of his reign, as he accurately does for the other kings he mentions. He assigns mythic stories to this king, somehow forgetting what he had already said of the departure of the shepherds for Jerusalem five hundred and eighteen years earlier.

²³¹ γὰρ ἦν βασιλεὺς ὅτε , ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων μεταξὺ τῶν βασιλέων κατ᾽ αὐτόν ἐστι τριακόσια ἔτη μέχρι τῶν δύο ἀδελφῶν καὶ , ὧν τὸν μὲν , τὸν δὲ μετονομασθῆναί φησιν, ὃν ἐκβαλὼν ὁ ἐβασίλευσεν ἔτη νθ καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ πρεσβύτερος τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ‎ ἑξήκοντα.

Barach

²³¹ For Tethmosis was king when they departed, and from that time the period between the kings according to him is three hundred and ninety-three years down to the two brothers Sethos and Hermaeus, of whom he says Sethos was renamed Aegyptus and Hermaeus Danaus. Having expelled Hermaeus, Sethos reigned for 59 years, and after him his eldest son Rhampses reigned for 66 years.

Whiston

²³¹ for Tethmosis was king when they went away. Now, from his days, the reigns of the intermediate kings, according to Manethe, amounted to three hundred and ninety-three years, as he says himself, till the two brothers Sethos and Hermeus; the one of whom, Sethos, was called by that other name of Egyptus, and the other, Hermeus, by that of Danaus. He also says that Sethos east the other out of Egypt, and reigned fifty-nine years, as did his eldest son Rhampses reign after him sixty-six years.

Rogers

²³¹ Tethmosis was king when they left and after his day the reigns of the intermediate kings, according to Manetho, added up to three hundred and ninety-three years, as he says, until the two brothers Sethos and Hermeus, one of whom, Sethos, was surnamed Egyptus and the other, Hermaeus, surnamed Danaus. He says that Sethos cast the other out of Egypt and reigned for fifty-nine years, and his eldest son Rameses reigned for sixty-six years after him.

²³² Τοσούτοις οὖν πρότερον ἔτεσιν ἀπελθεῖν ἐξ τοὺς πατέρας ἡμῶν ὡμολογηκὼς εἶτα τὸν εἰσποιήσας ἐμβόλιμον βασιλέα φησὶν τοῦτον ἐπιθυμῆσαι θεῶν γενέσθαι θεατής, ὥσπερ εἷς τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ‎ βεβασιλευκότων, ἀνενεγκεῖν δὲ τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν ὁμωνύμῳ μὲν αὐτῷ πατρὸς δὲ ὄντι, θείας δὲ δοκοῦντι μετεσχηκέναι φύσεως κατά τε σοφίαν καὶ πρόγνωσιν τῶν .

Barach

²³² Having admitted, therefore, that our fathers departed from Egypt so many years earlier, he then introduces Amenophis as an interpolated king, and claims that this king desired to become a beholder of the gods, just as Hor, one of those who had reigned before him; and that he communicated his desire to a namesake, Amenophis son of Paapis, who was thought to share in a divine nature on account of his wisdom and foresight of the future.

Whiston

²³² When Manethe therefore had acknowledged that our forefathers were gone out of Egypt so many years ago, he introduces his fictitious king Amenophis, and says thus: This king was desirous to become a spectator of the gods, as had Orus, one of his predecessors in that kingdom, desired the same before him; he also communicated that his desire to his namesake Amenophis, who was the son of Papis, and one that seemed to partake of a divine nature, both as to wisdom and the knowledge of futurities.

Rogers

²³² When he acknowledged that our ancestors had gone out of Egypt so many years ago, he introduces his fictitious king Amenophis and says, "This king wished to see the gods, as Orus, one of his predecessors in that kingdom, had done before him. He communicated his desire to his namesake Amenophis, who was the son of Papius and seemed to share in some divine gift for wisdom and knowledge of future events."

²³³ Εἰπεῖν οὖν αὐτῷ τοῦτον τὸν ὁμώνυμον, ὅτι δυνήσεται θεοὺς ἰδεῖν, εἰ καθαρὰν ἀπό τε λεπρῶν* καὶ τῶν ἄλλων μιαρῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν‎ χώραν ἅπασαν ποιήσειεν.	Barach ²³³ His namesake then told him that he would be able to see the gods if he cleansed the entire country of lepers and other defiled people.
Whiston ²³³ Manethe adds, how this namesake of his told him that he might see the gods, if he would clear the whole country of the lepers and of the other impure people;	Rogers ²³³ Manetho adds that this namesake told him he would be able to see the gods, if only he would rid the whole country of lepers and other impure people.

²³⁴ ἡσθέντα δὲ τὸν βασιλέα πάντας τοὺς τὰ σώματα λελωβημένους ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt συναγαγεῖν γενέσθαι δὲ τοῦ πλήθους μυριάδας ὀκτώ·	Barach ²³⁴ The king was pleased and gathered from all Egypt everyone whose bodies were diseased; the total number reached eighty thousand.
Whiston ²³⁴ that the king was pleased with this injunction, and got together all that had any defect in their bodies out of Egypt; and that their number was eighty thousand;	Rogers ²³⁴ Pleased with this advice, the king expelled from Egypt all who had any physical defect, eighty thousand in number,

²³⁵ ^[235] καὶ τούτους εἰς τὰς λιθοτομίας τὰς ἐν τῷ πρὸς ἀνατολὴν μέρει τοῦ ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτόν, ὅπως ἐργάζοιντο καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ ἐγκεχωρισμένοι. Εἶναι δέ τινας ἐν αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν λογίων ἱερέων φησὶ λέπρᾳ συγκεχυμένους.

Barach

²³⁵ These he cast into the stone-quarries situated on the east side of the Nile, so that they might work there, separated from the rest of the Egyptians. Manetho says that among them were even some of the learned priests who had been stricken with leprosy.

Whiston

²³⁵ whom he sent to those quarries which are on the east side of the Nile, that they might work in them, and might be separated from the rest of the Egyptians. He says further, that there were some of the learned priests that were polluted with the leprosy;

Rogers

²³⁵ and sent them to the quarries on the east side of the Nile, to work in them and remain separate from the rest of the Egyptians. He adds that some of the learned priests were afflicted with leprosy.

²³⁶ Τὸν δὲ ἐκεῖνον, τὸν σοφὸν καὶ μαντικὸν ἄνδρα, ὑποδεῖσαι πρὸς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν βασιλέα χόλον τῶν θεῶν, εἰ βιασθέντες ὀφθήσονται. Καὶ εἰπεῖν, ὅτι τινες τοῖς μιαροῖς καὶ τῆς κρατήσουσιν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη δεκατρία, μὴ τολμῆσαι μὲν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ, γραφὴν δὲ περὶ πάντων ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν, ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ δὲ εἶναι τὸν βασιλέα.

Barach

²³⁶ But that Amenophis, the wise man and seer, feared the wrath of the gods against both himself and the king if these men should be seen suffering violence. He added a prediction that certain allies would assist the defiled ones and conquer Egypt for thirteen years; yet he did not dare say this directly to the king, but left a written account of everything and committed suicide, leaving the king in despondency.

Whiston

²³⁶ but that still this Amenophis, the wise man and the prophet, was afraid that the gods would be angry at him and at the king, if there should appear to have been violence offered them; who also added this further, [out of his sagacity about futurities,] that certain people would come to the assistance of these polluted wretches, and would conquer Egypt, and keep it in their possession thirteen years; that, however, he durst not tell the king of these things, but that he left a writing behind him about all those matters, and then slew himself, which made the king disconsolate.

Rogers

²³⁶ This Amenophis, wise man and prophet, was afraid that if any violence were done to them the gods would blame him and the king, though with prudent foreknowledge he knew that someone would come to the help of these diseased wretches and conquer Egypt and hold it for thirteen years. He did not dare tell the king of this, but left it behind him in writing and then killed himself, which left the king desolate.

²³⁷ κἄπειτα κατὰ λέξιν οὕτως γέγραφεν· «τῶν δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς λατομίαις ὡς χρόνος ἱκανὸς διῆλθεν ταλαιπωρούντων, ἀξιωθεὶς ὁ βασιλεύς, ἵνα κατάλυσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ σκέπην ἀπομερίσῃ, τὴν‎ τότε τῶν ποιμένων ἐρημωθεῖσαν πόλιν συνεχώρησεν· ἔστι δ᾽ ἡ πόλις κατὰ τὴν‎ θεολογίαν ἄνωθεν .

Barach

²³⁷ Then Manetho writes word for word as follows: "When those in the quarries had suffered for a considerable time, the king was petitioned to assign them the city of Avaris, then deserted by the Shepherds, as a place for rest and shelter; he granted it to them. According to ancient theology, this city belongs to Typho.

Whiston

²³⁷ After which he writes thus verbatim: After those that were sent to work in the quarries had continued in that miserable state for a long while, the king was desired that he would set apart the city Avaris, which was then left desolate of the shepherds, for their habitation and protection; which desire he granted them. Now this city, according to the ancient theology, was Typho's city.

Rogers

²³⁷ Our writer goes on: "After those who were sent to work in the quarries had stayed in that miserable state for a long time, they requested the king to designate the city of Avaris, vacated by the shepherds, for them to live in and this he granted. In the ancient theology, the city had been dedicated to Typho.

²³⁸ Οἱ δὲ εἰς ταύτην εἰσελθόντες καὶ τὸν τόπον τοῦτον ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνα αὐτῶν λεγόμενόν τινα τῶν ἱερέων ἐστήσαντο καὶ τούτῳ πειθαρχήσοντες ἐν πᾶσιν ὡρκωμότησαν.

Barach

²³⁸ When they entered this city and held this place as a base for revolt, they appointed as their leader a certain priest of Heliopolis named Osarsiph, and swore an oath to obey him in all things.

Whiston

²³⁸ But when these men were gotten into it, and found the place fit for a revolt, they appointed themselves a ruler out of the priests of Hellopolis, whose name was Osarsiph, and they took their oaths that they would be obedient to him in all things.

Rogers

²³⁸ But when these went there they found the place suitable for a revolt, and chose for themselves a ruler named Osarsiph from the priests of Heliopolis, and swore to obey him in all things.

²³⁹ Ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῖς νόμον ἔθετο μήτε προσκυνεῖν θεοὺς μήτε τῶν μάλιστα ἐν θεμιστευομένων ἱερῶν ζῴων ἀπέχεσθαι μηδενός, πάντα δὲ θύειν καὶ ἀναλοῦν, συνάπτεσθαι δὲ μηδενὶ πλὴν τῶν .

Barach

²³⁹ First, he enacted a law for them neither to worship the gods nor to abstain from any of the sacred animals held in highest esteem in Egypt, but to sacrifice and consume them all, and to associate with none except those bound by the oath.

Whiston

²³⁹ He then, in the first place, made this law for them, That they should neither worship the Egyptian gods, nor should abstain from any one of those sacred animals which they have in the highest esteem, but kill and destroy them all; that they should join themselves to nobody but to those that were of this confederacy.

Rogers

²³⁹ He first made it a law that they should neither worship the Egyptian gods, nor abstain from any of those sacred animals which they so honoured, but kill and destroy them all, and associate with no one except those of their own confederacy.

²⁴⁰ Τοιαῦτα δὲ νομοθετήσας καὶ πλεῖστα ἄλλα μάλιστα τοῖς ἐθισμοῖς ἐναντιούμενα ἐκέλευσεν πολυχειρίᾳ τὰ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκευάζειν τείχη καὶ πρὸς πόλεμον ἑτοίμους γίνεσθαι τὸν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα.

Barach

²⁴⁰ Having enacted these laws and many others directly opposed to Egyptian customs, he commanded the vast workforce to repair the walls of the city and make ready for war against King Amenophis.

Whiston

²⁴⁰ When he had made such laws as these, and many more such as were mainly opposite to the customs of the Egyptians, he gave order that they should use the multitude of the hands they had in building walls about their City, and make themselves ready for a war with king Amenophis,

Rogers

²⁴⁰ When he had made such laws as these and many more, contrary to the ways of the Egyptians, he set them to work at building walls around their city and make ready for war with king Amenophis.

²⁴¹ αὐτὸς δὲ προσλαβόμενος μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερέων καὶ ἔπεμψε πρέσβεις πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὸ ποιμένας εἰς πόλιν τὴν‎ καλουμένην , καὶ τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς συνατιμασθέντας δηλώσας ἠξίου συνεπιστρατεύειν ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐπ᾽ .

Barach

²⁴¹ He himself, having joined with him the other defiled priests, sent ambassadors to the Shepherds expelled by Tethmosis to the city called Jerusalem; explaining his own situation and that of the others dishonored with him, he requested them to join in a unified campaign against Egypt.

Whiston

²⁴¹ while he did himself take into his friendship the other priests, and those that were polluted with them, and sent ambassadors to those shepherds who had been driven out of the land by Tefilmosis to the city called Jerusalem; whereby he informed them of his own affairs, and of the state of those others that had been treated after such an ignominious manner, and desired that they would come with one consent to his assistance in this war against Egypt.

Rogers

²⁴¹ He drew aside the other priests and those who like them were diseased and sent envoys to the shepherds whom Tethmosis had driven from the land to the city called Jerusalem, telling them of his situation that of the others so shamefully treated and asking them to come on a united expedition against Egypt.

²⁴² ἐπάξειν μὲν οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐπηγγείλατο πρῶτον μὲν εἰς τὴν‎ προγονικὴν αὐτῶν πατρίδα καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς ὄχλοις παρέξειν ἀφθόνως, ὑπερμαχήσεσθαι δὲ ὅτε δέοι καὶ ῥᾳδίως ὑποχείριον αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ χώραν ποιήσειν.

Barach

²⁴² He promised to lead them first to Avaris, the ancestral land of their forefathers, and to provide abundant supplies for the throngs, to fight in their defense whenever necessary, and easily to bring the country under their control.

Whiston

²⁴² He also promised that he would, in the first place, bring them back to their ancient city and country Avaris, and provide a plentiful maintenance for their multitude; that he would protect them and fight for them as occasion should require, and would easily reduce the country under their dominion.

Rogers

²⁴² He promised first, to bring them back to their ancient city and country of Avaris and provide plentifully for their troops; and to protect them and fight for them as required so that they could easily conquer the country.

²⁴³ Οἱ δὲ ὑπερχαρεῖς γενόμενοι πάντες προθύμως εἰς εἴκοσι μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν συνεξώρμησαν καὶ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ἧκον εἰς . δ᾽ ὁ τῶν βασιλεὺς ὡς τὰ κατὰ τὴν‎ ἐκείνων ἔφοδον, οὐ μετρίως συνεχύθη τῆς παρὰ τοῦ μνησθεὶς προδηλώσεως.

Barach

²⁴³ They were overjoyed and all eagerly set out together, to the number of two hundred thousand men, and shortly arrived at Avaris. When Amenophis, king of the Egyptians, learned of their invasion, he was greatly disturbed, remembering the prophecy of Amenophis son of Paapis.

Whiston

²⁴³ These shepherds were all very glad of this message, and came away with alacrity all together, being in number two hundred thousand men; and in a little time they came to Avaris. And now Amenophis the king of Egypt, upon his being informed of their invasion, was in great confusion, as calling to mind what Amenophis, the son of Papis, had foretold him;

Rogers

²⁴³ All the shepherds were glad of this message and went off eagerly, two hundred thousand men in number, and soon reached Avaris. Hearing of their invasion, Amenophis the king of Egypt was greatly troubled, calling to mind what Amenophis, the son of Papis, had foretold.

²⁴⁴ καὶ πρότερον συναγαγὼν πλῆθος καὶ βουλευσάμενος μετὰ τῶν ἐν τούτοις ἡγεμόνων τά τε ἱερὰ ζῷα τὰ μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς τιμώμενα ὥς γ᾽ ἑαυτὸν μετεπέμψατο καὶ τοῖς κατὰ μέρος ἱερεῦσι παρήγγελλεν ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα τῶν θεῶν συγκρύψαι τὰ ξόανα.

Barach

²⁴⁴ Having previously gathered a vast host of Egyptians and consulted with the leaders among them, he summoned to himself the chief sacred animals honored in the temples, and commanded the priests individually to conceal the wooden images of the gods as securely as possible.

Whiston

²⁴⁴ and, in the first place, he assembled the multitude of the Egyptians, and took counsel with their leaders, and sent for their sacred animals to him, especially for those that were principally worshipped in their temples, and gave a particular charge to the priests distinctly, that they should hide the images of their gods

Rogers

²⁴⁴ So he first assembled the Egyptian population and took advice from their leaders and sent for their sacred animals, especially those that were mainly worshipped in their temples and charged the priests to carefully hide the images of their gods.

²⁴⁵ Τὸν δὲ υἱὸν τὸν καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ὠνομασμένον πενταέτη ὄντα ἐξέθετο πρὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ φίλον. Αὐτὸς δὲ διαβὰς Τοῖς ἄλλοις οὖσιν εἰς τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν μαχιμωτάτων καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπαντήσας οὐ συνέβαλεν,

Barach

²⁴⁵ His five-year-old son Sethos—also called Ramesses after his grandfather Rhampses—he put in hiding with a friend. He himself crossed over with the remaining Egyptians, who numbered three hundred thousand of the most warlike men; yet when he met the enemy, he did not join battle,

Whiston

²⁴⁵ with the utmost care he also sent his son Sethos, who was also named Ramesses, from his father Rhampses, being but five years old, to a friend of his. He then passed on with the rest of the Egyptians, being three hundred thousand of the most warlike of them, against the enemy, who met them. Yet did he not join battle with them;

Rogers

²⁴⁵ He left his son, the five-year-old Sethos, who was also named Ramesses after his father Rhampses, in the care of one of his friends and with three hundred thousand of the most warlike of the Egyptians, went to meet the enemy.

²⁴⁶ ἀλλὰ μέλλειν θεομαχεῖν νομίσας παλινδρομήσας ἧκεν εἰς ἀναλαβών τε τόν τε καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ ἐκεῖσε μεταπεμφθέντα ἱερὰ ζῷα εὐθὺς εἰς σὺν ἅπαντι τῷ στόλῳ καὶ πλήθει τῶν ἀνήχθη· χάριτι γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ ὑποχείριος ὁ τῶν βασιλεύς.

Barach

²⁴⁶ but believing that he would be fighting against the gods, he turned back and came to Memphis. Taking Apis and the other sacred animals sent there, he immediately set out for Ethiopia with his entire fleet and the multitude of Egyptians; for the king of Ethiopia was under obligation to him.

Whiston

²⁴⁶ but thinking that would be to fight against the gods, he returned back and came to Memphis, where he took Apis and the other sacred animals which he had sent for to him, and presently marched into Ethiopia, together with his whole army and multitude of Egyptians; for the king of Ethiopia was under an obligation to him,

Rogers

²⁴⁶ But then, thinking that to join battle with them would be to fight against the gods, he returned and came to Memphis, where he took Apis and the other sacred animals he had sent for to him and marched into Ethiopia, with his army and all the Egyptian followers, for the king of Ethiopia was his vassal.

²⁴⁷ Ὃς ὑποδεξάμενος καὶ τοὺς ὄχλους πάντας ὑπολαβὼν οἷς ἔσχεν ἡ χώρα τῶν πρὸς ἀνθρωπίνην τροφὴν , καὶ πόλεις καὶ κώμας πρὸς τὴν‎ τῶν τρισκαίδεκα ἐτῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτοῦ‎ ἔκπτωσιν αὐτάρκεις, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ καὶ στρατόπεδον πρὸς φυλακὴν ἐπέταξε τοῖς παρ᾽ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τῶν ὁρίων τῆς .

Barach

²⁴⁷ The Ethiopian king received him, provided for all the crowds with what the country possessed for human sustenance, allocated sufficient cities and villages for the destined thirteen years of exile from his kingdom, and posted an Ethiopian army to guard the borders of Egypt on behalf of King Amenophis.

Whiston

²⁴⁷ on which account he received him, and took care of all the multitude that was with him, while the country supplied all that was necessary for the food of the men. He also allotted cities and villages for this exile, that was to be from its beginning during those fatally determined thirteen years. Moreover, he pitched a camp for his Ethiopian army, as a guard to king Amenophis, upon the borders of Egypt.

Rogers

²⁴⁷ So the latter received him and took care of all the people with him, while the country supplied all that was necessary to feed them. He assigned cities and villages for this exile, destined to be for thirteen years and he stationed an Ethiopian army at the borders of Egypt, to protect king Amenophis.

²⁴⁸ Καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν‎ τοιαῦτα. Οἱ δὲ κατελθόντες σὺν τοῖς μιαροῖς τῶν οὕτως ἀνοσίως καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις προσηνέχθησαν, ὥστε τὴν‎ τῶν προειρημένων χρυσὸν φαίνεσθαι τοῖς τότε τὰ τούτων ἀσεβήματα θεωμένοις·

Barach

²⁴⁸ Such was the situation in Ethiopia. But the people of Jerusalem, having come down together with the defiled Egyptians, treated the people so impiously that the rule of the former Shepherds seemed like a golden age to those who witnessed these present sacrileges.

Whiston

²⁴⁸ And this was the state of things in Ethiopia. But for the people of Jerusalem, when they came down together with the polluted Egyptians, they treated the men in such a barbarous manner, that those who saw how they subdued the forementioned country, and the horrid wickedness they were guilty of, thought it a most dreadful thing;

Rogers

²⁴⁸ This was the state of things in Ethiopia. But the Solymites came with the diseased Egyptians and treated people so cruelly that in the light of these dreadful impieties the former regime seemed like a golden age.

²⁴⁹ καὶ γὰρ οὐ μόνον πόλεις καὶ κώμας ἐνέπρησαν οὐδὲ ἱεροσυλοῦντες οὐδὲ λυμαινόμενοι ξόανα θεῶν ἠρκοῦντο, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ὀπτανίοις τῶν ἱερῶν ζῴων χρώμενοι διετέλουν καὶ θύτας καὶ σφαγεῖς τούτων ἱερεῖς καὶ προφήτας ἠνάγκαζον γίνεσθαι καὶ γυμνοὺς ἐξέβαλλον.

Barach

²⁴⁹ For they not only burned cities and villages, nor were they content with plundering temples and mutilating the statues of the gods, but they also continually used the very sanctuaries as kitchens for cooking the revered sacred animals, forced the priests and prophets to become their slaughterers and sacrificers, and drove them out naked.

Whiston

²⁴⁹ for they did not only set the cities and villages on fire but were not satisfied till they had been guilty of sacrilege, and destroyed the images of the gods, and used them in roasting those sacred animals that used to be worshipped, and forced the priests and prophets to be the executioners and murderers of those animals, and then ejected them naked out of the country.

Rogers

²⁴⁹ They not only set cities and villages on fire but also did not stop short of sacrilege, destroying the images of the gods, to use them for roasting the sacred animals that used to be worshipped, and forcing the priests and prophets to kill those animals before ejecting them naked from the country.

²⁵⁰ Λέγεται δέ, ὅτι τὴν‎ πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καταβαλόμενος ἱερεὺς τὸ γένος ὄνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν θεοῦ , ὡς μετέβη εἰς τοῦτο τὸ γένος, μετετέθη τοὔνομα καὶ προσηγορεύθη .

Barach

²⁵⁰ It is said that the priest who established their polity and laws was an Heliopolite by birth named Osarsiph, after Osiris the god in Heliopolis; but when he went over to this people, his name was changed, and he was called Moses."

Whiston

²⁵⁰ It was also reported that the priest, who ordained their polity and their laws, was by birth of Hellopolls, and his name Osarsiph, from Osyris, who was the god of Hellopolls; but that when he was gone over to these people, his name was changed, and he was called Moses.

Rogers

²⁵⁰ They say that the priest, who settled their regime and laws was born in Heliopolis and named Osarsiph, from Osyris the god of Heliopolis, but that when he went over to these people, he changed his name to Moses.

²⁵¹ Ἃ μὲν οὖν φέρουσι περὶ τῶν ταῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ ἕτερα πλείονα, ἃ παρίημι συντομίας ἕνεκα. Λέγει δὲ ὁ πάλιν, ὅτι μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπῆλθεν ὁ ἀπὸ μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχων δύναμιν, καὶ συμβαλόντες οἱ δύο τοῖς ποιμέσι καὶ τοῖς μιαροῖς ἐνίκησαν αὐτοὺς καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποκτείναντες ἐδίωξαν αὐτοὺς ἄχρι τῶν ὁρίων τῆς .

Barach

²⁵¹ These are the allegations the Egyptians bring against the Jews, alongside many others which I pass over for the sake of brevity. Manetho adds again that after these events, Amenophis returned from Ethiopia with a great force, as did his son Rhampses with a force of his own, and both joining battle with the Shepherds and the defiled ones, defeated them, killed many, and pursued them as far as the borders of Syria.

Whiston

²⁵¹ This is what the Egyptians relate about the Jews, with much more, which I omit for the sake of brevity. But still Manetho goes on, that after this, Amenophis returned back from Ethiopia with a great army, as did his son Ahampses with another army also, and that both of them joined battle with the shepherds and the polluted people, and beat them, and slew a great many of them, and pursued them to the bounds of Syria.

Rogers

²⁵¹ This is the Egyptian story about the Jews, along with much else which I omit for the sake of brevity. But Manetho says that after this, Amenophis returned from Ethiopia with a large army, and his son Rampses also with an army and both of them fought the shepherds and the diseased people and beat them and killed many of them and pursued them to the borders of Syria.

²⁵² Ταῦτα μὲν καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα συνέγραψεν. Ὅτι δὲ ληρεῖ καὶ ψεύδεται περιφανῶς, ἐπιδείξω προδιαστειλάμενος ἐκεῖνο τῶν ὕστερον πρὸς ἄλλους λεχθησομένων ἕνεκα· δέδωκε γὰρ οὗτος ἡμῖν καὶ ὡμολόγηκεν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε μὴ εἶναι τὸ γένος , ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔξωθεν ἐπελθόντας κρατῆσαι τῆς καὶ πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀπελθεῖν.

Barach

²⁵² These things and others of like nature Manetho wrote. That he rambles and lies transparently, I shall demonstrate after making one preliminary distinction for the sake of what will be said later against others: for he has granted us and admitted from the beginning that our race was not Egyptian by origin, but came from outside, conquered Egypt, and departed from it again.

Whiston

²⁵² These and the like accounts are written by Manetho. But I will demonstrate that he trifles, and tells arrant lies, after I have made a distinction which will relate to what I am going to say about him; for this Manetho had granted and confessed that this nation was not originally Egyptian, but that they had come from another country, and subdued Egypt, and then went away again out of it.

Rogers

²⁵² Such are the accounts written by Manetho, and I will prove that he is a trifler who tells outright lies, but first I must make a distinction about what I am going to say about him, for he has granted and admitted that this nation was not originally Egyptian, but came in from another country and subdued Egypt and then left it again.

²⁵³ Ὅτι δ᾽ οὐκ ἀνεμίχθησαν ἡμῖν ὕστερον τῶν οἱ τὰ σώματα λελωβημένοι, καὶ ὅτι ἐκ τούτων οὐκ ἦν ὁ τὸν λαὸν ἀγαγών, ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς ἐγεγόνει γενεαῖς πρότερον, ταῦτα πειράσομαι διὰ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ λεγομένων ἐλέγχειν.

Barach

²⁵³ But that those with diseased bodies were not mixed with us later, and that Moses who led the people was not from among them but had lived many generations earlier, I shall attempt to refute through his own words.

Whiston

²⁵³ But that those Egyptians who were thus diseased in their bodies were not mingled with us afterward, and that Moses who brought the people out was not one of that company, but lived many generations earlier, I shall endeavor to demonstrate from Manetho's own accounts themselves.

Rogers

²⁵³ But I shall try to prove from Manetho’s own accounts that the Egyptians who were so diseased in their bodies were not mingled with us later and that neither did Moses who brought the people out belong to their company, but lived many generations earlier.

²⁵⁴ Πρώτην δὴ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν τοῦ πλάσματος ὑποτίθεται καταγέλαστον· ὁ βασιλεὺς γάρ φησιν ἐπεθύμησε τοὺς θεοὺς ἰδεῖν. Ποίους ; Εἰ μὲν τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς νενομοθετημένους τὸν βοῦν καὶ τράγον καὶ κροκοδείλους καὶ κυνοκεφάλους, ἑώρα.

Barach

²⁵⁴ First, he posits a ridiculous pretext for his fable: for he says King Amenophis desired to see the gods. Which gods? If he meant those legislated among them—the bull, the goat, crocodiles, and dog-headed baboons—he already saw them!

Whiston

²⁵⁴ Now, for the first occasion of this fiction, Manetho supposes what is no better than a ridiculous thing; for he says that King Amenophis desired to see the gods. What gods, I pray, did he desire to see? If he meant the gods whom their laws ordained to be worshipped, the ox, the goat, the crocodile, and the baboon, he saw them already;

Rogers

²⁵⁴ As the first item of his fiction, Manetho purports the ludicrous notion that king Amenophis asked to see the gods. Which gods? If he meant the gods worshipped according to their laws, the ox, the goat, the crocodile and the baboon, he saw them already;

²⁵⁵ Τοὺς οὐρανίους δὲ πῶς ἐδύνατο ; Καὶ διὰ τί ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν‎ ἐπιθυμίαν ; Ὅτι νὴ Δία καὶ πρότερος αὐτοῦ‎ βασιλεὺς ἄλλος ἑωράκει. Παρ᾽ ἐκείνου τοίνυν ἐπέπυστο, ποταποί τινές εἰσι καὶ τίνα τρόπον αὐτοὺς εἶδεν, ὥστε καινῆς αὐτῷ τέχνης οὐκ ἔδει.

Barach

²⁵⁵ But how could he see the heavenly gods? And why did he have this desire? Because, by Zeus, another king before him had seen them! He could have learned from that king what sort of beings they were and in what manner he saw them, so that he had no need of a new technique.

Whiston

²⁵⁵ but for the heavenly gods, how could he see them, and what should occasion this his desire? To be sure? it was because another king before him had already seen them. He had then been informed what sort of gods they were, and after what manner they had been seen, insomuch that he did not stand in need of any new artifice for obtaining this sight.

Rogers

²⁵⁵ but how could he see the heavenly gods and what prompted the desire? Because another king before him had already seen them? Had he been told what sort of gods they were and how they were seen, so that he did not need any new device to gain this sight.

²⁵⁶ Ἀλλὰ σοφὸς ἦν ὁ μάντις, δι᾽ οὗ τοῦτο ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπελάμβανε. Καὶ πῶς οὐ προέγνω τὸ ἀδύνατον αὐτοῦ‎ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ; Οὐ γὰρ ἀπέβη. Τίνα δὲ καὶ λόγον εἶχε διὰ τοὺς ἠκρωτηριασμένους ἢ λεπρῶντας ἀφανεῖς εἶναι τοὺς θεούς ; Ὀργίζονται γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς , οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν σωμάτων.

Barach

²⁵⁶ But the seer was wise, through whom the king assumed he would succeed in this. Yet how did he fail to foresee the impossibility of the king's desire? For it did not happen. And what sense did it make for the gods to be invisible on account of mutilated or leprous people? For gods are angry at impieties, not at physical defects!

Whiston

²⁵⁶ However, the prophet by whose means the king thought to compass his design was a wise man. If so, how came he not to know that such his desire was impossible to be accomplished? for the event did not succeed. And what pretense could there be to suppose that the gods would not be seen by reason of the people's maims in their bodies, or leprosy? for the gods are not angry at the imperfection of bodies, but at wicked practices;

Rogers

²⁵⁶ But the prophet through whom the king thought to achieve his aim was a wise man. If so, how did he not know that his desire was impossible? For it did not succeed. And what pretext was there to suppose that the gods would not be seen because of the people’s diseased bodies, or leprosy? For the gods are not angry with imperfect bodies, but at wicked practices.

²⁵⁷ Ὀκτὼ δὲ μυριάδας τῶν λεπρῶν* καὶ κακῶς διακειμένων πῶς οἷόν τε μιᾷ σχεδὸν ἡμέρᾳ συλλεγῆναι ; Πῶς δὲ παρήκουσεν τοῦ μάντεως ὁ βασιλεύς ; Ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἐξορίσαι τῆς τοὺς λελωβημένους, ὁ δ᾽ αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰς λιθοτομίας ἐνέβαλεν, ὥσπερ τῶν δεόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ καθᾶραι τὴν‎ χώραν προαιρούμενος.

Barach

²⁵⁷ How was it possible for eighty thousand lepers and afflicted people to be gathered together in virtually a single day? And how did the king disobey the seer? For the seer ordered him to banish the afflicted from Egypt, whereas the king cast them into stone quarries, as though he needed laborers rather than intending to cleanse the land!

Whiston

²⁵⁷ and as to eighty thousand lepers, and those in an ill state also, how is it possible to have them gathered together in one day? nay, how came the king not to comply with the prophet? for his injunction was, that those that were maimed should be expelled out of Egypt, while the king only sent them to work in the quarries, as if he were rather in want of laborers, than intended to purge his country.

Rogers

²⁵⁷ As to the eighty thousand lepers in such a bad condition, how was it possible to gather them together in one day? And why did the king not listen to the prophet, who said that the diseased should be expelled from Egypt, while the king only sent them to the quarries, as if seeking labourers rather than to purge his country.

²⁵⁸ Φησὶ δὲ τὸν μὲν μάντιν αὑτὸν ἀνελεῖν τὴν‎ ὀργὴν τῶν θεῶν καὶ τὰ συμβησόμενα περὶ τὴν‎ , τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ γεγραμμένην τὴν‎ πρόρρησιν καταλιπεῖν. Εἶτα πῶς οὐκ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ μάντις τὸν αὑτοῦ θάνατον προηπίστατο;

Barach

²⁵⁸ He says the seer killed himself, foreseeing the wrath of the gods and what would happen to Egypt, leaving the prophecy written down for the king. Then how did the seer not know his own death from the start?

Whiston

²⁵⁸ He says further, that this prophet slew himself, as foreseeing the anger of the gods, and those events which were to come upon Egypt afterward; and that he left this prediction for the king in writing. Besides, how came it to pass that this prophet did not foreknow his own death at the first?

Rogers

²⁵⁸ Later he says that this prophet killed himself as he foresaw the anger of the gods and what would befall Egypt later and that he left the prediction in writing for the king. But how was it that this prophet did not foresee his own death from the first?

²⁵⁹ Πῶς δὲ οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀντεῖπεν τῷ βασιλεῖ βουλομένῳ τοὺς θεοὺς ἰδεῖν ; Πῶς δ᾽ εὔλογος ὁ φόβος τῶν μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὸν συμβησομένων κακῶν ; Ἦ τι χεῖρον ἔδει παθεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἑαυτὸν ἔσπευδεν.	Barach ²⁵⁹ Why did he not immediately object when the king wished to see the gods? And how is fear of evils that would not happen in his own lifetime reasonable? Could he suffer anything worse than death? He would not have rushed to kill himself! Let us examine the most foolish detail of all:
Whiston ²⁵⁹ nay, how came he not to contradict the king in his desire to see the gods immediately? how came that unreasonable dread upon him of judgments that were not to happen in his lifetime? or what worse thing could he suffer, out of the fear of which he made haste to kill himself?	Rogers ²⁵⁹ Why did he not immediately oppose the king’s desire to see the gods? How did he feel that blessed fear of judgments that were not to happen to him? Or what worse could he suffer, that made him hurry to kill himself?

²⁶⁰ Τὸ δὲ δὴ πάντων εὐηθέστατον ἴδωμεν· πυθόμενος γὰρ ταῦτα καὶ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων φοβηθεὶς τοὺς λελωβημένους ἐκείνους, ὧν αὐτῷ καθαρεῦσαι προείρητο τὴν‎ , οὐδὲ τότε τῆς χώρας , ἀλλὰ δεηθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς ἔδωκε πόλιν, ὥς φησι, τὴν‎ πάλαι μὲν οἰκηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν ποιμένων, δὲ καλουμένην.

Barach

²⁶⁰ Having learned these things and feared for the future on account of those afflicted ones—whom he had been told to cleanse from Egypt—the king did not drive them out of the country even then, but at their request gave them a city, as he says, formerly inhabited by the Shepherds, called Avaris.

Whiston

²⁶⁰ But now let us see the silliest thing of all: - The king, although he had been informed of these things, and terrified with the fear of what was to come, yet did not he even then eject these maimed people out of his country, when it had been foretold him that he was to clear Egypt of them; but, as Manetho says, he then, upon their request, gave them that city to inhabit, which had formerly belonged to the shepherds, and was called Avaris;

Rogers

²⁶⁰ But now let us look at the silliest thing of all. The king, though he had been told of these things and terrified with the fear of what was to come, still did not expel these maimed people from his country, when he had already been told him he was to clear Egypt of them. Rather, says our writer, at their request he gave them the city that formerly belonged to the shepherds and was called Avaris.

²⁶¹ Εἰς ἣν ἀθροισθέντας αὐτοὺς ἡγεμόνα φησὶν ἐξελέσθαι τῶν ἐξ πάλαι γεγονότων ἱερέων, καὶ τοῦτον αὐτοῖς εἰσηγήσασθαι μήτε θεοὺς προσκυνεῖν μήτε τῶν ἐπ᾽ θρησκευομένων ζῴων ἀπέχεσθαι, πάντα δὲ θύειν καὶ κατεσθίειν, συνάπτεσθαι δὲ μηδενὶ πλὴν τῶν , ὅρκοις τε τὸ πλῆθος , ἦ μὴν τούτοις ἐμμενεῖν τοῖς νόμοις, καὶ τειχίσαντα τὴν‎ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν.

Barach

²⁶¹ Gathering into this city, he says they chose a leader from among the former priests of Heliopolis, and this man instructed them neither to worship gods nor to abstain from the animals revered in Egypt, but to sacrifice and consume all of them, associating with none except co-conspirators; binding the multitude by oaths that they would remain steadfast in these laws, he fortified Avaris and waged war against the king.

Whiston

²⁶¹ whither when they were gone in crowds, he says, they chose one that had formerly been priest of Hellopolls; and that this priest first ordained that they should neither worship the gods, nor abstain from those animals that were worshipped by the Egyptians, but should kill and eat them all, and should associate with nobody but those that had conspired with them; and that he bound the multitude by oaths to be sure to continue in those laws; and that when he had built a wall about Avaris, he made war against the king.

Rogers

²⁶¹ When they had gone there in crowds, he says, they chose one who had formerly been priest of Heliopolis, and that this priest first told them neither to worship the gods, nor to abstain from those animals that were worshipped by the Egyptians, but to kill and eat them all and associate with no one but the allies, and that he bound the people by oaths to continue in these laws, and then built a wall around Avaris, he made war on the king.

²⁶² Καὶ προστίθησιν, ὅτι ἔπεμψεν εἰς παρακαλῶν ἐκείνους αὐτοῖς συμμαχεῖν καὶ δώσειν αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ ὑπισχνούμενος, εἶναι γὰρ αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐκ τῶν προγονικήν, ἀφ᾽ ἧς αὐτοὺς πᾶσαν τὴν‎ καθέξειν.

Barach

²⁶² He adds that he sent to Jerusalem, appealing to them to join in alliance and promising to give them Avaris, claiming it was the ancestral home of those coming from Jerusalem, and that starting from there they would easily hold all Egypt.

Whiston

²⁶² Manetho adds also, that this priest sent to Jerusalem to invite that people to come to his assistance, and promised to give them Avaris; for that it had belonged to the forefathers of those that were coming from Jerusalem, and that when they were come, they made a war immediately against the king, and got possession of all Egypt.

Rogers

²⁶² He adds that he sent to Jerusalem to call them to ally with him and promised them Avaris, as it had belonged to the ancestors of those who would come from Jerusalem and that on their arrival they made war on the king and occupied all of Egypt.

²⁶³ Εἶτα τοὺς μὲν ἐπελθεῖν εἴκοσι στρατοῦ μυριάσι λέγει, τὸν βασιλέα δὲ τῶν οὐκ οἰόμενον δεῖν θεομαχεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ εὐθὺς ἀποδρᾶναι, τὸν δὲ καί τινα τῶν ἄλλων ἱερῶν ζῴων παρατεθεικέναι τοῖς ἱερεῦσι διαφυλάττεσθαι κελεύσαντα.

Barach

²⁶³ Then he says they invaded with an army of two hundred thousand, while the king of the Egyptians, Amenophis, thinking he ought not to fight against the gods, fled immediately to Ethiopia, after ordering Apis and certain other sacred animals to be entrusted to the priests for safekeeping.

Whiston

²⁶³ He says also that the Egyptians came with an army of two hundred thousand men, and that Amenophis, the king of Egypt, not thinking that he ought to fight against the gods, ran away presently into Ethiopia, and committed Apis and certain other of their sacred animals to the priests, and commanded them to take care of preserving them.

Rogers

²⁶³ Then apparently the Egyptians came with an army of two hundred thousand men and Amenophis, the king of Egypt, not thinking he should fight against the gods, soon fled to Ethiopia, entrusting Apis and some of their other sacred animals to the priests, with orders to preserve them.

²⁶⁴ Εἶτα τοὺς ἹεροσολυμίταςJerusalem ἐπελθόντας τάς τε πόλεις ἀνιστάναι καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ κατακαίειν καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας ἀποσφάττειν, ὅλως τε μηδεμιᾶς ἀπέχεσθαι παρανομίας μηδὲ ὠμότητος.	Barach ²⁶⁴ Then the people of Jerusalem invaded, destroyed cities, burned temples, slaughtered cavalrymen, and abstained from no lawlessness or cruelty whatsoever.
Whiston ²⁶⁴ He says further, that the people of Jerusalem came accordingly upon the Egyptians, and overthrew their cities, and burnt their temples, and slew their horsemen, and, in short, abstained from no sort of wickedness nor barbarity;	Rogers ²⁶⁴ He went on to say that the Jerusalemites attacked the Egyptians, destroying their cities, burning their temples and killing their cavalry, in short, refraining from no evil or savagery;

²⁶⁵ Ὁ δὲ τὴν‎ πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καταβαλόμενος ἱερεύς, φησίν, ἦν τὸ γένος , ὄνομα δ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν θεοῦ , μεταθέμενος δὲ αὑτὸν .

Barach

²⁶⁵ The priest who established their polity and laws, he says, was an Heliopolite by birth named Osarsiph, after Osiris the god in Heliopolis; but changing his name, he called himself Moses.

Whiston

²⁶⁵ and for that priest who settled their polity and their laws, he says, he was by birth of Hellopolis, and his name was Osarsiph, from Osyris the god of Hellopolis, but that he changed his name, and called himself Moses.

Rogers

²⁶⁵ and that the priest who settled their system and laws was by birth of Heliopolis, and named Osarsiph, from Osyris the god of Heliopolis, but that he changed his name and called himself Moses.

²⁶⁶ Τρισκαιδεκάτῳ δέ φησιν ἔτει τὸν , τοσοῦτον γὰρ αὐτῷ χρόνον εἶναι τῆς ἐκπτώσεως , ἐξ ἐπελθόντα μετὰ πολλῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ συμβαλόντα τοῖς ποιμέσι καὶ τοῖς μιαροῖς νικῆσαί τε τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κτεῖναι πολλοὺς ἐπιδιώξαντα μέχρι τῶν τῆς .

Barach

²⁶⁶ In the thirteenth year, he says Amenophis—such being the time fated for his exile—returned from Ethiopia with a great army, joined battle with the Shepherds and defiled ones, defeated them in battle, killed many, and pursued them to the borders of Syria.

Whiston

²⁶⁶ He then says that on the thirteenth year afterward, Amenophis, according to the fatal time of the duration of his misfortunes, came upon them out of Ethiopia with a great army, and joining battle with the shepherds and with the polluted people, overcame them in battle, and slew a great many of them, and pursued them as far as the bounds of Syria.

Rogers

²⁶⁶ He adds that on the thirteenth year Amenophis, according to the destined duration of his woes, attacked from Ethiopia with a large army and defeated the shepherds and diseased people in battle and killed many of them and pursued them as far as the borders of Syria.

²⁶⁷ Ἐν τούτοις πάλιν οὐ συνίησιν ἀπιθάνως ψευδόμενος· οἱ γὰρ λεπροὶ καὶ τὸ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν πλῆθος, εἰ καὶ πρότερον ὠργίζοντο τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς τὰ περὶ αὐτοὺς πεποιηκόσι κατὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ μάντεως προαγόρευσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε τῶν λιθοτομιῶν ἐξῆλθον καὶ πόλιν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ χώραν ἔλαβον, πάντως ἂν γεγόνεισαν πρᾳότεροι πρὸς αὐτόν.

Barach

²⁶⁷ In these statements again he does not realize how untruthfully he lies: for the lepers and the crowd with them, even if they were formerly angry with the king and those who acted against them according to the seer's prediction, yet when they left the quarries and received a city and land from him, would surely have become milder toward him.

Whiston

²⁶⁷ Now Manetho does not reflect upon the improbability of his lie; for the leprous people, and the multitude that was with them, although they might formerly have been angry at the king, and at those that had treated them so coarsely, and this according to the prediction of the prophet; yet certainly, when they were come out of the mines, and had received of the king a city, and a country, they would have grown milder towards him.

Rogers

²⁶⁷ Manetho does not realize how improbable his lie is, for the lepers and those with them, although they might formerly have been angry with the king and those who had treated them so harshly, according to the prediction of the prophet, still, when they had emerged from the quarries and received from the king a city and a country, they would have grown milder toward him.

²⁶⁸ Εἰ δὲ δὴ κἀκεῖνον ἐμίσουν, ἰδίᾳ μὲν ἄνω ἐπεβούλευον, οὐκ ἂν δὲ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἤραντο πόλεμον, δῆλον ὅτι πλείστας ἔχοντες συγγενείας τοσοῦτοί γε τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες.	Barach ²⁶⁸ And even if they hated him, they would have plotted against him individually on high, but would not have raised war against all Egyptians, since they obviously had innumerable family ties, being so vast a multitude.
Whiston ²⁶⁸ However, had they ever so much hated him in particular, they might have laid a private plot against himself, but would hardly have made war against all the Egyptians; I mean this on the account of the great kindred they who were so numerous must have had among them.	Rogers ²⁶⁸ Even had they still hated him they could have conspired against him personally, but would hardly have made war against all the Egyptians, given the numerous relationships so large a group must have had with them.

²⁶⁹ Ὅμως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πολεμεῖν διεγνωκότες οὐκ ἂν εἰς τοὺς αὐτῶν θεοὺς πολεμεῖν ἐτόλμησαν οὐδ᾽ ὑπεναντιωτάτους ἔθεντο νόμους τοῖς πατρίοις αὐτῶν καὶ οἷς ἐνετράφησαν.	Barach ²⁶⁹ Nevertheless, even if they had resolved to fight against the people, they would not have dared to fight against their own gods, nor would they have enacted laws utterly opposed to those of their ancestors in which they were raised.
Whiston ²⁶⁹ Nay still, if they had resolved to fight with the men, they would not have had impudence enough to fight with their gods; nor would they have ordained laws quite contrary to those of their own country, and to those in which they had been bred up themselves.	Rogers ²⁶⁹ But even if they had decided on war against the people, they would not have dared to go with their gods or to make laws so contrary to the ancestral ones in which they had been reared.

²⁷⁰ Δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς τῷ χάριν ἔχειν, ὅτι ταύτης τῆς παρανομίας οὐχὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἐλθόντας ἀρχηγοὺς γενέσθαι φησίν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους ὄντας καὶ τούτων μάλιστα τοὺς ἱερέας τε ταῦτα καὶ ὁρκωμοτῆσαι τὸ πλῆθος.

Barach

²⁷⁰ We ought to thank Manetho, however, because he says that the leaders of this lawlessness were not those who came from Jerusalem, but that those very men were Egyptians—and especially their priests—who devised these things and bound the crowd by oath.

Whiston

²⁷⁰ Yet are we beholden to Manethe, that he does not lay the principal charge of this horrid transgression upon those that came from Jerusalem, but says that the Egyptians themselves were the most guilty, and that they were their priests that contrived these things, and made the multitude take their oaths for doing so.

Rogers

²⁷⁰ We must be thankful to Manetho for not laying the blame for this crime on those who came from Jerusalem, for he says that the Egyptians themselves were the most guilty and it was their priests who thought of imposing this oath on the people.

²⁷¹ Ἐκεῖνο μέντοι πῶς οὐκ ἄλογον, τῶν μὲν οἰκείων αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν φίλων συναποστῆναι οὐδένα μηδὲ τοῦ πολέμου τὸν κίνδυνον συνάρασθαι, πέμψαι δὲ τοὺς μιαροὺς εἰς καὶ τὴν‎ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων συμμαχίαν;

Barach

²⁷¹ Yet how is that not unreasonable: that none of their own kin or friends revolted with them or shared the danger of war, but that the defiled ones sent to Jerusalem and brought in an alliance from there?

Whiston

²⁷¹ But still how absurd is it to suppose that none of these people's own relations or friends should be prevailed with to revolt, nor to undergo the hazards of war with them, while these polluted people were forced to send to Jerusalem,

Rogers

²⁷¹ But still how absurd is it to suppose that none of these people’s relatives or friends were persuaded to revolt and share with them the risks of war, so that these diseased people had to send and get their allies from Jerusalem!

²⁷² Ποίας αὐτοῖς φιλίας ἢ τίνος αὐτοῖς οἰκειότητος ; Τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἦσαν πολέμιοι καὶ τοῖς ἔθεσι πλεῖστον διέφερον. Ὁ δέ φησιν εὐθὺς ὑπακοῦσαι τοῖς , ὅτι τὴν‎ καθέξουσιν, ὥσπερ αὐτῶν οὐ σφόδρα τῆς χώρας ἐμπείρως ἐχόντων, ἧς βιασθέντες .

Barach

²⁷² What friendship or prior kinship existed between them? On the contrary, they were enemies and differed vastly in their customs. Yet he says they obeyed immediately those promising that they would hold Egypt, as if they were not thoroughly familiar with the land from which they had been forcibly expelled!

Whiston

²⁷² and bring their auxiliaries from thence! What friendship, I pray, or what relation was there formerly between them that required this assistance? On the contrary, these people were enemies, and greatly differed from them in their customs. He says, indeed, that they complied immediately, upon their praising them that they should conquer Egypt; as if they did not themselves very well know that country out of which they had been driven by force.

Rogers

²⁷² What sort of friendship or relationship was there formerly between them? On the contrary, they were enemies whose customs greatly differed from theirs. But he says that they immediately agreed, once the others promised that they would conquer Egypt, as if they did not already know very well the country from which they had been forced out.

²⁷³ Εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀπόρως ἢ κακῶς ἔπραττον, ἴσως ἂν καὶ παρεβάλλοντο, πόλιν δὲ κατοικοῦντες εὐδαίμονα καὶ χώραν πολλὴν κρείττω τῆς καρπούμενοι, διὰ τί ποτ᾽ ἂν ἐχθροῖς μὲν πάλαι τὰ δὲ σώματα λελωβημένοις, οὓς μηδὲ τῶν οἰκείων οὐδεὶς ὑπέμενε, τούτοις ἔμελλον παρακινδυνεύσειν βοηθοῦντες ; Οὐ γὰρ ] δή γε τὸν γενησόμενον προῄδεσαν δρασμὸν τοῦ βασιλέως·

Barach

²⁷³ If they were faring poorly or in distress, perhaps they might have taken the risk; but inhabiting a prosperous city and enjoying a land far better than Egypt, why on earth would they risk helping men who were ancient enemies and physically mutilated—whom not even their own relatives endured? For they certainly could not have foreseen the king's coming flight!

Whiston

²⁷³ Now had these men been in want, or lived miserably, perhaps they might have undertaken so hazardous an enterprise; but as they dwelt in a happy city, and had a large country, and one better than Egypt itself, how came it about that, for the sake of those that had of old been their enemies, of those that were maimed in their bodies, and of those whom none of their own relations would endure, they should run such hazards in assisting them? For they could not foresee that the king would run away from them:

Rogers

²⁷³ Perhaps they might have risked it had they been in want or misfortune, but as they lived in a prosperous city with a large country better than Egypt itself, why would they run such risks to come to the help of people who had been their enemies of old, who were diseased in body and whom none of their own relatives could endure? Surely they could not foresee that the king would flee from them.

²⁷⁴ τοὐναντίον γὰρ αὐτὸς εἴρηκεν, ὡς ὁ παῖς τοῦ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἔχων εἰς τὸ ὑπηντίαζεν. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν πάντως οἱ παραγινόμενοι, τὴν‎ δὲ μετάνοιαν αὐτοῦ‎ καὶ τὴν‎ φυγὴν πόθεν εἰκάζειν ἔμελλον ;

Barach

²⁷⁴ On the contrary, he himself stated that the son of Amenophis met them at Pelusium with three hundred thousand men. Those arriving certainly knew this; how could they guess his change of heart and flight?

Whiston

²⁷⁴ on the contrary, he saith himself that Amenophis's son had three hundred thousand men with him, and met them at Pelusium. Now, to be sure, those that came could not be ignorant of this; but for the king's repentance and flight, how could they possibly guess at it?

Rogers

²⁷⁴ Quite the contrary, he says himself that Amenophis' son had three hundred thousand men with him and met them at Pelusium. Those who were coming could not fail to know this; but how could they possibly guess that he would change his mind and flee?

²⁷⁵ Εἶτα κρατήσαντάς φησι τῆς πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ δρᾶν τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἐπιστρατεύσαντας καὶ περὶ τούτων ὀνειδίζει καθάπερ οὐ πολεμίους αὐτοῖς ἐπαγαγὼν ἢ δέον τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἐπικληθεῖσιν , ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀφίξεως ἔπραττον καὶ πράξειν ὠμωμόκεσαν οἱ τὸ γένος .

Barach

²⁷⁵ Then he says that after conquering Egypt, those who marched from Jerusalem committed many terrible deeds, and he reproaches them as if he had not brought enemies upon them, or as if one ought to blame those called from outside, when the native Egyptians were doing these things and had sworn to do them prior to their arrival!

Whiston

²⁷⁵ He then says, that those who came from Jerusalem, and made this invasion, got the granaries of Egypt into their possession, and perpetrated many of the most horrid actions there. And thence he reproaches them, as though he had not himself introduced them as enemies, or as though he might accuse such as were invited from another place for so doing, when the natural Egyptians themselves had done the same things before their coming, and had taken oaths so to do.

Rogers

²⁷⁵ Then he says that the invaders from Jerusalem conquered Egypt and committed terrible crimes, for which he rebukes them, as though he had not introduced them as enemies, or as though these things were worse when done by invited foreigners, when before they arrived the Egyptians themselves were doing the same and had sworn to continue doing so.

²⁷⁶ Ἀλλὰ καὶ χρόνοις ὕστερον ἐπελθὼν ἐνίκησε μάχῃ καὶ κτείνων τοὺς πολεμίους μέχρι τῆς ἤλασεν. Οὕτω γὰρ παντάπασίν ἐστιν ἡ τοῖς ἐπιοῦσιν εὐάλωτος,

Barach

²⁷⁶ But later Amenophis came and conquered them in battle, killing the enemies and driving them to Syria. Is Egypt really so completely vulnerable to invaders from anywhere?

Whiston

²⁷⁶ However, Amenophis, some time afterward, came upon them, and conquered them in battle, and slew his enemies, and drove them before him as far as Syria. As if Egypt were so easily taken by people that came from any place whatsoever,

Rogers

²⁷⁶ Subsequently, he says, Amenophis came back at them and conquered them in battle and killed his enemies and drove them before him as far as Syria. As if Egypt were so easily taken by people coming from anywhere else!

²⁷⁷ καὶ οἱ τότε πολέμῳ κρατοῦντες αὐτὴν ζῆν πυνθανόμενοι τὸν οὔτε τὰς ἐκ τῆς ὠχύρωσαν πολλὴν εἰς τοῦτο παρασκευὴν ἔχοντες οὔτε τὴν‎ ἄλλην ἡτοίμασαν δύναμιν, ὁ δὲ καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἀναιρῶν, φησίν, αὐτοὺς ἠκολούθησε διὰ τῆς ψάμμου τῆς ἀνύδρου, δῆλον ὅτι οὐ ῥᾴδιον οὐδὲ ἀμαχεὶ στρατοπέδῳ διελθεῖν.

Barach

²⁷⁷ And those who conquered it in war, learning that Amenophis was alive, neither fortified the passes from Ethiopia—though having vast resources for this—nor prepared any other force! Yet he says Amenophis pursued them to Syria, killing them through the waterless desert, which is clearly not easy or without fight for an army to traverse.

Whiston

²⁷⁷ and as if those that had conquered it by war, when they were informed that Amenophis was alive, did neither fortify the avenues out of Ethiopia into it, although they had great advantages for doing it, nor did get their other forces ready for their defense! but that he followed them over the sandy desert, and slew them as far as Syria; while yet it is rot an easy thing for an army to pass over that country, even without fighting.

Rogers

²⁷⁷ How was it that its former conquerors, aware that Amenophis was still alive, did not fortify the passes into it from Ethiopia, although they had plenty of opportunity to do so, nor have the rest of their forces ready in defence? No, "he pursued them across the sandy desert as far as Syria, slaughtering them"—but it is not easy for an army, even without fighting, to cross that desert country.

²⁷⁸ Κατὰ μὲν οὖν τὸν οὔτε ἐκ τῆς τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ἐστιν οὔτε τῶν ἐκεῖθέν τινες ἀνεμίχθησαν· τῶν γὰρ λεπρῶν* καὶ νοσούντων πολλοὺς μὲν εἰκὸς ἐν ταῖς λιθοτομίαις ἀποθανεῖν πολὺν χρόνον ἐκεῖ γενομένους καὶ κακοπαθοῦντας, πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς μετὰ ταῦτα μάχαις, πλείστους δ᾽ ἐν τῇ καὶ τῇ φυγῇ.

Barach

²⁷⁸ According to Manetho, therefore, our race is neither from Egypt, nor were any of those from there mixed with us. For of the lepers and sick, it is likely that many died in the quarries after spending a long time there in hardship, many in the subsequent battles, and the vast majority in the final defeat and flight.

Whiston

²⁷⁸ Our nation, therefore, according to Manetho, was not derived from Egypt, nor were any of the Egyptians mingled with us. For it is to be supposed that many of the leprous and distempered people were dead in the mines, since they had been there a long time, and in so ill a condition; many others must be dead in the battles that happened afterward, and more still in the last battle and flight after it.

Rogers

²⁷⁸ Our nation, therefore, according to Manetho, does not derive from Egypt, nor were any of the Egyptians mingled with us. For as they had been there a long time and in such poor conditions, one must suppose that many of the leprous, diseased people died in the quarries; many others must have died in the battles that happened later and more still in the final battle and flight.

Chapter 11
Distorted depictions of Moses

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²⁷⁹ Λοιπόν μοι πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν περὶ . Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν ἄνδρα θαυμαστὸν μὲν καὶ θεῖον νομίζουσι, βούλονται δὲ προσποιεῖν αὐτοῖς μετὰ βλασφημίας ἀπιθάνου, λέγοντες εἶναι τῶν ἐκεῖθεν ἱερέων ἕνα διὰ τὴν‎ λέπραν συνεξεληλαμένον.

Barach

²⁷⁹ It remains for me to address his statements regarding Moses. The Egyptians consider this man to have been wonderful and divine, yet they wish to claim him as their own through an incredible slander, alleging that he was an Heliopolite, one of the priests from that city, who was driven out along with the others on account of leprosy.

Whiston

²⁷⁹ It now remains that I debate with Manetho about Moses. Now the Egyptians acknowledge him to have been a wonderful and a divine person; nay, they would willingly lay claim to him themselves, though after a most abusive and incredible manner, and pretend that he was of Heliopolis, and one of the priests of that place, and was ejected out of it among the rest, on account of his leprosy;

Rogers

²⁷⁹ It remains for me to deal with what Manetho says about Moses. The Egyptians acknowledge him as a wonderful and even divine person, and they want to claim him as one of themselves, wrongly and incredibly stating that he was a priest from Heliopolis, expelled from it along with others, because of his leprosy.

²⁸⁰ δείκνυται δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς πεντακοσίοις καὶ δεκαοκτὼ πρότερον ἔτεσι γεγονὼς καὶ τοὺς ἡμετέρους ἐξαγαγὼν ἐκ τῆς ΑἰγύπτουEgypt πατέρας εἰς τὴν‎ χώραν τὴν‎ νῦν οἰκουμένην ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν.	Barach ²⁸⁰ But it is shown in the records that he lived five hundred and eighteen years earlier, and that he led our fathers out of Egypt into the land that is now inhabited by us.
Whiston ²⁸⁰ although it had been demonstrated out of their records that he lived five hundred and eighteen years earlier, and then brought our forefathers out of Egypt into the country that is now inhabited by us.	Rogers ²⁸⁰ But by their records it has been shown that he lived five hundred and eighteen years earlier and then brought our ancestors out of Egypt into the country we now inhabit.

²⁸¹ Ὅτι δὲ οὐδὲ συμφορᾷ τινι τοιαύτῃ περὶ τὸ σῶμα κεχρημένος ἦν, ἐκ τῶν λεγομένων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ δῆλός ἐστι· τοῖς γὰρ λεπρῶσιν ἀπείρηκε μήτε μένειν ἐν πόλει μήτ᾿ ἐν κώμῃ κατοικεῖν, ἀλλὰ μόνους περιπατεῖν κατεσχισμένους τὰ ἱμάτια, καὶ τὸν αὐτῶν ἢ ὁμωρόφιον γενόμενον οὐ καθαρὸν ἡγεῖται.

Barach

²⁸¹ Furthermore, that he himself was affected by no such bodily affliction is clear from the laws enacted by him. For he forbade lepers either to remain in a city or to reside in a village; rather, he commanded them to wander alone, with their garments torn, and he considers anyone who touches them or shares a roof with them to be unclean.

Whiston

²⁸¹ But now that he was not subject in his body to any such calamity, is evident from what he himself tells us; for he forbade those that had the leprosy either to continue in a city, or to inhabit in a village, but commanded that they should go about by themselves with their clothes rent; and declares that such as either touch them, or live under the same roof with them, should be esteemed unclean;

Rogers

²⁸¹ Rogers

²⁸² Καὶ μὴν κἂν θεραπευθῇ τὸ νόσημα καὶ τὴν‎ αὑτοῦ φύσιν ἀπολάβῃ, τινας ἁγνείας καθαρμοὺς πηγαίων ὑδάτων λουτροῖς καὶ ξυρᾶσθαι πάσης τῆς τριχός, πολλάς τε κελεύει καὶ παντοίας ἐπιτελέσαντα θυσίας τότε παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ ἱερὰν πόλιν.

Barach

²⁸² Indeed, even if the disease should be cured and the sufferer recover his natural health, Moses prescribed certain purification rituals involving baths of spring water and the shaving off of all hair; and he commands that only after performing many sacrifices of various kinds may such a person then enter the holy city.

Whiston

²⁸² nay, more, if any one of their disease be healed, and he recover his natural constitution again, he appointed them certain purifications, and washings with spring water, and the shaving off all their hair, and enjoins that they shall offer many sacrifices, and those of several kinds, and then at length to be admitted into the holy city;

Rogers

²⁸² Even if one is healed of the disease and returns to normal, he decreed certain purifications and washings with spring water and shaving off all his hair and makes him offer many sacrifices of various kinds, before being finally admitted into the holy city.

²⁸³ Καίτοι τοὐναντίον εἰκὸς ἦν προνοίᾳ τινὶ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρήσασθαι τὸν ἐν τῇ συμφορᾷ ταύτῃ γεγονότα πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοίως αὐτῷ δυστυχήσαντας.	Barach ²⁸³ And yet, it would have been natural for someone who had suffered from such a misfortune to show forethought and human sympathy toward those who shared the same plight as himself.
Whiston ²⁸³ although it were to be expected that, on the contrary, if he had been under the same calamity, he should have taken care of such persons beforehand, and have had them treated after a kinder manner, as affected with a concern for those that were to be under the like misfortunes with himself.	Rogers ²⁸³ On the contrary, if he had endured the same misfortune, one would expect him to have provided for such people to be more gently treated, having been equally unfortunate himself.

²⁸⁴ Οὐ μόνον δὲ περὶ τῶν λεπρῶν* οὕτως ἐνομοθέτησεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῖς καὶ τὸ βραχύτατόν τι τοῦ σώματος ἠκρωτηριασμένοις ἱερᾶσθαι συγκεχώρηκεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ μεταξύ τις ἱερώμενος τοιαύτῃ χρήσαιτο συμφορᾷ, τὴν‎ τιμὴν αὐτὸν ἀφείλετο.

Barach

²⁸⁴ Nor did he enact laws of this kind only concerning lepers; he did not permit even those with the slightest physical mutilation to serve as priests. Nay, if anyone while currently serving as a priest should suffer such a misfortune, Moses stripped him of his office.

Whiston

²⁸⁴ Nor was it only those leprous people for whose sake he made these laws, but also for such as should be maimed in the smallest part of their body, who yet are not permitted by him to officiate as priests; nay, although any priest, already initiated, should have such a calamity fall upon him afterward, he ordered him to be deprived of his honor of officiating.

Rogers

²⁸⁴ But he made these laws not only for those leprous people but also for whoever was maimed in the smallest part of their body, whom he does not allow to officiate as priests, and if this misfortune should afflict any priest already in office, the honour is removed from him.

²⁸⁵ Πῶς οὖν εἰκὸς ἐκεῖνον ταῦτα νομοθετεῖν, ἢ νομοθετεῖν τοὺς ἀπὸ τοιούτων συμφορῶν συνειλεγμένους, καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν εἰς ὄνειδός τε καὶ βλάβην νόμους συντιθεμένουςto put together ;	Barach ²⁸⁵ How, then, is it reasonable that he should enact such laws, or that men gathered together from such afflictions should frame laws against themselves to their own reproach and injury?
Whiston ²⁸⁵ How can it then be supposed that Moses should ordain such laws against himself, to his own reproach and damage who so ordained them?	Rogers ²⁸⁵ Is one likely to make such laws against oneself, so insulting and injurious to the one who made them?

²⁸⁶ Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοὔνομα λίαν ἀπιθάνως μετατέθεικεν· γάρ, φησίν, ἐκαλεῖτο. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν‎ μετάθεσιν οὐκ ἐναρμόζει, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς ὄνομα δηλοῖ τὸν ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος σωθέντα· τὸ γὰρ ὕδωρ οἱ καλοῦσιν.

Barach

²⁸⁶ Moreover, Manetho changed his name in a most improbable manner: for he says he was called Osarsiph. Now this name does not fit at all into the change; rather, his true name signifies "one saved from the water," for the Egyptians call water mō, and those saved from water ysēs.

Whiston

²⁸⁶ Nor indeed is that other notion of Manetho at all probable, wherein he relates the change of his name, and says that he was formerly called Osarsiph; and this a name no way agreeable to the other, while his true name was Mosses, and signifies a person who is preserved out of the water, for the Egyptians call water Moil.

Rogers

²⁸⁶ Nor is there any reason to believe the claim that he was formerly called Osarsiph, which bears no relation to his true name, Moses, which means someone saved from the water, for the Egyptians call water "Mou."

²⁸⁷ ἱκανῶς οὖν νομίζω γεγονέναι φανερὸν ὅτι ἕως μὲν ἠκολούθει ταῖς ἀρχαίαις ἀναγραφαῖς οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας διημάρτανεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀδεσπότους μύθους τραπόμενος ἢ συνέθηκεν αὐτοὺς ἀπιθάνως ἤ τισι τῶν πρὸς εἰρηκότων ἐπίστευσεν.

Barach

²⁸⁷ I consider it to have become sufficiently clear, therefore, that so long as Manetho followed the ancient records, he did not stray far from the truth; but when he turned to anonymous fables, he either fabricated them improbably himself or put his trust in men who had spoken out of malice.

Whiston

²⁸⁷ I think, therefore, I have made it sufficiently evident that Manetho, while he followed his ancient records, did not much mistake the truth of the history; but that when he had recourse to fabulous stories, without any certain author, he either forged them himself, without any probability, or else gave credit to some men who spake so out of their ill-will to us.

Rogers

²⁸⁷ I think I have sufficiently shown that Manetho made few mistakes about historical truth as long as he was following his annals; but when he offers hearsay without reference to any certain source, he either forgets it himself, implausibly, or relies on some who said this out of malice toward us.

Chapter 12
The fictions of Chaeremon

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²⁸⁸ μετὰ τοῦτον ἐξετάσαι βούλομαι · καὶ γὰρ οὗτος φάσκων ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν καὶ προσθεὶς ταὐτὸ ὄνομα τοῦ βασιλέως ὅπερ ὁ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ‎ ,

Barach

²⁸⁸ After him, I wish to examine Chaeremon. For he too, while claiming to write Egyptian history, assigns the same name to the king as Manetho did—namely Amenophis—and to his son Ramesses.

Whiston

²⁸⁸ And now I have done with Manetho, I will inquire into what Cheremon says. For he also, when he pretended to write the Egyptian history, sets down the same name for this king that Manetho did, Amenophis, as also of his son Ramesses, and then goes on thus:

Rogers

²⁸⁸ Now I will inquire into what Chaeremon says, for purporting to write the history of Egypt, he too names this king Amenophis, just like Manetho, and names his son Ramesses.

²⁸⁹ φησὶν ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἡ τῷ μεμφομένη αὐτόν, ὅτι τὸ ἱερὸν αὐτῆς ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατέσκαπται. δὲ φάναι, ἐὰν τῶν τοὺς μολυσμοὺς ἐχόντων ἀνδρῶν καθάρῃ τὴν‎ , παύσεσθαι τῆς πτοίας αὐτόν.

Barach

²⁸⁹ He states that Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep, reproaching him because her temple had been demolished in the war. Thereupon Fritibates, a sacred scribe, declared that if the king cleansed Egypt of men affected by impurities, he would be relieved of his terror.

Whiston

²⁸⁹ The goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her temple had been demolished in the war. But that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said to him, that in case he would purge Egypt of the men that had pollutions upon them, he should be no longer troubled with such frightful apparitions.

Rogers

²⁸⁹ Then he says that the goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep and blamed him for the destruction of her temple in the war; but that the sacred scribe Phritobautes told him that he need no longer be troubled if he purged Egypt of the diseased population.

²⁹⁰ ἐπιλέξαντα δὲ τῶν ἐπισινῶν μυριάδας εἰκοσιπέντε ἐκβαλεῖν. ἡγεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτῶν γραμματέας τε καὶ καὶ τοῦτον , δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὀνόματα εἶναι τῷ μὲν , τῷ δὲ .

Barach

²⁹⁰ The king, having selected twenty-five myriads (250,000) of the diseased, drove them out. He says that scribes led them—namely Moses and Joseph, the latter also being a sacred scribe—and that they had Egyptian names: Tisithen for Moses, and Peteseph for Joseph.

Whiston

²⁹⁰ That Amenophis accordingly chose out two hundred and fifty thousand of those that were thus diseased, and cast them out of the country: that Moses and Joseph were scribes, and Joseph was a sacred scribe; that their names were Egyptian originally; that of Moses had been Tisithen, and that of Joseph, Peteseph:

Rogers

²⁹⁰ So he gathered two hundred and fifty thousand of those who were so diseased and expelled them from the country and that they were led by the scribe Moses and Joseph, another sacred scribe, whose names were originally Egyptian, as Moses had been Tisithen and Joseph, Peteseph.

²⁹¹ Τούτους δ᾽ εἰς ἐλθεῖν καὶ ἐπιτυχεῖν μυριάσι τριακονταοκτὼ καταλελειμμέναις ὑπὸ τοῦ , ἃς οὐ θέλειν εἰς τὴν‎ διακομίζεσθαι · οἷς φιλίαν συνθεμένους ἐπὶ τὴν‎ στρατεῦσαι.

Barach

²⁹¹ These men came to Pelusium and encountered thirty-eight myriads (380,000) left behind by Amenophis, whom he had refused to transport into Egypt. Having formed a treaty of friendship with them, they launched a military campaign against Egypt.

Whiston

²⁹¹ that these two came to Pelusium, and lighted upon three hundred and eighty thousand that had been left there by Amenophis, he not being willing to carry them into Egypt; that these scribes made a league of friendship with them, and made with them an expedition against Egypt:

Rogers

²⁹¹ These two, he said, came to Pelusium and found three hundred and eighty thousand who had been left there by Amenophis, as he was unwilling to let them into Egypt, and with these they made a pact and jointly invaded Egypt.

²⁹² Τὸν δὲ οὐχ τὴν‎ ἔφοδον αὐτῶν εἰς φυγεῖν τὴν‎ γυναῖκα ἔγκυον, ἣν κρυβομένην ἔν τισι σπηλαίοις τεκεῖν παῖδα ὄνομα , ὃν ἀνδρωθέντα ἐκδιῶξαι τοὺς εἰς τὴν‎ ὄντας περὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας καὶ τὸν πατέρα ἐκ τῆς καταδέξασθαι.

Barach

²⁹² Amenophis, failing to withstand their invasion, fled to Ethiopia, leaving his wife pregnant; hiding in certain caves, she gave birth to a son named Ramesses, who, upon reaching adulthood, drove the Jews—numbering about twenty myriads (200,000)—into Syria and received his father Amenophis back from Ethiopia.

Whiston

²⁹² that Amenophis could not sustain their attacks, but fled into Ethiopia, and left his wife with child behind him, who lay concealed in certain caverns, and there brought forth a son, whose name was Messene, and who, when he was grown up to man's estate, pursued the Jews into Syria, being about two hundred thousand, and then received his father Amenophis out of Ethiopia.

Rogers

²⁹² He says that Amenophis did not avoid their attack, but fled to Ethiopia leaving behind his pregnant wife who stayed hidden in some caves and there gave birth to a son, named Ramesses who, when he grew up drove the Jews, about two hundred thousand of them, into Syria, and then brought his father Amenophis home from Ethiopia.

²⁹³ Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ . Οἶμαι δὲ αὐτόθεν φανερὰν εἶναι ἐκ τῶν εἰρημένων τὴν‎ ἀμφοῖν ψευδολογίαν· ἀληθείας μὲν γάρ τινος ὑποκειμένης ἀδύνατον ἦν διαφωνεῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, οἱ δὲ τὰ ψευδῆ συντιθέντες οὐχ ἑτέροις σύμφωνα γράφουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰ δόξαντα πλάττουσιν.

Barach

²⁹³ Such is Chaeremon’s account. I think it is immediately obvious from what has been said that both writers are guilty of falsehood. For if there were any underlying truth, it would be impossible for them to disagree to such an extent; but those who compose untruths do not write in agreement with others, but invent whatever suits their fancy.

Whiston

²⁹³ This is the account Cheremon gives us. Now I take it for granted that what I have said already hath plainly proved the falsity of both these narrations; for had there been any real truth at the bottom, it was impossible they should so greatly disagree about the particulars. But for those that invent lies, what they write will easily give us very different accounts, while they forge what they please out of their own heads.

Rogers

²⁹³ This is Chaeremon’s account. I believe that what I have said has plainly proved the falsity of both these accounts, for had there been any real basis to them, they could not disagree so much about the details, whereas those who write fiction will easily diverge from each other, since they simply invent whatever they please.

²⁹⁴ Ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ἐπιθυμίαν τοῦ βασιλέως, ἵνα τοὺς θεοὺς ἴδῃ, φησὶν ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι τῆς τῶν μιαρῶν ἐκβολῆςejection, ὁ δὲ ΧαιρήμωνChaeremon ἴδιον ὡς τῆς ἼσιδοςIsis ἐνύπνιον συντέθεικε.	Barach ²⁹⁴ Manetho claims that the king’s desire to see the gods was the origin of the expulsion of the defiled, whereas Chaeremon has fabricated a private dream of Isis.
Whiston ²⁹⁴ Now Manetho says that the king's desire of seeing the gods was the origin of the ejection of the polluted people; but Cheremon feigns that it was a dream of his own, sent upon him by Isis, that was the occasion of it.	Rogers ²⁹⁴ Manetho says that the diseased people were expelled because of the king’s desire to see the gods,

²⁹⁵ Κἀκεῖνος μὲν εἶναι λέγει τὸν προειπόντα τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν καθαρμόν, οὗτος δὲ · ὁ δὲ δὴ τοῦ πλήθους ἀριθμὸς καὶ σφόδρα σύνεγγυς, ὀκτὼ μὲν μυριάδας ἐκείνου λέγοντος, τούτου δὲ πέντε πρὸς ταῖς εἴκοσιν.

Barach

²⁹⁵ Furthermore, Manetho says that Amenophis the seer was the one who predicted the purification to the king, whereas Chaeremon calls him Fritibates. As for the number of the crowd, they are remarkably close(!)—Manetho speaking of eight myriads (80,000), while Chaeremon speaks of twenty-five (250,000)!

Whiston

²⁹⁵ Manetho says that the person who foreshowed this purgation of Egypt to the king was Amenophis; but this man says it was Phritiphantes. As to the numbers of the multitude that were expelled, they agree exceedingly well the former reckoning them eighty thousand, and the latter about two hundred and fifty thousand!

Rogers

²⁹⁵ but Chaeremon claims it was his dream, sent to him by Isis, that caused it. The former says that it was Amenophis who foreshowed to the king this purgation of Egypt; but the latter says it was Phritobautes. On to the numbers of those expelled, how well they agree, with the former reckoning them as eighty thousand and the latter about two hundred and fifty thousand!

²⁹⁶ Ἔτι τοίνυν ὁ μὲν πρότερον εἰς τὰς λιθοτομίας τοὺς μιαροὺς ἐκβαλὼν εἶτα αὐτοῖς τὴν‎ δοὺς ἐγκατοικεῖν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκπολεμώσας τότε φησὶν ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὴν‎ παρὰ τῶν αὐτοὺς ,

Barach

²⁹⁶ Moreover, Manetho says that after first casting the defiled into the quarries, the king later granted them Avaris to inhabit, and having driven them into war with the rest of the Egyptians, they only then summoned aid from the people of Jerusalem.

Whiston

²⁹⁶ Now, for Manetho, he describes those polluted persons as sent first to work in the quarries, and says that the city Avaris was given them for their habitation. As also he relates that it was not till after they had made war with the rest of the Egyptians, that they invited the people of Jerusalem to come to their assistance;

Rogers

²⁹⁶ Manetho describes the diseased people as sent to work in the quarries at first and says that the city of Avaris was given them to live in. He says that it was not until after they had made war on the rest of the Egyptians that they invited the people of Jerusalem to come to their help;

²⁹⁷ ὁ δὲ ἐκ τῆς περὶ εὑρεῖν ὀκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων καταλελειμμένας ὑπὸ τοῦ καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνων πάλιν εἰς τὴν‎ ἐμβαλεῖν, φεύγειν δὲ τὸν εἰς τὴν‎ .

Barach

²⁹⁷ Chaeremon, on the other hand, says that as they were departing from Egypt, they found at Pelusium thirty-eight myriads of men left behind by Amenophis, and invading Egypt again with them, caused Amenophis to flee to Ethiopia.

Whiston

²⁹⁷ while Cheremon says only that they were gone out of Egypt, and lighted upon three hundred and eighty thousand men about Pelusium, who had been left there by Amenophis, and so they invaded Egypt with them again; that thereupon Amenophis fled into Ethiopia.

Rogers

²⁹⁷ while Chaeremon says only that they had left Egypt and found three hundred and eighty thousand men about Pelusium, who had been left there by Amenophis and with them they invaded Egypt again, upon which Amenophis fled into Ethiopia.

²⁹⁸ τὸ δὲ δὴ γενναιότατον, οὐδὲ τίνες ἢ πόθεν ἦσαν αἱ τοσαῦται τοῦ στρατοῦ μυριάδες εἴρηκεν εἴτε τὸ γένος εἴτ᾽ ἔξωθεν ἥκοντες, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὴν‎ αἰτίαν διεσάφησε, δι᾽ ἣν αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν‎ ἀνάγειν οὐκ ἠθέλησεν, ὁ περὶ τῶν λεπρῶν* τὸ τῆς ἐνύπνιον συμπλάσας.

Barach

²⁹⁸ Most extraordinary of all, he does not even state who or whence came those vast myriads of the army—whether they were Egyptian by birth or came from abroad; nor did he clarify the reason why the king refused to bring them into Egypt—this man who invented the dream of Isis concerning the lepers!

Whiston

²⁹⁸ But then this Cheremon commits a most ridiculous blunder in not informing us who this army of so many ten thousands were, or whence they came; whether they were native Egyptians, or whether they came from a foreign country. Nor indeed has this man, who forged a dream from Isis about the leprous people, assigned the reason why the king would not bring them into Egypt.

Rogers

²⁹⁸ But then he does not tell who this army of so many thousands were, or where they came from; whether they were native Egyptians or came from a foreign country. Nor indeed has this man, who forged a dream from Isis about the leprous people, given the reason why the king would not let them into Egypt.

²⁹⁹ Τῷ δὲ καὶ τὸν ὁ ὡς ἐν ταὐτῷ χρόνῳ συνεξηλελαμένον προστέθεικεν τὸν πρὸ πρεσβύτερον τέσσαρσι γενεαῖς τετελευτηκότα, ὧν ἐστιν ἔτη σχεδὸν ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν.

Barach

²⁹⁹ Along with Moses, Chaeremon adds Joseph as having been expelled at the very same time, though Joseph had died four generations prior to Moses, a span of nearly one hundred and seventy years!

Whiston

²⁹⁹ Moreover, Cheremon sets down Joseph as driven away at the same time with Moses, who yet died four generations before Moses, which four generations make almost one hundred and seventy years.

Rogers

²⁹⁹ Chaeremon has Joseph expelled at the same time as Moses, though he died four generations or nearly a hundred and seventy years before Moses.

³⁰⁰ Ἀλλὰ μὴν ὁ ὁ τοῦ υἱὸς κατὰ μὲν τὸν νεανίας συμπολεμεῖ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ συνεκπίπτει φυγὼν εἰς τὴν‎ , οὗτος δὲ πεποίηκεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τὴν‎ τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν ἐν σπηλαίῳ τινὶ γεγενημένον καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα νικῶντα μάχῃ καὶ τοὺς εἰς ἐξελαύνοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντας περὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας.

Barach

³⁰⁰ Furthermore, Ramesses the son of Amenophis, according to Manetho, was a young man who fought alongside his father and fled with him into Ethiopia; but Chaeremon makes him born in a cave after his father's departure, and later winning a battle and driving the Jews into Syria, numbering about twenty myriads (200,000).

Whiston

³⁰⁰ Besides all this, Ramesses, the son of Amenophis, by Manetho's account, was a young man, and assisted his father in his war, and left the country at the same time with him, and fled into Ethiopia. But Cheremon makes him to have been born in a certain cave, after his father was dead, and that he then overcame the Jews in battle, and drove them into Syria, being in number about two hundred thousand.

Rogers

³⁰⁰ Besides, in Manetho’s account, Ramesses, the son of Amenophis, was a young man and helped his father in his war and left the country and fled with him to Ethiopia, while the other has him born in a cave after his father’s death and then overcoming the Jews in battle and driving all two hundred thousand of them into Syria.

³⁰¹ Ὢ τῆς εὐχερείας· οὔτε γὰρ πρότερον οἵτινες ἦσαν αἱ τριάκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ μυριάδες εἶπεν οὔτε πῶς αἱ εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς διεφθάρησαν, πότερον ἐν τῇ μάχῃ κατέπεσον ἢ πρὸς τὸν ῬαμεσσῆRamesses μετεβάλοντο.	Barach ³⁰¹ What recklessness! For he neither explained earlier who those thirty-eight myriads were, nor how the twenty-three myriads were destroyed—whether they fell in battle or went over to Ramesses.
Whiston ³⁰¹ O the levity of the man! for he had neither told us who these three hundred and eighty thousand were, nor how the four hundred and thirty thousand perished; whether they fell in war, or went over to Ramesses.	Rogers ³⁰¹ What nonsense! First he never told us who the three hundred and eighty thousand were, nor the fate of the two hundred and thirty thousand, whether they fell in war, or deserted to Ramesses.

³⁰² Τὸ δὲ δὴ θαυμασιώτατον, οὐδὲ τίνας καλεῖ τοὺς δυνατόν ἐστι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ‎ μαθεῖν ἢ ποτέροις αὐτοῖς τίθεται ταύτην τὴν‎ προσηγορίαν, ταῖς πέντε καὶ μυριάσι τῶν λεπρῶν* ἢ ταῖς ὀκτώ τε καὶ τριάκοντα ταῖς περὶ τὸ .

Barach

³⁰² But most wondrous of all, it is impossible to learn from him whom he actually calls 'Jews', or to which group he attaches this name—to the twenty-five myriads of lepers, or to the thirty-eight myriads near Pelusium!

Whiston

³⁰² And, what is the strangest of all, it is not possible to learn out of him who they were whom he calls Jews, or to which of these two parties he applies that denomination, whether to the two hundred and fifty thousand leprous people, or to the three hundred and eighty thousand that were about Pelusium.

Rogers

³⁰² Strangest of all, one cannot find out whom he calls Jews, or to which of these two groups he applies that name, to the two hundred and fifty thousand leprous people, or to the three hundred and eighty thousand around Pelusium.

³⁰³ Ἀλλὰ γὰρ εὔηθες ἴσως ἂν εἴη διὰ πλειόνων ἐλέγχειν τοὺς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἐληλεγμένους· τὸ γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἦν μετριώτερον.	Barach ³⁰³ But perhaps it would be foolish to refute at greater length those who stand refuted by themselves; for to be refuted by others would have been a far milder fate!
Whiston ³⁰³ But perhaps it will be looked upon as a silly thing in me to make any larger confutation of such writers as sufficiently confute themselves; for had they been only confuted by other men, it had been more tolerable.	Rogers ³⁰³ But perhaps it will seem silly for me to go on refuting writers who refute each other, and I would rather leave their refutation to others.

Chapter 13
The anti-Jewish forgeries of Lysimachus

☜ ☞

³⁰⁴ Ἐπεισάξω δὲ τούτοις εἰληφότα μὲν τὴν‎ αὐτὴν τοῖς προειρημένοις ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ ψεύσματος περὶ τῶν λεπρῶν* καὶ λελωβημένων, ὑπερπεπαικότα δὲ τὴν‎ ἐκείνων ἀπιθανότητα τοῖς πλάσμασι, δῆλος συντεθεικὼς κατὰ πολλὴν ·

Barach

³⁰⁴ In addition to these, I shall introduce Lysimachus, who took up the same basic premise of falsehood as those previously mentioned regarding the lepers and maimed, but surpassed their improbability through his fabrications, clearly having composed his account out of extreme malice.

Whiston

³⁰⁴ I shall now add to these accounts about Manetho and Cheremon somewhat about Lysimachus, who hath taken the same topic of falsehood with those forementioned, but hath gone far beyond them in the incredible nature of his forgeries; which plainly demonstrates that he contrived them out of his virulent hatred of our nation.

Rogers

³⁰⁴ I shall now add to these accounts about Manetho and Chaeremon something about Lysimachus, who has taken up the same falsehood as they, but has gone far beyond them in his incredible fictions, which he clearly invented out of his virulent hatred of our nation.

³⁰⁵ λέγει γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν λαὸν τῶν λεπροὺς ὄντας καὶ ψωροὺς καὶ ἄλλα νοσήματά τινα ἔχοντας ἐχόντων εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ καταφεύγοντας μεταιτεῖν τροφήν. παμπόλλων δὲ ἀνθρώπων νοσηλείᾳ περιπεσόντων ἀκαρπίαν ἐν τῇ γενέσθαι.

Barach

³⁰⁵ For he says that during the reign of Bocchoris, king of the Egyptians, the Jewish people, being lepers and scabby and having certain other diseases, fled into the temples to beg for food. When vast numbers of people fell ill with disease, a famine occurred throughout Egypt.

Whiston

³⁰⁵ His words are these: The people of the Jews being leprous and scabby, and subject to certain other kinds of distempers, in the days of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, they fled to the temples, and got their food there by begging: and as the numbers were very great that were fallen under these diseases, there arose a scarcity in Egypt.

Rogers

³⁰⁵ He says, "in the days of Bocchoris, king of Egypt, the Jewish people being leprous and scabby and suffering from other ailments, fled to the temples and got their food there by imploring: and the large numbers of victims of these diseases caused a blight in Egypt.

³⁰⁶ δὲ τὸν τῶν βασιλέα εἰς πέμψαι περὶ τῆς τοὺς μαντευσομένους, τὸν θεὸν δὲ ἐρεῖν τὰ ἱερὰ καθᾶραι ἀπ᾽ ἀνθρώπων καὶ δυσσεβῶν ἐκβάλλοντα αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἱερῶν εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους, τοὺς δὲ ψωροὺς καὶ λεπροὺς βυθίσαι, ὡς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐπὶ τῇ τούτων ζωῇ, καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἁγνίσαι καὶ οὕτω τὴν‎ γῆν καρποφορήσειν.

Barach

³⁰⁶ Bocchoris, king of the Egyptians, sent consultants to the oracle of Ammon concerning the famine, and the god said that he must cleanse the temples of impure and impious men, expelling them from the temples into deserted places, and drowning the scabby and lepers—since the Sun was indignant at their existence—and purify the temples, and thus the land would bear fruit.

Whiston

³⁰⁶ Hereupon Bocehoris, the king of Egypt, sent some to consult the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon about his scarcity. The god's answer was this, that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, by expelling them out of those temples into desert places; but as to the scabby and leprous people, he must drown them, and purge his temples, the sun having an indignation at these men being suffered to live; and by this means the land will bring forth its fruits.

Rogers

³⁰⁶ Bocchoris the Egyptian king sent people to consult the oracle at Hammon about his blight. The god’s reply was that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, and expel them from the temples into desert places; but he must drown the scabby and the leprous, as the sun was angry that they were allowed to live, and purge the temples so that the land would bring forth its fruits.

³⁰⁷ Τὸν δὲ τοὺς χρησμοὺς λαβόντα τούς τε ἱερεῖς καὶ ἐπιβωμίτας κελεῦσαι ἐπιλογὴν ποιησαμένους τῶν ἀκαθάρτων τοῖς στρατιώταις τούτους παραδοῦναι κατάξειν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν‎ ἔρημον, τοὺς δὲ λεπροὺς εἰς χάρτας ἐνδήσαντας, ἵνα καθῶσιν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος.

Barach

³⁰⁷ Bocchoris, having received the oracles, summoned the priests and sacrificial attendants, and ordered them to make a selection of the unclean and hand them over to the soldiers to lead them away into the wilderness, but to wrap the lepers in sheets of lead so that they might be cast into the sea.

Whiston

³⁰⁷ Upon Bocchoris's having received these oracles, he called for their priests, and the attendants upon their altars, and ordered them to make a collection of the impure people, and to deliver them to the soldiers, to carry them away into the desert; but to take the leprous people, and wrap them in sheets of lead, and let them down into the sea.

Rogers

³⁰⁷ When Bocchoris received these oracles, he called the priests and temple attendants and ordered them to assemble the impure people and to deliver them to the soldiers, to bring them off to the desert, but to take the lepers and wrap them in sheets of lead and submerge them in the sea.

³⁰⁸ Βυθισθέντων δὲ τῶν λεπρῶν* καὶ ψωρῶν τοὺς ἄλλους συναθροισθέντας εἰς τόπους ἐρήμους ἐκτεθῆναι ἐπ᾽ ἀπωλείᾳ, συναχθέντας δὲ βουλεύσασθαι περὶ αὑτῶν, νυκτὸς δὲ πῦρ καὶ λύχνους καύσαντας φυλάττειν ἑαυτοὺς τήν τ᾽ νύκτα νηστεύσαντας ἱλάσκεσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς περὶ τοῦ σῶσαι αὐτούς.

Barach

³⁰⁸ After the lepers and scabby were drowned, the rest were gathered together and exposed in deserted places to perish. But having collected themselves, they took counsel concerning their situation; when night came, they lit fires and lamps to guard themselves, and fasting through the whole night, they propitiated the gods to save them.

Whiston

³⁰⁸ Hereupon the scabby and leprous people were drowned, and the rest were gotten together, and sent into desert places, in order to be exposed to destruction. In this case they assembled themselves together, and took counsel what they should do, and determined that, as the night was coming on, they should kindle fires and lamps, and keep watch; that they also should fast the next night, and propitiate the gods, in order to obtain deliverance from them.

Rogers

³⁰⁸ Thus the leprous and scabby people were to be drowned and the rest gathered and sent into desert places to die. These assembled to decide what to do. As night was coming on, they kindled fires and lamps and kept watch, and fasted the next night in order to propitiate the gods and be saved.

³⁰⁹ Τῇ δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ ἡμέρᾳ τινα συμβουλεῦσαι αὐτοῖς παραβαλλομένους μίαν ὁδὸν τέμνειν ἄχρι ἂν ὅτου ἔλθωσιν εἰς τόπους οἰκουμένους, τε αὐτοῖς μήτε ἀνθρώπων τινὶ εὐνοήσειν μήτε ἀλλὰ τὰ χείρονα θεῶν τε ναοὺς καὶ βωμούς, οἷς ἂν περιτύχωσιν, ἀνατρέπειν.

Barach

³⁰⁹ On the following day, a certain Moses advised them to take their chances and forge a single path until they reached inhabited places, instructing them to show goodwill to no man, nor to offer the best advice but always the worst, and to overthrow whatever temples and altars of the gods they might encounter.

Whiston

³⁰⁹ That on the next day there was one Moses, who advised them that they should venture upon a journey, and go along one road till they should come to places fit for habitation: that he charged them to have no kind regards for any man, nor give good counsel to any, but always to advise them for the worst; and to overturn all those temples and altars of the gods they should meet with:

Rogers

³⁰⁹ Next day a man named Moses advised them to go on a journey and follow a particular road until they came to a habitable place, charging them to show no regard for any man, and not to give the best but the worst advice, and to destroy any temples and altars of the gods they came across.

³¹⁰ συναινεσάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τὰ δοχθέντα ποιοῦντας διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου πορεύεσθαι, ἱκανῶς δὲ ὀχληθέντας ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ οἰκουμένην χώραν καὶ τούς τε ἀνθρώπους ὑβρίζοντας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ συλῶντας καὶ ἐμπρήσαντας ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν‎ νῦν , κτίσαντας δὲ πόλιν ἐνταῦθα κατοικεῖν.

Barach

³¹⁰ The rest agreeing, they executed what was resolved and marched through the desert; having suffered sufficient hardship, they came to the inhabited country, and after mistreating the inhabitants and plundering and burning their temples, they came to the land now called Judea, and having founded a city there, they settled in it.

Whiston

³¹⁰ that the rest commended what he had said with one consent, and did what they had resolved on, and so traveled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being over, they came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the men, and plundered and burnt their temples; and then came into that land which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein, and that their city was named Hierosyla, from this their robbing of the temples;

Rogers

³¹⁰ The others agreed and carried it out and so journeyed across the desert. But when the difficulties of the journey were over, they came to an inhabited place where they abused the population and plundered and burned their temples. Then they reached the land called Judea where they built a city and lived there.

³¹¹ Τὸ δὲ ἄστυ τοῦτο ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκείνων διαθέσεως ὠνομάσθαι. Ὕστερον δ᾽ αὐτοὺς χρόνῳ διαλλάξαι τὴν‎ φεύγοντας τὸ ὀνειδίζεσθαι, καὶ τήν τε πόλιν καὶ αὐτοὺς προσαγορεύεσθαι.

Barach

³¹¹ This city was named Hierosyla ("Temple-robberies") from their disposition. Later, when they grew powerful in time, they altered the name to avoid reproach, calling the city Hierosolyma ("Jerusalem") and themselves Hierosolymitans.

Whiston

³¹¹ but that still, upon the success they had afterwards, they in time changed its denomination, that it might not be a reproach to them, and called the city Hierosolyma, and themselves Hierosolymites.

Rogers

³¹¹ Their city was called Hiero-sula from their robbing of the temples, but at a later date when they rose to power they changed its name, that it might not cause them to be mocked, and called the city of Jerusalem and themselves Jerusalemites.

³¹² Οὗτος οὐδὲ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκείνοις εὗρεν εἰπεῖν βασιλέα, καινότερον δ᾽ ὄνομα συντέθεικεν καὶ παρεὶς ἐνύπνιον καὶ προφήτην εἰς ἀπελήλυθεν περὶ τῶν ψωρῶν καὶ λεπρῶν* χρησμὸν οἴσων·

Barach

³¹² This author could not even name the same king as the others, but invented a newer name; bypassing both the dream and the Egyptian prophet, he went off to Ammon to obtain an oracle regarding the scabby and lepers!

Whiston

³¹² Now this man did not discover and mention the same king with the others, but feigned a newer name, and passing by the dream and the Egyptian prophet, he brings him to [Jupiter] Hammon, in order to gain oracles about the scabby and leprous people;

Rogers

³¹² This man distinguishes himself by giving us a king of another name, who dispenses with the dream and the Egyptian prophet and goes to Hammon for an oracle about the scabby and leprous people,

³¹³ φησὶ γὰρ εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ συλλέγεσθαι πλῆθος ἸουδαίωνJews. Ἆρά γε τοῦτο τοῖς λεπροῖς ὄνομα θέμενος ἢ μόνον τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews τοῖς νοσήμασι περιπεσόντων ; Λέγει γάρ ὁ λαὸς τῶν ἸουδαίωνJews.	Barach ³¹³ For he claims that a multitude of "Jews" gathered in the temples. Did he apply this name to the lepers, or only to those Jews who happened to fall ill? For he says "the people of the Jews." What kind of people?
Whiston ³¹³ for he says that the multitude of Jews were gathered together at the temples. Now it is uncertain whether he ascribes this name to these lepers, or to those that were subject to such diseases among the Jews only; for he describes them as a people of the Jews.	Rogers ³¹³ for he says that the Jewish crowd was in the temples. Now it is unclear whether he attributes this name to these lepers, or only to the Jews who were subject to such diseases, for he describes them as the people of the Jews.

³¹⁴ Ὁποῖος ; Ἔπηλυς ἢ τὸ γένος ἐγχώριος ; διὰ τί τοίνυν αὐτοὺς ὄντας καλεῖς ; Εἰ δὲ ξένοι, διὰ τί πόθεν οὐ λέγεις ; Πῶς δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν βυθίσαντος εἰς τὴν‎ θάλασσαν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς εἰς ἐρήμους τόπους ἐκβαλόντος, τοσοῦτοι τὸ πλῆθος ὑπελείφθησαν ;

Barach

³¹⁴ Were they foreigners, or native by race? Why then, if they were Egyptians, do you call them Jews? If they were strangers, why do you not say who they were or whence they came? And how, when the king drowned many of them in the sea and cast the rest into deserted places, were so vast a number left behind?

Whiston

³¹⁴ What people does he mean? foreigners, or those of that country? Why then’ dost thou call them Jews, if they were Egyptians? But if they were foreigners, why dost thou not tell us whence they came? And how could it be that, after the king had drowned many of them in the sea, and ejected the rest into desert places, there should be still so great a multitude remaining?

Rogers

³¹⁴ Does he mean foreigners or local people? If they were Egyptians, why do you call them Jews? But if they were foreigners, why do you not tell us where they came from? How is it that, after the king had drowned many of them in the sea and expelled the rest into the desert, there still remains so large a crowd?

³¹⁵ Ἢ τίνα τρόπον διεξῆλθον μὲν τὴν‎ ἔρημον, ἐκράτησαν δὲ τῆς χώρας ἧς νῦν κατοικοῦμεν, ἔκτισαν δὲ καὶ πόλιν καὶ νεὼν ᾠκοδομήσαντο πᾶσι περιβόητον ;	Barach ³¹⁵ Or in what manner did they traverse the desert, master the land in which we now dwell, found a city, and build a temple renowned among all men?
Whiston ³¹⁵ Or after what manner did they pass over the desert, and get the land which we now dwell in, and build our city, and that temple which hath been so famous among all mankind?	Rogers ³¹⁵ Or how did they cross the desert and conquer the land we now live in and build the city and the renowned temple?

³¹⁶ ἐχρῆν δὲ καὶ τοῦ νομοθέτου μὴ μόνον εἰπεῖν τοὔνομα, δηλῶσαι δὲ καὶ τὸ γένος ὅστις ἦν καὶ τίνων, διὰ τί δὲ τοιούτους αὐτοῖς τιθέναι νόμους περὶ θεῶν καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀδικίας κατὰ τὴν‎ πορείαν.

Barach

³¹⁶ He ought also to have stated not merely the name of their lawgiver, but to declare his origin—who he was and of what parents—and for what reason he attempted to impose upon them such laws concerning the gods and injustice toward mankind during their journey.

Whiston

³¹⁶ And besides, he ought to have spoken more about our legislator than by giving us his bare name; and to have informed us of what nation he was, and what parents he was derived from; and to have assigned the reasons why he undertook to make such laws concerning the gods, and concerning matters of injustice with regard to men during that journey.

Rogers

³¹⁶ Rather than merely the name of our Legislator, he should also have said what family he came from, and explained why he ventured to make such laws about the gods and did such harm to people during that journey.

³¹⁷ Εἴτε γὰρ ΑἰγύπτιοιEgyptians τὸ γένος ἦσαν, οὐκ ἂν ἐκ τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν οὕτω ῥᾳδίως μετεβάλοντο, εἴτ᾽ ἀλλαχόθεν ἦσαν, πάντως τινὲς ὑπῆρχον αὐτοῖς νόμοι διὰ μακρᾶς συνηθείας πεφυλαγμένοι.	Barach ³¹⁷ For if they were Egyptian by birth, they would not have abandoned their ancestral customs so easily; or if they came from elsewhere, they surely possessed certain laws preserved through long habit.
Whiston ³¹⁷ For in case the people were by birth Egyptians, they would not on the sudden have so easily changed the customs of their country; and in case they had been foreigners, they had for certain some laws or other which had been kept by them from long custom.	Rogers ³¹⁷ Rather than merely the name of our Legislator, he should also have said what family he came from, and explained why he ventured to make such laws about the gods and did such harm to people during that journey.

³¹⁸ Εἰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τῶν ἐξελασάντων αὐτοὺς ὤμοσαν μηδέποτε εὐνοήσειν, λόγον εἶχεν εἰκότα, πᾶσι δὲ πόλεμον ἀνθρώποις ἀκήρυκτον ἄρασθαι τούτους, εἴπερ ἔπραττον ὡς αὐτὸς λέγει κακῶς, παρὰ πάντων βοηθείας δεομένους ἄνοιαν οὐκ ἐκείνων, ἀλλὰ τοῦ ψευδομένου πάνυ πολλὴν παρίστησιν, ὅς γε καὶ τοὔνομα θέσθαι τῇ πόλει ἀπὸ τῆς ἱεροσυλίας αὐτοὺς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν, τοῦτο δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα παρατρέψαι·

Barach

³¹⁸ Now, if they had sworn never to show goodwill toward those who drove them out, that would have made reasonable sense; but for these people—needing help from everyone if indeed they were faring as badly as he claims—to wage unproclaimed war against all mankind demonstrates non-existent intelligence on their part, but immense foolishness on the part of the liar! He even dared to say that they named their city after sacrilege, and that they later altered it!

Whiston

³¹⁸ It is true, that with regard to those who had ejected them, they might have sworn never to bear good-will to them, and might have had a plausible reason for so doing. But if these men resolved to wage an implacable war against all men, in case they had acted as wickedly as he relates of them, and this while they wanted the assistance of all men, this demonstrates a kind of mad conduct indeed; but not of the men themselves, but very greatly so of him that tells such lies about them. He hath also impudence enough to say that a name, implying Robbers of the temples, was given to their city, and that this name was afterward changed.

Rogers

³¹⁸ It is true they might reasonably have sworn never to be friendly to those who had expelled them; but if they acted as wickedly as he says, it would be mad for them to resolve to wage endless war against all people while they needed the help of all people. The madness belongs not to the people but to the one who tells such lies about them, who dares to give the name "Spoiler of temples" to their city, and that this name was later changed!

³¹⁹ δῆλον γάρ, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ὕστερον γενομένοις αἰσχύνην τοὔνομα καὶ μῖσος ἔφερεν, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οἱ κτίζοντες τὴν‎ πόλιν κοσμήσειν αὐτοὺς ὑπελάμβανον οὕτως ὀνομάσαντες. Ὁ δὲ γενναῖος ὑπὸ πολλῆς τοῦ λοιδορεῖν ἀκρασίας οὐ συνῆκεν, ὅτι ἱεροσυλεῖν οὐ κατὰ τὴν‎ αὐτὴν φωνὴν τοῖς ὀνομάζομεν.

Barach

³¹⁹ For it is clear that while such a name brought shame and hatred upon later generations, those who actually founded the city would have assumed they were honoring themselves by giving it such a name! But this noble author, out of sheer lack of restraint in hurling insult, failed to realize that among the Jews, sacrilege is not named with the same word as among the Greeks!

Whiston

³¹⁹ The reason of which is plain, that the former name brought reproach and hatred upon them in the times of their posterity, while, it seems, those that built the city thought they did honor to the city by giving it such a name. So we see that this fine fellow had such an unbounded inclination to reproach us, that he did not understand that robbery of temples is not expressed By the same word and name among the Jews as it is among the Greeks.

Rogers

³¹⁹ According to him, the name later brought insult and hatred while, it seems, those who built the city thought it a title of honour. So this fine fellow was so impelled to insult us, that he did not understand that among the Jews to despoil a temple is not expressed by the same word as it is among the Greeks.

³²⁰ Τί οὖν ἐπὶ πλείω τις λέγοι πρὸς τὸν ψευδόμενον οὕτως ἀναισχύντως ; ἐπειδὴ σύμμετρον ἤδη τὸ βιβλίον εἴληφε μέγεθος, ἑτέραν ποιησάμενος ἀρχὴν τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν εἰς τὸ προκείμενον πειράσομαι προσαποδοῦναι.

Barach

³²⁰ Why, then, should anyone speak at greater length against one who lies so shamelessly? But since the book has now reached a suitable length, I shall make a new beginning and endeavor to deliver the remaining arguments relevant to the subject at hand.

Whiston

³²⁰ But why should a man say any more to a person who tells such impudent lies? However, since this book is arisen to a competent length, I will make another beginning, and endeavor to add what still remains to perfect my design in the following book.

Rogers

³²⁰ Why bother to say any more in response to one who lies so shamelessly? But since this book is now long enough, I will make a new beginning and try in the following book to add what still remains to complete my work.

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSAgainst ApionBook 1

The Jewish Nation’s Antiquity and its Non-Egyptian Origin

FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
Against Apion
Book 1

The Jewish Nation’s Antiquity
and its Non-Egyptian Origin