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ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ ΠΕΜΠΤΟΝ
Fifth Book
Chapter 1
☞

In this opening chapter of Book 5, Eusebius demonstrates that the advent and Gospel teaching of Jesus Christ completely transformed human civilization by liberating mankind from demonic oppression.

Eusebius highlights four historical transformations that coincided with the coming of Christ:
1) The cessation of human sacrifices.
2) The collapse of localized tyranny and endless inter-city warfare, yielding global peace.
3) The silencing of pagan oracles and the death of their presiding spirits.
4) The spread of true piety and moral instruction across the whole world.

To prove his point beyond dispute, Eusebius quotes Porphyry—the fiercest anti-Christian philosopher—who admitted in Against the Christians that since Jesus began to be honored, neither Asclepius nor any other god has conferred public benefit or divine presence upon the cities. Eusebius concludes that if a "mere mortal" could rout all the pagan gods simultaneously, it proves those gods were merely impotent, evil demons.
1.1 Ἱκανὰ μὲν καὶ τὰ προπαρατεθέντα συστῆσαι ὅτι μὴ θεοί, μηδ’ ἀγαθοὶ δαίμονες, πᾶν δὲ τοὐναντίον ὑπῆρχον οἱ παρὰ τοῖς ἔθνεσι κατά τε πόλεις καὶ χώρας ὡς θεοὶ τετιμημένοι· οὐ λυπεῖ δὲ ἐκ περιουσίας τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἔτι μᾶλλον βεβαιώσασθαι πλείοσι καὶ δαψιλεστέροις ἐλέγχοις, τῆς τούτων ἀποδείξεως τὴν διὰ τῆς τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν εὐαγγελικῆς διδασκαλίας προξενηθεῖσαν ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις ἐλευθερίαν τῶν πάλαι κακῶν ἐκφαινούσης. 1.1 What has already been laid down is sufficient to establish that those honored as gods among the nations in cities and regions were not gods, nor good demons, but entirely the opposite. Yet it does no harm to confirm this same thesis even more abundantly from superabundance, using fuller and richer proofs, since the demonstration of these matters reveals that freedom from ancient evils which was brought about for all mankind through the Gospel teaching of our Savior.
1.2 ἄκουε τοιγαροῦν αὐτῶν Ἑλλήνων ὁμολογούντων ἐκλελοιπέναι αὐτῶν τὰ χρηστήρια, οὐκ ἄλλοτέ ποτε ἐξ αἰῶνος ἢ μετὰ τοὺς χρόνους τῆς σωτηρίου καὶ εὐαγγελικῆς διδασκαλίας, τὴν ἑνὸς τοῦ παμβασιλέως καὶ δημιουργοῦ τῶν ὅλων θεοῦ γνῶσιν φωτὸς δίκην πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἀνατειλάσης. 1.2 Listen, therefore, to the Greeks themselves confessing that their oracles have failed, at no other time in history than after the period of our Savior's Gospel teaching, when the knowledge of the one God, the All-King and Creator of all things, dawned like light upon all mankind.
1.3 αὐτίκα γοῦν μάλα ὅσον οὐδέπω παραστήσομεν ὡς ἄρα μετὰ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν αὐτοῦ καὶ θάνατοι τῶν δαιμόνων ἱστορήθησαν καὶ τὰ θαυμαστὰ καὶ πάλαι βοώμενα χρηστήρια διαλέλοιπεν. 1.3 Indeed, very shortly we shall demonstrate how, after His manifestation, even the deaths of demons were recorded, and those marvelous oracles that were so celebrated in ancient times ceased.
1.4 ἤδη δὲ καὶ πρότερον ἀποδέδεικται ὅτι δὴ παῦλαν κακῶν οὐδ’ ἄλλοτέ πω πρότερον ἢ μετὰ τὴν εὐαγγελικὴν διδασκαλίαν εἰλήφασιν αἱ παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὠμῶς καὶ ἀνηλεῶς ἐπιτελούμεναι τὸ πρὶν ἀνθρωποθυσίαι· οἷς ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος προσθεῖναι καλὸν ὅτι μὴ μόνον ἐξ ἐκείνου τὰ τῆς δαιμονικῆς ἀπέσβη δεισιδαιμονίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τῆς τῶν ἐθνῶν πολυαρχίας. 1.4 It has already been demonstrated previously that at no earlier time did human sacrifices—which were formerly performed cruelly and ruthlessly among all nations—attain a cessation of evils except after the Gospel teaching. To these facts it is well to add at present that not only was demonic superstition extinguished from that time, but also the fragmented rule (polyarchia) of the nations.
1.5 σχεδὸν γὰρ κατὰ πᾶσαν πόλιν καὶ κώμην βασιλεῖς καὶ τυράννους τοπάρχας τε καὶ δυνάστας παλαιὸν ἦν ὁρᾶν, ἐθναρχίας τε καὶ πολυαρχίας, δι’ ἃς ἐπὶ τοὺς κατ’ ἀλλήλων πολέμους συνεχῶς ὁρμῶντες δῃώσεις τε χωρῶν καὶ πόλεων πολιορκίας ἀνδραποδισμούς τε καὶ αἰχμαλωσίας τῶν πλησιοχώρων ἀεὶ καὶ διὰ παντὸς ἐνήργουν, πρὸς τῶν οἰκείων δαιμόνων ἐπὶ τὸν κατ’ ἀλλήλων πόλεμον ἐξοιστρούμενοι. 1.5 For anciently, one could see kings and tyrants, local governors and despots, tribal rule and divided authority in almost every city and village. On account of these, men rushed continually into wars against one another, constantly carrying out the pillaging of countrysides, sieges of cities, enslavements, and captivities of neighboring peoples, being driven to madness for mutual warfare by their own local demons.
1.6 ὧν οὕτως ἐχόντων, ἐν ὁποία τότε συγχύσει κακῶν συμφορῶν τε ἐπαλλήλων ὁ πᾶς ἐνέσχητο βίος, καὶ αὐτῷ σοι παραλείπω σκοπεῖν. 1.6 Things being so, in what confusion of evils and successive disasters all human life was then bound, I leave to you yourself to consider.
1.7 τούτων δὴ οὖν ἀθρόως ἁπάντων ὁμοῦ σὺν τῇ πολυθέῳ πλάνῃ ἐκποδὼν μεταστάντων οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἢ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους ἐπιδημίαν, πῶς οὐ χρὴ τὸ μέγα μυστήριον τῆς ἀληθῶς σωτηρίου καὶ εὐαγγελικῆς ἀποδείξεως ὑπερθαυμάζειν, δι’ ἧς ἀθρόως κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἰκουμένην προσευκτήρια καὶ ναοὶ τῷ παμβασιλεῖ καὶ δημιουργῷ τῶν ἁπάντων καὶ μόνῳ θεῷ ἔν τε πόλεσι καὶ κώμαις βαρβάρων τε ἐθνῶν ἐν ἐρημίαις ἀφιερωμένα συνέστη, βίβλοι τε καὶ ἀναγνώσματα, μαθήματά τε παντοῖα καὶ διδασκαλίαι, περὶ τῆς εἰς ἄκρον ἀρετῆς καὶ τρόπων τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἀληθῆ θεοσέβειαν παραγγέλματα περιέχουσαι, ἀνδράσιν ὁμοῦ καὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν εἰς ἐπήκοον παραδέδονται, νεκρὰ δὲ τὰ ἀπὸ δαιμόνων πάντα χρηστήριά τε καὶ μαντεύματα; 1.7 When all these things simultaneously departed from among us together with polytheistic error—at no other time than after the advent of our Savior among men—how can one fail to admire exceedingly the great mystery of the truly saving Gospel proof? For through it, prayer-houses and temples consecrated to the All-King, Creator of all, and only God were established simultaneously throughout the entire inhabited world, in cities and villages, among barbarian nations and in wildernesses. Books, readings, all manner of lessons, and teachings containing precepts regarding the highest virtue and the conduct appropriate to true piety have been handed over to the hearing of men, women, and children alike, while all demonic oracles and divinations lie dead.
1.8 οὐδέ τις εἰς τοσοῦτον ἀνθρώπων μέμηνε νῦν, ἐξ οὗπερ εἰς πάντας φωτὸς δίκην ἐξέλαμψεν ἡ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν ἔνθεος καὶ εὐαγγελικὴ δύναμις, ὡς τολμᾶν τῷ τοῦ φιλτάτου φόνῳ καὶ ταῖς δι’ ἀνθρωποθυσιῶν σφαγαῖς τὰ φονικὰ καὶ φίλαιμα καὶ μισάνθρωπά τε καὶ ἀπάνθρωπα δαιμόνια ἐξιλεοῦσθαι, οἷα πράττειν τοῖς πάλαι σοφοῖς τε καὶ βασιλεῦσι δαιμονῶσιν ὡς ἀληθῶς φίλον ἦν. 1.8 Nor has any man driven mad to such a degree now—ever since the divine and Gospel power of our Savior shone forth upon all like light—as to dare appease murderous, bloodthirsty, misanthropic, and inhuman demons through the slaughter of beloved ones and human sacrifices, acts which were indeed dear to ancient wise men and demoniacal kings to perform.
1.9 περὶ δὲ τοῦ μηκέτι δύνασθαί τι καὶ ἰσχύειν τοὺς φαύλους δαίμονας μετὰ τὴν τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους πάροδον, καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ καθ’ ἡμᾶς τῶν δαιμόνων προήγορος ἐν τῇ καθ’ ἡμῶν συσκευῇ τοῦτόν που λέγων μαρτυρεῖ τὸν τρόπον· 1.9 Concerning the fact that evil demons no longer have any power or strength after our Savior’s arrival among men, the very champion of demons in our own time bears witness in his treatise against us, speaking somewhere in this manner:
1.10 «Νυνὶ δὲ θαυμάζουσιν εἰ τοσούτων ἐτῶν κατείληφε τὴν πόλιν ἡ νόσος, Ἀσκληπιοῦ μὲν ἐπιδημίας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν μηκέτ’ οὔσης. Ἰησοῦ γὰρ τιμωμένου, οὐδεμιᾶς τις θεῶν δημοσίας ὠφελείας ᾔσθετο.» 1.10 [Porphyry writes]: "And now they wonder if the disease has seized the city for so many years, when Asclepius and the other gods no longer reside among us. For since Jesus has been honored, no one has perceived any public benefit from the gods."
1.11 Ταῦτα ῥήμασιν αὐτοῖς ὁ Πορφύριος. εἰ δὴ οὖν κατὰ τήνδε τὴν ὁμολογίαν, Ἰησοῦ τιμωμένου, οὐδεμιᾶς τις θεῶν δημοσίας ὠφελείας ᾔσθετο, μηκέτ’ οὔσης μήτ’ Ἀσκληπιοῦ ἐπιδημίας μήτε τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν, πόθεν δὴ λοιπὸν τὸ ὡς περὶ θεῶν καὶ ἡρώων δόγμα; 1.11 These are Porphyry's exact words. If, then, according to this confession, while Jesus is honored, no one has perceived any public benefit from the gods, because neither Asclepius nor any of the other gods resides among us, whence remaining comes the doctrine regarding gods and heroes?
1.12 τί γὰρ οὐχὶ μᾶλλον τὰ τῶν θεῶν καὶ τὰ Ἀσκληπιοῦ κρατεῖ τῆς Ἰησοῦ δυνάμεως; εἰ δὴ ὁ μὲν θνητός, ὡς ἂν φαῖεν, ἄνθρωπος — τάχα δ’ ἂν εἴποιεν ὅτι καὶ πλάνος — οἱ δὲ σωτῆρες καὶ θεοί, τί δῆτα τοίνυν πάντες ἀθρόως αὐτῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ πεφεύγασι, τὰ νῶτα τῷ θνητῷ, καὶ πᾶσαν ἐξῆς ὑποχείριον τὴν ἀνθρωπότητα τῷ μηκέτ’ ὄντι, ὡς ἂν εἴποιεν αὐτοί, παραδεδωκότες; 1.12 For why should not the power of the gods and Asclepius prevail over the power of Jesus? If He was a mere mortal man, as they would say—and perhaps they would add a deceiver—while their gods were saviors, why then have they all fled at once, including Asclepius himself, turning their backs to a mortal and surrendering all humanity henceforth into the hands of one who is no longer living, as they themselves would claim?
1.13 ὁ δὲ καὶ μετὰ θάνατον παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὁσημέραι διαιωνίζει τιμώμενος, ἄντικρυς τῆς μετὰ θάνατον ζωῆς τὸ ἐναργὲς καὶ ἔνθεον τοῖς οἵοις τε συνορᾶν ἐπιδεικνύμενος. 1.13 Yet He, even after death, continues to be honored daily among all nations, displaying the clear and divine evidence of His post-mortem life to those capable of seeing it.
1.14 ἀλλὰ καὶ εἷς ὤν, καὶ, ὡς ἄν τις ὑπολάβοι, μόνος, τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην θεῶν ἐλαύνει, καὶ τάς γε τιμὰς αὐτῶν ἀθετῶν κρατεῖ, ὡς τοὺς μὲν θεοὺς μηκέτ’ εἶναι, μηδ’ ἐνεργεῖν, μηδέ πῃ παραφαίνεσθαι, μηδὲ συνήθως ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐπιδημεῖν, ὅτι μὴ θεοί, δαίμονες δ’ ἦσαν πονηροί· μόνου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ καταπέμψαντος αὐτὸν θεοῦ τῶν ὅλων αὔξειν ὁσημέραι τὰς τιμάς, καὶ εἰς μεῖζον ἀρετῆς καθ’ ὅλης τῆς ἀνθρωπότητος ἐπιδιδόναι, 1.14 Moreover, being one and, as anyone might suppose, alone, He routs the multitude of gods throughout the entire world, abolishes their honors, and prevails, so that the gods no longer exist, nor act, nor appear anywhere, nor visit the cities as was their custom—because they were not gods, but wicked demons. Meanwhile, the honors of Himself alone and of His Father, the God of all who sent Him, increase daily, advancing humanity as a whole toward greater virtue.
1.15 δέον ἔμπαλιν τοὺς μὲν θεούς, εἰ δή τινες ὄντως ἦσαν τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς κηδεμόνες, τοῦ μὲν ἄρδην μεταστήσασθαι τὴν πλάνην, εἰ ἄρα τις ἦν, αὐτοὺς δὲ τὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν θεραπείας τε καὶ ὠφελείας ἀφθόνως τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐμπαρέχειν. 1.15 Whereas, on the contrary, if the gods were truly guardians of those on earth, they ought to have completely eliminated the delusion, if indeed it was a delusion, and themselves bestowed their healings and benefits abundantly upon all.
1.16 νυνὶ δὲ τοῖσδε καὶ τοῦτ’ ἐπικεχείρηται μὲν πολλάκις, διὰ τῶν κατὰ χρόνους ἀρχόντων τὴν τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν κραταιοτάτην πολεμησάντων διδασκαλίαν· ἄπρακτον δ’ ὅμως εὕροντο τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως τὸ τέλος, ὑπερνικώσης τοὺς πάντας ἀεὶ τῆς τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν ἐνθέου δυνάμεως, καὶ πάσας τὰς κατὰ τῆς διδασκαλίας αὐτοῦ τῶν πονηρῶν δαιμόνων ἐπαναστάσεις καθαιρούσης, αὐτούς τε ἐλαυνούσης, δαίμονας μὲν ἀληθῶς φαύλους ὄντας, ψευδῶς δὲ νενομισμένους εἶναι θεοὺς ἢ καὶ ἀγαθοὺς δαίμονας. 1.16 In fact, this attempt has often been made by them through the rulers of various times who waged war against the most mighty teaching of our Savior. Yet they found the result of their attempt fruitless, since the divine power of our Savior continually overcomes them all, destroying every insurrection of evil demons against His teaching, and driving away the demons themselves, who are truly evil spirits, though falsely thought to be gods or good demons.
Chapter 2
☜ ☞

In this chapter, Eusebius exposes the hidden mechanism behind pagan idol worship, oracle revelations, and magical healings.

He explains that earthbound and underworld demons—bound to dark, foggy, air-borne realms, graves, tombs, blood, and sacrificial vapors—take advantage of humanity's ancient habit of hero-worship. When humans built statues to honor deceased men, these evil spirits lurked in the background, secretly moving the statues, delivering deceptive oracles, and causing invisible bodily afflictions—only to remove the afflictions later to appear as merciful healers. By acting as the "unseen forces" behind physical idols, these demons duped humanity into mistaking them for heavenly gods or elevated heroes. Through these tricks, alongside the sorcery they taught to pagan priests, they established the entire system of idolatry and magical deceit.
2.1 Οἵδε γοῦν περίγειοί τινες ὄντες καὶ καταχθόνιοι, τόν τε ἐπὶ γῆς βαρὺν καὶ ζοφερὸν ἀέρα περιπολοῦντες, καὶ τὸ σκότιον καὶ γεῶδες οἰκητήριον ἔχειν κατακεκριμένοι δι’ ἃς ὕστερον ἀποδώσομεν αἰτίας, τάφοις νεκρῶν καὶ μνήμασι καὶ πάσῃ τῇ μυσαρᾷ καὶ ἀκαθάρτῳ ὕλῃ ἐμφιλοχωροῦντες, αἵμασί τε καὶ λύθροις καὶ παντοίων ζῴων σώμασι τῇ τε ἐκ τῶν ἀναθυμιωμένων καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἐξατμιζομένων ἀναδόσει χαίροντες, οἵ τε τούτων ἄρχοντες ἀέριοί τινες ὑπάρχοντες, ἢ καὶ καταχθόνιοι δυνάμεις, ἐπεὶ κατέμαθον τὸ ἀνθρώπινον γένος κάτω που περὶ νεκρῶν ἀνδρῶν θεοποιίαν ἰλυσπώμενον, θυσίαις τε καὶ κνίσαις ταῖς δὴ μάλιστα αὐτοῖς κεχαρισμέναις διὰ πάσης σπουδῆς ἐκπονούμενον, ἐγγύθεν ἔφεδροι καὶ συνεργοὶ τῆς πλάνης παρῆσαν, τοῖς τῶν ἀνθρώπων κακοῖς ἐπεντρυφῶντες, καὶ τοὺς ἠλιθίους τὰς ψυχὰς εὐχερῶς ἀπατῶντες κινήσεσί τε ξοάνων, ἃ δὴ ἐπὶ τιμῇ τῶν κατοιχομένων ἀνδρῶν πρὸς τῶν παλαιῶν ἀφιέρωται, καὶ ταῖς διὰ χρησμῶν φαντασίαις, θεραπείαις τε σωμάτων, ἃ διὰ τῆς οἰκείας αὐτῶν ἐνεργείας ἀφανῶς αὐτοὶ λυμαινόμενοι, πάλιν οἱ αὐτοὶ διὰ τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνέσεως ἐλευθέρους παθῶν ἠφίεσαν. 2.1 These spirits, being earthly and subterranean in nature, haunt the heavy and murky air above the earth. Condemned to inhabit a dark and earthly dwelling for reasons we shall explain later, they wallow in the tombs and monuments of the dead and in all foul and impure matter. They rejoice in blood, filth, and the bodies of animals of every kind, as well as in the exhalations that rise up from smoke and evaporate from the earth. Their rulers, being air-dwelling or subterranean powers, observed the human race groveling below in deification around dead men and laboring with all earnestness over sacrifices and burnt offerings—which are especially gratifying to these spirits. Thus, standing by as crouching ambushers and co-workers in error, they reveler in human misfortunes and easily deceived foolish souls. They did this through the movements of wooden images—which had been dedicated by ancients in honor of departed men—as well as through illusions in oracles, and bodily cures. For after secretly afflicting human bodies with damage through their own internal activity, these same spirits would release them from suffering by ceasing their affliction.
2.2 δι’ ὧν ἐπὶ μᾶλλον κατὰ κρημνῶν ἔφερον τοὺς δεισιδαίμονας, ὡς αὐτοὺς εἶναι νομίζειν ποτὲ μὲν οὐρανίους δυνάμεις καί τινας ἀληθῶς θεούς, ποτὲ δὲ τὰς τῶν τεθεοποιημένων ἡρώων ψυχάς. 2.2 Through these means, they drove the superstitious further over the precipice, so that men considered them to be at one time heavenly powers and true gods, and at another time the souls of deified heroes.
2.3 ἐντεῦθεν γοῦν ἤδη μείζων τις εἶναι καὶ σεμνοτέρα τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐνομίζετο ἡ τῆς πολυθέου πλάνης ὑπόληψις, μεταβαινούσης τῆς διανοίας ἀπὸ τῶν ὁρωμένων ἐπὶ τὸ ἀφανὲς τῶν ἐγκρυπτομένων τοῖς ξοάνοις, καὶ τὴν πλάνην κραταιότερον ἐπικυρούσης. 2.3 Henceforth, the estimation of polytheistic error was considered by the multitude to be something greater and more august, as human thought shifted from visible objects to the unseen presence hidden within the statues, thereby ratifying the delusion all the more strongly.
2.4 οὕτω δῆτα λοιπὸν οἱ περίγειοι δαίμονες, οἵ τε ἀμφὶ τὸν ἀέρα κοσμοκράτορες καὶ τὰ πνευματικὰ τῆς πονηρίας, ὅ τε ἐπὶ πᾶσιν αὐτοῖς τῆς κακίας ἐξάρχων, θεῶν οἱ μέγιστοι παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐνομίζοντο· ἥ τε τῶν πάλαι νεκρῶν μνήμη τῆς μείζονος ἠξιοῦτο θεραπείας. 2.4 So it was, then, that these earthly demons—the world-rulers of the air, the spiritual forces of evil, and the prince of wickedness over them all—were considered by everyone to be the greatest of gods, and the memory of men long dead was deemed worthy of greater worship.
2.5 ὧν τὰς μὲν τῶν σωμάτων ἰδέας οἱ τῶν κατὰ πόλεις ἀφιερωμένων εἰκόνων φέρειν ἐδόκουν τύποι, τὰς δὲ ψυχὰς καὶ τὰς ἐνθέους καὶ ἀσωμάτους δυνάμεις οἱ φαῦλοι δαίμονες καθυπεκρίνοντο διὰ πολλῆς τερατοποιίας· καὶ αὐτῶν ἤδη τῶν θεραπευόντων καὶ ἱερωμένων αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖζον ἀεὶ τὸν ἐκ τῆς φαντασίας τῦφον ἀπαγόντων, καὶ δὴ καὶ γοητικαῖς κακοτεχνίαις τὰ πολλὰ συσκευαζόντων, τῆς καὶ τούτων διδασκαλίας αὐτῶν πάλιν τῶν φαύλων δαιμόνων τοῖς θεραπεύουσι προκαταρξάντων. οἵδε γοῦν καὶ τῆς ἀρχεκάκου γοητείας παντὶ τῷ τῶν ἀνθρώπων βίῳ κατέστησαν αἴτιοι, ὡσπεροῦν ὁ πρὸ τούτου διήλεγξε λόγος. 2.5 The forms of the dedicated images in each city were thought to bear the bodily likenesses of these men, while the evil demons impersonated their souls and their divine, incorporeal powers through extensive wonder-working. Moreover, those who served and officiated as priests for them continually magnified the delusion born of fantasy, arranging many things through malicious tricks of sorceries—the teaching of which these same evil demons had originally imparted to their worshippers. These demons, therefore, became the authors of primal, origin-of-evil sorcery for all human life, just as our previous discourse demonstrated.
Chapter 3
☜ ☞

In this chapter, Eusebius categorizes the seven ways pagans invented their gods and demons, demonstrating how they spiraled deeper into error and confusion:
1) Astral/Heavenly Gods: Deifying the sun, moon, and stars (derived from the verb thein, "to run/move").
2) Deified Men/Heroes: Elevating human benefactors to divine status (e.g., Heracles, the Dioscuri, Dionysus).
3) Mythological/Allegorical Gods: Inventing stories about these gods and later masking their immoralities under physical allegories.
4) Deified Passions: Worshiping human lusts and vices as deities (e.g., Eros, Aphrodite, Desire).
5) Deified Mental Faculties: Personifying logic, reason, and speech (e.g., Hermes, Athena).
6) Deified Activities and Crafts: Assigning human skills and warfare to gods (e.g., Ares, Athena, Hephaestus).
7) Demonic Impersonation: Earthly spirits masquerading as gods, dead heroes, or beneficial spirits—leading mankind astray through oracle delusions.

Eusebius concludes by stating that he will focus his examination on this seventh type—the operations of malicious demons. To prove his point using pagan sources, he introduces his primary witness: Plutarch of Chaeronea and his treatise On the Obsolescence of Oracles (De defectu oraculorum).
3.1 Τούτων τοιγαροῦν τῶν μοχθηρῶν καὶ περιγείων δαιμόνων, τῶν τε ἀερίων καὶ καταχθονίων πνευμάτων, οὓς κοσμοκράτορας καὶ πνευματικὰ πονηρίας ἀρχάς τε καὶ ἐξουσίας οἱ θεῖοι λόγοι προσαγορεύουσι, τοτὲ μὲν εἰς ἀγαθοὺς δαίμονας ὑποκρινομένων, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς οὐρανίους θεοὺς σχηματιζομένων, καὶ πάλιν ἄλλοτε εἰς ἥρωας μεταμορφουμένων, ἔστι δ’ ὅπῃ ἄντικρυς διὰ τῶν δρωμένων τῆς μοχθηρίας τὸ δεῖγμα παραφαινόντων, εἰκότως πολὺς ὁ πλάνος ἀνθρώποις ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπῄει, τῶν μὲν θεοὺς εἶναι, τῶν δὲ ἥρωας καὶ δαίμονας, ἀλλ’ οὐ θεοὺς ὑπάρχειν ὁμολογούντων, καὶ τῶν δαιμόνων τοὺς μὲν ἀγαθοὺς ἐπιφημιζόντων, τοὺς δὲ φαύλους ἐπικαλούντων, πλὴν ἀλλὰ δεῖν φασκόντων καὶ τοὺς φαύλους ἐξιλεοῦσθαι διὰ τὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν βλάβας· ὥστε τὴν πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς θεοποιίαν εἰς εἴδη πλείονα καταπίπτειν. 3.1 Since, therefore, these wicked and earthbound demons—the spirits of the air and of the underworld, whom the divine Oracles address as rulers of the world, spiritual forces of evil, principalities, and powers—at times act the part of good spirits, at times fashion themselves into heavenly gods, and at other times transform themselves into heroes, while occasionally revealing a clear sample of their malice through their actions, great error naturally came upon mankind to an even greater degree. Some acknowledged them to be gods, while others admitted they were heroes and demons, but not gods; and among the demons, some called them good and others termed them evil, yet claiming that even the evil ones must be propitiated on account of the harm proceeding from them. Consequently, their entire system of making gods (theopoiia) breaks down into several distinct forms.
3.2 πρῶτον μὲν τὸ ἐκ τῶν φαινομένων κατ’ οὐρανὸν φωστήρων, οὓς καί φασι διὰ τὸ θέειν, ὅπερ ἐστὶ τρέχειν, διά τε τὸ αἰτίους εἶναι τοῦ θεωρεῖν τὰ ὁρώμενα, πρώτους θεοὺς ἀνηγορεῦσθαι· δεύτερον τὸ διὰ τὰς εἰς τὸν κοινὸν βίον, ὥς φασιν, εὐεργεσίας ἐκτετιμημένον, ὃ δὴ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων γεγεννῆσθαι καὶ αὐτοὶ ὁμολογοῦσι, τοὺς καλουμένους ἥρωας παραφέροντες, Ἡρακλέα καὶ Διοσκούρους, Διόνυσόν τε καὶ τοὺς παρὰ βαρβάροις ὁμοίους. 3.2 First is the form derived from the visible luminaries in the sky, which they say were proclaimed as the primary gods because of theein (that is, to run or move) and because they are the cause of theōrein (observing visible things). Second is the form honored on account of benefits to common life, as they claim—beings whom they themselves confess were born of human origin, introducing the so-called heroes: Heracles, the Dioscuri, Dionysus, and their counterparts among the barbarians.
3.3 ἐξ ὧν ἀφορίσαντες καὶ διαστειλάμενοι τὰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν αἰσχρότερα μνημονευόμενα τρίτον εἶδος θεοποιίας ὑπέθεντο, μυθικὸν αὐτὸ ἐπικαλέσαντες. ὃ δὴ ἐπαισχυνθέντες, καίπερ ἀληθὲς καὶ παλαίτατον τυγχάνον, ἐπὶ τὸ φυσικώτερον, ὥς φασι, μεταβεβλήκασι τροπικωτέραις ἀλληγορίαις, θεωρίας δή τινας εὑρεσιλογήσαντες. 3.3 Separating and distinguishing from these the more disgraceful stories told about them, they posited a third form of deification, calling it mythical. Ashamed of this—even though it happened to be authentic and most ancient—they converted it into something more physical, as they claim, through figurative allegories, inventing certain subtle theories.
3.4 ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ εἰς τοῦτο πλάνης αὐτοῖς ἀπήρκει στῆναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μέχρι τῶν οἰκείων παθῶν τὸ σεβάσμιον καὶ προσκυνητὸν ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ καταβαλόντες τέταρτον θεοποιίας προσεπενοήσαντο τρόπον, οὐδ’ ἀντιρρήσεως ἄξιον, τῷ καὶ αὐτὸν προφανὲς ἐπάγεσθαι τὸ αἶσχος, 3.4 Yet it was not enough for them to stop their delusion at this point; rather, degrading the revered and adorable name of God down to their own passions, they devised a fourth method of deification—one not even worthy of refutation, since it carries its own obvious shame upon its face:
3.5 εἰ δή Ἔρωτα καὶ Ἀφροδίτην καὶ Πόθον, τὰς αἰσχρὰς καὶ ἀκολάστους αὐτῶν ἐπιθυμίας, θεοὺς ἀνειπόντες, καὶ τὸν μὲν λόγον Ἑρμῆν, τὸν δὲ λογισμὸν Ἀθηνᾶν ἐπονομάσαντες, καὶ ταῦτα τῇ οἰκείᾳ παρειλήφασι θεολογίᾳ, ὡς καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ἐκ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις γιγνομένων πραγμάτων ἀναπλασάμενοι. 3.5 namely, declaring Eros, Aphrodite, and Desire—their shameful and licentious lusts—to be gods, and naming speech Hermes and reason Athena. These too they adopted into their own theology, just as they fashioned a fifth form out of human affairs and activities.
3.6 τὰς γὰρ ἐνεργείας τάς τε πολεμικὰς καὶ τὰς τεχνικὰς ἀνειδωλοποιήσαντες θεοῖς ἀπένειμαν, Ἄρει μὲν καὶ Ἀθηνᾷ τὰς πολεμικὰς, Ἡφαίστῳ δὲ καί τισιν ἑτέροις τὰς τεχνικάς. 3.6 For personifying warfare and mechanical crafts, they assigned them to gods—giving warfare to Ares and Athena, and the crafts to Hephaestus and certain others.
3.7 ἐπὶ πᾶσι τούτοις ἕκτον καὶ ἕβδομον εἶδος αὐτοῖς τὸ δαιμονικὸν παρεισήχθη, πολύτροπον ἀληθῶς τυγχάνον καὶ πολύμορφον, τοτὲ μὲν θεοὺς ὑποκρινόμενον, τοτὲ δὲ ψυχὰς τεθνηκότων, καὶ μηδὲν μὲν ἡμῖν εἰς ἀρετὴν ψυχῆς συμβαλλόμενον, ἐπιτωθάζον δὲ ἀεὶ καὶ κατὰ κρημνῶν φέρον διὰ τῆς ἀπατηλοῦ πλάνης πάντα τὸν δεισιδαίμονα· 3.7 In addition to all these, a sixth and seventh form was secretly introduced among them—that of the demons, which happens to be truly versatile and multiform. At times it pretends to be gods, at other times the souls of the dead, contributing nothing to us toward virtue of soul, but always mocking and driving every superstitious person over the precipice through deceitful error.
3.8 ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ διόλου φαῦλον ὂν εἰς δύο διελόντες, εἴς τε τὸ βλαπτικὸν καὶ εἰς τὸ ὠφελοῦν, ἀγαθῶν καὶ φαύλων αὐτοῖς τεθείκασι προσηγορίας. 3.8 And though this demonic category is entirely evil throughout, they divided it into two parts—into the harmful and the beneficial—giving them the titles of good and evil demons.
3.9 ὧν οὕτως ἐχόντων ἀναγκαῖον εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ τὰ μηδ’ ἀντιρρήσεως δεόμενα παρεκθεμένους τὸν περὶ τῆς δαιμονικῆς ἐνεργείας ἀκόλουθον συνιδεῖν λόγον· ὃν ἐκ μέρους προθεωρήσαντες ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου συγγράμματι τὰ λείποντα νῦν ἀποπληρώσομεν. 3.9 Things being so, it seems necessary to me to set aside those matters that do not even require refutation, and to examine the consequential discourse concerning demonic activity. Having considered this in part in the preceding book, we shall now supply what remains.
3.10 φέρ’ οὖν ἤδη λοιπὸν ἐπ’ αὐτὰς χωρήσωμεν τὰς ἀποδείξεις. θήσω δὲ πρώτας τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς Πλουτάρχου γραφῆς, ἣν πεποίηται Περὶ τῶν ἐκλελοιπότων χρηστηρίων, ἔνθα περὶ τοῦ πονηρῶν δαιμόνων εἶναι τὰ παρὰ τοῖς ἔθνεσι μαντεῖά τε καὶ χρηστήρια τόνδε γράφει τὸν τρόπον· 3.10 Come then, let us proceed directly to the proofs themselves. I shall set forth first those from the writing of Plutarch which he composed On the Obsolescence of Oracles, where he writes concerning the fact that the divinations and oracles among the nations belong to evil demons, in the following manner:
Chapter 4
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In this chapter, Eusebius continues citing Plutarch's De defectu oraculorum (On the Obsolescence of Oracles) to prove that pagan deities and oracle guardians were not true gods, but intermediate, passionate, and often malicious demons.
1) Intermediate Beings (4.1–4.2): Plutarch compares Plato's discovery of matter (hylē) to the discovery of demons as intermediate beings bridging gods and mortals. He notes Hesiod's classification of rational beings (gods, demons, heroes, humans) and asserts that these intermediate entities experience mortal passions and transitions.
2) Sinister Rites & Human Sacrifice (4.3–4.7): Plutarch observes that sombre rituals, fasting, laceration (diaspasmoi), raw-meat eating (ōmophagiai), obscenities, and ancient human sacrifices were never demanded by true gods. Instead, they were designed to appease or satisfy the malignant urges of wild, tyrannical demons (alastores). Eusebius adds that if worshippers placated these spirits through shameful rites, they were serving evil demons, not benevolent gods.
3) Giants and Titan Myths (4.8–4.10): Plutarch admits that myths about Titan and Giant wars are actually stories of demonic conflicts. Eusebius connects this pagan realization directly to Genesis 6:1–4, suggesting that pagan "gods" and "heroes" were the fallen angels and the famous giants (gigantes) born before the Flood.
4.1 «Εὖ μὲν οὖν λέγουσι καὶ οἱ λέγοντες ὅτι Πλάτων τὸ ταῖς γεννωμέναις ποιότησιν ὑποκείμενον στοιχεῖον ἐξευρών, ἣν ὕλην καλοῦσι, πολλῶν ἀπήλλαξε καὶ μεγάλων ἀποριῶν τοὺς φιλοσόφους· ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκοῦσι πλείονας λῦσαι καὶ μείζονας ἀπορίας οἱ τὸ τῶν δαιμόνων γένος ἐν μέσῳ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων θέντες, καὶ τρόπον τινὰ τὴν κοινωνίαν ἡμῶν συνάγοντα εἰς ταὐτὸ καὶ συνάπτον ἐξευρόντες, εἴτε μάγων τῶν περὶ Ζωροάστρην ὁ λόγος οὗτός ἐστιν, εἴτε Θρᾴκιος ἀπὸ Ὀρφέως, ἢ Αἰγύπτιος, ἢ Φρύγιος, ὡς τεκμαιρόμεθα ταῖς ἑκατέρωθι τελεταῖς ἀναμεμιγμένα πολλὰ θνητὰ καὶ πένθιμα τῶν ὀργιαζομένων καὶ δρωμένων ἱερῶν ὁρῶντες. Ἑλλήνων δὲ Ὅμηρος μὲν ἐπιφαίνεται κοινῶς ἀμφοτέροις χρώμενος τοῖς ὀνόμασι καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἔστιν ὅτε δαίμονας προσαγορεύων. Ἡσίοδος δὲ καθαρῶς καὶ διωρισμένως πρῶτος ἐξέθηκε τῶν λογικῶν τέσσαρα γένη· θεούς, εἶτα δαίμονας, εἶτα ἥρωας, τὸ δ’ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν, ἀνθρώπους. ἐξ ὧν ἔοικε ποιεῖν τὴν μεταβολήν, τοῦ μὲν χρυσοῦ γένους εἰς δαίμονας πολλοὺς κἀγαθούς, τῶν δ’ ἡμιθέων εἰς ἥρωας ἀποκριθέντων.» 4.1 [Plutarch writes]: "They speak well, then, who say that Plato, by discovering the underlying element for generated qualities—which they call matter (hylē)—freed philosophers from many great difficulties. But to me, those who placed the race of demons in the midst between gods and men seem to have solved even more and greater difficulties, having found a way that brings our common fellowship together and connects it into one—whether this doctrine belongs to the Magi around Zoroaster, or is Thracian from Orpheus, or Egyptian, or Phrygian, as we infer from seeing many mortal and mournful elements mixed into the orgiastic and sacred rites performed in both regions. Among the Greeks, Homer appears to use both terms in common, sometimes calling the gods 'demons.' But Hesiod was the first to set forth clearly and distinctly four races of rational beings: gods, then demons, then heroes, and finally men. From these he seems to effect a transformation, as the golden race was separated into many good demons, and the demigods into heroes."
4.2 Εἶθ’ ἑξῆς φησιν· «Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἡμᾶς Δημητρίῳ διαφέρεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ κἂν πλείων εἴη χρόνος, κἂν ἐλάττων, κἂν τεταγμένος, κἂν ἄτακτος, ἐν ᾧ μεταλλάττει δαίμονος ψυχὴ καὶ ἥρωος βίος, οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐφ’ ᾧ βούλεται δεδείξεται μετὰ μαρτύρων σοφῶν καὶ παλαιῶν ὅτι φύσεις τινές εἰσιν ὥσπερ ἐν μεθορίῳ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων δεχόμεναι πάθη θνητὰ καὶ μεταβολὰς ἀναγκαίας, οὓς δαίμονας ὀρθῶς ἔχει κατὰ νόμον πατέρων ἡγουμένους καὶ ὀνομάζοντας σέβεσθαι.» Τούτοις μεθ’ ἕτερα ἐπιλέγει· «Τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐφεστάναι τοῖς χρηστηρίοις μὴ θεούς, οἷς ἀπηλλάχθαι τῶν περὶ γῆν προσῆκόν ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ δαίμονας ὑπηρέτας θεῶν, οὐ δοκεῖ μοι κακῶς ἀξιοῦσθαι· τὸ δὲ τοῖς δαίμοσι τούτοις, μονονουχὶ δραχμὴν λαμβάνοντας ἐκ τῶν ἐπῶν τῶν Ἐμπεδοκλέους, ἁμαρτίας καὶ ἄτας καὶ πλάνας θεηλάτους ἐπιφέρειν, τελευτῶντας δὲ καὶ θανάτους ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπων ὑποτίθεσθαι, θρασύτερον ἡγοῦμαι καὶ βαρβαρικώτερον.» 4.2 Then he says next: "However, concerning these matters, it is not necessary for us to differ with Demetrius. For whether the time be longer or shorter, fixed or indefinite, during which the soul of a demon or the life of a hero undergoes transformation, nevertheless, regarding the point he wishes to establish, it will be shown with the testimony of ancient and wise witnesses that there are certain natures as it were on the borderland between gods and men, receiving mortal passions and necessary changes; and it is right to revere and name these 'demons,' honoring them according to the law of our fathers." After other matters he adds: "That gods—whom it befits to be set free from earthly affairs—should not preside over oracles, but rather demons who are servants of the gods, does not seem to me to be an improper claim. But to attribute sins, delusions, and god-sent wanderings to these demons—almost taking a dragma from the verses of Empedocles—and to suppose that they undergo ends and deaths like men, I consider to be somewhat rash and barbaric."
4.3 Καὶ πάλιν προστίθησι τοῖς εἰρημένοις ταῦτα· «Εἰσὶ γὰρ ὡς ἐν ἀνθρώποις καὶ δαίμοσιν ἀρετῆς διαφοραί· καὶ τοῦ παθητικοῦ καὶ ἀλόγου τοῖς μὲν ἀσθενὲς καὶ ἀμαυρόν ἐστι λείψανον, ὡς περίττωμα, τοῖς δὲ πολὺ καὶ δυσκατάσβεστον ἔνεστιν, ὧν ἴχνη καὶ σύμβολα πολλαχοῦ θυσίαι τε καὶ τελεταὶ καὶ μυθολογίαι σώζουσι καὶ διαφυλάττουσι διεσπαρμέναι. καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν μυστικῶν, ἐν οἷς τὰς μεγίστας ἐμφάσεις καὶ διαφάσεις λαβεῖν ἔστι τῆς περὶ δαιμόνων ἀληθείας, εὔστομά μοι κείσθω καθ’ Ἡρόδοτον· ἑορτὰς δὲ καὶ θυσίας, ὥσπερ ἡμέρας ἀποφράδας καὶ σκυθρωπάς, ἐν αἷς ὠμοφαγίαι καὶ διασπασμοί, νηστεῖαί τε καὶ κοπετοί, πολλαχοῦ δὲ πάλιν αἰσχρολογίαι πρὸς ἱεροῖς, μανίαι τε ἄλλαι ὀρινόμεναι ῥιψαύχενι σὺν κλόνῳ, θεῶν μὲν οὐδενί, δαιμόνων δὲ φαύλων ἀποτροπῆς ἕνεκα φήσαιμ’ ἂν τελεῖσθαι παραμύθια· καὶ τὰς πάλαι ποιουμένας ἀνθρωποθυσίας οὔτε θεοὺς ἀπαιτεῖν ἢ προσδέχεσθαι πιθανόν ἐστιν, οὔτε μάτην ἂν ἐδέχοντο βασιλεῖς καὶ στρατηγοί, παῖδας αὑτῶν ἐπιδιδόντες καὶ καταρχόμενοι καὶ σφάττοντες, ἀλλὰ χαλεπῶν καὶ δυστρόπων ὀργὰς καὶ βαρυθυμίας ἀφοσιούμενοι καὶ ἀποπιμπλάντες ἀλαστόρων, ἐνίων δὲ μανικοὺς ἔρωτας, οὐ δυναμένων οὐδὲ βουλομένων σώμασι καὶ διὰ σωμάτων ὁμιλεῖν. ἀλλ’ ὥσπερ Ἡρακλῆς Οἰχαλίαν ἐπολιόρκει διὰ παρθένον, οὕτω πολλάκις ἰσχυροὶ καὶ βίαιοι δαίμονες ἐξαιτούμενοι ψυχὴν ἀνθρωπίνην περιεχομένην σώματι λοιμούς τε πόλεσι καὶ γῆς ἀφορίας ἐπάγουσι, καὶ πολέμους καὶ στάσεις ταράττουσιν, ἄχρις οὗ λάβωσι καὶ τύχωσιν οὗ ἐρῶσιν.» 4.3 And again he adds these words to what was said: "For just as among men, so also among demons, there are differences in virtue. In some, the passionate and irrational element is a weak and dim remnant, like a residue, while in others a great deal remains that is hard to extinguish, traces and symbols of which are preserved and guarded in many places by sacrifices, mystery rites, and mythologies scattered about. Concerning the mystical rites, in which one may grasp the greatest manifestations and revelations of the truth about demons, let my mouth keep a reverent silence according to Herodotus. But as for festivals and sacrifices—such as ill-omened and gloomy days on which raw-meat eating, dismemberments, fastings, and beatings of the breast take place, and in many places again obscene language at the sanctuaries, and other frenzies stirred up with head-tossing turmoil—I would say that these are performed for no god, but for the sake of averting evil demons as appeasements. And as for the human sacrifices performed in ancient times, it is neither plausible that gods demanded or accepted them, nor would kings and generals have accepted them in vain, surrendering, consecrating, and slaughtering their own children. Rather, they were appeasing and satisfying the wrath and heavy anger of harsh and sullen destroyers (alastores), or fulfilling the manic lusts of certain spirits who were unable and unwilling to associate with bodies except through bodies. Just as Heracles besieged Oechalia for the sake of a maiden, so strong and violent demons, demanding a human soul enclosed in a body, often bring plagues and barrenness of the earth upon cities, stirring up wars and civil strife, until they obtain and secure what they desire."
4.4 Σαφῶς διὰ τούτων ὁ προδηλωθεὶς φιλόσοφος ὅτι δαίμοσι πονηροῖς τὰ προειρημένα κατὰ πάσας τὰς πόλεις ἐπετελεῖτο παρέστησεν. εἰ δὲ καί τινες ἦσαν ἐν τούτοις, ὥς φασιν, ἀγαθοὶ τὴν φύσιν ἢ καὶ θεοί, τί χρῆν θεραπεύειν τοὺς φαύλους, πρὸς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀπελαύνεσθαι αὐτοὺς δέον; 4.4 Through these statements the aforementioned philosopher clearly demonstrated that the rites described across all cities were performed for evil demons. But if there were among these, as they say, some who were good by nature or even gods, why was it necessary to worship the evil ones, when they ought to have been driven away by the good ones?
4.5 εἰ γὰρ δή τινες ἦσαν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθοὶ προστάται, τούτοις ἐπιθαρσοῦντας τὸ μηδὲν τῶν χειρόνων χρῆν δήπου φροντίζειν, καὶ διὰ σωφρόνων λόγων τε καὶ εὐχῶν, ἀλλὰ μὴ δι’ αἰσχρορρημοσυνῶν τὰς ἐναντίας ἀποτρέπεσθαι δυνάμεις. 4.5 For if they had any good protectors, they ought surely to have taken confidence in them and paid no heed to the worse ones, repelling the opposing powers through prudent words and prayers rather than through obscene language.
4.6 ὅτε δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐδὲν ἔπραττον, βίῳ δ’ αἰσχρῷ καὶ ἀκολάστῳ καὶ ῥήμασιν ἀσέμνοις ὠμοφαγίαις τε καὶ διασπασμοῖς καὶ ἀνθρωποθυσίαις τοῖς πονηροῖς δαίμοσιν καθικέτευον, πῶς καὶ δυνατὸν ἦν αὐτοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα δρῶντας, καὶ τὰ τοῖς φαύλοις κεχαρισμένα διαπραττομένους, τῷ ἐπὶ πάντων θεῷ, ἢ ταῖς ὑπ’ αὐτὸν θείαις δυνάμεσιν, ἢ ὅλως ἀγαθοῖς τισὶ προσοικειοῦσθαι; 4.6 Since, however, they did none of these things, but rather supplicated evil demons through a shameful and licentious lifestyle, unseemly words, raw-meat eating, dismemberments, and human sacrifices, how was it possible for them, acting in such ways and committing things gratifying to the wicked, to be allied with the God over all, or with the divine powers beneath Him, or with any good beings at all?
4.7 ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῖς πᾶσι πρόδηλον ὡς ὁ τὰ φίλα τοῖς φαύλοις ἐπιτελῶν οὐκ ἄν ποτε τῶν ἀγαθῶν γένοιτο προσφιλής. οὐκ ἄρα θεοῖς, οὐδ’ ἀγαθοῖς δαίμοσιν, μόνοις δὲ τοῖς φαύλοις ἐλάτρευον οἱ δεδηλωμένοι. 4.7 Rather, it is evident to all that he who performs what is dear to the evil could never become dear to the good. Therefore, those described were worshipping neither gods nor good demons, but evil ones alone.
4.8 ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦτον πιστοῦται τὸν λόγον ὁ Πλούταρχος ἐν οἷς φησι τὰς μυθικὰς ὡς περὶ θεῶν διηγήσεις λόγους εἶναί τινας περὶ δαιμόνων, τά τε παρ’ Ἕλλησιν ᾀδόμενα γιγαντικά τινα καὶ Τιτανικὰ δαιμονικὰ εἶναι διηγήματα, ὡς καινοτέραν ὑποβάλλειν διάνοιαν. 4.8 Plutarch confirms this argument even further where he says that the mythical stories told about gods are actually certain accounts about demons, and that the Gigantic and Titanic wars sung among the Greeks are demonic narratives, thus suggesting a newer interpretation.
4.9 μήποτε ἄρα τοιαῦτα ἦν τὰ περὶ τῶν πρὸ τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ γιγάντων ἐν τῇ θείᾳ γραφῇ λεγόμενα, τά τε περὶ τῶν τούτους γεγεννηκότων, περὶ ὧν εἴρηται· «ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς θυγατέρας τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὅτι καλαί εἰσιν, ἔλαβον ἑαυτοῖς γυναῖκας ἐκ πασῶν ὧν ἐξελέξαντο· ἀφ’ ὧν ἐγεννήθησαν οἱ γίγαντες οἱ ὀνομαστοὶ ἐξ αἰῶνος.» 4.9 Might not the things said in Holy Scripture concerning the giants before the Flood be of such a nature, as well as the accounts of those who begot them, concerning whom it is said: "And the angels of God saw the daughters of men that they were beautiful, and they took for themselves wives from all whom they chose; from whom were born the giants, the famous men of old"?
4.10 εἴποι γὰρ ἄν τις τούτους ἐκείνους εἶναι, καὶ τὰ ἐκείνων πνεύματα παρὰ τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα ἀνθρώποις τεθεοποιημένα, καὶ τὰς ἐκείνων μάχας, τάς τε πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαστάσεις, καὶ τοὺς πολέμους, ταῦτ’ εἶναι τὰ ὡς περὶ θεῶν μυθευόμενα. λέγει δ’ οὖν ὁ Πλούταρχος ἐν ᾧ συνέταξε λόγῳ «Περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἴσιν καὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίων θεούς» αὐτοῖς ῥήμασι ταῦτα· 4.10 For one might say that these pagan figures were those very beings, and that their spirits were deified among later generations of men, and that their battles, mutual dissensions, and wars were the very things mythologized as being about gods. At any rate, Plutarch, in the treatise he composed On Isis and the Gods of the Egyptians, says these exact words:
Chapter 5
☜ ☞

Eusebius, citing Plutarch, explains that myths involving suffering, dismemberment, flight, or conflict (Osiris, Typhon, Python, Dionysus, Demeter) are not about high, unmixed gods, but about powerful, passion-subject demons. Plutarch cites Empedocles to show that these demons are punished for their transgressions by being cast between the elements until purified. He relates traditions about Apollo's exile after slaying the Python, Kronos's flight after killing local Solymi leaders (Arsalos, Arytos, and Tosibis), and how people came to take names after these ruling demons. He notes that these beings are mortal or subject to departure/death.

Eusebius cites Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles and uses the pagans' own most devout philosopher and revered divine oracles as self-incriminating testimony to dismantle their pagan idolatry.

Porphyry mentions Pan, a "good demon" who appeared to country laborers. Eusebius critically asks: if Pan was truly a good demon, what benefit did his epiphany bring? In reality, as Porphyry himself admits, those granted this vision suffered sudden death (athroos thanatos).
5.1 «Βέλτιον οὖν οἱ τὰ περὶ Τυφῶνα καὶ Ὄσιριν καὶ Ἴσιν ἱστορούμενα μήτε θεῶν πάθη, μήτε ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ δαιμόνων μεγάλων εἶναι νομίζοντες, οὓς καὶ Πλάτων καὶ Πυθαγόρας καὶ Ξενοκράτης καὶ Χρύσιππος, ἑπόμενοι τοῖς πάλαι θεολόγοις, ἐρρωμενεστέρους ἀνθρώπων λέγουσι γεγονέναι, καὶ πολὺ τῇ δυνάμει τὴν φύσιν ὑπερφέροντας ἡμῶν, τὸ δὲ θεῖον οὐκ ἀμιγὲς οὐδὲ ἄκρατον ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ ψυχῆς φύσει καὶ σώματος αἰσθήσει συνειληχός, ἡδονὴν δεχομένην καὶ πόνον, καὶ ὅσα ταύταις γινόμενα ταῖς μεταβολαῖς πάθη τοὺς μὲν μᾶλλον, τοὺς δ’ ἧττον ἐπιταράττει. γίνονται γὰρ ὡς ἐν ἀνθρώποις καὶ δαίμοσιν ἀρετῆς διαφοραὶ καὶ κακίας. τὰ γὰρ γιγαντικὰ καὶ Τιتانικὰ παρ’ Ἔλλησιν ᾀδόμενα, καὶ πολλαί τινες ἄθεσμοι πράξεις, καὶ Πυθῶνος ἀντιτάξεις πρὸς Ἀπόλλωνα, φυγαί τε Διονύσου καὶ πλάναι Δήμητρος, οὐδὲν ἀπολείπουσι τῶν Ὀσιριακῶν καὶ Τυφωνικῶν, ὧν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνέδην ἔξεστι μυθολογουμένων ἀκούειν· ὅσα τε μυστικοῖς ἱεροῖς μυθολογουμένων τελεταῖς ἄρρητα διασώζεται καὶ ἀθέατα, πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ὅμοιον ἔχει λόγον.» 5.1 [Plutarch writes]: "They do better, therefore, who hold that the traditions concerning Typhon, Osiris, and Isis are the experiences neither of gods nor of men, but of great demons—whom Plato, Pythagoras, Xenocrates, and Chrysippus, following the ancient theologians, declare to have been stronger than men and greatly surpassing our nature in power, yet possessing an element of divinity that is neither unmixed nor pure, but combined with the nature of a soul and the perception of a body, capable of receiving pleasure and pain, and whatever passions arise from these changes, which disturb some to a greater degree and others to a lesser. For just as among men, so also among demons, there exist differences in virtue and vice. For the stories sung among the Greeks concerning the Giants and Titans, as well as many lawless deeds, the confrontation of Python against Apollo, the flights of Dionysus, and the wanderings of Demeter, fall in no way short of the stories about Osiris and Typhon, which everyone may hear freely narrated in myths. Moreover, all those secret and unseen rites preserved in mystical sacrifices and initiation ceremonies bear a similar relation to the gods."
5.2 Καὶ ἐπιφέρει λέγων ἑξῆς· «Ἐμπεδοκλῆς δὲ καὶ δίκας φησὶ διδόναι τοὺς δαίμονας ὧν ἂν ἐξαμάρτωσιν καὶ πλημμελήσωσιν· «αἰθέριον μὲν γάρ σφε μένος πόντονδε διώκει, πόντος δ’ ἐς χθονὸς οὖδας ἀπέπτυσε, γαῖα δ’ ἐς αὐγὰς ἠελίου ἀκάμαντος, ὁ δ’ αἰθέρος ἔμβαλε δίναις· ἄλλος δ’ ἐξ ἄλλου δέχεται, στυγέουσι δὲ πάντες·» ἄχρις οὗ κολασθέντες αὖθις τὴν κατὰ φύσιν χώραν καὶ τάξιν ἀπολάβωσι. τούτων δὴ καὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀδελφὰ λέγεσθαί φασι περὶ Τυφῶνος, ὡς δεινὰ μὲν ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ δυσμενείας εἰργάσατο, πάντα πράγματα ταράξας, ἐνέπλησε δὲ κακῶν γῆν ὁμοῦ τε πᾶσαν καὶ θάλασσαν, εἶτα δίκην ἔδωκε.» 5.2 And he continues by saying: "And Empedocles says that demons also pay the penalty for whatever sins and transgressions they commit: 'For the fury of the air chases them into the sea, and the sea spews them onto the soil of the earth, and the earth into the rays of the unwearied sun, and he casts them into the swirls of the air; one receives them from another, and all abhor them;' until, having been punished, they once again recover their natural place and rank. They say that stories kindred to these and such as these are told concerning Typhon, how through envy and malice he wrought terrible deeds, throwing all things into confusion, and filled both the entire earth and the sea with evils, and afterwards paid the penalty."
5.3 Ταῦτα ὁ Πλούταρχος ἐν τῷ δηλωθέντι συγγράμματι παραθέμενος, καὶ διὰ πλειόνων ἐξεργασάμενος τὸν λόγον, τὰ παραπλήσια καὶ ἐν τῷ Περὶ τῶν ἐκλελοιπότων χρηστηρίων τοῦτον ἱστορεῖ τὸν τρόπον· «Ἐκεῖνος οὖν τὴν μαντικὴν ἀνῆγεν εἰς δαίμονάς τινας, πλεῖστον δὲ Δελφῶν λόγον εἶχε, καὶ τῶν λεγομένων περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ἐνταῦθα καὶ δρωμένων ἱερῶν οὐδενὸς ἀνήκοος ἦν, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνα δαιμόνων ἔφασκεν εἶναι πάθη μεγάλα, καὶ ταῦτα δὴ τὰ περὶ τὴν Πυθίαν. τῷ δὲ ἀποκτείναντι μήτε ἐννέα ἐτῶν, μήτε εἰς τὰ Τέμπη γενέσθαι τὴν φυγήν, ἀλλ’ ἐκπεσόντα ἐλθεῖν εἰς ἕτερον κόσμον· ὕστερον δ’ ἐκεῖθεν ἐνιαυτῶν μεγάλων ἐννέα περιόδοις ἁγνὸν γενόμενον, καὶ Φοῖβον ὡς ἀληθῶς κατελθόντα τὸ χρηστήριον παραλαβεῖν, τέως ὑπὸ Θέμιδος φυλασσόμενον. [ὅμοια] δὲ ἔχειν καὶ τὰ Τυφωνικὰ καὶ τὰ Τιτανικά, δαιμόνων μάχας γεγονέναι πρὸς δαίμονας, εἶτα φυγὰς τῶν κρατηθέντων, ἢ δίκας ὑπὸ θεοῦ τῶν ἐξαμαρτόντων, οἷα Τυφών τε λέγεται περὶ Ὄσιριν ἐξαμαρτεῖν καὶ Κρόνος περὶ Οὐρανόν· ὧν ἀμαυρότεραι γεγόνασιν αἱ τιμαὶ παρ’ ἡμῖν, ἢ παντάπασιν ἐκλελοίπασι, μεταστάντων εἰς ἕτερον κόσμον. ἐπεὶ καὶ Σολύμους πυνθάνομαι, τοὺς Λυκίων προσοίκους, ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τιμᾶν τὸν Κρόνον· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀποκτείνας τοὺς ἀρχηγέτας αὐτῶν Ἄρσαλον καὶ Ἄρυτον καὶ Τόσιβιν ἔφυγε, καὶ μετεχώρησεν ὁποιδήποτε—τοῦτο γὰρ οὐκ ἔχουσιν εἰπεῖν—ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀμεληθῆναι, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρσαλον σκιροὺς θεοὺς προσαγορεύεσθαι, καὶ τὰς κατάρας ἐπὶ τούτων ποιεῖσθαι δημοσίᾳ καὶ ἰδίᾳ Λυκίους. τούτοις μὲν οὖν ὅμοια πολλὰ λαβεῖν ἔστιν ἐκ τῶν μυθολογουμένων. εἰ δὲ τοῖς νενομισμένοις τῶν θεῶν ὀνόμασι δαίμονάς τινας καλοῦμεν, οὐ θαυμαστέον, εἶπεν ὁ ξένος· ᾧ γὰρ ἕκαστος συντέτακται, καὶ οὗ τῆς δυνάμεως μετείληχεν, ἀπὸ τούτου φιλεῖ καλεῖσθαι· καὶ γὰρ ἡμῶν ὁ μέν τίς ἐστι Δῖος, ὁ δὲ Ἀθηναῖος, ὁ δὲ Ἀπολλώνιος, ἢ Διονύσιος, ἢ Ἕρμαιος. ἀλλ’ ἔνιοι μὲν ὀρθῶς κατὰ τύχην ἐκλήθησαν, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ μηδὲν προσηκούσας, ἀλλ’ ἐνηλλαγμένας ἐκτήσαντο θεῶν παρωνυμίας.» 5.3 Plutarch, having cited these matters in the declared treatise and elaborated the argument at greater length, records similar views in his On the Obsolescence of Oracles in this manner: "That thinker, then, referred divination to certain demons—he held Delphi in the highest regard, and was by no means ignorant of any of the sacred rites mentioned and performed there concerning Dionysus, but declared that those too were great experiences of demons, as were the affairs concerning the Pythia.

He held that for the slayer [Apollo], the period of exile was neither nine years nor merely to Tempe, but that having been cast out, he came to another world; and later, after nine periods of great years, having become pure, Phoebus truly descended to take over the oracle, which had meanwhile been guarded by Themis.

He held that the stories of Typhon and the Titans were similar—that they were battles of demons against demons, followed by the flight of the defeated or punishment by God for those who sinned, just as Typhon is said to have sinned against Osiris, and Kronos against Uranus. The honors paid to these beings among us have become dimmer or have lapsed entirely, since they have departed to another world.

Indeed, I learn that the Solymi, neighbors of the Lycians, honor Kronos above all; but when he slew their leaders Arsalos, Arytos, and Tosibis and fled, departing to wherever—for this they cannot say—he was neglected, while those around Arsalos were addressed as stern gods, and the Lycians pronounce their curses upon them both publicly and privately. Many such examples may be drawn from mythical lore. 'And if we call certain demons by the customary names of the gods, it is not to be wondered at,' said the stranger. 'For by whichever god each demon is assigned to, and whose power he has shared, from that god he is accustomed to be named. Indeed, among us one man is called Dios, another Athenaios, another Apollonios, Dionysios, or Hermaios. Some were named correctly by chance, but many acquired titles of the gods that did not belong to them at all, but were applied by exchange.'"
5.4 Τοσαῦθ’ ὁ Πλούταρχος ἐν οἷς ἐσπούδασε Περὶ τῶν ἐκλελοιπότων χρηστηρίων, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις καὶ θνήσκειν παριστὰς τοὺς δαίμονας, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ κατὰ τὸν δέοντα καιρὸν παραθήσομαι. 5.4 So much, then, from Plutarch in his treatise On the Obsolescence of Oracles, establishing among other things that demons actually die—a point which I shall also cite at the appropriate time.
5.5 Τέως δὲ φέρε συλλεξώμεθα ὅσα ἄλλα περὶ τῆς τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ὥς φησι, δαιμόνων δυνάμεώς τε καὶ ἐνεργείας αὖθις ὁ τὴν καθ’ ἡμῶν συσκευὴν πεποιημένος ἐν οἷς ἐπέγραψε Περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας ἐκτίθεται· μάλιστα γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ νῦν ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ πολλάκις μάρτυρι χρήσομαι καὶ ἐλέγχῳ τῆς περὶ οὓς ὑπολαμβάνουσι θεοὺς πλάνης, ὡς ἂν ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων βελῶν καὶ τοξευμάτων βαλλόμενοι καταισχύνοιντο. 5.5 For the present, however, come let us collect whatever else the man who devised the plot against us sets forth regarding the power and activity of "good" demons (as he calls them) in his work entitled On the Philosophy from Oracles. For I shall use him now, as often before, as a witness and refutation of the error regarding those whom they suppose to be gods, so that, being struck by their own arrows and missiles, they may be put to shame.
5.6 Οὕτως γὰρ καὶ γένοιτ’ ἂν ἡμῖν ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν τοῖς θεοῖς προσφιλῶν, καὶ δὴ καὶ εὐσεβῶν νενομισμένων, ἀκριβῶς τε τὸν περὶ τῶν οἰκείων λόγον διηρευνηκότων, ἀνελλιπὴς καὶ ἀπαραίτητος ἡ τῶν προκειμένων ἀπόδειξις. 5.6 In this way, our demonstration of the subject before us will become complete and undeniable, coming from the very men who are held to be dear to the gods and pious, and who have meticulously investigated the doctrine concerning their own deities.
5.7 Γράφει δὲ ταῦτα ὁ δεδηλωμένος ἐν οἷς ἐπέγραψε Περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας, ἔνθα μαρτύρεται μὴ τὰ ἀπόρρητα τῶν θεῶν ἐκφαίνειν, ἐπομνύμενός τε αὐτὸς καὶ παραγγέλλων κρύπτειν καὶ μὴ εἰς πολλοὺς ἐκφέρειν τὰ λεχθησόμενα. 5.7 The declared writer writes these things in the work entitled On the Philosophy from Oracles, where he solemnly adjures that the secrets of the gods not be revealed, swearing oaths himself and commanding readers to conceal them and not bring what is said out to the many.
5.8 Τίνα δὲ ἦν τὰ τοιαῦτα; τὸν Πᾶνα Διονύσου φησὶ θεράποντα εἶναι, τοῦτον δὲ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὄντα δαιμόνων ἐπιφανέντα ποτὲ τοῖς κατ’ ἀγρὸν γεωπονοῦσι. τί χρῆν ἀγαθὸν ὄντα παρασχεῖν ἢ πάντως ἀγαθοῦ τινὸς παρουσίαν τοῖς τῆς θεοφανείας τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ κατηξιωμένοις; 5.8 And what kind of things were these? He says that Pan is a servant of Dionysus, and that this Pan, being one of the good demons, once appeared to laborers working in the fields. Now, what ought a good demon to provide, or what presence ought he to bring to those deemed worthy of the epiphany of a good being, if not something altogether good?
5.9 Ἆρ’ οὖν ὑπῆρξεν ἀγαθόν τι τοῖς θεαταῖς τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ δαίμονος, ἢ κακὸν εἰλήχασι δαίμονα, ἔργῳ τῆς πείρας ᾐσθημένοι; φησὶ γοῦν ὁ θαυμάσιος μάρτυς τοὺς τῆς ἀγαθῆς ταύτης θέας ἠξιωμένους ἄθρουν θάνατον ὑπομεῖναι, λέγων ὧδε· 5.9 Did any good thing then come to those who beheld this "good" demon, or did they meet with an evil demon, perceiving it through actual experience? At any rate, that marvelous witness [Porphyry] says that those deemed worthy of this good vision suffered sudden death, speaking as follows:
Chapter 6
☜ ☞

Continuing his critique of Porphyry's claim that Pan is a "good demon," Eusebius cites an oracle from Apollo at Branchidae (Didyma). According to the oracle, when nine woodsmen were found dead in the fields, Apollo revealed that Pan—wandering the forested mountains with a staff and panpipes—had played a piercing tune that terrified the woodsmen. Pan would have slaughtered them all in wild fury had Artemis not restrained his rage.

Eusebius highlights the absurdity of pagan theology: Apollo himself describes Pan’s terrifying shape and deadly actions, yet pagans label him a "good demon." Rather than teaching virtue or benefiting humanity, these spirits bring destruction.

Eusebius notes that Porphyry himself reveals these "good demons" serving erotic passions, delighting in loud drums, flutes, and female shrieks, glorying in war and slaughter, or wandering in perpetual grief (like Isis for Osiris) and fortune-telling (like Apollo).
6.1 Ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις οἱ μὲν θεράποντές τινων ἀνεδείχθησαν, ὡς ὁ Πὰν τοῦ Διονύσου· δεδήλωκε δὲ τοῦτο ὁ ἐν Βραγχίδαις Ἀπόλλων διὰ τούτων. ἐννέα γὰρ εὑρέθησαν ἀποθανόντες· πυνθανομένων οὖν τῶν τὸν ἀγρὸν οἰκούντων τὴν αἰτίαν ἔχρησεν ὁ θεός·

«Χρυσόκερως βλοσυροῖο Διονύσου θεράπων Πάν, βαίνων ὑλήεντα κατ’ οὔρεα, χειρὶ κραταιῇ ῥάβδον ἔχεν, ἑτέρῃ δὲ λιγὺ πνείουσαν ἔμαρπτε σύριγγα γλαφυρήν, Νύμφῃσι δὲ θυμὸν ἔθελγεν· ὀξὺ δὲ συρίξας μέλος ἀνέρας ἐπτοίησεν ὑλοτόμους πάντας, θάμβος δ’ ἔχεν εἰσορόωντας δαίμονος ὀρνυμένου κρυερὸν δέμας οἰστρήεντος. καί νύ κε πάντας ἔμαρψε τέλος κρυεροῦ θανάτοιο, εἰ μή οἱ κότον αἰνὸν ἐνὶ στήθεσσιν ἔχουσα Ἄρτεμις ἀγροτέρη παῦσεν μένεος κρατεροῖο, ἣν καὶ χρὴ λίσσεσθ’, ἵνα σοι γίγνητ’ ἐπαρωγός.» 		6.1 Indeed, in other oracle responses, certain beings are shown to be servants of others, as Pan is of Dionysus; and Apollo at Branchidae revealed this in these verses. For nine men were found dead; and when those living in the countryside inquired as to the cause, the god delivered this oracle:

"Golden-horned Pan, servant of grim Dionysus, as he walked down the wooded mountains, held in his strong hand a staff, while with the other he grasped his hollow pipe breathing clear melody, charming the hearts of the Nymphs; and piping a piercing tune, he threw into panic all the men felling timber, and awe seized them as they beheld the chilling form of the demon rushing in mad fury. And now the doom of chilling death would have seized them all, had not rustic Artemis, holding dire wrath against him in her breast, checked his mighty rage; her you must entreat, that she may become your helper."
6.2 Ἀκήκοας οἷα τοῦ δαίμονος, οὗ φησιν ἀγαθοῦ, τό τε σχῆμα καὶ τὰς πράξεις ὁ ἐν Βραγχίδαις ἔχρησεν Ἀπόλλων· θέα δὴ καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν τὰ γενναῖα κατορθώματα, ὧν δὴ ἕνεκα τὴν οὐράνιον ἀπολελοιπότες διατριβὴν τὴν σὺν ἀνθρώποις ἀντικατηλλάξαντο. 6.2 You have heard what kind of shape and actions Apollo at Branchidae declared in his oracle concerning this demon, whom Porphyry calls "good"! Look now also at the noble exploits of the rest, for the sake of which they abandoned their heavenly abode and exchanged it for life among men.
6.3 Πάντως δήπου χρῆν αὐτοὺς σωφροσύνης κατάρχειν, καὶ τὰ λυσιτελῆ καὶ ὠφέλιμα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὑποτίθεσθαι. οἳ δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐδέν· ἄκουε δ’ οἷα ἐκφαίνει ὁ τὰ ἀρρητότερα τῶν ἀρρήτων διηρευνηκὼς καὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων ἀξιωθεὶς τῆς γνώσεως. 6.3 Surely they ought to have set an example of self-restraint and suggested what is advantageous and beneficial to humanity. But they do nothing of the sort! Listen rather to what he [Porphyry] reveals—he who has investigated the most unutterable of secrets and been deemed worthy of knowing things forbidden to speak.
6.4 Τοτὲ μὲν οὖν τινὰς τῶν ἀγαθῶν τούτων δαιμόνων φησὶν ἐρωτικαῖς ἡδυπαθείαις ὑπηρετεῖσθαι, τοτὲ δ’ ἑτέρους τυμπάνοις καὶ αὐλοῖς καὶ θηλειῶν πατάγοις χαίρειν, ἄλλους δὲ αὖ πάλιν μάχαις καὶ πολέμοις ἀγάλλεσθαι, καὶ κυνηγεσίοις τὴν Ἄρτεμιν καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ γῆς καρποῖς τὴν Δῃῶ· θρηνεῖν δὲ τὸν Ὄσιριν εἰσέτι νῦν τὴν Ἶσιν καὶ τὸν Ἀπόλλω μαντεύεσθαι. τοιαῦται ὧν φασιν ἀγαθῶν δαιμόνων αἱ εἰς ἀνθρώπους ὠφέλειαι. δέχου δὲ καὶ τούτων τὰς ἀποδείξεις. 6.4 At one time, then, he says that some of these "good" demons serve erotic self-indulgences; at another time that others delight in hand-drums, flutes, and the loud din of women; and others again glory in battles and wars, Artemis in hunts, Demeter in the fruits of the earth, while Isis even now mourns Osiris, and Apollo utters oracles. Such are the benefits to humanity from these so-called "good demons." Receive now the proofs of these things as well.
Chapter 7
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In this chapter, Eusebius continues his critique of pagan oracle claims and demonology by exposing the internal contradictions within pagan theology. Eusebius quotes an oracle of Hecate wherein she claims that her words proceed from an all-powerful mind and never fail. He highlights Porphyry’s glaring self-contradiction where the beings demand ritual purity but induce people to commit unlawful acts.
7.1 «Οὐδὲν ἐν ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖς ποτὲ διὰ μάταιον οὐδ’ ἄκραντον ἔλεξε σοφοῖς Ἑκάτη θεοφήταις· ἀλλ’ ἀπὸ παγχράτοιο νόου πατρόθεν κατιοῦσα αἰὲν ἀληθείῃ σελαγίζεται, ἀμφὶ δὲ μῆτις ἔμπεδος ἀρρήκτοισι μένει λογίοις βεβαυῖα. δεσμῷ δ’ οὖν κλήιζε· θεὴν γὰρ ἄγεις με τοσήνδε, ὅσση ψυχῶσαι πανυπέρτατον ἤρκεσα κόσμον.» 7.1 [Hecate speaks in an oracle]: "Never among the immortal gods did Hecate speak a word in vain or unfulfilled to wise prophets; but descending from the fatherly, all-powerful Mind, she shines ever with truth, and steadfast counsel remains around her, established upon unbreakable oracles. Bind me then with magical ties! For you lead me, a goddess so great that I sufficed to give life to the highest cosmos."
7.2 Καὶ μήποτε διὰ τοῦτο τρίμορφος, τριμερὴς τε καὶ ἡ ψυχή. Ταύτης δὲ τὸ μὲν θυμοειδές, τὸ δὲ ἐπιθυμητικόν· ὅθεν καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικὰ καλεῖται. Ταῦτα οὐκ ἐμά, μήτοι νομίσῃς, τοῦ δὲ προειρημένου συγγραφέως ἀκήκοας, οὗ πάλιν ἐστὶ καὶ ταῦτα· 7.2 And perhaps it is for this reason that Hecate is three-formed, since the soul also has three parts: part spirited, and part appetitive—wherefore she is also invoked for erotic matters. Do not suppose these are my own thoughts; you have heard them from the aforementioned author [Porphyry], to whom these words also belong:
7.3 «Πάνυ δέ με θράττει πῶς ὡς κρείττους παρακαλούμενοι ἐπιτάττονται ὡς χείρους· καὶ δίκαιον εἰσθέντες ἰέναι ἀξιοῦντες τὸν θεράποντα, τἄδικα αὐτοὶ κελευσθέντες δρᾶν ὑπομένουσι, καὶ καθαρῷ μὲν μὴ ὄντι ἐξ ἀφροδισίων οὐκ ἂν καλοῦντι ὑπακούσαιεν, αὐτοὶ δ’ ἄγειν εἰς παράνομα ἀφροδίσια τοὺς τυχόντας οὐκ ὀκνοῦσιν.» 7.3 "It disturbs me greatly how, when invoked as superiors, they are commanded as inferiors; and while demanding that their minister enter in a state of righteousness, they themselves endure doing unrighteous deeds when commanded. Furthermore, while they would not obey anyone calling them if he were not clean from sexual intercourse, they do not hesitate themselves to lead ordinary people into unlawful sexual acts!"
7.4 Εὕροις δ’ ἂν καὶ ταῦτα ἐν τῇ Πρὸς Ἀνεβῶ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐπιστολῇ. Ἐν δὲ τῇ προλεχθείσῃ πραγματείᾳ Περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας προστίθησι τοῖς εἰρημένοις λέγων ὧδε·

«Καὶ μὴν ὅ τι ἑκάστῳ ἐπιτέτακται αὐτοὶ δεδηλώκασιν, ὥσπερ ὁ Διδυμαῖος διὰ τούτων·»

(ἦν δ’ ἡ πεῦσις εἰ δεῖ ὀμόσαι τῷ ἐπαγαγόντι τὸν ὅρκον·) 		7.4 You may find these words in the same author's Letter to Anebo the Egyptian. And in the previously mentioned treatise, On the Philosophy from Oracles, he adds to what was said, speaking as follows:

"And indeed, they themselves have declared what task has been assigned to each, just as the god of Didyma did through these verses:"

(Now the inquiry was whether one ought to swear an oath to the party imposing it:)
7.5 «Μητέρι μὲν μακάρων μέλεται Τιτηνίδι Ῥείῃ αὐλοὶ καὶ τυμπάνων πάταγοι καὶ θῆλυς ὅμιλος· Παλλάδι δ’ εὐπήληκι μόθοι καὶ δῆρις Ἐνυοῦς, καὶ βαλίαις σκυλάκεσσι βαθυσκοπέλους ἀνὰ πρῶνας θῆρας ὀρειονόμους ἐλάαν Λητωίδι κούρῃ· Ἥρῃ δ’ εὐκελάδῳ μαλακὴ χύσις ἠέρος ὑγρῆς· λήια δ’ εὐαλδῆ κομέειν σταχυητρόφα Δῃοῖ· Ἴσιδι δ’ αὖ Φαρίῃ, γονίμοις παρὰ χεύμασι Νείλου, μαστεύειν οἴστροισιν ἑὸν πόσιν ἁβρὸν Ὄσιριν.» 7.5 "To the Titan mother of the blessed gods, Rhea, belong pipes, the clash of drums, and the company of women; to Pallas of the fine helmet belong turmoil and the strife of Enyo; to the daughter of Leto [Artemis] belongs driving mountain-roaming beasts over high-peaked heights with spotted hounds; to sweet-sounding Hera belongs the soft outpouring of moist air; to Demeter belongs caring for rich, ear-nourishing crops; and to Pharian Isis, by the fertile streams of the Nile, belongs searching in madness for her delicate husband Osiris."
7.6 Εἰ δὴ οὖν «αὐλοὶ καὶ τυμπάνων πάταγοι καὶ θῆλυς ὅμιλος» μέλεται τῇ μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν, ἀσκητέον δὴ ταῦτα πάσης ἀρετῆς ἀφεμένους, ὅτι μηδὲν σωφροσύνης μηδέ τινος ἄλλης θεοφιλοῦς πράξεως μέλεται τῇ προειρημένῃ, ὡς καὶ τῇ Ἀθηνᾷ μόθοι καὶ μάχαι καὶ πόλεμοι, ἀλλ’ οὐκ εἰρήνη καὶ τὰ ἐν εἰρήνῃ πράγματα. Καὶ τῇ Λητωίδι δὲ κούρῃ, τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι, μελέσθων αἱ βαλίαι σκύλακες, διὰ τὸ κατ’ ἀγροὺς κυνηγὸν οὖσαν τοῖς θηρσὶ πολεμεῖν, ὡς καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις τὰ κατειλεγμένα. Τί οὖν δὴ ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν θεοφιλῆ καὶ μακάριον συντείνοι ἂν βίον; Ἐπίσκεψαι δὲ πότερά σοι θείας εἶναι δοκεῖ φύσεως, ἢ φαύλης καὶ μοχθηροτάτης, τὰ ἑξῆς ἐπιλεγόμενα· 7.6 If, then, "pipes, the clash of drums, and the company of women" are the concern of the mother of the gods, we ought surely to practice these things and abandon all virtue—since the aforementioned goddess cares nothing for self-restraint or any other god-pleasing deed, just as Athena cares for turmoil, battles, and wars, but not for peace or the works of peace! And to the daughter of Leto, Artemis, let spotted hounds be a care, because as a hunter in the fields she makes war on beasts, just as the other things listed belong to the other goddesses. How, then, could these things contribute to a god-loving and blessed life? Consider now whether the words added next seem to you to belong to a divine nature, or to one that is wretched and wicked:
Chapter 8
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Citing Pythagoras of Rhodes and Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles, Eusebius demonstrates that pagan "gods" do not attend sacrifices out of goodwill, but are dragged down by magical compulsion. Eusebius quotes several oracular responses from Hecate and other deities admitting they are forced to leave the heavens. The text cites oracles of Apollo detailing compulsory spells and describing how the prophetic spirit enters a human medium. Porphyry praises these descriptions as clear and natural, explaining prophecy as a physical efflux entering an organic body and using the soul as a base. Eusebius concludes that these passages prove two key points: these beings are coerced into appearing, and they must ask to be dismissed because they cannot even depart on their own authority.
8.1 «Ὀρθῶς καὶ τοῦτο ὁ Ῥόδιος Πυθαγόρας ἀπεφήνατο, ὅτι οὐχ ἥδονται οἱ κλῃζόμενοι ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις θεοί, ἀνάγκῃ δέ τινι ἀκολουθίας συρόμενοι παραγίνονται, καὶ οἱ μὲν μᾶλλον, οἱ δὲ ἧττον. 8.1 [Porphyry writes]: "Pythagoras of Rhodes was right when he declared that the gods invoked at sacrifices take no pleasure in them, but arrive dragged along by a certain necessary sequence of cause and effect—some to a greater degree, and others to a lesser.
8.2 Τινὲς δὲ καὶ ὥσπερ ἔθος ποιησάμενοι τῆς ἑαυτῶν παρουσίας εὐμαρέστερον φοιτῶσι, καὶ μάλιστα ἐὰν καὶ φύσει ἀγαθοὶ τυγχάνωσιν· οἱ δέ, κἂν ἔθος ἔχωσι τοῦ παραγίνεσθαι, βλάβην τινὰ προθυμοῦνται ποιεῖν, καὶ μάλιστα ἐὰν ἀμελέστερόν τις δοκῇ ἀναστρέφεσθαι ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι.» 8.2 And some, having made a habit of their attendance, visit more readily, especially if they happen to be good by nature. But others, even if they are accustomed to attending, strive to cause some harm, especially if one seems to behave somewhat carelessly in these matters."
8.3 Τοῦ γὰρ Πυθαγόρου ταῦτα εἰρηκότος παρετήρησα ἐκ τῶν λογίων ὡς ἀληθές ἐστι τὸ εἰρημένον. Πάντες γὰρ δι’ ἀνάγκην φασὶν ἀφῖχθαι, οὐχ ἁπλῶς δέ, ἀλλ’ οἷον, εἰ χρὴ οὕτω φάναι, πειθανάγκην. 8.3 Pythagoras having said these things, I observed from the oracles that what he said is true. For all the gods say that they have arrived through compulsion—not simply, but through what one might call, if one may speak thus, a persuasive coercion.
8.4 Εἴρηται δ’ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν ἐκεῖνα τὰ τῆς Ἑκάτης, δι’ ὧν φησιν· «Ἐπιφαίνειν ἠέριον μετὰ φέγγος ἀπείριτον, ἀστεροπληθές, ἄχραντον, πολὺ δῶμα θεοῦ λίπον, ἠδ’ ἐπιβαίνω γαίης ζῳοτρόφοιο, τεῇς ὑποθημοσύνῃσι, πειθοῖ τ’ ἀρρήτων ἐπέων, οἷς δὴ φρένα τέρπειν ἀθανάτων ἐδάη θνητὸς βροτός.» 8.4 And those words of Hecate were quoted earlier, through which she says:
"To shine forth aerial light, boundless, star-thronged, and pure, I left the vast dwelling of the god, and step upon life-sustaining earth at your suggestions, and through the persuasion of unutterable words, with which mortal man learned to delight the heart of the immortals."
8.5 Καὶ πάλιν·
«Ἤλυθον εἰσαίουσα τεῆς πολυφράδμονος εὐχῆς, ἣν θνητῶν φύσις εὗρε θεῶν ὑποθημοσύνῃσι.» 		8.5 And again:
"I have come giving ear to your wise prayer, which mortal nature discovered through the suggestions of the gods."
8.6 Καὶ ἔτι σαφέστερον·
«Τίπτε δ’ ἀεὶ θείοντος ἀπ’ αἰθέρος ὧδε χατίζων θειοδάμοις Ἑκάτην με θεὴν ἐκάλεσσας ἀνάγκαις;»
Καὶ ἑξῆς·
«Τοὺς μὲν ἀπορρήτοις ἐρύων ἴυγξιν ἀπ’ αἴθρης ῥῃδίως ἀέκοντας ἐπὶ χθόνα δῖαν ἄγεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ μέσους μεσάτοισιν ἐπεμβεβαῶτας ἀήταις, νόσφι πυρὸς θείοιο, πανομφέας ὥσπερ ὀνείρους, εἰσκρίνεις μερόπεσσιν, ἀεικέα δαίμονας ἕρδων.» 		8.6 And even more clearly:
"Why ever, needing me thus, did you call me, the goddess Hecate, down from swift-running ether by god-subduing compulsions?"
And next, he says that drawing some from the ether with secret spell-wheels (iunges), men easily lead them unwilling onto the divine earth; while others, who tread upon the midmost breezes, apart from divine fire, you introduce to mortals like all-prophetic dreams, doing shameful outrage to the demons.
8.7 Καὶ πάλιν·
«Ἀλλ’ οἱ μὲν καθύπερθε μετήοροι Οὐρανίωνες σπερχόμενοι κούφαισι μεθ’ Ἁρπυίαισι φέρονται· ῥίμφα δὲ θειοδάμοισιν ἐπημύσαντες ἀνάγκαις εἰς χθόν’ ἐπειγόμενοι Δηώϊον ἀίσσουσι, θνητοῖς ἐσσομένων ὑποφήτορες.» Καὶ πάλιν ἄλλος ἀναγκαζόμενος ἔφη· «Κλῦθί μευ οὐκ ἐθέλοντος, ἐπεί μ’ ἐπέδησας ἀνάγκῃ.» 		8.7 And again:
"But those Heavenly Ones high above, rushing impetuously, are borne along with swift Harpies; and bowing swiftly under god-subduing compulsions, hurrying to the earth of Demeter they dart forth, as interpreters of future events to mortals." And again another god, being compelled, said: "Hear me against my will, since you have bound me with compulsion!"
8.8 Ἐπὶ τούτοις πάλιν ὁ συγγραφεύς φησιν·
«Ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐπανάγκους ἑαυτῶν ἐκδιδόασιν, ὡς δηλώσει ὁ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐκδοθεὶς περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἐπάναγκος. 		8.8 Upon these things the writer [Porphyry] says again:
"For they also deliver compulsory spells concerning themselves, as the compulsory spell issued by Apollo concerning himself will show."
8.9 Λέγεται δὲ οὕτως·
«Οὔνομ’ ἀναγκαίης τόδε καρτερὸν ἠδ’ ἔτι βριθύ.»» Καὶ ἐπήγαγε· 		8.9 And it is spoken thus:
"This name of Compulsion is mighty and heavy indeed." And he added:
8.10 «Μόλε δ’ ἐσσυμένως τοισίδε μύθοις, οὓς ἀπ’ ἐμῆς κραδίης ἀνάγω ἱεροῖσι τύποισιν συνθλιβομένου πυρὸς ἁγνοῦ· τολμᾷ δὲ φύσις ταῦτα προφαίνειν τῆς σῆς γενέθλης, ἄμβροτε Παιάν.» 8.10 "Come hastily at these words, which I draw up from my heart in sacred figures, while the holy fire is pressed together; and nature dares to reveal these mysteries of your birth, immortal Paean!"
8.11 Καὶ πάλιν ὁ Ἀπόλλων·
«Ῥεῦμα τὸ Φοιβείης ἀπονεύμενον ὑψόθεν αἴγλης, πνοιῇ ὕπο λιγυρῇ κεκαλυμμένον ἠέρος ἁγνοῦ, θελγόμενον μολπαῖσι καὶ ἀρρήτοις ἐπέεσσι, κάππεσεν ἀμφὶ κάρηνον ἀμωμήτοιο δοχῆος λεπταλέων ὑμένων· μαλακὸν δ’ ἐνέπλησε χιτῶνα, ἀμβολάδην διὰ γαστρὸς ἀνεσσύμενον παλίνορσον· αὐλοῦ δ’ ἐκ βροτέοιο φίλην ἐτεκνώσατο φωνήν.» 		8.11 And again Apollo says:
"A stream departing from Phoebus's high radiance, veiled beneath a whistling draft of pure air, charmed by chants and unutterable words, fell around the head of the blameless receiver, upon his delicate membranes; and it filled his soft tunic, rushing back again upward through his belly; and from the mortal reed-pipe it gave birth to a beloved voice."
8.12 Τούτοις ὁ συγγραφεὺς ἐπιλέγει·
«Τούτων οὔτε σαφέστερα οὔτε θεϊκώτερα καὶ φυσικώτερα γένοιτ’ ἄν. Πνεῦμα γὰρ τὸ κατιὸν καὶ ἀπόρροια ἐκ τῆς ἐπουρανίου δυνάμεως εἰς ὀργανικὸν σῶμα καὶ ἔμψυχον εἰσελθοῦσα, βάσει χρωμένη τῇ ψυχῇ, διὰ τοῦ στόματος ὡς ὀργάνου φωνὴν ἀποδίδωσιν.» 		8.12 To these words the author [Porphyry] subjoins:
"Nothing could be clearer, more divine, or more natural than these verses. For the spirit descending and the efflux from the heavenly power, entering into an organic and living body and using the soul as a base, delivers a voice through the mouth as through an instrument."
8.13 Ἀλλ’ ὅτι μὲν ἀναγκάζονται, ἱκανὰ καὶ ταῦτα παραστῆσαι· ὅτι δὲ καὶ ἀξιοῦσιν ἀπολυθῆναι, ὡς οὐκ ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως κειμένης, μάθοις ἂν ἐκ τούτων· 8.13 Now, these passages are sufficient to establish that they are compelled; but that they also beg to be released—since their departure does not lie within their own power—you may learn from the following passages:
Chapter 9
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Eusebius quotes further oracles from Porphyry's collection showing that the summoned spirits cannot remain long and actively beg to be released. Eusebius delivers a scathing philosophical refutation. He argues that true divinity is by nature impassible, uncoerced, free, and supreme.
9.1 «Ὅτι δὲ σπεύδουσιν ἀναχωρεῖν οἱ κληθέντες θεοὶ δηλώσει τὰ τοιαῦτα, λεγόντων· 'Λύετε λοιπὸν ἄνακτα, βροτὸς θεὸν οὐκέτι χωρεῖ.'» 9.1 [Porphyry writes]: "That the summoned gods hurry to depart will be made clear by passages like these, where they say: 'Release now the King; a mortal can no longer contain a god!'"
9.2 Καὶ πάλιν· «Τίπτ’ ἐπιδευόμενοι δηρὸν βροτὸν αἰκίζεσθε;» 9.2 And again: "Why in your need do you torture a mortal for so long?"
9.3 Καὶ πάλιν· «Ἕρπε, καὶ ὀτραλέως ἐπιέρχεο τόνδε σαώσας.» 9.3 And again: "Depart, and quickly move along, having saved this man!"
9.4 Καὶ πῶς ἀπολύειν αὐτοὺς χρὴ αὐτὸς διδάξει λέγων· «Παύεο δὴ πρόφρων ὀάρων, ἀνάπαυε δὲ φῶτα, ῥάμνων ἐκλύων πολιὸν τύπον, ἠδ’ ἀπὸ γυίων Νειλῴην ὀθόνην χερσὶν στιβαραῖς ἀπαείρας.» 9.4 And how one ought to release them he himself will teach, saying: "Cease willingly now from conversation, and give rest to the man, unbinding the gray form of buckthorn, and lifting from his limbs the Nile linen with strong hands."
9.5 Καὶ τὴν ἀπόλυσιν εἶπεν· «Ὑψίπρῳρον αἶρε ταρσόν, ἴσχε βάξιν ἐκ μυχῶν,» 9.5 And he spoke the form of release: "Raise the high-prowed blade [or foot-blade/oar]; hold speech back from the innermost recesses,"
9.6 καὶ τὰ τούτοις ἐπιλεγόμενα. Οἷς ἐπιφέρει· «Καὶ βραδυνόντων ἀπολῦσαι φησί· ‘Σινδόνας ἀμπέτασον, νεφέλην λῦσόν τε δοχῆα.’» Καὶ πάλιν ἄλλοτε ἀπόλυσιν ἐξέδωκε τοιαύτην· 9.6 and the words following these. Upon which he adds: "And if they delay to release him, he says: 'Spread open the fine linens, and dissolve the cloud-veil of the receiver!'" And again at another time he gave out a dismissal such as this:
9.7 «Ναιάδες Νύμφαι, Μοῦσαι μέγα κλείετε Φοῖβον, ἀείδουσαι ὅσαι ἑκατηβόλον Ἀπόλλωνα.» 9.7 "Naiad Nymphs and Muses, loudly glorify Phoebus, all as many as sing of far-shooting Apollo!"
9.8 Καὶ πάλιν ἄλλοτέ φησι· «Λύσατέ μοι στεφάνους, καί μευ πόδας ὕδατι λευκῷ ῥάνατε, καὶ γραμμὰς ἀπαλείψατε, καί κε μόλοιμι. Χειρὸς δεξιτερῆς δάφνης κλάδον ἄρατε χερσίν, ψήχετέ τ’ ὀφθαλμοὺς διδύμους ῥῖνάς τε προσώπου, ἄρατε φῶτα γαίηθεν ἀναστήσαντες ἑταῖροι.» 9.8 And again at another time he says: "Loosen my garlands, and sprinkle my feet with clear water, and erase the drawn lines, that I may go! Take in your hands a laurel branch from the right hand; wipe both my eyes and the nostrils of my face; lift up the man, my companions, raising him from the earth!"
9.9 Οἷς ἐπιλέγει ὁ συγγραφεύς· «Τὰς γραμμὰς τοίνυν παρακελεύεται ἀπαλείφειν, ἵνα ἀπέλθῃ· ταύτας γὰρ κρατεῖν, καὶ μέντοι καὶ τὸ ἄλλο σχῆμα τῆς ἐνδύσεως, διὰ τὸ φέρειν εἰκονίσματα τῶν κεκλημένων θεῶν.» 9.9 To these words the writer [Porphyry] subjoins: "He commands them, therefore, to erase the drawn lines so that he may depart; for these hold them fast, as well as the rest of the attire's design, because it carries the representations of the summoned gods."
9.10 Δεδεῖχθαι σαφῶς ἡγοῦμαι διὰ τούτων ὅτι μηδὲν τὸ καθόλου θεοπρεπές, μήτε μέγα μήτε ἀληθῶς θεῖον, ἔνεστι τοῖς εἰς τοσοῦτον ταπεινότητος καταπεπτωκόσι πνεύμασιν, ὡς τοῖς τυχοῦσιν ἀνθρώποις ὑποσύρεσθαι καθέλκεσθαί τε οὐ δι’ ἀρετῆς καὶ σοφίας ἀνάληψιν, ἀλλ’ εἰ μόνον τὰ τῆς περιέργου γοητείας μετέλθοιέν τε καὶ διαπράξοιντο. 9.10 I consider it clearly demonstrated through these passages that there is nothing at all god-like, nothing great or truly divine, in spirits that have fallen to such a level of abasement that they are dragged along and pulled down by ordinary human beings—and that, not through the attainment of virtue and wisdom, but merely if men pursue and carry out the practices of inquisitive sorcery.
9.11 Οὔτ’ οὖν ὀρθῶς ὁ Ῥόδιος Πυthagóρας οὔθ’ ὁ τούτῳ ταύτην παρασχὼν τὴν μαρτυρίαν οὔθ’ ὁστισοῦν ἀνθρώπων θεοὺς προσείποι ἂν εὐλόγως, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ ἀγαθοὺς δαίμονας, τοὺς ὑπὸ θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ ταῦτα γοήτων, οὐ κατὰ γνώμην οἰκείαν, βίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ συρομένους, καὶ μηδὲ τῆς τῶν δεσμῶν ἀπολύσεως τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῖς ἔχοντας. 9.11 Neither, then, did Pythagoras of Rhodes, nor he who provided this testimony to him, nor any human being whatsoever, rightly call them gods or even good demons—beings who are dragged along by mortal men (and sorcerers at that!), not according to their own will, but by force and compulsion, not even possessing in themselves the power to release their own bonds.
9.12 Εἰ γὰρ δὴ ἀβίαστον καὶ ἀκατανάγκαστον καὶ πάντων κρεῖττον τὴν φύσιν ἀπαθὲς ὂν καὶ ἐλεύθερον τὸ θεῖον, πῶς ἂν εἶεν θεοί, μαγγανείαις ταῖς διὰ τοιῶνδε σχημάτων καὶ γραμμῶν καὶ τύπων στεφάνοις τε καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ γῆς ἄνθεσι καί τισιν ἄλλοις ἀσήμοις καὶ βαρβάροις ἤχοις τε καὶ φωναῖς κηλούμενοι, καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν ἀνθρώποις χειρούμενοι, καὶ ὡσπερεὶ δεσμοῖς καταδουλούμενοι, ὥστε μηδὲ τὴν αὐτεξούσιον καὶ προαιρετικὴν σώζειν ἐφ’ ἑαυτοῖς δύναμιν; 9.12 For if the divine nature is unforced, uncompelled, superior to all things, passionless, and free, how could they be gods—they who are charmed by sorceries through such forms, lines, and figures, through garlands, flowers from the earth, and certain other meaningless, barbarian sounds and utterances, and who are mastered by ordinary men and enslaved as if in chains, so as not even to preserve in themselves their own self-determining and voluntary power?
9.13 Πῶς δὲ κἂν ἀγαθοὶ δαίμονες λεχθεῖεν βίᾳ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ κατασπώμενοι; Τί γὰρ τὸ αἴτιον τοῦ ἄκοντας, οὐχὶ δὲ αὐτεξουσίους σφᾶς αὐτοὺς τοῖς βοηθείας δεομένοις ἐπιδιδόναι; 9.13 And how could they even be called "good demons," when they are dragged down by force and compulsion? For what is the reason that they give themselves over to those needing help unwillingly, rather than of their own free will?
9.14 Εἰ γὰρ ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ ποιοῦνται τὴν πάροδον ἀγαθοὶ ὄντες, καὶ εἴ τις ἦν ἐξ αὐτῶν ψυχῆς ὠφέλεια, χρῆν δήπου προαιρέσει τὸ ἀγαθὸν ἀσπάζεσθαι, φθάνοντας ταῖς εὐποιίαις τοὺς δεομένους, ἀλλὰ μὴ περιμένειν ἀνάγκην· 9.14 For if, being good, they make their appearance for a good purpose, and if any benefit to the soul came from them, they ought surely to embrace the good by free choice, anticipating those in need with their acts of kindness, rather than waiting for compulsion!
9.15 Εἰ δ’ οὐ καλὸν ἦν οὐδ’ ὠφελοῦν τὸ πραττόμενον, διὸ μηδὲ κατὰ γνώμην αὐτοῖς γίνεσθαι, καὶ πῶς ἂν ἀγαθοὶ εἶεν, τὸ μὴ καλὸν μηδὲ συμφέρον πράττοντες; 9.15 And if what was done was neither noble nor beneficial—which is why it occurred contrary to their own judgment—how could they be good, when doing what is neither noble nor advantageous?
9.16 Πῶς δὲ θαυμάζεσθαι ἄξιοι καὶ θεραπείαις θεῶν τιμᾶσθαι, οἱ καὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσι γόησι τὸν τρόπον πανωλεστάτοις καταδουλούμενοι καὶ τὸ μὴ καλὸν μηδὲ συμφέρον παρὰ γνώμην πράττειν ἀναγκαζόμενοι, ἀγόμενοί τε καὶ καθελκόμενοι, οὐ δι’ ἀποδοχὴν σωφροσύνης ἀνθρώπων, οὐδὲ ἀρετῆς χάριν ἤ τινος μέρους φιλοσοφίας, μεθόδοις δὲ γοήτων ἀπειρημέναις, ἃς ὁ αὐτὸς αὖθις συγγραφεὺς ἐν τῇ Πρὸς τὸν εἰρημένον Αἰγύπτιον ἐπιστολῇ, ὡς ἂν προφήτῃ τἀληθῆ καὶ ἀπόρρητα κοινούμενος, τέθειται, τοὺς λόγους, καθ’ οὓς ταῦτα συντελοῦσιν, ἀξιῶν παρ’ αὐτοῦ διδαχθῆναι; Πυνθάνεται γοῦν ὧδέ πως ἀπορῶν καὶ λέγων· 9.16 And how are they worthy of admiration or to be honored with divine worship, who are enslaved to ordinary sorcerers of the most destructive character, and compelled against their judgment to do what is neither noble nor advantageous—being led and dragged down, not in acceptance of human self-restraint, nor for the sake of virtue or any part of philosophy, but by the forbidden methods of sorcerers? Which methods the same writer [Porphyry], again in his Letter to the Aforementioned Egyptian—as though communicating the truth and secret matters to a prophet—has set forth, requesting to be taught by him the rational principles by which they accomplish these things! At any rate, he inquires somewhat as follows in his perplexity, saying:
Chapter 10
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Eusebius quotes Porphyry’s Letter to Anebo, in which Porphyry exposes the glaring contradictions of pagan magical ritual. Porphyry argues that if gods are truly impassible, compelling them through "god-subduing necessity," phallic rites, or obscene speeches is completely futile. Bothering them with mundane matters is useless. Thus these gods are no gods at all.
10.1 «Πάνυ δέ με θράττει πῶς ὡς κρείττους παρακαλούμενοι ἐπιτάττονται ὡς χείρους, καὶ δίκαιον εἶναι ἀξιοῦντες τὸν θεράποντα τὰ ἄδικα αὐτοὶ κελευσθέντες δρᾶν ὑπομένουσι· καὶ καθαρῷ μὲν μὴ ὄντι ἐξ ἀφροδισίων οὐκ ἂν καλοῦντι ὑπακούσαιεν, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἄγειν εἰς παράνομα ἀφροδίσια τοὺς τυχόντας οὐκ ὀκνοῦσι. 10.1 [Porphyry writes in the Letter to Anebo]: "It perplexes me greatly how beings invoked as superiors are commanded as inferiors, and how, while requiring the minister to be just, they themselves endure doing unjust things when ordered to do so. And while they will not listen to one calling upon them if he is not clean from sexual intercourse, they themselves do not hesitate to lead ordinary people into unlawful sexual acts.
10.2 Καὶ ἀπὸ ἐμψύχων μὲν ἀποχῆς κελεύουσι δεῖν εἶναι τοὺς ὑποφήτας, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν σωμάτων ἀτμοῖς χραίνωνται, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀτμοῖς τοῖς ἀπὸ θυσιῶν μάλιστα δελεάζονται, καὶ νεκροῦ μὲν ἀθιγῆ δεῖν εἶναι τὸν ἐπόπτην, διὰ νεκρῶν δὲ τὰ πολλὰ ζῴων αἱ θεαγωγίαι ἐκτελοῦνται. 10.2 And they order their prophets to abstain from animal food, lest they be defiled by the vapors from bodies, yet they themselves are seduced above all by the vapors from sacrifices; and while the initiate must not touch a corpse, divine invocations are for the most part performed by means of dead animals.
10.3 Πολλῷ δὲ τούτων ἀλογώτερον τὸ μὴ δαίμονι, εἰ τύχοι, ἢ ψυχῇ τεθνηκότος, αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ Ἡλίῳ, ἢ Σελήνῃ, ἤ τινι τῶν κατ’ οὐρανόν, ἄνθρωπον τῷ τυχόντι ὑποχείριον ἀπειλὰς προσφέροντα ἐκφοβεῖν, ψευδόμενον, ἵν’ ἐκεῖνοι ἀληθεύσωσι. 10.3 And far more irrational than these things is that a man subject to any chance circumstance—not to mention uttering threats to a demon or a dead man's soul—should threaten and terrify King Sun himself, or the Moon, or any of the heavenly bodies, lying in order that they might speak the truth!
10.4 Τὸ γὰρ λέγειν ὅτι τὸν οὐρανὸν προσαράξει καὶ τὰ κρυπτὰ τῆς Ἴσιδος ἐκφανεῖ, καὶ τὸ ἐν Ἀβύδῳ ἀπόρρητον δείξει, καὶ τὴν βᾶριν στήσει, καὶ τὰ μέλη τοῦ Ὀσίριδος διασκεδάσει τῷ Τυφῶνι, τίνα οὐχ ὑπερβολὴν ἐμπληξίας μὲν τῷ ἀπειλοῦντι, ἃ μήτε οἶδεν μήτε δύναται, καταλείπει, ταπεινότητος δὲ τοῖς δεδοικόσιν οὕτω κενὸν φόβον καὶ πλάσματα, ὡς κομιδῇ παῖδες ἀνόητοι; 10.4 For to say that he will shatter the sky, and reveal the hidden things of Isis, and display the unspeakable secret at Abydos, and stop the sacred barque, and scatter the limbs of Osiris for Typhon—what extreme folly does this leave in the one threatening what he neither knows nor can do; and what abasement in those who fear such empty terror and fictions, like utter foolish children?
10.5 Καίτοι καὶ Χαιρήμων ὁ ἱερογραμματεὺς ἀναγράφει ταῦτα, ὡς καὶ παρ’ Αἰγυπτίοις θρυλούμενα, καὶ ταῦτά φασιν εἶναι καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα βιαστικώτατα. 10.5 And yet Chaeremon the sacred scribe also records these things as being widely reported among the Egyptians, and they say that these and similar threats are most compulsory.
10.6 Αὐταὶ δὲ αἱ εὐχαὶ τίνα ἔχουσι λόγον, τὸν ἐξ ἰλύος ἀναφανέντα λέγουσαι, καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ λωτῷ καθήμενον, καὶ ἐπὶ πλοίου ναυτιλλόμενον, καὶ καθ’ ὥραν τὰς μορφὰς ἀμείβοντα, καὶ κατὰ ζῴδιον μετασχηματιζόμενον; Οὕτω γάρ φασιν αὐτοπτεῖσθαι, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι τὸ ἴδιον πάθος τῆς αὐτῶν φαντασίας ἐκείνῳ περιάπτουσιν. 10.6 And what rational sense do the prayers themselves have, which speak of him who appeared from the mud, sitting upon the lotus, sailing on a ship, changing his forms according to the hour, and transforming his shape according to the sign of the zodiac? For thus they say he appears to vision, unaware that they attach the specific affection of their own imagination to him!
10.7 Εἰ δὲ συμβολικῶς λέγεται ταῦτα, τῶν ἐκείνου δυνάμεων ὄντα σύμβολα, τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τῶν συμβόλων εἰπάτωσαν. Δῆλον γὰρ ὡς εἰ τοῦ ἡλίου ἦν τὸ πάθος, καθάπερ ἐν ταῖς ἐκλείψεσι, πᾶσιν ἂν ὤφθη ταὐτὸν τοῖς εἰς αὐτὸν ἀτενίζουσι. 10.7 And if these things are spoken symbolically—being symbols of his powers—let them state the interpretation of the symbols. For it is clear that if this were an affection of the Sun itself, as in eclipses, it would be seen as the same by all who gaze upon him.
10.8 Τί δὲ καὶ τὰ ἄσημα βούλεται ὀνόματα καὶ τῶν ἀσήμων τὰ βάρβαρα πρὸ τῶν ἑκάστῳ οἰκείων; Εἰ γὰρ πρὸς τὸ σημαινόμενον ἀφορᾷ τὸ ἀκοῦον, αὐτάρκης ἡ αὐτὴ μένουσα ἔννοια δηλῶσαι, κἂν ὁποιονοῦν ὑπάρχῃ, τοὔνομα. 10.8 And what do the meaningless names mean, and the foreign/barbarian sound of the meaningless names in preference to those native to each speaker? For if the hearer looks to the thing signified, the concept remaining the same is sufficient to make it clear, whatever the name may be.
10.9 Οὐ γάρ που καὶ ὁ καλούμενος Αἰγύπτιος ἦν τῷ γένει· εἰ δὲ καὶ Αἰγύπτιος, ἀλλ’ οὔ τί γε Αἰγυπτίᾳ χρώμενος φωνῇ, οὐδ’ ἀνθρωπείᾳ ὅλως χρώμενος. Ἢ γὰρ γοήτων ἦν ταῦτα πάντα τεχνάσματα καὶ προκαλύμματα διὰ τῶν ἐπιφημιζομένων τῷ θείῳ τῶν περὶ ἡμᾶς γινομένων παθῶν, ἢ λελήθαμεν ἐναντίας ἐννοίας ἔχοντες περὶ τοῦ θείου ἢ αὐτὸ τῷ ὄντι διάκειται.» 10.9 For surely the god being invoked was not Egyptian by race; and even if he were Egyptian, he certainly did not use the Egyptian language, nor human speech at all. Either, then, all these things were the tricks and cloaks of sorcerers who attribute our own human passions to the divine, or we have unknowingly held opinions about the divine contrary to how it is actually disposed."
10.10 Ταῦτ’ εἰπὼν πάλιν ἀπορεῖ πρὸς τὸν Αἰγύπτιον λέγων· «Εἰ δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀπαθεῖς, οἱ δὲ ἐμπαθεῖς, οἷς διὰ τούτων φαλλούς φασιν ἱστάναι καὶ ποιεῖσθαι αἰσχρορρημοσύνας, μάταιοι αἱ θεῶν κλήσεις ἔσονται, προσκλήσεις αὐτῶν ἐπαγγελλόμεναι, καὶ μήνιδος ἐριλάσεις, καὶ ἐκθύσεις, καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον αἱ λεγόμεναι ἀνάγκαι θεῶν. Ἀκήλητον γὰρ καὶ ἀβίαστον καὶ ἀκατανάγκαστον τὸ ἀπαθές.» 10.10 Having said these things, he again expresses his perplexity to the Egyptian, saying: "And if some gods are impassible and others passible—to whom they say men erect phalluses and utter obscenities—the invocations of the gods will be in vain, though claiming to invite them, appease their wrath, and offer sacrifices, and even more so the so-called necessities of the gods. For the impassible is uncharmable, unforced, and uncompelled."
10.11 Καὶ πάλιν ἑξῆς ἐπιλέγει· «Μάτην αὐτοῖς ἡ σοφία ἐξήσκηται περὶ δραπέτου εὑρέσεως, ἢ χωρίου ὠνῆς, ἢ γάμου, εἰ τύχοι, ἢ ἐμπορίας, τὸν θεῖον νοῦν ἐνοχλήσασιν. Εἰ δ’ οὐ παρεῖται μέν, οἱ δὲ συνόντες περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων τἀληθέστατα λέγουσι, περὶ δὲ εὐδαιμονίας οὐδὲν ἀσφαλὲς οὐδ’ ἐχέγγυον, οὐκ ἦσαν ἄρα οὔτε θεοὶ οὔτ’ ἀγαθοὶ δαίμονες, ἀλλ’ ἢ ἐκεῖνος ὁ λεγόμενος πλάνος.» 10.11 And again subjoins next: "In vain has wisdom been practiced by them regarding the finding of a runaway slave, or the purchase of a piece of land, or a marriage, as it may happen, or trade, troubling the divine mind. But if the divine mind is not bypassed, yet those in communion with it speak the absolute truth about other things, but nothing reliable or trustworthy about happiness, then they were neither gods nor good demons, but rather that so-called deceiver."
10.12 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης προκείσθω τῆς Πορφυρίου γραφῆς. Καὶ μὴν καὶ διδάσκαλοί γε τῆς κακοτέχνου γοητείας αὐτοὶ δὴ πρῶτοι οἱ γενναῖοι θεοὶ κατέστησαν. Πόθεν γὰρ ἀνθρώποις παρῆν εἰδέναι ἢ τῶν δαιμόνων αὐτῶν τὰ περὶ ἑαυτῶν ἐξειπόντων καὶ τοὺς καταδέσμους τοὺς κατ’ ἀλλήλων ἐξηγορευκότων; 10.12 [Eusebius resumes]: Let these extracts, then, be set forth to this extent from this work of Porphyry. And indeed, these noble gods themselves were established as the very first teachers of bad-art sorcery! For whence was it possible for men to know these things, except from the demons themselves speaking out about their own nature and declaring the spell-bindings against one another?
10.13 Μηδὲ τοῦτον δὲ ἡμέτερον εἶναι τὸν λόγον ἡγοῦ· οὐδὲν γὰρ τούτων ἡμεῖς ὁμολογοῦμεν οὔτε ἐπίστασθαι οὔτε θέλειν εἰδέναι. Πλὴν εἰς ἔλεγχον τῆς περὶ ταῦτα ἀτοπίας καὶ εἰς ἡμετέραν ὁμοῦ τῆς τούτων ἀναχωρήσεως ἀπολογίαν ὁ τούτων ἡμῖν παρεισήχθω μάρτυς, σοφὸς ὢν ἐν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, καὶ πάντα ἀκριβῶς τὰ οἰκεῖα εἰδώς τε καὶ ὑποτιθέμενος. Ὁ δὴ οὖν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ δηλωθείσῃ τῶν λογίων συναγωγῇ ταῦτα λέγει πρὸς λέξιν· 10.13 And do not consider this argument to be ours; for we acknowledge that we neither know nor wish to know any of these things. Except, for the refutation of the absurdity surrounding these matters and for our joint defense of our departure from them, let this witness be introduced to us—being wise among those well-known to you, and knowing and setting forth all his own tradition accurately. At any rate, the same author, in his aforementioned collection of oracles, speaks as follows word for word:
Chapter 11
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Eusebius introduces this chapter by explaining that the pagan gods/demons themselves revealed all the details of their worship—what pleases them, how they can be coerced, what sacrifices they demand, which days to avoid, and precisely what forms their idols and appearances take. Human pagan religion is thus based entirely on instructions given directly by these spirits.
11.1 Οὐ μόνον δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν αὐτῶν αὐτοὶ μεμηνύκασι, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ εἰρημένα, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷστισι χαίρουσι καὶ κερατοῦνται ὑπηγόρευσαν, καὶ μὴν καὶ τίσιν ἀναγκάζονται, τίνα δὲ δεῖ θύειν, καὶ ἐκ ποίας ἡμέρας ἐκτρέπεσθαι, τό τε σχῆμα τῶν ἀγαλμάτων ποταπὸν δεῖ ποιεῖν, αὐτοί τε ποίοις σχήμασι φαίνονται, ἔν τε ποίοις διατρίβουσι τόποις, καὶ ὅλως ἓν οὐδέν ἐστιν ὃ μὴ παρ’ αὐτῶν μαθόντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὕτως αὐτοὺς ἐτίμησαν. Πολλῶν δ’ ὄντων ἃ τούτων ἐστὶ παραστατικά, ὀλίγα ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν παραθησόμεθα, ἵνα μὴ ἀμάρτυρον τὸν λόγον καταλείπωμεν. 11.1 Not only have they themselves revealed their own way of life and the other matters already mentioned, but they have also dictated what things give them pleasure and make them proud, and indeed by what things they are constrained, what sacrifices ought to be offered, and from which days one must turn away. They have also declared what sort of shape their images should be made, in what forms they themselves appear, and in what places they dwell; in short, there is not a single thing which men did not learn from them when they honored them in this manner. Since there are many passages that demonstrate these things, we shall present a few out of the many, so as not to leave our argument without testimony.
Chapter 12
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Eusebius quotes an oracle of Hecate detailing how to build her image. She commands the practitioner to make a wooden image out of wild rue, ornament it with house lizards, crush the lizards with myrrh, storax, and frankincense, expose the mixture under an increasing moon, and pray while placing the statue inside a shrine made of wild laurel wood.
12.1 Ὅτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα αὐτοὶ ὑπέθεντο πῶς χρὴ ποιεῖν καὶ ἐκ ποίας ὕλης δηλώσει τὰ τῆς Ἑκάτης ἔχοντα τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον·
«Ἀλλὰ τέλει ξόανον κεκαθαρμένον, ὥς σε διδάξω· πηγάνου ἐξ ἀγρίοιο δετὰς ποίει, ἠδ’ ἐπικόσμει ζῴοισιν λεπτοῖσι κατοικιδίοις, ἀσκαλαβώταις· σμύρνης καὶ στύρακος λιβάνοιό τε μίγματα τρίψας σὺν κείνοις ζῴοισι καὶ αἰθριάσας ὑπὸ μήνην αὔξουσαν, τέλει, αὐτὸς ἐπευχόμενος τήνδ’ εὐχήν.» 		12.1 [Porphyry shows] that they themselves suggested how idols ought to be made and from what material, as the oracle concerning Hecate shows, having this form: "Nay, consecrate a purified wooden image, as I shall teach you: Make a bundle out of wild rue, and adorn it with slender domestic creatures, house lizards; grinding a mixture of myrrh, storax, and frankincense together with those creatures, and exposing it under the open sky beneath an increasing moon, consecrate it, praying yourself this prayer."
12.2 Εἶτ’ ἐξέδωκεν εὐχήν, ἐδίδαξέ τε πόσους ληπτέον ἀσκαλαβώτας· «Ὅσσαι μορφαί μοι, τόσσοις ζῴοις σε κελεύω, καὶ σφόδρα ταῦτα τελεῖν· δάφνης δέ μοι αὐτογενέθλου οἴκου ἐμοῦ χώρημα ποιεῖν·
καὶ ἀγάλματι πολλὸν κείνῳ ἐπευχόμενος δι’ ὕπνων τοίαν ἀναθρήσεις.»

Καὶ πάλιν ἄλλοτε ἄγαλμα αὐτῆς ἐξέδωκε τοιοῦτον. 		12.2 Then he set forth the prayer, and taught how many lizards ought to be taken: "As many as are my forms, with so many creatures I command you, and earnestly perform these rites! Make the sanctuary of my shrine out of self-sown laurel wood; and praying much to that image, in your sleep you shall behold such a vision!" And again at another time he set forth another image of her such as this.
Chapter 13
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Sarapis describes his own radiant manifestation alongside Pan, detailing his fierce strength, shining light, and sacred locks flowing down his forehead and beard.
Pan provides a hymn to himself as a two-horned, two-footed, goat-legged god.
Hecate dictates her visual form as resembling radiant Demeter in bright white garments and golden sandals, with long snakes wrapped in orderly coils around her body from head to toe, made of either Parian marble or polished ivory.
13.1 Καὶ περὶ τῶν σχημάτων ὅπως φαντάζονται αὐτοὶ μεμηνύκασιν, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα οὕτω καθιδρύθη. Λέγει γοῦν ὁ Σάραπις ἰδὼν τὸν Πάνα· περὶ ἑαυτοῦ· «Φαιδρὴ μὲν κατὰ δῶμα θεοῦ καταλάμπεται αὐγή· ἦλθε γάρ, ἠντεβόλησε θεὸς μέγας· εἶδεν ἐμεῖο κάρτος ἀμαιμάκετον, λαμπηδόνα φλογμοτύραννον, βόστρυχον ἐκ κεφαλῆς νεάτης χαροποῖσι μετώποις ἀμφὶς ἰαινόμενον πλοχμοῖς θ’ ἱεροῖσι γενείου.» 13.1 And concerning the forms in which they appear, they have themselves revealed them, from which descriptions their idols were accordingly established. At any rate, Sarapis, upon seeing Pan, says concerning himself: "A bright light shines throughout the house of the god; for he came and met with me, the great god; he saw my unconquerable power, a blaze like a tyrant of flame, a lock of hair from the top of my head warming around my bright-eyed brow, and the sacred braids of my beard."
13.2 Καὶ ὁ Πὰν περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ὕμνον ἐδίδαξεν ἔχοντα οὕτως· «Εὔχομαι βροτὸς γεγὼς Πανὶ συμφύτῳ θεῷ, δισσοκέρατι, δισσόποδι, τραγοσκελεῖ, τρυφῶντι.» Καὶ τὰ ἀκόλουθα. 13.2 And Pan taught a hymn concerning himself that goes like this: "Though being mortal, I pray to Pan, my natural god, the two-horned, two-footed, goat-legged, luxurious one!" and what follows.
13.3 Καὶ ἡ Ἑκάτη δὲ περὶ ἑαυτῆς οὕτω φησίν· «Ἤδη μοι σύ γε πάντα ποίει· ξοάνῳ δ’ ἄρ’ ἐν αὐτῷ μορφή μοι πέλεται Δημήτερος ἀγλαοκάρπου, εἵμασι παλλεύκοις, περὶ ποσσὶ δὲ χρυσοπέδιλος· ἀμφὶ δέ τοι ζώνῃ δολιχοὶ δράκοντες, ἴχνεσιν ἀχράντοισιν ἐφερπύζοντες, ἄνωθεν αὐτῆς ἐκ κεφαλῆς ἀρτώμενοι ἐς πόδας ἄκρους, σπειρηδὸν περὶ πᾶσαν ἑλισσόμενοι κατὰ κόσμον.» 13.3 And Hecate also speaks concerning herself thus: "Now then, do all things for me! In the wooden image itself my form is that of glorious-fruited Demeter, clothed in pure white garments, with golden sandals around her feet; and about her belt are long serpents, creeping upon her spotless tracks, suspended from above, from her head to the tips of her feet, winding in coils all around her body in due order."
13.4 «Ὕλη δέ,» φησίν, «ἢ Παρίοιο λίθου, ἢ εὐξέστου ἐλέφαντος.» 13.4 "And the material," she says, "should be either Parian stone or well-polished ivory."
Chapter 14
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Eusebius highlights how the demons present themselves as master sorcerers and astrologers. He quotes oracles attributed to Apollo and Pan detailing specific magical instructions. Then Eusebius sarcastically addresses Porphyry. He concludes that true philosophy should lead men to virtue and happiness rather than forbidden magic.
14.1 Ἐμφαίνουσι δὲ πολλαχοῦ οἱ θεοὶ ἅπερ λέγουσι προσημαίνοντες, τῷ ἑκάστου γινώσκειν τὴν τῆς γενέσεως σύστασιν, εἶναι αὐτούς, εἰ χρὴ οὕτω φάναι, ἄκρους τε μάγους καὶ ἄκρους γενεθλιαλόγους. Καὶ πάλιν ἐν χρησμοῖς ἔφη τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα εἰπεῖν·

«Κλῄζειν Ἑρμείην ἠδ’ Ἠέλιον κατὰ ταὐτά, ἡμέρῃ Ἠελίου, Μήνην δ’ ὅτε τῆσδε παρείη, ἠδὲ Κρόνον καὶ Ῥέαν ἠδ’ ἑξείης Ἀφροδίτην κλήσεσιν ἀφθέγκτοις, ἃς εὗρε μάγων ὄχ’ ἄριστος, τῆς ἑπταφθόγγου βασιλεύς, ὃν πάντες ἴσασιν.»

«Ὀστάνην λέγεις;»

εἰπόντων, ἐπήγαγεν·

«Καὶ σφόδρα· καὶ καθ’ ἕκαστον ἀεὶ θεὸν ἑπτάκι φωνεῖν.» 		14.1 And in many places the gods show, foretelling what they say through each one's knowledge of the constitution of nativity, that they are—if one may say so—master magicians and master astrologers. And again in oracles he [Porphyry] says that Apollo declared: "Invoke Hermes and Helios in the same manner, on the day of Helios; and Moon when her day comes; and Kronos and Rhea, and next in order Aphrodite, with unspoken invocations which the best of magicians by far discovered, the king of the seven-toned scale, whom all men know." When they asked, "Do you mean Ostanes?", he added: "Indeed so! And always call seven times upon each god!"
14.2 Ὁ δ’ αὐτὸς καὶ ταῦτα παρατίθησιν·

«Ἔστι δὲ σύμβολα μὲν τῆς Ἑκάτης κηρὸς τρίχρωμος, ἐκ λευκοῦ καὶ μέλανος καὶ ἐρυθροῦ συνεστώς, ἔχων τύπον Ἑκάτης φερούσης μάστιγα καὶ λαμπάδα καὶ ξίφος, περὶ ἣν εἱλείσθω δράκων· οὐρανοῦ δὲ ἀστέρες οἱ θαλάττιοι πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν πεπατταλευμένοι.»

Ταῦτα γὰρ οἱ θεοὶ αὐτοὶ μεμηνύκασι διὰ τούτων. Λέγει δὲ ὁ Πάν·

«Τούσδε δ’ αὖ ἐλαύνετε, κηρὸν ἐν πυρὸς μένει θέντες αἰόλου χροός· λευκὸς ἔστω καὶ μέλας, καὶ τὸ πῦρ φαεσφόρον ἄνθρακος πεφλεγμένου, δεῖμα νερτέρων κυνῶν, γλύμμα δεινὸν Ἑκάτης. λαμπὰς ἔστω πρὸς χέρας, καὶ ξίφος τὸ ποίνιμον, καὶ δράκων περισταλὴς ἅμμασιν κόρην κρατῶν, δεινὸν ἀμφὶ κρᾶτα θεῖος, αἰόλη τε κλεὶς ὁμοῦ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνων κράτος μάστιγος ψόφος πολύς.» 		14.2 And the same author also sets forth these details: "The symbols of Hecate are three-colored wax, composed of white, black, and red, having the form of Hecate carrying a whip, a torch, and a sword, with a serpent coiled around her; and starfish of the sky [i.e., sea stars] pinned before the doors." For the gods themselves revealed these things through these words. And Pan says: "Drive these ones away again, placing in the fury of fire wax of varied color; let it be white and black, and the light-bearing fire of burning charcoal, a terror to the infernal dogs, a dread carving of Hecate! Let there be a torch for her hands, and a punishing sword, and a serpent coiled in loops holding the maiden, placing a terrible thing around her head, and a gleaming key together, and the power of demons—a great cracking of the whip!"
14.3 Διὰ τούτων καὶ τῶν τούτοις ὁμοίων ὁ γενναῖος Ἑλλήνων φιλόσοφος, ὁ θαυμαστὸς θεολόγος, ὁ τῶν ἀπορρήτων μύστης, τὴν ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίαν ὡς ἀπόρρητα θεῶν περιέχουσαν λόγια παραφαίνει, ἄντικρυς τῆς πονηρᾶς καὶ δαιμονικῆς ἀληθῶς δυνάμεως ἐξαγορεύων τὰς κατ’ ἀνθρώπων ἐνέδρας. Τί γὰρ ἂν εἴη βιωφελὲς ἀνθρώποις ἐκ τῆς κακοτέχνου γοητείας; 14.3 Through these and similar passages, the noble philosopher of the Greeks, the wondrous theologian, the initiate of secrets, reveals his Philosophy from Oracles as containing secret divine utterances—openly declaring the ambushes laid against human beings by the truly evil and demonic power. For what could be beneficial for human life from harmful sorcery?
14.4 Τί δ’ ἂν ἔχοι θεοφιλὲς ἡ τῶν ἀψύχων ξοάνων περιεργία; Ποίας δ’ εἰκὼν ἐνθέου γένοιτ’ ἂν δυνάμεως ἡ τῶν τοιῶνδε σχημάτων μόρφωσις; Τί δ’ οὐ μᾶλλον φιλοσοφεῖν ἢ μαγεύειν καὶ τὰ ἀπειρημένα διώκειν συμβουλεύειν ἐχρῆν, τοῦ κατ’ ἀρετὴν καὶ φιλοσοφίαν τρόπου πρὸς εὐδαίμονα καὶ μακάριον βίον αὐτάρκους τυγχάνοντος; Ὁ δὲ ἐπιτείνων τὸν οἰκεῖον ἔλεγχον προστίθησι τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ ταῦτα· 14.4 And what could the curious tinkering with lifeless wooden images have that is dear to God? Of what divine power could the fashioning of such figures be an image? Why ought he not rather to advise practicing philosophy than practicing magic and pursuing forbidden things, since the way of virtue and philosophy is sufficient for a happy and blessed life? But he, intensifying his own self-refutation, adds to the things already said these details as well:
Chapter 15
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Eusebius continues citing Porphyry's collection of oracles. Hecate explains why gods favor written/engraved magical symbols, comparing human desire for gold and silver to divine fondness for magical seals. Eusebius argues that these passages prove the pagan "gods" are merely earthbound, passion-driven, and body-loving demons.
15.1 «Ὅτι δὲ φιλοῦσι τὰ σύμβολα τῶν χαρακτήρων ἡ Ἑκάτη, παραβάλλουσα πρὸς ἃ φιλοῦσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, μεμήνυκε διὰ τούτων·

‘Τίς βροτὸς οὐ πεπόθηκε χαρακτῆρας ὀπάσασθαι χαλκοῦ καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου αἰγλήεντος; τίς δὲ τάδ’ οὐ φιλέει, τῶν δὴ καθύπερθεν ἐφεστὼς εἰς ἓν ἀγειρόμενος εἴρω πολυμοιρέα φωτῶν;’» 		15.1 [Porphyry notes]: That they love the symbols of magical characters, Hecate revealed through these words, comparing them to the things human beings love:

"What mortal has not longed to possess stamped symbols of bronze and gold and gleaming silver? And who does not love these things, over which I am set from above, gathering into one the manifold fortunes of men?"
15.2 «Οὐ μόνον δ’ ὅτι φίλοι οἱ χαρακτῆρες δεδήλωκεν, ἀλλ’ ὅτι καὶ, ὅπερ ἔφαμεν, αὐτοὶ περιγράφονται, καί εἰσιν οἷον ἐν ἱερῷ χωρίῳ τῇ ὑποκειμένῃ εἰκόνι· ‘Οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ γῆς ὀχεῖσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ γῆς ἱερᾶς ἐδυνήθησαν· ἱερὰ δὲ ἡ εἰκὼν φέρουσα θεοῦ, ἧς ἀρθείσης λέλυται τὸ κρατοῦν ἐπὶ γῆς τὸ θεῖον.’» 15.2 And she showed not only that the characters are dear to them, but also that, as we said, they themselves are circumscribed and held, as if in a sacred place, by the underlying image: "For they were not able to ride upon common earth, but upon sacred earth; and sacred is the image bearing the god, which, if removed, releases the divine force held upon the earth."
15.3 Διὰ δὴ τούτων ἁπάντων ἡγοῦμαι σαφῶς ἐληλέγχθαι ὡς ἄρα περίγειοί τινες καὶ φιλοπαθεῖς δαίμονες ἥλωσαν αὐτῶν ὄντες οἱ θεοί· διό μοι δοκῶ σώφρονι λογισμῷ τὴν ἀποστροφὴν αὐτῶν πεποιῆσθαι. 15.3 [Eusebius resumes]: Through all these passages, therefore, I consider it clearly convicted that their gods are proven to be certain earthbound and passion-dominated demons; wherefore I think I have made my rejection of them with sound reasoning.
15.4 Ὁρᾷς γοῦν ὡς κρατεῖν αὐτοὺς ἔν τισι γῆς χωρίοις τοὺς κατὰ μαγείαν φασὶ τύπους καὶ τοὺς τοιούσδε χαρακτῆρας, δέον, εἴπερ ἄρα θεῖόν τι ἦν ἀληθῶς, μηδ’ ἀλλαχῇ πῃ ἐπιβαίνειν ἢ ἐν μόνῃ ψυχῆς διανοίᾳ, καὶ ταύτῃ παντὸς ῥύπου καὶ πάσης κηλῖδος κεκαθαρμένῃ, σωφροσύνῃ τε καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρεταῖς κεκοσμημένῃ. 15.4 At any rate, you see how they claim that magical figures and such characters hold them fast in certain places of the earth—whereas, if there were truly anything divine about them, it ought not to set foot anywhere else than in the mind of the soul alone, and that soul purified from all filth and every stain, and adorned with temperance, justice, and the other virtues.
15.5 Τούτων γὰρ ἐν ἀνθρώπου ψυχῇ ὡς ἐν ἀληθῶς ἱερῷ χωρίῳ προϋποκειμένων, εἰκότως ἂν ἐπέλθοι θείου πνεύματος παρουσία· οὐδ’ ἂν ἦν ἔτι χρεία τῆς κακοτέχνου γοητείας ταῖς εἰς ὑποδοχὴν τοῦ θείου κατὰ τὴν ἐνάρετον καὶ φιλόθεον πρᾶξιν προηυτρεπισμέναις ψυχαῖς. 15.5 For when these virtues are present beforehand in a human soul as in a truly sacred shrine, the presence of the Divine Spirit would reasonably enter in; nor would there be any further need of harmful sorcery for souls prepared for the reception of the Divine through virtuous and God-loving practice.
15.6 Ὥστε διαρρήδην ἐξ ἀπάντων τούτων περιγείους τινὰς ἁλίσκεσθαι, φιλοπαθεῖς τε καὶ φιλοσωμάτους ὑπάρχειν δαίμονας, περὶ ὧν ἄρτι ἐλέγομεν. Ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἑξῆς τούτοις ἄκουε οἷα ὁ αὐτὸς συγγραφεὺς περὶ τοῦ ἐκλελοιπέναι αὐτῶν τὰ βοώμενα χρηστήρια ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς τίθησι τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον· 15.6 So that explicitly from all these things they are caught being certain earthbound demons, driven by passion and fond of bodies, concerning whom we were just speaking. But now listen to what things next in order the same writer [Porphyry] sets down in the same work concerning the cessation of their famous oracles, in this manner:
Chapter 16
Eusebius quotes Apollo's oracle from Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles. The oracle recounts how countless ancient prophetic springs and exhalations across the earth have vanished, swallowed back into the ground or erased by time. To corroborate Porphyry's admission, Eusebius introduces an excerpt from Plutarch's treatise On the Obsolescence of Oracles.
16.1 «Ἀμφὶ δὲ Πύθω οἱ Κλαρίην τε θεοπρόπα Φοίβου αὐδάσει φάτις ἡμετέρη θεμιτώδεσιν ὀμφαῖς. Μύρια μὲν γαίης μαντήια θέσκελα νώτῳ ἐβλύσθη, πηγαί τε καὶ ἄσθματα δινήεντα· καὶ τὰ μὲν ἂψ χθονίοισιν ὑπαὶ κόλποισιν ἔδεκτο αὐτὴ γαῖα χανοῦσα, τὰ δ’ ὤλεσε μυρίος αἰών. Μούνῳ δ’ ἠελίῳ φαεσιμβρότῳ εἰσέτ’ ἔασιν ἐν Διδύμων γυάλοις Μυκαλήϊον ἔνθεον ὕδωρ, Πυθῶνός τ’ ἀνὰ πέζαν ὑπαὶ Παρνάσιον αἶπος, καὶ κραναὴ Κλαρίη, τρηχὺ στόμα φοιβάδος ὀμφῆς.»

Νικαεῦσι δὲ χρῶν ἔφη·

«Πυθῷον δ’ οὐκ ἔστιν ἀναρρῶσαι λάλον ὀμφήν· ἤδη γὰρ δολιχοῖσιν ἀμαυρωθεῖσα χρόνοισιν βέβληται κληῖδας ἀμαντεύτοιο σιωπῆς. Ῥέξατε δ’ ὡς ἔθος ἐστὶ θεοπρόπα θύματα Φοίβῳ.» 		16.1 [Porphyry quotes Apollo]: "Concerning Pytho and Claros, our utterance will declare the prophetic word of Phoebus with lawful voices. Countless divine oracles burst forth upon the back of the earth, springs and swirling exhalations; and some the earth itself swallowed back open-mouthed into subterranean depths, while endless time destroyed others. Only for Helios who gives light to mortals do there still remain in the hollows of Didyma the inspired Mycalean water, and along the foot of Pytho beneath the Parnassian cliff, and rugged Claros, the harsh mouth of Phoebus’s oracle."

And giving an oracle to the Nicaeans, he said:

"It is not possible to revive the vocal voice of Pytho; for already darkened by long ages, it has cast on the bolts of an unprophetic silence. Yet offer, as is custom, prophetic sacrifices to Phoebus."
16.2 Τούτοις κατὰ καιρὸν ἐνταῦθα προσήκει καὶ τὰ Πλουτάρχου προσθεῖναι ἀφ’ οὗ πεποίηται συγγράμματος Περὶ τῶν ἐκλελοιπότων χρηστηρίων. «Παυσαμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἀμμωνίου, ‘Μαλλόν,’ ἔφην ἐγώ, ‘περὶ τοῦ μαντείου δίελθε ἡμῖν, ὦ Κλεόμβροτε· μεγάλη γὰρ ἡ πάλαι δόξα τῆς ἐκεῖ θεότητος, τὰ δὲ νῦν ἔοικεν ἀπομαραίνεσθαι.’» 16.2 To these passages it is fitting at this point to add also the words of Plutarch from the treatise which he wrote On the Obsolescence of Oracles: "When Ammonius had finished speaking, 'As for Mallus,' I said, 'tell us about the oracle there, Cleombrotus; for great was the old renown of the divinity there, but now it seems to be fading away.'"
16.3 «Τοῦ δὲ Κλεομβρότου σιωπῶντος καὶ κάτω βλέποντος, ὁ Δημήτριος οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖν περὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ πυνθάνεσθαι καὶ διαπορεῖν, τὴν ἐνταῦθα τῶν χρηστηρίων ἀμαύρωσιν, μᾶλλον δὲ πλὴν ἑνὸς ἢ δυοῖν ἁπάντων ἔκλειψιν ὁρῶντας, ἀλλὰ κοινῇ σκοπεῖν δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν οὕτως ἐξησθένηκε.» 16.3 "And when Cleombrotus remained silent and looked down, Demetrius said that there was no need to inquire or puzzle over conditions there, seeing as we do the darkening of the oracles in these parts—or rather the total extinction of all save one or two—but rather we should consider together for what reason they have so completely weakened."
16.4 «Τὰ γὰρ ἄλλα τί δεῖ λέγειν, ὅπου γε τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἕνεκα χρηστηρίων πολύφωνον οὖσαν ἐν τοῖς πρότερον χρόνοις νῦν ἐπιλέλοιπε κομιδῇ, καθάπερ νάματα, καὶ πολὺς ἐπέσχε μαντικῆς αὐχμὸς τὴν χώραν; Οὐδαμοῦ γὰρ ἀλλαχόθι νῦν ἢ περὶ Λεβάδειαν ἡ Βοιωτία παρέχει τοῖς χρῄζουσιν ἀρύσασθαι μαντικῆς· τῶν δ’ ἄλλων τὰ μὲν σιγή, τὰ δὲ παντελὴς ἐρημία κατέσχηκε.»

Ἔτι πρὸς τούτοις ὁ αὐτὸς περὶ τοῦ καὶ θνήσκειν τοὺς αὐτῶν δαίμονας ταῦτά φησι· 		16.4 "For why need we speak of other places, when Boeotia, which was full of many voices of oracles in earlier times, has now failed completely, just like streams, and a great prophetic drought has come over the land? For nowhere else now in Boeotia than around Lebadeia is there provided for those who need to draw from an oracle; while of the rest, silence has seized some, and total desolation others."

In addition to these things, the same writer [Plutarch] says concerning the fact that their demons even die:
Chapter 17
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Eusebius continues quoting Plutarch's De defectu oraculorum. Heracleon argues that assigning human-like sin, error, wandering, and death to demons degrades them. Cleombrotus and Philippus counter that philosopher traditions (Empedocles, Plato, Xenocrates, Chrysippus, Democritus) acknowledge bad, passion-prone, and mortal demons, distinguishing them from fully immortal, impassive gods.
Philippus recounts the famous story told by Epitherses about the death of Pan.
Demetrius describes visiting outer British islands and the death of their demons.
Eusebius highlights the precise historical timing of Great Pan's death: during the reign of Tiberius, exact to the era when Jesus Christ walked the earth casting out demons, binding them, and ending human sacrifices across the pagan world.
17.1 «"Τὸ μὲν ἐφεστᾶναι τοῖς χρηστηρίοις," εἶπε, "μὴ θεούς, οἷς ἀπηλλάχθαι τῶν περὶ γῆν προσῆκόν ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ δαίμονας ὑπηρέτας θεῶν, οὐ δοκεῖ μοι κακῶς ἀξιοῦσθαι. Τὸ δὲ τοῖς δαίμοσι τούτοις, μονονουχὶ δραχμὴν λαμβάνοντας ἐκ τῶν ἐπῶν τῶν Ἐμπεδοκλέους, ἁμαρτίας καὶ ἄτας καὶ πλάνας θεηλάτους ἐπιφέρειν, τελευτῶντας δὲ καὶ θανάτους ὥσπερ ἀνθρώπων ὑποτίθεσθαι, θρασύτερον ἡγοῦμαι καὶ βαρβαρικώτερον."» 17.1 [Heracleon said]: "That those who preside over the oracles are not gods—from whom it is fitting to be set free from earthly concerns—but rather demons, servants of the gods, does not seem to me an unreasonable claim. But to attach to these demons sins, delusions, and god-sent wanderings, almost taking a fee out of the verses of Empedocles, and to presuppose that they end in deaths just like men, I consider to be rather rash and uncivilized."
17.2 «Ἠρώτησεν οὖν ὁ Κλεόμβροτος τὸν Φίλιππον, ὅστις εἴη καὶ ὁπόθεν ὁ νεανίας. Πυθόμενος δὲ τοὔνομα καὶ τὴν πόλιν, "Οὐδὲ ἡμᾶς αὐτούς," ἔφη, "λανθάνομεν, ὦ Ἡρακλέων, ἐν λόγοις ἀτόποις γεγονότες· ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἔστι περὶ πραγμάτων μεγάλων μὴ μεγάλαις προσχρησάμενον ἀρχαῖς ἐπὶ τὸ εἰκὸς τῇ δόξῃ προελθεῖν."» 17.2 Then Cleombrotus asked Philippus who and from where the young man was. Upon learning his name and city, Cleombrotus said: "Neither do we fail to notice, Heracleon, that we have engaged in strange arguments; but it is impossible, when dealing with great matters, to proceed to probable opinion without making use of great principles."
17.3 «"Σὺ δὲ σεαυτὸν λέληθας ὃ δίδως ἀφαιρούμενος· ὁμολογεῖς γὰρ εἶναι δαίμονας, τῷ δὲ μὴ φαύλους ἀξιοῦν εἶναι μηδὲ θνητοὺς οὐκέτι δαίμονας φυλάττεις. Τίνι γὰρ τῶν θεῶν διαφέρουσιν, εἰ καὶ κατ’ οὐσίαν τὸ ἄφθαρτον καὶ κατ’ ἀρετὴν τὸ ἀπαθὲς καὶ ἀναμάρτητον ἔχουσι;"» 17.3 "You yourself have unconsciously taken back what you grant; for you agree that demons exist, but by denying that they can be bad or mortal, you no longer preserve them as demons. For in what do they differ from gods, if they possess immortality by essence and impassivity and sinlessness by virtue?"
17.4 «Πρὸς ταῦτα τοῦ Ἡρακλέωνος σιωπῇ διανοουμένου τι πρὸς αὑτόν, ὁ Φίλιππος· "Ἀλλὰ φαύλους μὲν δαίμονας οὐκ Ἐμπεδοκλῆς μόνον, ὦ Ἡρακλέων, ἀπέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Πλάτων καὶ Ξενοκράτης καὶ Χρύσιππος· ἔτι δὲ Δημόκριτος εὐχόμενος εὐλόγχων εἰδώλων τυγχάνειν δῆλος ἦν ἕτερα δυστράπελα καὶ μοχθηρὰς γινώσκων ἔχοντα προαιρέσεις τινὰς καὶ ὁρμάς."» 17.4 While Heracleon was quietly reflecting on this to himself, Philippus said: "It is not Empedocles alone, Heracleon, who left behind bad demons, but also Plato, Xenocrates, and Chrysippus; and further Democritus, when praying to meet with fortunate images, clearly knew that others were sinister and malignant, possessing bad intentions and impulses."
17.5 «"Περὶ δὲ τοῦ θανάτου τῶν τοιούτων ἀκήκοα λόγον ἀνδρὸς οὐκ ἄφρονος οὐδὲ ἀλαζόνος. Αἰμιλιανοῦ γὰρ τοῦ ῥήτορος, οὗ καὶ ἡμῶν ἔνιοι διακηκόασιν, Ἐπιθέρσης ἦν πατήρ, ἐμὸς πολίτης καὶ διδάσκαλος γραμματικῶν."» 17.5 "And concerning the death of such beings, I have heard a story from a man who was neither foolish nor a boaster. For Epitherses, the father of Aemilianus the rhetorician (whom some of us have heard lecture), was my fellow-townsman and grammar teacher."
17.6 «"Οὗτος ἔφη ποτὲ πλέων εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐπιβῆναι νεὼς ἐμπορικὰ χρήματα καὶ συχνοὺς ἐπιβάτας ἀγούσης· ἐσπέρας δ’ ἤδη περὶ τὰς Ἐχινάδας νήσους ἀποσβῆναι τὸ πνεῦμα, καὶ τὴν ναῦν διαφερομένην πλησίον γενέσθαι Παξῶν· ἐγρηγορέναι δὲ τοὺς πλείστους καὶ πίνειν, ἐπεὶ δεδειπνηκότες ἦσαν· ἐξαίφνης δὲ φωνῆς ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου τῶν Παξῶν ἀκουσθῆναι, Θαμοῦν τινος βοῇ καλοῦντος, ὥστε θαυμάζειν· ὁ γὰρ Θαμοῦς Αἰγύπτιος ἦν κυβερνήτης, οὐδὲ τῶν ἐμπλεόντων γνώριμος πολλοῖς ἀπ’ ὀνόματος. Δὶς μὲν οὖν κληθέντα σιωπῆσαι, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ὑπακοῦσαι τῷ καλοῦντι, κἀκεῖνον ἐπιτείναντα τὴν φωνὴν εἰπεῖν· 'Ὁπόταν γένῃ κατὰ τὸ Παλῶδες, ἀπάγγειλον ὅτι Πὰν ὁ μέγας τέθνηκεν.'"» 17.6 "He said that once, when sailing to Italy, he boarded a ship carrying commercial cargo and many passengers. Already in the evening near the Echinades islands, the wind died down, and the vessel drifting along came near Paxi. Most of the passengers were awake and drinking, having finished dinner. Suddenly a voice was heard from the island of Paxi, calling loudly for a certain 'Thamus', so that everyone was amazed. For Thamus was an Egyptian pilot, not even known by name to many on board. Called twice, he kept silent, but the third time he answered the caller, who then raised his voice and said: 'Whenever you reach Palodes, announce that Great Pan is dead.'"
17.7 «"Τοῦτο ἀκούσαντας ὁ Ἐπιθέρσης ἔφη πάντας ἐκπλαγῆναι, καὶ διδόντας ἑαυτοῖς λόγον, εἴτε ποιῆσαι βέλτιον εἴη τὸ προστεταγμένον εἴτε μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν ἀλλ’ ἐᾶν, οὕτω γνῶναι τὸν Θαμοῦν· εἰ μὲν εἴη πνεῦμα, παραπλεῖν ἡσυχίαν ἔχοντα, νηνεμίας δὲ καὶ γαλήνης περὶ τὸν τόπον γενομένης ἀνειπεῖν ἃ ἤκουσεν."» 17.7 "Epitherses said that upon hearing this, all were astounded, and in debating among themselves whether it were better to do what was commanded or not to meddle but let it go, Thamus decided thus: if there were a breeze, he would sail past in silence; but if a calm and quiet sea prevailed near the place, he would announce what he had heard."
17.8 «"Ὡς οὖν ἐγένετο κατὰ τὸ Παλῶδες, οὔτε πνεύματος ὄντος οὔτε κλύδωνος, ἐκ πρύμνης βλέποντα τὸν Θαμοῦν πρὸς τὴν γῆν εἰπεῖν, ὥσπερ ἤκουσεν, ὅτι 'Πὰν ὁ μέγας τέθνηκεν'· οὐ φθῆναι δὲ παυσάμενον αὐτόν, καὶ γενέσθαι μέγαν οὐχ ἑνός, ἀλλὰ πολλῶν στεναγμόν, ἅμα θαυμασμῷ μεμιγμένον."» 17.8 "When therefore he arrived at Palodes, there being neither wind nor wave, Thamus looked out from the stern toward the land and said, just as he had heard: 'Great Pan is dead.' He had not yet finished speaking when there arose a great groaning, not of one, but of many, mixed with astonishment."
17.9 «"Οἷα δὲ πολλῶν ἀνθρώπων παρόντων, ταχὺ τὸν λόγον ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ σκεδασθῆναι, καὶ Θαμοῦν γενέσθαι μετάπεμπτον ὑπὸ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος· οὕτω δὲ πιστεῦσαι τῷ λόγῳ τὸν Τιβέριον, ὥστε διαπυνθάνεσθαι καὶ ζητεῖν περὶ τοῦ Πανός· εἰκάζειν δὲ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φιλολόγους συχνοὺς ὄντας τὸν ἐξ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Πηνελόπης γεγενημένον."» 17.9 "And since many people were present, the report quickly spread in Rome, and Thamus was summoned by Tiberius Caesar. Tiberius believed the story so thoroughly that he inquired and searched into the matter concerning Pan; and the many scholars around him conjectured that he was the son born of Hermes and Penelope."
17.10 «Ὁ μὲν οὖν Φίλιππος εἶχε τῶν παρόντων ἐνίους μάρτυρας, Αἰμιλιανοῦ τοῦ γέροντος ἀκηκοότας· ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἔφη τῶν περὶ τὴν Βρεττανίαν νήσων εἶναι πολλὰς ἐρήμους σποράδας, ὧν ἐνίας δαιμόνων καὶ ἡρώων ὀνομάζεσθαι· πλεῦσαι δὲ αὐτὸς ἱστορίας καὶ θέας ἕνεκα πομπῇ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὴν ἔγγιστα κειμένην τῶν ἐρήμων, ἔχουσαν οὐ πολλοὺς ἐποικοῦντας, ἱεροὺς δὲ καὶ ἀσύλους πάντας ὑπὸ τῶν Βρεττανῶν ὄντας.» 17.10 Philippus had some of those present as witnesses who had heard the story from old Aemilianus himself. And Demetrius said that among the islands around Britain there were many deserted and scattered, some of which were named after demons and heroes. He himself had sailed, for the sake of history and observation, by order of the king to the nearest of the deserted islands, which had few inhabitants, but all held sacred and inviolable by the Britons.
17.11 «Ἀφιγμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ νεωστὶ εἰς σύγχυσιν μεγάλην περὶ τὸν ἀέρα καὶ διοσημίας πολλὰς γενέσθαι, καὶ πνεύματα καταρραγῆναι, καὶ πεσεῖν πρηστῆρας· ἐπεὶ δ’ ἐλώφησε, λέγειν τοὺς νησιώτας ὅτι τῶν κρειττόνων τινὸς ἔκλειψις γέγονεν· ὡς γὰρ λύχνος ἀναπτόμενος, φάναι, δεινὸν οὐδὲν ἔχει, σβεννύμενος δὲ πολλοῖς λυπηρός ἐστιν, οὕτως αἱ μεγάλαι ψυχαὶ τὰς μὲν ἀναλάμψεις εὐμενεῖς καὶ ἀλύπους ἔχουσιν, αἱ δὲ σβέσεις αὐτῶν καὶ φθοραὶ πολλάκις μέν, ὡς νῦν, πνεύματα καὶ χαλάζας τρέφουσι, πολλάκις δὲ λοιμικοῖς πάθεσι τὸν ἀέρα φαρμάττουσιν.» 17.11 When he had recently arrived, a great confusion in the air and many atmospheric signs occurred, and gales broke out, and squalls fell. When it subsided, the islanders said that an extinction of one of the higher beings had occurred; for just as a lamp when lit causes no hardship, but when extinguished is distressing to many, so great souls have benign and painless enlightenments, but their extinctions and destructions often (as now) breed winds and hailstorms, and often poison the air with pestilential afflictions.
17.12 «Ἐκεῖ μέντοι μίαν εἶναι νῆσον, ἐν ᾗ τὸν Κρόνον καθεῖρχθαι φρουρούμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ Βριάρεω καθεύδοντα· δεσμὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸν ὕπνον μεμηχανῆσθαι· πολλοὺς δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν εἶναι δαίμονας ὀπαδοὺς καὶ θεράποντας.» 17.12 There, however, they said one island exists in which Kronos is imprisoned, guarded by Briareus while sleeping; for sleep was devised as a bond for him, and around him are many demons as attendants and servants.
17.13 Τοσαῦτα ὁ Πλούταρχος. Ἐπιτηρῆσαι δὲ ἄξιον τὸν καιρὸν ἐν ᾧ φησι τὸν θάνατον γεγονέναι τοῦ δαίμονος· οὗτος δὲ ἦν ὁ κατὰ Τιβέριον, καθ’ ὃν ὁ ἡμέτερος σωτὴρ τὰς σὺν ἀνθρώποις ποιούμενος διατριβὰς πᾶν γένος δαιμόνων ἐξελαύνειν τοῦ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀναγέγραπται βίου, ὥστε ἤδη τινὰς τῶν δαιμόνων γονυπετεῖν αὐτόν, καὶ ἱκετεύειν μὴ τῷ περιμένοντι αὐτοὺς Ταρτάρῳ παραδοῦναι. 17.13 [Eusebius resumes]: So far Plutarch. It is worth noting the exact time in which he says the death of the demon occurred: this was during the time of Tiberius, in which our Savior, making his dwelling among men, is recorded to have driven out every kind of demon from human life, so that already some of the demons fell at his feet and implored him not to deliver them over to the Tartarus awaiting them.
17.14 Ἔχεις οὖν καὶ τῆς τῶν δαιμόνων καθαιρέσεως τὸν χρόνον, οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἐξ αἰῶνος ἱστορηθείσης, ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ τῆς ἀνθρωποθυσίας τῶν ἐθνῶν τὴν κατάλυσιν οὐκ ἄλλοτε ἢ μετὰ τὸ προελθὸν εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους κήρυγμα τῆς εὐαγγελικῆς διδασκαλίας γεγενημένην. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν ἀπὸ τῆς νεωτέρας ἱστορίας ἐληλέγχθω. 17.14 You have therefore the time of the overthrow of demons—a thing never recorded in any previous age—just as also the abolition of human sacrifice among the nations occurred at no other time than after the proclamation of the Gospel teaching went forth to all men. Let these matters, then, stand proven for us from recent history.
Chapter 18
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Eusebius pivots from esoteric arguments to well-known, public oracular history taught in classical education. First there is the plague of Athens and the Oracle's cruel demonic remedy. Apollo orders the Athenians to send 14 innocent youths to be slaughtered as a tribute to Minos each year. Even Porphyry admits the error of such sorcery and oracles.
18.1 Ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ μὴ τοῖς πᾶσι γνώριμα τυγχάνει τὰ εἰρημένα, εὖ μοι δοκεῖ ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ τὰ πᾶσι πρόδηλα τοῖς φιλολόγοις μεταβῆναι, καὶ τοὺς παλαιτάτους τῷ χρόνῳ χρησμοὺς ἐξετάσαι ἀνὰ στόμα πάντων Ἑλλήνων ᾀδομένους, κἀν ταῖς κατὰ πόλιν διατριβαῖς τοῖς ἐπὶ παιδείᾳ φοιτῶσι παραδιδομένους. 18.1 But since what has been said may not be familiar to everyone, it seems best to me to pass from here to those matters that are plain to all lovers of learning, and to examine the oldest oracles in point of time, which are sung on the lips of all Greeks and handed down in the school sessions of every city to those pursuing an education.
18.2 Ἄνωθεν τοίνυν ἀναλαβὼν τὰς παλαιὰς ἱστορίας ἐπίσκεψαι οἷα ὁ Πύθιος Ἀθηναίοις χρᾷ λοιμῷ πιεσθεῖσι διὰ τὴν Ἀνδρόγεω τελευτήν. Ἐλοίμωσσον δὲ πάντες Ἀθηναῖοι δι’ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς θάνατον, τῆς δ’ ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἐπικουρίας τυχεῖν ἠξίουν. 18.2 Taking up the ancient histories from early times, consider what response the Pythian god gave to the Athenians when they were oppressed by a plague because of the death of Androgeos. All the Athenians were suffering from plague on account of the death of one man, and they deemed it right to obtain help from the gods.
18.3 Τί ποτ’ οὖν αὐτοῖς ὁ σωτὴρ καὶ θεὸς παραινεῖ; Τάχα πού τις οἰήσεται δικαιοσύνης τοῦ λοιποῦ καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἐπιμέλεσθαι καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς, ἢ μετανοεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ πλημμελήματι, καί τι τῶν ὁσίων καὶ εὐσεβῶν ἐκτελεῖν, ὡς ἂν τῶν θεῶν τούτοις ἱλασκομένων. Ἀλλὰ τούτων μὲν ἦν οὐδέν. 18.3 What then does their savior and god advise them? Perhaps someone will suppose he tells them to cultivate justice, humanity, and the rest of virtue for the future, or to repent for their offense and perform some holy and pious deeds, as if the gods were appeased by such things. But it was nothing of the kind.
18.4 Τί γὰρ δὴ καὶ μέλον ἦν τούτων τοῖς θαυμασίοις θεοῖς, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς παμπονήροις δαίμοσι; Πάλιν οὖν τὰ αὐτοῖς συγγενῆ καὶ οἰκεῖα, τὰ ἀνηλεῆ καὶ ὠμὰ καὶ ἀπάνθρωπα, λοιμὸν ἐπὶ λοιμῷ φασι καὶ θανάτους ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. 18.4 For what care had these marvelous gods—or rather these utterly wicked demons—for such things? Once again, prescribing what was kindred and proper to themselves—merciless, cruel, and inhuman measures—they decree plague upon plague and deaths upon deaths.
18.5 Κελεύει γοῦν ὁ Ἀπόλλων ἔτους ἑκάστου πέμπειν αὐτοὺς τῶν ἰδίων παίδων ἄρρενας ἐνήβους ἑπτὰ καὶ θηλειῶν ἰσαρίθμους παρθένους, ἀνθ’ ἑνὸς δέκα καὶ τέσσαρας ἀναιτίους καὶ ἀπράγμονας, οὐκ εἰς ἅπαξ, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ πᾶν ἔτος τυθησομένους ἐν Κρήτῃ παρὰ τῷ Μίνωϊ· ὥστε καὶ μέχρι τῶν τοῦ Σωκράτους χρόνων πλέον ἢ πεντακοσίοις ὕστερον ἔτεσιν ὁ δεινὸς οὗτος καὶ ἀπανθρωπότατος δασμὸς μνήμην παρ’ Ἀθηναίοις διεφύλαττε. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἄρα τὸ καὶ Σωκράτει τὴν ἀναβολὴν τοῦ θανάτου πεποιημένον. 18.5 At any rate, Apollo commands them to send every year seven young male children of their own and an equal number of young maidens—fourteen innocent and blameless youths in exchange for one man—not just once, but to be sacrificed every year in Crete to Minos. Consequently, even down to the times of Socrates, more than five hundred years later, the memory of this terrible and most inhuman tribute was preserved among the Athenians. (This, as it turns out, was also the reason for the delay of Socrates' death.)
18.6 Τίθησι γοῦν ὁμοῦ καὶ ἀπελέγχει τὸν χρησμὸν εὖ μάλα τις τῶν νέων ἀνδρικῷ λογισμῷ γοήτων φωρὰν ἐν οἰκείῳ συγγράμματι πεποιημένος. Ἀλλὰ μὴ τῶν ἐμῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοῦ τῶν φωνῶν ἄκουε, πρὸς τὸν χρησμῳδὸν ὧδέ πως ἀποτεινομένου· 18.6 Indeed, one of the recent philosophers, having made a exposure of sorcerers in his own treatise with manly reasoning, sets forth and thoroughly refutes this oracle. Listen not to my words, but to his very own voice, addressed to the oracle-monger in roughly these terms:
Chapter 19
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Porphyry confronts Apollo, asking why he wants 14 youths to pay for the death of Androgeos and ignores the death of many others as well as the guilty killer of Androgeos.
19.1 «Τί δ’; Οὐκ Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν Ἀνδρόγεων ἀποκτείναντες, καὶ λοιμώξαντες ἐπὶ τούτῳ, εἶπον ἂν μετανοεῖν; Ἢ μὴ λεγόντων, οὐ σὲ προσῆκον ἦν εἰπεῖν· “Μετανοεῖτε, μᾶλλον ἢ λοιμοῦ καὶ λιμοῦ τέλος ἔσεται, ἤνπερ ἑαυτῶν σώματ’ ἀπὸ κλήρου ἄρρεν καὶ θῆλυ νέμητε Μίνῳ, εἰς ἅλα δῖαν ἀποστέλλοντες, ἀμοιβὴν τῶν ἀδίκων ἔργων· οὕτω θεὸς ἴλαος ἔσται”; 19.1 "Why so? If the Athenians had killed Androgeos and suffered plague on account of it, would they not have agreed to repent? Or, even if they did not mention it, was it not fitting for you [Apollo] to say: 'Repent! rather than: There shall be an end of plague and famine if you assign your own children, male and female by lot, to Minos, sending them across the divine sea as a payment for your unjust deeds; thus shall the god be propitious'?
19.2 Ἐῶ γὰρ τὸ Ἀνδρόγεω μὲν Ἀθήνησιν ἀποθανόντος ὑμᾶς ἀγανακτεῖν, τῶν δὲ τοσούτων καὶ πανταχόθι καὶ πάντοτε καθεύδειν. Καίτοι εἰδὼς ὅτι ἐθαλασσοκράτει τότε ὁ Μίνως, καὶ μέγα ἐδύνατο, καὶ πᾶσα ἡ Ἑλλὰς αὐτὸν ἐθεράπευε, καὶ ἦν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δικαιότατος, καὶ νομοθέτης ἀγαθός, καὶ Ὁμήρῳ ἐδόκει Διὸς μεγάλου εἶναι ὀαριστής, καὶ ἀποθανὼν ἐν Ἅιδου δικαστής, καὶ σὺ διὰ τοῦθ’ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τὰς δίκας ταύτας εἰσεπράττου. 19.2 For I pass over the fact that while you grew indignant when Androgeos died at Athens, you slept through so many other murders happening everywhere and at all times. And yet, knowing that Minos then ruled the seas and possessed great power, and that all Greece courted his favor, he was—for this reason, it seems!—considered 'most just' and a 'good lawgiver,' and appeared to Homer as a 'confidant of great Zeus' and after death a 'judge in Hades'; and for this reason you exacted these penalties on his behalf!
19.3 Ἀλλὰ παραλείπω γε οὐδὲν ταῦτα ὑμῶν, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς φονεῖς ἐάσαντες τοὺς οὐδὲν αἰτίους πέμπειν ἐκελεύετε ἀποθανουμένους, καὶ τοῦτ’ ἐπ’ ἄνδρα, ὃν ἀναδεικνύναι ἐμέλλετε κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων δικαστήν, ὃς οὐδ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἠπίστατο δικάσαι. Καίτοι πόσους ὑμεῖς οἱ θεοὶ ἀντὶ τούτων τῶν κορῶν δίκαιοι πέμπειν ἐστὲ Ἀθηναίοις, οὓς ἀδίκως Ἀνδρόγεω ἀπεκτείνατε;» 19.3 Indeed, these actions of yours are in no way far removed from your usual character—releasing the actual murderers while commanding them to send those who were in no way guilty to suffer death! And this you did for a man whom you were about to display as a common judge of humanity—a man who did not even know how to judge this very matter justly. And yet, how many youths ought you gods in justice to send to the Athenians in exchange for these maidens whom you unjustly destroyed on account of Androgeos?"
19.4 Ὁ δ’ αὐτὸς οὗτος συγγραφεὺς ὁπόσοις ὁ Ἀπόλλων διὰ τῆς τῶν χρησμῶν ἀμφιβολίας θανάτου αἴτιος γέγονε, τὴν ἀμφὶ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἀναλαβὼν ἱστορίαν, εὐθύνει λέγων οὕτως· 19.4 Taking up the history concerning the Heracleidae, this same author calls Apollo to account for how many people he caused the death of through the ambiguity of his oracles, speaking in the following manner:
Chapter 20
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When Heracleidae intended to invade the Peloponnese, the oracle Apollo gave him wrong advice. When Temenus's expedition suffers a plague after killing the prophet Carnus, Apollo blames the plague on Carnus’s murder. When king Croesus asks Apollo for divine aid against Cyrus and the Persians, he gets a cryptic answer, "A great empire will be destroyed."
20.1 «Ἐπεὶ δέ πως ἐπεμνήσθην τοῦδε τοῦ λόγου, φέρε τὰ καθήκοντα διέλθω τοῦ κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας διηγήματος. Οὔτοι γάρ ποθ’ ὡρμημένοι κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν εἰσβαλεῖν εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἐσφάλησαν. Ἀριστόμαχος οὖν ὁ Ἀριστοδίκου, ἐπειδὴ ὁ πατὴρ ἀποτεθνήκει ἐν τῇ εἰσβολῇ, ἔρχεται ἀκουσόμενος παρὰ σοῦ περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ· ἐπεθύμει δὲ ὥσπερ καὶ ὁ πατήρ. 20.1 "Now since I happened to mention this account, come, let me relate the relevant parts of the narrative concerning the Heracleidae. For when they once set out to invade the Peloponnese by way of the Isthmus, they were defeated. Aristomachus then, the son of Aristodicus, after his father had died in the invasion, came to consult you [Apollo] about the route; for he too desired to invade just as his father had.
20.2 Σὺ δ’ αὐτῷ λέγεις· “Νίκην σοι φαίνουσι θεοὶ δι’ ὁδοῦ στενύγρου.” Καὶ ὃς κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ὥρμησεν ἐπιχειρεῖν, καὶ μάχῃ τελευτᾷ. Τούτου υἱὸς ὁ Τήμενος, κακοδαίμων ἧκεν ἐκ κακοδαιμόνων τρίτος· σὺ δ’ αὐτῷ παρεγγυᾷς ἃ καὶ Ἀριστομάχῳ τῷ πατρί. Καὶ ὅς· “Ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνός σοι,” ἔφη, “πεισθεὶς ἀπέθανεν ἐν τῇ εἰσβολῇ.” 20.2 And you told him: 'The gods declare victory for you by way of the narrow passage (στενύγρου).' And so he rushed to make his attempt by way of the Isthmus, and perished in battle. His son Temenus, wretched man, came as the third ill-fated successor; and you gave him the very same advice you gave to his father Aristomachus. But he said: 'Why, my father believed you and died in the invasion!'
20.3 Καὶ σὺ ἔφης· “Οὐ κατὰ γῆν λέγω στενύγρην, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν εὐρυγάστορα.” Ἐπειδὴ χαλεπὸν ἦν εἰπεῖν κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν. Κἀκεῖνος ᾔει κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν, δόξαν ἐμποιήσας ὅτι κατὰ γῆν εἰσίοι, καὶ μέσον στρατοπεδεύεται Ναυπάκτου καὶ Ῥίου· καὶ διακοντίζει Κάρνον τὸν ἱππότην φυλάνδρου τὸν Αἰτωλόν, εὖ, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, ποιῶν· καὶ ἐπειδὴ συνεκύρησε νόσος πλησία καὶ ἀπέθανεν Ἀριστόδημος, πάλιν ἐπανεχώρουν, καὶ ὁ Τήμενος ἐλθὼν ἀπεμέμφετο τῇ ἀποτυχίᾳ, καὶ ἤκουσεν ὅτι ποινὴν ἀνεμάξατο τοῦ θείου ἀγγέλου, καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐχῆς Ἀπόλλωνι Καρνείῳ ποίημα τὸ διὰ τοῦ χρησμοῦ λέγον· “Ἄγγελον ἡμέτερον κτείνας ἀνεμάξαο ποινήν.” 20.3 And you replied: 'I do not mean the narrow passage by land, but the broad-bellied sea (εὐρυγάστορα)'—since it was difficult for you to say 'by sea' directly! And so he went by sea, creating the impression that he was invading by land, and encamped between Naupactus and Rhium. There he shot with a javelin Carnus the Acarnanian, a horseman of the Etolians—doing well, it seems to me! And when a pestilence happened to break out nearby and Aristodemus died, they retreated once more. Temenus returned to complain of his failure, only to hear that he had wiped off a penalty for killing the divine messenger; and the oracle produced a poem concerning prayers to Apollo Carneus, saying: 'By killing our messenger you have brought punishment upon yourself.'
20.4 Τί οὖν φησιν ὁ Τήμενος; “Τί χρὴ ποιεῖν; Καὶ πῶς ἂν ἱλασαίμην ὑμᾶς;” “Εὔχεο Καρνείῳ τελέειν σέβας Ἀπόλλωνι.” Ὦ μιαρώτατε καὶ ἀναισχυντότατε μάντι! Εἶτ’ οὐκ ἠπίστασο ὅτι διαμαρτήσεται τῆς στενύγρης ὁ τὴν στενύγρην ἀκούσας; Ἀλλ’ οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐπιστάμενος χρᾷς, ἔπειτα περιορᾷς διαμαρτάνοντα. 20.4 What then did Temenus say? 'What must I do? And how may I appease you?' 'Pray to render worship to Apollo Carneus.' O most abominable and shameless prophet! Did you not know then that he who heard 'the narrow passage' would misunderstand what 'narrow passage' meant? Yet knowing this full well, you give your oracle, and then stand by and watch him fail!
20.5 Ἀλλ’ ἀμφίβολος ἡ στενύγρη, ὅπως νικήσαντι μὲν αἴτιος εἶναι δοκῇς νίκης, ἡττηθέντι δὲ μηδὲν αἴτιος εἶναι ἥττης, ἔχῃς δὲ ἀποφυγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν εὐρυγάστορα. Ἀλλ’ ἧκεν ἄνθρωπος ἐπὶ τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, καὶ οὐκ ἔτυχεν. Εὕρηται πάλιν εἰς ἀποφυγὴν Κάρνος ἄγγελος ἀποθανών. 20.5 Ah, but 'the narrow passage' was intentionally ambiguous—so that if he won, you might seem to be the cause of victory, but if he were defeated, you would in no way be held responsible for the defeat, having a escape route ready by pointing to the 'broad-bellied sea'! Yet the man went by the 'broad-bellied sea' and still failed! But another escape hatch was conveniently found: 'Carnus the messenger was slain.'
20.6 Καίτοι πῶς, ὦ κράτιστε, ὁ κηδόμενος οὕτω τοῦ Κάρνου ἄλλοις μὲν αὐτὸν θεοφορεῖσθαι ἐκέλευες, ἑαυτῷ δὲ οὔ; Καὶ δέον σῴζειν ἕνα ὄντα Κάρνον, αὐτόν τε περιεῖδες καὶ ἐναποθανόντι αὐτῷ Ὁμηρικὴν νόσον ἐνέβαλες εἰς τὸ πλῆθος καὶ εὐχὰς ἐπὶ τῇ νόσῳ ἀφηγοῦ; 20.6 And yet, my noble sir, if you cared so much for Carnus, why did you command others to be inspired by him, but not yourself? And when you ought to have saved Carnus, who was but one man, you looked on while he died, and once he was dead, you inflicted a Homeric plague upon the whole host, dictating prayers to remedy the disease!
20.7 Εἰ δ’ εὐχόμενος οὐδὲν ἤνυεν, ἄλλο τι ἂν ἐξεύροιτο ἄκος τῷ σῷ σοφίσματι, καὶ οὐδέποτ’ ἂν ἐλήξατε, οἱ μὲν ἐρωτῶντες, σὺ δὲ σοφιζόμενος, ἵνα καὶ νικῶσι καὶ ἡττωμένοις ᾖς ἀφώρατος κακουργῶν. Ἱκανὸν γὰρ τὸ πάθος καὶ ἡ ἐπιθυμία παραβουκολῆσαι, ὡς μηδ’ εἰ χιλιάκις σφαγεῖεν ἀπιστεῖν σοι ποιῆσαι.» 20.7 And if praying accomplished nothing, some other remedy would be devised by your trickery! You two would never cease—they asking questions, and you playing the sophist—so that whether they conquered or were defeated, your villainy would remain undetected. For human suffering and desire are sufficient to lead men astray, so that even if they were slaughtered a thousand times, they would never disbelieve you."
20.8 Τούτοις ἄξιον ἐπισυνάψαι τὰ περὶ Κροῖσον. Λυδίας οὗτος ἐβασίλευεν, ἄνωθεν ἐκ παλαιῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἥκουσαν παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν· εἶτά τι πλέον τῶν προγόνων κατορθώσειν ἐλπίσας τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβεῖν διενοήθη, καὶ διὰ πείρας ἐλθὼν ἁπάντων τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς Ἀπόλλωνα προκρίνει, κἄπειτα κρατῆρσι καὶ πλίνθοις χρυσαῖς ἀναθημάτων τε μυρίων πλήθει κοσμήσας τὸ ἱερὸν τῶν πανταχοῦ γῆς ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πλουσιώτατον ἀπέφηνεν, οὐδ’ ὅσα πρὸς θυσίας ἐξήρκει παραλιπὼν τῇ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ. 20.8 To these accounts it is worthwhile to append the story of Croesus. He was King of Lydia, having inherited a rule handed down to him from ancient ancestors. Hoping to achieve even greater success than his forefathers, he resolved to revere the gods; and after putting them all to the test, he chose the Apollo of Delphi above all others. Then, decorating the temple with gold cauldrons, golden ingots, and a vast multitude of offerings, in a short time he rendered it the richest shrine on earth, omitting nothing that sufficed for sacrifices out of his grand generosity.
20.9 Ἐπειδὴ οὖν τὰ τοσαῦτα προδεδάνειστο τῷ θεῷ, ταῖς τῆς εὐσεβείας εἰκότως Λυδὸς ὁ Λυδὸς ἐπιθαρσῶν μεγαλουργίαις στρατεῦσαι ἐπὶ Πέρσας διανοεῖται, αὐξῆσαι τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰς μέγα τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίᾳ προμηθούμενος. 20.9 Since, therefore, such great wealth had been pre-loaned to the god, this Lydian, naturally taking courage from the grand scale of his piety, resolved to march against the Persians, planning to expand his empire greatly through the alliance of the god.
20.10 Τί οὖν ὁ θαυμάσιος χρησμῳδός; Αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖς, ὁ Πύθιος, ὁ φίλιος, τὸν ἱκέτην, τὸν εὐσεβῆ, τὸν πρόσφυγα, οὐχ ὅπως τῆς ἀλλοτρίας τυχεῖν ἀρχῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς οἰκείας ἐκπεσεῖν παρασκευάζει, οὔ τι ἑκών, ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ, ἀγνοίᾳ δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦ ἀποβησομένου· (μὴ γὰρ εἰδὼς τὸ μέλλον ὁ θεός, ἐπεὶ μὴ θεὸς ἦν μηδέ τις ἀνθρώπου κρείττων δύναμις, ἐπὶ θάτερα σοφιστικῶς τὸν χρησμὸν ἡρμόσατο·) καὶ μονονυχὶ φήσας· «Κροῖσος Ἅλυν διαβὰς μεγάλην ἀρχὴν καταλύσει», τὴν ἐκ προγόνων διαδοχῆς εἰς τὸν εὐσεβῆ κατελθοῦσαν τῆς Λυδίας ἀρχήν, μεγάλην οὖσαν καὶ πολυχρόνιον, καταστρέφει, τῆς ἄγαν περὶ αὐτὸν σπουδῆς τοῦτον ἀποδοὺς τῷ θεοφιλεῖ τὸν καρπόν. Ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ συγγραφεὺς οἷα οὐκ ἀλόγως διαγανακτεῖ ἄκουε· 20.10 What then did this marvelous oracle-monger do? That very Pythian Apollo at Delphi, the 'friend of man,' prepared his suppliant, his pious worshiper, his refuge-seeker—not to acquire a foreign empire, but to be cast out of his own! Not willingly, it seems to me, but rather out of ignorance of the outcome. (For the god did not know the future, since he was no god nor any power superior to man, and so he sophistically fitted his oracle to suit either eventuality.) And by uttering that near-nightmare response: "Croesus, having crossed the Halys, will destroy a great empire," he completely overturned the Lydian realm—great and ancient as it was—which had descended from an ancestral line to this pious king. Such was the fruit he rendered to his beloved worshiper in return for his extreme devotion! Hear now how the author, not without good reason, bursts into righteous indignation over these things:
Chapter 21
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Oenomaus the Cynic ridicules Apollo's famous oracle to Croesus about smelling a tortoise boiling in a bronze cauldron with lamb flesh. Oenomaus attacks the double-talk of the oracle "Croesus, having crossed the Halys, will destroy a great empire." Oenomaus argued that oracles were not even demons, but purely human frauds and sophistries.
21.1 «Ἔοικας δὴ ὡς ἀληθῶς τὰ μὲν ὅσα ψάμμου ἄξιά ἐστιν εἰδέναι, καλὸν δὲ μηδὲν εἰδέναι. Τὸ γοῦν ὀσμὴν ἐς φρένας σὰς ἐλθεῖν κραταιρίνοιο χελώνης ἑψομένης ψάμμου ἄξιον ἐπίστημά ἐστιν, οὐκ ἀληθὲς μὲν ὂν οὐδ’ αὐτό, ἀλλὰ προσεοικός γε ὅμως τῷ ἀλαζόνι καὶ ἀναιδεῖ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς κενοῖς εἰδήμασι τὴν ὀφρὺν ἐπαίροντι, καὶ τὸ Λύδιον ἀνδράποδον τὸν Κροῖσον πείθοντι μὴ καταφρονεῖν αὐτοῦ· 21.1 "You seem in truth to know all things that are worth a grain of sand, but to know nothing noble! At any rate, that the smell of a hard-shelled tortoise being boiled should reach your nostrils is a piece of knowledge worth sand—not being true in itself, but nevertheless resembling an arrogant and shameless person who raises his eyebrows over empty knowledge, persuading that Lydian slave Croesus not to despise him.
21.2 ὃς μετ’ ὀλίγον ἐπὶ τῇ πείρᾳ ἤμελλεν ἀνερωτᾶν σε εἰ στρατεύοι ἐπὶ Πέρσας, καὶ σύμβουλον ποιεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ τῆς αὐτοῦ μανίας καὶ πλεονεξίας. Ὧι οὐκ ὤκνησας εἰπεῖν ὅτι Ἅλυν διαβὰς μεγάλην ἀρχὴν καταλύσει. 21.2 Croesus, who shortly after this test was going to ask you whether he should march against the Persians, making you an advisor to his own madness and greed! To him you did not hesitate to say: 'Croesus, having crossed the Halys, will destroy a great empire.'
21.3 Ἐκεῖνο μέντοι εὖ, ὅτι σοι οὐδὲν ἔμελεν εἴ τι ἄτοπον πείσεται ὑπ’ ἀμφιβόλου χρησμοῦ ἐπαρθεὶς ἐπ’ ἀλλοτρίαν ἀρχήν, οὐδ’ εἰ πικροί τινες ἄνθρωποι καὶ δέον ἐπαινεῖν σε ἐπὶ τῷ τραχηλίσαι μαινόμενον ἄνθρωπον, καὶ προσεγκαλοῖεν ὡς οὐδὲ ἰσόρροπον φωνὴν ἀφέντα, ἵν’ ὀκνήσειεν καὶ βουλεύσαιτο ὁ Λυδός· ἀλλὰ ‘καταλῦσαι’ καθ’ ἕνα τρόπον ἔστι νοεῖσθαι πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οὐ τὸ τῆς οἰκείας ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὸ τὴν ἀλλοτρίαν περιποιήσασθαι. 21.3 Fine indeed! For it mattered nothing to you whether he suffered something terrible when incited by an ambiguous oracle to attack a foreign realm; nor whether bitter men—when they ought to praise you for breaking the neck of a madman—might further charge you with not even uttering an unambiguous warning so that the Lydian might hesitate and take counsel. Instead, 'to destroy' can be understood by Greeks in a single way—not as losing one's own empire, but as acquiring that of another!
21.4 Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἡμίμηδος ἢ ἡμιπέρσης Κῦρος, ἢ ὁ μητρόθεν μὲν ἐκ τυραννικοῦ, πατρόθεν δὲ ἐξ ἰδιωτικοῦ γένους ἡμίονος ὢν ἐν τῷ αἰνίγματι, παρεμφαίνει μὲν τὴν ἔκτυφον μοῦσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἄμαντιν μαντικήν, εἴπερ οὐκ ᾔδει μὴ οὐ συνήσοντα τοῦ αἰνίγματος ὁ μάντις. 21.4 For Cyrus—half-Mede, half-Persian, or the 'mule' in your riddle on account of his mother being of royal stock and his father of common stock—reveals your puffed-up inspiration, but also your unprophetic prophecy, if indeed the prophet did not know that Croesus would fail to understand the riddle!
21.5 Εἰ δ’ οὐχ ὑπὸ ἀγνοίας, ἀλλ’ ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ πονηρίας ἔπαιζε, βαβαὶ οἷα τὰ θεῖα παίγνιά ἐστιν! Εἰ δ’ οὐδὲ τοῦτο, ἀλλ’ ὅτι ἐχρῆν οὕτω γενέσθαι, ἀνιερώτατος μὲν οὗτος λόγων σοφιστικῶν· τί δ’ ὅμως, εἰ οὕτως ἐχρῆν γενέσθαι, σὺ ὁ δύστηνος ἐν Δελφοῖς καθέζῃ τὰ κενὰ καὶ μάταια ᾄδων; Τί δὲ σοῦ ὄφελος ἡμῖν; Τί δὲ μαινόμεθα οἱ πανταχόθεν τῆς γῆς ἐπὶ σὲ διώκοντες; Τί δὲ σὺ κνισιᾶς;» 21.5 And if it was not out of ignorance, but out of arrogance and villainy that you were playing games—out upon such divine games! But if it was neither of these, but because 'it was fated to happen thus,' this is the most unholy of sophistical arguments! Why then, if it was fated to happen thus, do you, wretched creature, sit at Delphi singing empty and futile songs? What use are you to us? Why do we run madly after you from every corner of the earth? And why do you gorge yourself on the fat of sacrifices?"
21.6 Τοιαῦτα τῆς Οἰνομάου παρρησίας τὰ τῆς τῶν γοήτων φωρᾶς, κυνικῆς οὐκ ἀπηλλαγμένα πικρίας. Οὐδὲ γὰρ δαίμονος, μὴ ὅτι θεοῦ, τοὺς παρὰ τοῖς Πανέλλησι θαυμαζομένους χρησμοὺς εἶναι βούλεται, γοήτων δ’ ἀνδρῶν πλάνας καὶ σοφίσματα ἐπὶ ἀπάτῃ τῶν πολλῶν ἐσκευωρημένα· ὧν ἐπείπερ ἅπαξ ἐμνήσθημεν, οὐδὲν ἂν γένοιτο ἐμποδὼν τοῦ καὶ ἑτέρων ἐλέγχων ἐπακοῦσαι, καὶ πρώτου γε δι’ οὗ φησιν ὁ αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κλαρίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἠπατῆσθαι, γράφων ὧδε· 21.6 Such are the outspoken words from Oenomaus's Exposure of Sorcerers, not devoid of Cynic bitterness. For he maintains that the oracles admired among all the Greeks belong not even to a demon, let alone a god, but are the wanderings and sophistries of impostors contrived to deceive the multitude. Since we have mentioned him once, nothing stands in our way to hear further exposures from him, beginning first with that in which he says he was personally deceived by the Clarian Apollo, writing as follows:
Chapter 22
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Oenomaus continues his attack on oracle sites. He exposes the generic, One-Size-Fits-All Oracle. Oenomaus concluded that these praised oracles knew nothing at all and merely hid their ignorance behind the darkness of ambiguity.
22.1 «Ἀλλὰ δὴ ἔδει τι καὶ ἡμᾶς τῆς κωμῳδίας μετασχεῖν καὶ μὴ σεμνύνεσθαι ὡς οὐκ ἐμπεσόντας εἰς τὴν κοινὴν παραπληξίαν, καὶ τὴν ἐμπορίαν εἰπεῖν, ἣν καὶ αὐτοὶ περὶ σοφίας ἐνεπορευσάμεθα ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας, ὦ Κλάριε, παρὰ σοῦ·

“Ἔστιν ἐν Τρηχῖνος αἴῃ κῆπος Ἡρακλήιος πάντ’ ἔχων θάλλοντα, πᾶσι δρεπόμενος πανῆμαρ, οὐδ’ ὀλιγοῦται, βέβριθε δ’ ὑδάτεσσιν διηνεκές.” 		22.1 "Well, it was necessary that I too should take part in the comedy and not pride myself on having avoided the common madness; let me recount the transaction concerning wisdom which I myself imported from Asia, from you, O Clarian Apollo:

'There is in the land of Trachis a garden of Heracles, having all things in bloom, plucked by all all day long, nor does it diminish, but it weighs heavy with continuous streams.'
22.2 Εἶτ’ ἐγὼ ἀκούσας ὁ βάκηλος καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ἐφυσήθην, καὶ τοῦ Ἡρακληίου κήπου θάλλοντος Ἡσιόδειόν τινα ὀνειροπολῶν ἱδρῶτα διὰ τὴν Τρηχῖνα, καὶ ῥηϊδίην αὖθις ζωὴν διὰ τὸν θάλλοντα κῆπον. 22.2 Thereupon, when I heard this, fool that I was, I too became puffed up with pride on account of Heracles! Dreaming of a Hesiodic sweat through Trachis because of the blooming garden of Heracles, followed by an easy life on account of that flowering garden!
22.3 Εἶτά μοι ἐπερομένῳ εἴ μοι συναίρονται οἱ θεοί, εἷς τις ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν λέγει, ἐπομνύμενος αὐτοὺς τοὺς συναιρομένους θεούς, ἦ μὴν παρὰ σοῦ ἀκηκοέναι αὐτὸ τοῦτο Καλλιστράτῳ δεδομένον Ποντικῷ τινι ἐμπόρῳ. 22.3 Then, when I inquired whether the gods were helping me, someone among the crowd said—swearing by those very helper-gods—that he had indeed heard from you that this exact same oracle had been given to Callistratus, a certain merchant from Pontus!
22.4 Ἐγὼ οὖν ὡς ἤκουσα, πῶς οἴει ἠγανάκτησα, ὡς δὴ τῆς ἀρετῆς ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ἀποστερούμενος; Ἀλλὰ καίπερ ὅμως δυσφορῶν ἀνεσκοπούμην τὸν ἔμπορον, εἴ τι κἀκεῖνος ἐθάλφθη ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἡρακλέους· ἐφαίνετο δὴ οὖν κἀκεῖνος πόνον τινὰ πονεῖν, καὶ κέρδους ἐφίεσθαι, καὶ βίον τινὰ ἡδὺν ἐκ τοῦ κέρδους προσδοκᾶν. 22.4 When I heard this, how indignant do you think I became, feeling as though I had been robbed of my virtue by him? Nevertheless, despite my distress, I considered the merchant to see if he too had been warmed by Heracles. Sure enough, he too appeared to be enduring some toil, desiring gain, and expecting a pleasant life as a result of that gain!
22.5 Ὡς δ’ ἐφαίνετο ὁ ἔμπορος ἐξισούμενος, οὐκέτι τὸν χρησμὸν ἐδεχόμην, οὐδὲ τὸν Ἡρακλέα, ἀλλ’ ἀπηξίουν τῶν αὐτῶν κοινωνεῖν, εἴς τε τοὺς παρόντας πόνους αὐτῶν ἀποβλέπων καὶ τὰς ἐν ἐλπίδι φάτνας. 22.5 When the merchant appeared to be put on an equal footing with me, I no longer accepted the oracle, nor Heracles, but refused to share in the same things, looking as I did at their present toils and the feeding-troughs of their expectations.
22.6 Ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὁ λῃστὴς ἄμοιρος ἐφαίνετο τοῦ χρησμοῦ, οὐδ’ ὁ στρατιώτης, οὐδ’ ἐρῶν ἀνὴρ, οὐδ’ ἐρῶσα γυνή, οὐδὲ κόλαξ, οὐδὲ ῥήτωρ, οὐδὲ συκοφάντης. Ἑκάστῳ γὰρ ὡς ἐπιθυμεῖ ἡγεῖσθαι μὲν τὸν πόνον, προσδοκᾶσθαι δὲ τὴν εὐφροσήνην.» 22.6 Indeed, not even a robber appeared to be excluded from the oracle, nor a soldier, nor a man in love, nor a woman in love, nor a flatterer, nor an orator, nor an informer! For each person interprets the toil according to his own desire, expecting the pleasure to follow."
22.7 Ταῦτα ἐκθέμενος εὐθὺς ἐπισυνάπτει ὡς καὶ δεύτερον ἐρωτήσας καὶ τρίτον οὐδὲν εἰδότας ἔγνω τοὺς θαυμασίους, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ τῆς ἀσαφείας σκότῳ τὴν σφῶν ἄγνοιαν ἐπικρύπτοντας. Λέγει δ’ οὖν· 22.7 Having set these matters forth, he immediately adds that upon asking a second and third time, he realized that these marvelous gods knew nothing at all, but hid their ignorance solely in the darkness of obscurity. At any rate, he speaks as follows:
Chapter 23
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When Oenomaus asks Apollo where to go for wisdom, Apollo gives him a nonsensical riddle. When asked about a coming invasion, Apollo tells them to flee; but Oenomaus says that anyone with basic common sense could have predicted the fall of the city without needing an oracle from a god.
23.1 «Ἐπεὶ δέ μοι τὰ τῆς ἐμπορίας ἤδη πρὸ ὁδοῦ ἦν, ἀνδρὸς δὲ ἔδει τοῦ ξεναγωγήσοντος ἐπὶ τὴν σοφίαν, ἄπορος δὲ ἐφαίνετο οὗτος, σὲ ἐδεόμην καὶ τούτου γενέσθαι ἐνδείκτην·

“Ἔν τε τοῖσιν Εὐπελέεσσιν ἠδ’ Ἀχαιοῖσιν χρέος θήσεται, τὸ δ’ ἐκτεκμαρθὲν οὐδὲ μικρὸν ἕξεται.” 		23.1 "Now when my transaction was already well under way, but I still needed a man to guide me toward wisdom—and such a man proved hard to find—I begged you [Apollo] to point him out to me as well:

'Among the Eupeleans and Achaeans he shall incur a debt, and what is determined shall hold no small weight.'
23.2 Τί φῄς; Εἰ δ’ ἀγαλματοποιὸς ἢ ζωγράφος ἐπεθύμουν γενέσθαι καὶ διδασκάλους ἐζήτουν, ἆρά μοι ἤρκει ἀκοῦσαι “ἔν τε τοῖσιν Εὐπελέεσσιν”, ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἂν μαίνεσθαι εἶπον τοῦ λέγοντος; 23.2 What are you saying? If I desired to become a sculptor or a painter and was seeking teachers, would it have sufficed for me to hear 'among the Eupeleans'? Would I not have declared the speaker to be out of his mind?
23.3 Ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ἴσως οὐχ ἱκανὸς εἶ διανοῆσαι, ἀσάφειαν γὰρ ἔχει πολλὴν τὰ ἀνθρώπεια ἤθη· ὅπου δέ μοι ἐκ Κολοφῶνος ἄμεινον πορεύεσθαι, οὐκέθ’ οὕτως ἀφανὲς τῷ θεῷ·

“Ἐκ τανυστρόφοιο λᾶαν σφενδόνης ἱεὶς ἀνὴρ χῆνας ἐναρίζειν βολαῖσιν ἀσπέτους ποιηβόρους.”

Τοὺς δὲ ἀσπέτους ποιηβόρους χῆνας τίς μοι μηνύσει ὅ τί ποτε λέγουσι; Τίς δὲ τὴν τανύστροφον σφενδόνην; Ὁ Ἀμφίλοχος, ἢ ὁ Δωδωναῖος, ἢ σὺ ἐν Δελφοῖς εἰ γενοίμην; Οὐκ ἀπάγξῃ που ἀπελθὼν τῇ τανυστρόφῳ σφενδόνῃ μετὰ τοῦ ἀδιανοήτου ποιήματος;» 		23.3 Well, perhaps you are incapable of understanding this, since human character contains much obscurity. But as to where it was better for me to travel from Colophon, that was no longer so obscure to the god:

'A man casting a stone from a tightly spun sling slays with his strikes vast numbers of grass-eating geese.'

And who will explain to me what on earth these 'vast grass-eating geese' mean? Or the 'tightly spun sling'? Shall Amphilochus, or the oracle at Dodona, or you yourself at Delphi if I were to come there? Why don't you go off and hang yourself with your tightly spun sling, along with your incomprehensible poem!
23.4 Ἀλλὰ γὰρ τούτων ὧδε ἐληλεγμένων ὥρα συνιδεῖν αὖθις ἄνωθεν ὅπως τοὺς παλαιτάτους χρησμοὺς τοὺς ἐν Δελφοῖς ὁ αὐτὸς ἀπελέγχει, τοὺς δὴ μάλιστα ἐν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς ἱστορίαις θαυμαζομένους. 23.4 Now that these matters have been thus exposed, it is time to look again from the beginning at how the same author refutes the oldest oracles at Delphi—those especially praised in Greek histories.
23.5 «Πολὺς ἦν ὁ Περσῶν στρατὸς ὡπλισμένος κατὰ Ἀθηναίων, οὐδ’ ἦν τις αὐτοῖς ἄλλη σωτηρίας ἐλπὶς ἢ μόνος ὁ θεός· οἳ δὴ τοῦτον ὅστις ἦν οὐκ εἰδότες τὸν πάτριον ἀρωγὸν ἐπεκαλοῦντο· ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖς Ἀπόλλων οὗτος ἦν. 23.5 'Vast was the armed Persian army marching against the Athenians, nor did they have any other hope of salvation except the god alone. Not knowing who he was, they called upon their ancestral helper; this was the Apollo at Delphi.
23.6 Τί οὖν ὁ θαυμαστὸς οὗτος; Ἁρά γε τῶν οἰκείων ὑπερεμάχει; Ἆρα λοιβῆς καὶ κνίσης ἐμέμνητο καὶ ὧν αὐτῷ συνήθως ἐτέλουν τὰς ἑκατόμβας ἐπιθύοντες; Οὐ μὲν οὖν! Ἀλλὰ τί φησιν; Φεύγειν, καὶ φεύγειν ξύλινον τεῖχος παρασκευασαμένους, οὕτω τὸ ναυτικὸν δηλῶν, δι’ οὗ μόνου φησὶν αὐτοὺς σωθήσεσθαι τῆς πόλεως ἐμπρησθείσης. 23.6 What then did this marvelous god do? Did he fight on behalf of his own devotees? Did he remember the libations, the fat of victims, and the customary hecatombs they sacrificed to him? Not at all! What does he say instead? To flee—and to flee after preparing a 'wooden wall,' thereby indicating their navy, by which alone he said they would be saved while their city was burned to the ground!
23.7 Ὦ μεγάλης θεοῦ βοηθείας! Εἶτα πολιορκίαν οὐ μόνον τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ τὴν πόλιν οἰκοδομημάτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν τοῖς θεοῖς ἀφιερωμένων προλέγειν δῆθεν προσποιεῖται. Τοῦτο δὲ καὶ δίχα χρησμοῦ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐκ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ἐφόδου προσδοκᾶν ἦν.»

Εἰκότα δῆτα ποιῶν ὁ συγγραφεὺς διαπαίζει πάλιν τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν ἀπάτην ἐξελέγχων ἐν τούτοις· 		23.7 Oh, what grand assistance from a god! Then he pretends, forsooth, to foretell the siege not only of the other buildings throughout the city, but even of those dedicated to the gods themselves. Yet anyone could have expected this even without an oracle, simply from the enemy's invasion!'

The author acts with good reason, then, in mocking these things once more as he exposes the Greek delusion in these passages."
Chapter 24
☜ ☞

Oenomaus exposes the first Athenian oracle that was designed to drive the Athenians into panic. The advice to flee by ship was obvious to a seafaring, maritime people. The oracle given to Sparta ("Either your great city shall be sacked... or the land shall mourn a fallen king") is dismissed as an obvious, zero-risk binary guess (either A or B will happen) that required no divine foresight. He concludes that Apollo offered no actual help, salvation, or victory to the Greeks, but merely covered his own ignorance behind theatrical ambiguity.
24.1 «Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα ἴσως ἐθελοκάκου τινός ἐστιν, ἐκεῖνα δὲ δεῖ μᾶλλον εἰς τὴν κρίσιν προάγειν τὰ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους. Καὶ δὴ λεγέσθω τὰ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους·

“Ὦ μέλεοι, τί κάθησθε; Πόλιν φύγετ’ ἔσχατα γαίης! Οὔτε γὰρ ἡ κεφαλὴ μένει ἔμπεδος οὔτε τὸ σῶμα, οὐ χέρες, οὐδὲ πόδες νέατοι· κατὰ γάρ μιν ἐρείψει πῦρ τε καὶ ὀξὺς Ἄρης, Συριηγενὲς ἅρμα διώκων· πολλὰ δὲ τῇδ’ ἀπολεῖ πυργώματα καὶ κατερείψει, πολλοὺς δ’ ἀθανάτων νηοὺς μαλερῷ πυρὶ δώσει, οἵ που νῦν ἱδρῶτι ῥεούμενοι ἑστήκασιν, δείματι παλλόμενοι.” 		24.1 "Now, such instances as these belong perhaps to a wilful deceiver, but we ought rather to bring into judgment the famous oracles given to the Athenians. Let the one given to the Athenians be recited:

'Wretched men, why sit ye here? Flee to the ends of the earth! For neither the head remains firm, nor the body, nor the hands, nor the feet below; for fire and fierce Ares drive it down, speeding a Syrian-born chariot; and many other fortresses shall he destroy, and not yours alone, and many temples of the immortals shall he give to ravening fire, who now stand dripping with sweat, shaking with fear.'
24.2 Ἰδοὺ δή σοι τὸ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους λόγιον· ἦπού τι μαντικὸν ἔνεστι; “Σὺ γὰρ οὕτως ἐθάρρεις αὐτῷ, νὴ Δία”, φαίη τις ἄν. Εἰ δὲ προσθείης ἃ δεομένων βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐπιλέγεται, γνωσθήσεται. Ἰδοὺ δὴ προσκείσθω·

“Οὐ δύναται Παλλὰς Δί’ Ὀλύμπιον ἐξιλάσασθαι, λισσομένη πολλοῖσι λόγοις... σοὶ δὲ τόδ’ αὖτις ἔπος ἐρέω, ἀδάμαντι πελάσσας· τῶν ἄλλων γὰρ ἁλισκομένων... τεῖχος Τριτογενεῖ ξύλινον διδοῖ εὐρύοπα Ζεὺς μοῦνον ἀπόρθητον τελέθειν, τὸ σὲ τέκνα τ’ ὀνήσει· μηδὲ σύ γ’ ἱπποσύνην τε μένειν καὶ πεζὸν ἰόντα, νῶτον ἐπιστρέψας· ἔτι τοί ποτε κἀντίος ἔσται. Ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν, ἤ που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος, ἢ συνιούσης.” 		24.2 Look now at this oracle given to the Athenians! Is there anything prophetic in it? 'Why yes, you yourself relied on it so strongly, by Zeus!' someone might say. But if you add what was subjoined when they begged for help, it will become clear. Look at what was added:

'Pallas cannot appease Olympian Zeus, though begging with many words... Yet to you again I speak this word, binding it fast as adamant: when all else is taken... far-seeing Zeus grants to Tritogeneia a wooden wall alone to remain uncaptured, which shall profit you and your children. Do not wait quietly for the cavalry and great infantry coming from the mainland, but turn your back and yield! Yet hereafter you shall stand against them. O divine Salamis, you shall destroy children of women, either when Demeter is scattered or when she is gathered!'
24.3 Ἄξιός τέ σοι ὁ Ζεὺς τοῦ Διός, ὦ υἱὲ τοῦ Διός· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς, ὦ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἀδελφέ! Ἥ τε σπουδὴ αὕτη καὶ ἡ ἀντισπουδία ἐπιπρέπει τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῇ θυγατρί, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς! Ὅ τε Ὀλύμπιος οὗτος, ὁ τὴν μίαν ταύτην ἐξελεῖν πόλιν ἀσθενῶν, εἰ μὴ ἀπὸ Σούσων ἐπάγοι αὐτῇ τὸν ἄπειρον ἐκεῖνον στρατόν, μέγας τις ἄρα ἦν καὶ τὴν τοῦ παντὸς κυρείαν ἔχων, καὶ πιθανὸς ἅμα, ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ἀσίας εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην κινῶν ἔθνη τοσαῦτα, ἐν δὲ τῇ Εὐρώπῃ μίαν πόλιν ἀνατρέψαι ἀδύνατος ὤν! 24.3 Your Zeus is worthy of Zeus, O son of Zeus! And your Athena is worthy of Athena, O brother of Athena! This zeal and counter-zeal are truly fitting for a father and daughter, or rather for such gods! As for this Olympian Zeus—who was too weak to destroy this single city unless he brought that infinite army all the way from Susa against it—he was indeed a 'great' god holding sovereignty over the universe! How persuasive he was, moving so many nations from Asia into Europe, yet in Europe being unable to overturn a single city!
24.4 Καὶ σὺ δέ, ὁ τολμηρὸς ἅμα καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ μηδενὶ ῥιψοκίνδυνος, οὐκ οἰμώζεις; “Εἶπον ἂν ἄνθρωποι, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡ Παλλὰς οὐ δύναται Δί’ Ὀλύμπιον ἐξιλάσασθαι.” Ἢ οὐ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐμήνιεν ὁ Ζεύς, ἀλλὰ τοῖς λίθοις καὶ τοῖς ξύλοις; Κἄπειτα σὺ μὲν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἔσωζες, ὁ δὲ τὰ οἰκοδομήματα ἐνεπίμπρα ἐπακτῷ πυρί; Οὐ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῷ κεραυνὸς τηνικαῦτα! 24.4 And do you not wail, you who are both audacious and recklessly rash over nothing? 'Men would have said: those on whose behalf Pallas cannot appease Olympian Zeus...' Or was Zeus angry not at the men, but at the stones and timber? And then did you save the men, while he burned the buildings with imported fire? For he had no lightning bolt available at the time!
24.5 Ἢ μή τι μᾶλλον ἡμεῖς τολμηροί τε ἐσμὲν καὶ ῥιψοκίνδυνοι, οὐκ ἐπιτρέποντες ὑμῖν οὕτω φληναφεῖν; Πῶς δέ, ὦ μάντι, ὅτι μὲν “ἡ θείη Σαλαμὶς ἀπολεῖ τέκνα γυναικῶν” ᾔδεις, πότερα δὲ σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἢ συνιούσης οὐκέτ’ ᾔδεις; Πῶς δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτο ᾔδεις, ὅτι τὰ τέκνα τῶν γυναικῶν εἴποι μὲν ἄν τις εἶναι καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα, εἴποι δ’ ἂν καὶ τὰ πολέμια, αἰσθόμενος τοῦ κακοτεχνήματος; 24.5 Or rather, is it not that we are bold and reckless for not permitting you to babble such nonsense? How is it, O prophet, that you knew that 'divine Salamis will destroy children of women,' but whether 'when Demeter is scattered or gathered' you no longer knew? And how did you fail to know even this—that anyone, perceiving the trickery, could say 'children of women' refers either to one's own people or to the enemy?
24.6 Περιμένειν δὲ δεῖ τὸ ἀποβησόμενον· ἓν γὰρ δεῖ τι τούτων ἀποβήσεσθαι. Ἡ γάρ τοι Σαλαμὶς ἡ θείη οὐδὲ ἡττωμένων ἀφήρμοσεν ἄν, ὡς εἰς οἶκτον οὕτως ἐπιφωνουμένη· ἥ τε μέλλουσα τῶν νηῶν μάχη, ἤτοι που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἢ συνιούσης, καταπέπλασται τῇ ποιητικῇ σεμνολογίᾳ, ἵνα γένηται μάντευμα ἀφώρατον τῷ σοφισμῷ καὶ μὴ εὐθὺς καταφανὲς ᾖ, ὅτι ἐν χειμῶνι μάχη ναυτικὴ οὐ συνίσταται. 24.6 One had only to wait for the outcome; for one of these things was bound to happen! For 'divine Salamis' would not have sounded inappropriate even if they were defeated, expressed as it was in a tone of lamentation. And the impending naval battle, 'either when Demeter is scattered or gathered,' was padded out with grand poetic language so that the prophecy might remain unassailable in its trickery, and not immediately make it obvious that a naval battle does not take place in winter!
24.7 Ἤδη δὲ οὐδὲ ἡ τραγῳδία ἀφανής, οὐδὲ οἱ θεοὶ ἐπεισκυκλούμενοι, ὁ μὲν ἱκετεύων, ὁ δὲ οὐ κατακαμπτόμενος· χρήσιμοι τῷ μέλλοντι καὶ τῇ τοῦ πολέμου παραδόξῳ ῥοπῇ, ὁ μὲν σωζομένοις, ὁ δ’ ἀπολλυμένοις. Εἴτε γὰρ σώζοιντο, ἰδοὺ αἱ τῆς Παλλάδος λιταὶ προμεμήνυνται, ἱκαναὶ οὖσαι κάμψαι τὴν τοῦ Διὸς ὀργήν· εἴτε καὶ μή, οὐδὲ τοῦτο τῷ μάντει ἀκατασκεύαστον· “Οὐ γὰρ δύναται Παλλὰς τὸν Δία ἐξιλάσασθαι.” Πρός τε τὰς ἡμικάκους τύχας ὁ τεχνίτης ἐκέρασε τὸ λόγιον, ὡς δὴ τοῦ Διὸς τῇ μὲν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πρόθεσιν ἐκτελέσαντος, τῇ δὲ τὴν δέησιν τῆς θυγατρὸς οὐ περιφρονήσαντος. 24.7 By now even the tragedy is clear, with the gods wheeled out on stage—the one begging, the other unbending—both useful for the future and for the unexpected turn of war, the one for those saved, the other for those destroyed. For if they were saved, look! The prayers of Pallas were announced beforehand as being capable of bending the wrath of Zeus. And if not, neither was this unprovided for by the prophet: 'For Pallas cannot appease Zeus.' The craftsman blended the oracle to suit half-bad fortunes, as though Zeus had fulfilled his own purpose on the one hand, but had not entirely disregarded his daughter's plea on the other.
24.8 Τά τε πυργώματα ὅτι πολλὰ ἀπολεῖται, εἰ μετὰ ναρθήκων, ἀλλὰ μὴ μετὰ σιδήρου καὶ πυρὸς ἐπῄεσαν, τάχα ἂν ψεῦδος ἦν, ὁπότε καὶ μετὰ ναρθήκων ἔπραξαν ἄν τι πάντως οἱ τοσοῦτοι. “Ἀλλ’ ἐγώ,” φησίν, “ἐξεῦρον τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος, τὸ μόνον ἀπόρθητον.” Συμβούλευμα σύ γε, ἀλλ’ οὐ μάντευμα, οὐκ ἀπεοικὸς τῷ· “Φεύγειν, μηδὲ μένειν, μηδ’ αἰδεῖσθαι κακὸς εἶναι.” 24.8 As for many fortresses being destroyed—if they had attacked with fennel-stalks instead of iron and fire, perhaps it would have been a lie; since with such numbers they were bound to accomplish something even with fennel-stalks! 'But I,' says he, 'invented the wooden wall, the only uncaptured refuge!' That was advice on your part, not prophecy! It was no different from saying: 'Flee, do not stay, and do not be ashamed to be a coward!'
24.9 Ὁ γοῦν ἐπιλυσάμενος ἐκεῖνο τὸ αἴνιγμα οὐ χείρων ἦν σου κατιδεῖν, ὅτι ἡ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πόλις πρόφασις ἦν τῷ Πέρσῃ τῆς ὁδοῦ, καὶ ἡ πᾶσα ἔλασις ἐπὶ ταύτην πρώτην τε καὶ ἐξοχωτάτην ἐγένετο. Ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ ἄμαντις αὐτὸς ἐγὼ τοῦτ’ αἰσθόμενος καὶ τὸν Ἀθηναῖον ἄν, οὐ μόνον τὸν Λυδόν, ἐκέλευον φεύγειν νῶτα ἐπιστρέψαντα· “Ἔτι γάρ ποτε κἀντίος ἔσται· πολλὴ γὰρ ἱπποσύνη καὶ πεζὸς ἐπέρχεται.” 24.9 At any rate, the man who solved that riddle [Themistocles] was no worse than you at perceiving that the city of the Athenians was the pretext for the Persian's march, and that the entire expedition was directed against it first and foremost. Since even I, unprophetic as I am, upon perceiving this, would have commanded the Athenian, no less than the Lydian, to turn his back and flee: 'For hereafter you shall stand against them, for a great cavalry and infantry are coming!'
24.10 Ὅτι δὲ ναυσίν, ἀλλ’ οὐ κατ’ ἤπειρον· καὶ γὰρ ἦν γελοῖον ἔχοντας ναυτικὸν καὶ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης κατοικοῦντας μὴ οὐ πασσυδὶ σκευωρησαμένους καὶ τροφὰς ὅσας εἶχον συνεμβαλλομένους σώζεσθαι, παραδόντας τοῖς βουλομένοις τὴν γῆν. 24.10 And as for using ships instead of the mainland: it would have been ridiculous for people who possessed a fleet and lived by the sea not to pack up en masse, put onboard whatever provisions they had, and save themselves, handing over the land to anyone who wanted it!
24.11 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τὰ πρὸς Ἀθηναίους· ἀσθενῆ δὲ σφόδρα καὶ καταγέλαστα τὰ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους. Ἤτοι γάρ, φησίν, ἡ πόλις πᾶσα πολιορκηθήσεται, ἢ ἀπολωλότα τὸν βασιλέα πενθήσει. Τοῦτο δ’ ἐξ ἅπαντος εἰκὸς ἦν παντί τῳ στοχάζεσθαι, τὸ ἤτοι τόδε ἢ τόδε συμβήσεσθαι. 24.11 So much, then, for the oracles given to the Athenians; but those given to the Lacedaemonians are exceedingly weak and laughable. For he says: 'Either the whole city shall be besieged, or it shall mourn a fallen king.' Now this was a guess that anyone could easily make offhand—that either this or that would happen!
24.12 Ἀλλ’ οὐ δήπου θεοῦ ἦν μάντευμα ὧδέ πως ἀμφιβάλλειν ἀγνοίᾳ τοῦ μέλλοντος, βοηθεῖν δέον καὶ σωτῆρα τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐν καιρῷ παραφαίνεσθαι, καὶ μᾶλλον τὴν κατὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν καὶ βαρβάρων νίκην τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὡς ἂν οἰκείοις φίλοις προξενεῖν· εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτο δυνατὸς ἦν, κἂν τὸ μὴ παθεῖν αὐτούς, μηδ’ ἁλῶναι παρέχειν. Ὁ δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτο, ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ ὅπως αὐτοῖς τὰ τῆς ἥττης περιστήσεται γινώσκει. Διὸ καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα οἷά φησιν ὁ ἔλεγχος ἄκουε· 24.12 Surely it was not the mark of a god to prophesy with such ambiguity out of ignorance of the future, when he ought rather to have helped and appeared as a savior of the Greeks in their time of need, procuring victory for the Greeks over their barbarian enemies as for his own friends. Or if he could not do this, he should at least have granted that they suffer no harm nor be captured. But he did not even do this, nor did he even know how their defeat would turn out. Wherefore, hear what the refutation says regarding these matters as well:"
Chapter 25
☜ ☞

Oenomaus continues his critique of Delphic oracles during the Persian invasion. Oenomaus notes that during existential crises, desperate people run to any form of divination. Apollo exploited this panic. Oenomaus strips away the supernatural prestige of the oracle, showing it was mere human political calculation. He concludes by transitioning to Apollo's oracle to the Cnidians.
25.1 «Ἀλλ’ οὐ δεῖ Λακεδαιμονίοις, φήσεις, ταὐτὸν παραινεῖν. Ἀληθῆ λέγεις· οὐ γὰρ ἠπίστασο, ὦ σοφιστά, ὅπῃ χωρήσει τὰ τῆς Σπάρτης ὥσπερ τὰ τῆς Ἀττικῆς. Ἐδεδοίκεις οὖν μὴ σὺ μὲν κελεύσῃς αὐτοὺς φεύγειν, κἄπειτα οἱ μὲν φεύγοιεν, οἱ δὲ μὴ ἐπέλθοιεν. 25.1 "But you will say, 'One ought not to give the same advice to the Lacedaemonians.' You speak the truth! For you did not know, O sophist, how affairs in Sparta would turn out, as you did with those in Attica. You were afraid, therefore, that if you commanded them to flee, they might flee, but the enemy might not actually attack!
25.2 Ἐπεὶ οὖν ἔδει τι λέγειν, οὕτως εἶπας·

“Ὑμῖν δ’, ὦ Σπάρτης οἰκήτορες εὐρυχόροιο, ἦ μέγα ἄστυ ἐρικυδὲς ὑπ’ ἀνδράσι Περσεΐδῃσι πέρσεται, ἦ τὸ μὲν οὐχί, ἀφ’ Ἡρακλέος δὲ γενέθλης πενθήσει βασιλῆ φθίμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὖρος.” 		25.2 Since, therefore, it was necessary to say something, you spoke thus to the Lacedaemonians:

'For you, O dwellers in broad Sparta, either your great, far-famed city shall be sacked by the men of Perseus' line, or if not that, then the boundary of Lacedaemon shall mourn a fallen king from the lineage of Heracles.'
25.3 Πάλιν ὁ ἀμαντευτότατος σύνδεσμος! Ἀλλ’ ἐῶμεν αὐτόν, ἵνα μὴ δὶς περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ σοι ἐπιπηδῶντες ἐπαχθεῖς ἅμα καὶ ἄποροι δοκῶμεν εἶναι, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ ἐπισκοπῶμεν. 25.3 Once again, that most unprophetic conjunction 'or'! But let us leave it alone, lest by jumping on you twice about the same thing we seem both burdensome and lacking in arguments; let us examine the rest.
25.4 Εἰς σὲ μὲν ἀπέβλεπον ἅπαντες ἐν τηλικούτῳ κινδύνῳ, σὺ δ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν μελλόντων μηνυτὴς καὶ τῶν ποιητέων ἦσθα σύμβουλος. Καὶ σὲ μὲν ἐκεῖνοι πιστόν, σὺ δ’ αὐτοὺς ἐπέπεισο ἠλιθίους εἶναι, καὶ ὁ καθεστὼς καιρὸς ὅτι ἱκανὸς ἦν ἄγειν καὶ τραχηλίζειν τοὺς ἀβελτέρους οὐ μόνον εἰς Δελφικὰ καὶ Δωδωναῖα σοφιστήρια, ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ὀρνιθομαντεῖα καὶ ἀλευρομαντεῖα καὶ τοὺς ἐγγαστριμύθους. 25.4 Everyone looked to you in such great danger, and you were to them both a revealer of the future and an advisor on what should be done. They believed you to be trustworthy, while you were convinced that they were fools, and that the present crisis was capable of leading and seizing by the neck these simpletons—not only into Delphic and Dodonaean places of sophistry, but even to bird-diviners, flour-diviners, and ventriloquists!
25.5 Πιστοὶ δὲ οὐ μόνον οἱ θεοὶ τηνικαῦτα, ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ αἱ γαλαῖ καὶ αἱ κορῶναι καὶ τὰ καθύπνια παραπταίσματα. Οὔκουν ἄδηλον ὅτι οὔτ’ ἂν ἀμφότερα μᾶλλον ἐδέξαντο ἢ τὸ ἕτερον, οὔτ’ ἂν τὸ μεῖζον ἀντὶ τοῦ μείονος, μεῖον δὲ εἶναι ἓν ἀντὶ πάντων πεσεῖν τὸν βασιλέα. 25.5 Not only were gods deemed trustworthy at that time, but by then even weasels, crows, and dream-delusions were too! It was not unclear, then, that they would neither accept both outcomes in preference to one, nor the greater loss instead of the lesser—and that it was a lesser loss for one man, the king, to fall instead of all of them.
25.6 Μετὰ μὲν δὴ τῆς πόλεως πιπτούσης οὐδεμία οὐδ’ αὐτῷ ἀποφυγή· εἰ δ’ αὐτὸς ἄλλῃ πῃ τάττοιτο, τάχα ἄν τι καὶ παράδοξον γένοιτο. Λείπεται δὴ τοὺς ταῦτα λογιζομένους τὸν μὲν βασιλέα πέμψαι προσπολεμήσοντα, αὐτοὺς δὲ οἴκοι μένοντας ἔξω κινδύνων καραδοκεῖν. 25.6 For if the city fell, not even the king himself would have any escape; but if he himself were stationed somewhere else, perhaps some unexpected outcome might occur. It remained, therefore, for those reasoning in this way to send the king to wage war, while remaining at home themselves outside of danger to watch the outcome.
25.7 Τῷ μὲν οὖν μετ’ ὀλίγων ἐναντίῳ ἱσταμένῳ πρὸς τὸν ἄπειρον ὄχλον ὄλεθρος προφανής, ἡ δὲ Σπάρτη ἀνοχὰς εἶχε τοῦ φόβου καὶ παραδόξους ἐλπίδας. Μηδὲν δὲ ἧττον ἀφώρατον εἶναι τὸ σόφισμα καὶ διαφυγούσης καὶ ἁλούσης. 25.7 Now to him standing with a few men against an infinite host, destruction was obvious; but Sparta had a respite from fear and unexpected hopes. Nevertheless, the sophism remained unassailable whether the city escaped or was captured.
25.8 Τί δή ποτε; Ὅτι οὐκ εἴρητο, μὰ Δία, εἰ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποθάνοι, ἡ πόλις σωθήσεται, ἀλλ’ ὅτι ἢ μόνος ἀπολεῖται ἢ ἡ σύμπασα πόλις· τοῦτο δὲ ἐν ἑκατέρῳ ἀνεύθυνον, καὶ μόνου αὐτοῦ ἀπολουμένου καὶ μὴ μόνου. Οὗτος δὲ τύφου καὶ ἀφροσύνης καρπός.»

«Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ταύτῃ· οὐκ ἄξιον δὲ παρελθεῖν καὶ ἅπερ Κνιδίοις ἔχρησε πάλιν εὐχομένοις καὶ τὴν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχίαν αἰτοῦσιν.» 		25.8 Why so? Because it was not stated, by Zeus, that 'if the king dies, the city shall be saved,' but that 'either he alone shall perish or the entire city.' This was unassailable in either case—both if he perished alone and if he did not perish alone! And this is the fruit of delusion and folly."

"So much, then, for these matters. But it is not worth passing over what he prophesied to the Cnidians when they prayed once more and asked for alliance from the god."
Chapter 26
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Oenomaus relates how the Cnidians tried to dig a canal across their narrow isthmus to turn their peninsula into an island to defend against Cyrus’s army. So whether they dug or not, they would be defeated, he said. Eusebius proved that these demonic oracles don't promote peace and friendship, they provoked nations into fratricidal war.
26.1 «Ἔπαθον δὲ καὶ οἱ Κνίδιοι τούτῳ προσεοικὸς Ἁρπάγου ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς στρατεύσαντος. Τὸν γὰρ ἰσθμὸν τὸν αὐτόθι διακόπτειν ἐπιχειροῦντες καὶ τὴν πόλιν νησοποιεῖν, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τοῦ ἔργου εἴχοντο, ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀπήντα ἡ ἐργασία, ἀπαγορεύοντες ἤδη ἐχρῶντο. 26.1 "The Cnidians also suffered a similar fate when Harpagus marched against them. For when they attempted to dig through the isthmus there and make their city an island, they at first kept hard at the work; but when difficulty met them in the task, falling into despair, they consulted the oracle.
26.2 Σὺ δὲ αὐτοῖς εἶπας·

“Ἰσθμὸν δὲ μὴ πυργοῦτε μηδ’ ὀρύσσετε· Ζεὺς γάρ κ’ ἔθηκε νῆσον, εἴ κ’ ἐβούλετο.”

Καὶ οἱ βλᾶκες ἐπείσθησαν, καὶ ἀποτραπόμενοι παρέδωκαν ἑαυτοὺς τῷ Ἁρπάγῳ. Τὸ δὲ ῥᾳδιούργημα· ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἦν βέβαιος ἀποφυγὴ ὀρύξασι, τούτου μὲν ἔπαυσας, ὡς δὲ μὴ κελεύων ἔργου ἔχεσθαι ἐπαγγέλλῃ τὴν ἀποφυγήν. 		26.2 And you said to them:

'Do not wall off the Isthmus, nor dig it; for Zeus would have made it an island, had he wished.'

And the simpletons believed you, and turning back from their work, surrendered themselves to Harpagus! What trickery! For since there was no guaranteed escape if they dug, you stopped them from doing so, lest by ordering them to keep working you should seem to guarantee their escape.
26.3 Τούτῳ δὲ οὐ τὸ λῷον εἶναι μὴ ὀρύξασι προσετίθεις, ἀλλ’ ὅτι οὐ δοκεῖ τῷ Διὶ αὐτὴν νῆσον εἶναι. Ἐν μὲν οὖν τῇ ἀποτροπῇ ἀμφότερα ἰσόρροπα, ἐν δὲ τῇ προτροπῇ τὸ διαφεύξεσθαι προεῖχεν· οὗ δὴ ἀσφαλὲς ἦν τῷ σοφιστῇ τὸ ἀνατρέπειν. Οὕτως τε οὐδὲν εἰπὼν ὧν ἕνεκα ἦσαν ἀφιγμένοι ἀπέπεμψας οἰομένους ἀκηκοέναι τι.» 26.3 And to this you did not add that it was better not to dig, but rather that 'it does not seem good to Zeus that it should be an island.' Now in turning them away from the work, both outcomes were evenly balanced, but in encouraging them, the prospect of escaping was dominant—which made it safe for the sophist to turn them back. And thus, having said nothing of the reasons for which they had come, you dismissed them thinking they had actually heard something!"
26.4 Ταῦτα δὲ ἡγοῦμαι τὸ ἀδρανὲς τῶν τε χρώντων καὶ τῶν χρωμένων ἀπελέγχειν αὐταρκῶς, καὶ ὅτι μηδὲν ἀληθὲς ἢ ἔνθεον ἔστιν εὑρεῖν ἐν τοῖς δηλουμένοις. 26.4 Now these arguments, I believe, sufficiently demonstrate the total impotence both of those who give oracles and those who consult them, and show that there is nothing true or divine to be found in the things revealed.
26.5 Τὸ δὲ κακότροπον τοῦ ἤθους εἴτε τῶν πονηρῶν δαιμόνων εἴτε τῶν τὰ μαντεῖα καθυποκρινομένων ἀνδρῶν ἴδοις ἄν, εἰ μάθοις ὡς καὶ εἰς τὸν κατ’ ἀλλήλων πόλεμον τοὺς χρωμένους αὐτοῖς ἠρέθιζον, εἰρήνης καὶ φιλίας δέον αὐτοὺς εἶναι βραβευτάς. 26.5 Moreover, one can see the malicious character of their nature—whether of evil spirits or of men impersonating the oracles—if one considers how they goaded those who consulted them into war against one another, when they ought rather to have been arbiters of peace and friendship.
26.6 Τοτὲ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαιμονίους ὡς ἂν οἰκείους καὶ φίλους ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖς πάλιν κατὰ Μεσσηνίων παροξύνει, τοτὲ δ’ αὖ Μεσσηνίοις κατὰ Λακεδαιμονίων χρᾷ, εἰ πάλιν οὗτοι δι’ ἀνθρωποθυσίας ἱλάσοιντο τοὺς δαίμονας. Ἄκουε δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τούτων· 26.6 Thus at one time the god at Delphi goads the Lacedaemonians against the Messenians as though they were his own friends, while at another time he issues an oracle to the Messenians against the Lacedaemonians, telling them to appease the demons through human sacrifice. Hear, then, what happened in these matters:"
Chapter 27
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Oenomaus criticizes Apollo for fueling the brutal Messenian Wars rather than teaching peace, moderation, and self-sufficiency. Oenomaus exposes Apollo's malicious double-dealing. Eusebius notes that countless similar failures continue up to his own time. Rulers were routinely egged on into fruitless wars, misled by obscure oracles, or ruined by outright deception. Then Eusebius introduces the famous Delphic oracle given to Lycurgus of Sparta.
27.1 «Ἐπικρινεῖ δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἡ σοφία παροῦσα τῇ μαντικῇ, καὶ οὐκ ἐπιτρέψει αὐτῇ ὡς ἔτυχε διαλέγεσθαι, ἅτε δὴ τῶν πάντων ἀναψαμένη τὰ πείσματα καὶ ἐπιθεμένη τὰ πρεσβεῖα, οὐδ’ ἐφήσει ματαίῳ ὄντι τῷ Πυθίῳ χρᾶν οὔτε τούτοις οὔτε Λακεδαιμονίοις περὶ Μεσσηνίων καὶ τῆς γῆς, ἧς εἶχον Μεσσήνιοι, ἀπάτῃ νικήσαντες Λακεδαιμονίους·

“Οὔ σε μάχης μόνον ἔργ’ ἐφέπειν χερὶ Φοῖβος ἄνωγεν, ἀλλ’ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα λαός· ταῖς δ’ αὐταῖς τέχναις τις ἁλώσεται αἷσπερ ὑπῆρξεν.” 		27.1 "Wisdom, if present with divination, would judge such matters and would not permit it to speak at random; for wisdom holds the steering-oars of all things and claims the chief honors. Nor would it allow the Pythian god, vain as he is, to utter oracles either to these men or to the Lacedaemonians concerning the Messenians and the land which the Messenians held after defeating the Lacedaemonians by deceit:

'Phoebus bids you pursue not only deeds of battle with the hand, but by deceit the people hold the Messenian land; and by the self-same crafts shall one be taken whereby he first began.'
27.2 Εἰρήνης μᾶλλον μεμνῆσθαι κελεύει καὶ ὀλιγοδείας καὶ αὐταρκείας. Οἱ δέ που τοῖς Λυκούργου νόμοις κατακοσμούμενοι ἧκον ὑπὸ ἀπληστίας καὶ δόξης κενῆς ἐρησόμενοι, ὡς μὴ δοκοῖεν Μεσσηνίων μάχῃ λείπεσθαι, ἐν νόμοις καρτερικοῖς τεθράφθαι δοκοῦντες. 27.2 Wisdom bids us rather to remember peace, frugality, and self-sufficiency. Yet those men, ordered though they were by the laws of Lycurgus, came out of greed and empty glory to ask questions, so that they might not seem inferior to the Messenians in battle—supposing themselves to have been bred in austere laws!
27.3 Εἰ δέ γε οἱ ἐν καρτερικοῖς ἦσαν νόμοις οὕτω τεθραμμένοι, ἐκαρτέρουν ἂν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀλίγοις, καὶ οὐδὲν ἂν μάχης αὐτοῖς ἔδει, οὐδὲ ὅπλων καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ἀποπληξίας. 27.3 If, however, they had been so bred in austere laws, they would have been content with little, and would have had no need of battle, nor of arms and the rest of that madness.
27.4 Ταῦτα Λακεδαιμονίοις κατὰ Μεσσηνίων, πάλιν δ’ αὖ Μεσσηνίοις κατὰ Λακεδαιμονίων ταῦτα· σὺ γὰρ καὶ Μεσσηνίοις κατὰ Λακεδαιμονίων, οὐ μόνον Λακεδαιμονίοις κατὰ Μεσσηνίων χρησμῳδεῖς·

“Παρθένον Αἰπυτίδα κλῆρος καλεῖ, ἥντινα δοίης δαίμοσι νερτερίοις, καί κεν σώσειας Ἰθώμην.” 		27.4 These were the oracles to the Lacedaemonians against the Messenians, and then again to the Messenians against the Lacedaemonians! For you gave oracles to the Messenians against the Lacedaemonians, not only to the Lacedaemonians against the Messenians:

'A virgin of Aepytid lineage the lot demands, whom you must give to the nether demons, and so you may save Ithome.'
27.5 Τὰ γὰρ παρευρήματα οὐ δέχομαι, ὅτι οὐκ ἦν καθαρὸν ἐκ γένους Αἰπύτου τὸ ἱερεῖον, ὅθεν ἀτέλεστα Μεσσηνίοις εἶναι· τοιοῦτος γὰρ εἶ οἷος ταράττειν.»

Τὰ μὲν δὴ τῆς παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας τοιαῦτα. Μυρία δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ καθ’ ἡμᾶς τούτοις συνιδεῖν ὅμοια, ἐκ παλαιοῦ χρόνου καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς τῶν κατὰ χρόνους ἀρχόντων τοτὲ μὲν εἰς ἀπράκτους πολέμους διὰ τῆς τῶν χρησμῶν συμβουλίας ὁρμώντων, τοτὲ δὲ σφαλλομένων ἐκ τῆς τῶν χρησθέντων ἀδηλίας, ἄλλοτε δὲ ἀποπλανωμένων ἐκ τῆς αὐτόθεν τῶν λογίων ἀπάτης. 		27.5 For I do not accept those evasive excuses—that the victim was not pure of the race of Aepytus, and that therefore things turned out unfulfilled for the Messenians. For you are the sort of person who loves to cause confusion!"

Such are the details of ancient history. One can observe thousands of similar cases down to our own time, from ancient days right up to ourselves, of rulers of various periods being spurred on into futile wars through the counsel of oracles, or being tripped up by the obscurity of the responses, or being led astray by the outright deceit of the utterances.
27.6 Τί δεῖ δὲ λέγειν, ὥς ποτε ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις συμφοραῖς, ἤτοι τῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἐχθροὺς παρατάξεων, ἢ τῶν ἐν ταῖς σωματικαῖς ἀρρωστίαις κινδύνων, τῆς τῶν νενομισμένων θεῶν ἐπικουρίας ἢ θεραπείας οὐδὲν ὤναντο; 27.6 And what need is there to mention how, in their greatest calamities—whether in battles against enemies or in the perils of bodily sickness—they gained no benefit whatever from the help or healing of the reputed gods?
27.7 Τοιαῦτα δὲ ἀεὶ καὶ διὰ παντὸς αὐτοῖς τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν χρησμῶν ἐκπίπτει, οἷα καὶ τὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας συνίστησιν. 27.7 Indeed, the results of the oracles always and continuously turn out to be of such a kind as ancient history confirms.
27.8 Ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ τῶν μάλιστα παρὰ Ἕλλησι θρυλουμένων τοῦ Πυθίου χρησμῶν εἷς τις ἦν καὶ ὁ πρὸς Λυκοῦργον, ᾧ προσιόντι ἡ Πυθία ἐπεφώνησε τὸ βοώμενον ἐκεῖνο·

“Ἥκεις, ὦ Λυκόεργε, ἐμὸν ποτὶ πίονα νηόν, Ζηνὶ φίλος καὶ πᾶσιν Ὀλύμπι’ ἔχουσιν· δίζω ἤ σε θεὸν μαντεύσομαι, ἢ ἄνθρωπον· ἀλλ’ ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον θεὸν ἔλπομαι, ὦ Λυκόεργε. Ἥκεις εὐνομίην διζήμενος· αὐτὰρ ἐγώ τοι δώσω...”

καὶ τὰ τούτοις συνεπιλεγόμενα, φέρε καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα τίνα ποτὲ συνεῖδεν ὁ προδηλωθεὶς ἔλεγχος ἐποπτεύσωμεν. Γράφει δὲ ὧδε· 		27.8 However, since one of the most famous Pythian oracles celebrated among the Greeks was the one given to Lycurgus—to whom, as he entered, the Pythia proclaimed that famous shout:

'You have come, O Lycurgus, to my rich temple, dear to Zeus and to all who hold Olympian abodes; I am in doubt whether to declare you a god or a man; yet I rather hope you are a god, O Lycurgus. You have come seeking good order; but I to you shall give...'

and the words that follow upon these—come, let us observe what the aforementioned refutation observed regarding these matters as well. He writes as follows:
Chapter 28
☜ ☞

Oenomaus continues his critique of Delphic wisdom, mocking Apollo for declaring Lycurgus to be a god (or godlike) simply because he came to Delphi seeking good laws (εὐνομία). Oenomaus points out the absurdity: if Lycurgus were truly a god or friend of Zeus, why would he need political lessons from Apollo?
Oenomaus sarcastically marvels at the need for divine instruction. When Lycurgus presses Apollo for actual, clear guidance on governance, Apollo responds with vague poetic verses.
28.1 «Ἀλλὰ σὺ τὸν Τυρταῖον προκαθηγεμόνα καὶ σκοπὸν ἐλθόντα ποτέ ὡς σὲ ἥκειν ἔφης ἔκ κοίλης Λακεδαίμονος “Ζηνὶ φίλον καὶ πᾶσιν Ὀλύμπια δώματ’ ἔχουσι,” δίζεσθαί τε εἰ θεὸν αὐτὸν μαντεύσῃ ἢ ἄνθρωπον, “ἀλλ’ ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον θεόν,” ὅτι ἦλθεν εὐνομίην αἰτήσων. 28.1 "But you said that when Tyrtaeus—acting as a leader and observer—came to you on a time, he had come from hollow Lacedaemon as 'dear to Zeus and to all who hold Olympian abodes,' and that you deliberated whether to declare him a god or a man, 'yet rather a god,' because he came seeking good laws (εὐνομία).
28.2 Καὶ πῶς, εἰ θεός, οὐκ ἠπίστατο νόμον πολιτικὸν ὁ φίλος τοῦ Διὸς καὶ πάντων τῶν Ὀλυμπίων; Ἀλλ’ ἐπεί τοι καὶ οὐ δίχα θεοῦ ἴσως τὰ τοιαῦτα εὑρίσκεται, ἃ δέδεικται τῷ θειοτάτῳ ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ τῆς θεοῦ φωνῆς, φέρε ἴδωμεν τὴν θείαν φωνήν, καὶ ἃ ἐδίδαξας τὸν Λυκοῦργον, “ἥκεις εὐνομίην διζήμενος, αὐτὰρ ἐγώ τοι δώσω.” 28.2 And how, if he was a god, did the friend of Zeus and of all the Olympians not understand civil law? But since perhaps such things are not found apart from a god—things which were revealed to the most divine of men by the divine voice—come, let us look at the divine voice and what you taught Lycurgus when you said, 'You have come seeking good laws, and I will give them to you.'
28.3 Δός, εἴποιμι ἂν ἐγώ· οὐδεμίαν γάρ πω δόσιν οὐδενὶ ἐπηγγείλω τοιαύτην.

“Ὡς ἂν μαντοσύνῃσιν ὑποσχέσιάς τε καὶ ὅρκους, καὶ δίκας ἀλλήλοισι καὶ ἀλλοδαποῖσι διδῶτε, ἁγνῶς καὶ καθαρῶς πρεσβηγενέας τιμῶντες, Τυνδαρίδας δ’ ἐποπιζόμενοι, Μενέλαν τε καὶ ἄλλους ἀθανάτους ἥρωας, οἳ ἐν Λακεδαίμονι δίῃ, οὕτω δή χ’ ὑμῶν περιφείδοιτ’ εὐρύοπα Ζεύς.” 		28.3 'Give them!' I would say; for never yet have you promised such a gift to anyone!

'That by my prophecies you may render promises and oaths, and render justice to one another and to strangers, purely and blamelessly honoring the elders, and reverence the Tyndaridae, Menelaus and the other immortal heroes who dwell in divine Lacedaemon— so indeed might far-seeing Zeus spare you.'
28.4 Ἄπολλον, διδασκαλίας καὶ παρεγγυήσεως θείας! Καὶ οὐ μακρὸς ἕνεκα τούτων ὁ στόλος, οὐδὲ ὅπως εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ εἰς Ὑπερβορέους αὐτούς, ὅθεν ἀφῖχθαι λέγουσι κατὰ χρησμὸν Ἀστερίας ἄλλης μάντεως “οἰκητὰς Δήλοιο θυώδεος ἠδ’ ἱερῆας.” 28.4 O Apollo, what divine teaching and exhortation! And for these things the journey was not long—not even to go to Delphi from the Peloponnese, nor even to the Hyperboreans themselves, whence they say came 'the inhabitants and priests of fragrant Delos' according to the oracle of Asteria, another prophetess.
28.5 Δοκεῖ δέ μοι ὁ Λυκοῦργος οὗτος οὐκ ἐσχηκέναι τιτθήν, οὐδὲ σύνθωκος πρεσβυτέρων οὐδέποτε κεκαθικέναι, παρ’ ὧν καὶ παρ’ ἧς εἶχε καλλίω τούτων ἀκοῦσαι καὶ σοφώτερα. 28.5 Indeed, it seems to me that this Lycurgus never had a wet-nurse, nor ever sat in the council of elders, from whom and from whom he could have heard finer and wiser things than these!
28.6 Τάχα δέ πού τι προσθήσεις, ἐάν σε λιπαρῇ ὁ Λυκοῦργος εἰπεῖν τι σαφές. Εἰ οἱ μὲν εὖ ἡγοῖντο, οἱ δ’ ἕποιντο, οὐκέτι φήσω τοῦ αὐτοῦ εἶναι συνθώκου τοῦτο, καὶ ἀξιώσω τὸν Λυκοῦργον μὴ ἀποκαμεῖν, εἴ τι δύναιτο πολιτικὸν παρὰ σοῦ δίδαγμα ἀναλαβὼν ἀπιέναι εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην. 28.6 And perhaps you will add something further, if Lycurgus begs you to say something clear! If some were to lead well and others to follow, I will no longer say this belongs to the same council; and I will ask Lycurgus not to tire, if he can take away some political lesson from you before returning to Sparta:
28.7 “Εἰσὶν ὁδοὶ δύο πλεῖστον ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων ἀπέχουσαι, ἡ μὲν ἐλευθερίας εἰς τίμιον οἶκον ἄγουσα, ἡ δ’ ἐπὶ δουλείας φυκτὸν δόμον ἡμερίοισι· καὶ τὴν μὲν διά τ’ ἀνδροτῆτος ἱερῆς θ’ ὁμονοίας ἔστι περᾶν, ἣν δὴ λαοῖς ἡγεῖσθε κέλευθον, τὴν δὲ διὰ στυγερῆς ἔριδος καὶ ἀνάλκιδος ἄτης εἰσαφικάνουσι...”,

τὴν δὲ πεφυλάχθαι. 		28.7 'There are two paths far distant from one another: the one leading to the honored house of freedom, and the other to the shunned house of slavery for mortals. The one you can traverse through sacred manhood and harmony— lead the people along this path!— while the other they reach through hateful strife and helpless folly...'

and that they must beware of the second.
28.8 Μάλιστα ἀνδρείους εἶναι κελεύεις· τοῦτο μὲν καὶ παρὰ τῶν δειλῶν πολλάκις ἠκούσαμεν· ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁμόφρονας· τοῦτο οὐ παρὰ τῶν σοφῶν μόνων, ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ παρ’ αὐτῶν τῶν στασιαζόντων. Ὥστε τούτου μὲν τοῦ παρεγγυήματος ἀφίεμέν σε. 28.8 You order them especially to be brave; yet this we have often heard even from cowards! And to be of one mind; yet this comes not only from the wise, but even from insurgents themselves! So as far as this advice goes, we release you.
28.9 Καίτοι μάντις ὢν οὐκ ἔγνως ἡμᾶς πολλάκις καὶ παρὰ πολλῶν εἰληφότας αὐτό, οὔτε τῆς δάφνης ἐμφαγόντων οὔτε τὸ Κασταλίας ὕδωρ πιόντων, οὐδ’ ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ τὴν ὀφρύν ποτε ἀνασπασάντων; 28.9 And yet, being a prophet, did you not know that we have often received this same advice from many people who have neither chewed the laurel nor drunk the water of Castalia, nor ever raised an eyebrow in pretense of wisdom?
28.10 Λέγε οὖν περὶ ἀνδρείας, λέγε περὶ ἐλευθερίας, λέγε περὶ ὁμοφροσύνης, τίνα τρόπον ἐγγίνεται ταῦτα πόλει, καὶ μὴ ἡμᾶς τοὺς οὐκ εἰδότας κέλευε ἡγεῖσθαι τοῖς λαοῖς τῆς κελεύθου ταύτης, ἀλλ’ αὐτὸς ἡγοῦ. Καλὴ μὲν γάρ, ἀλλ’ ἄπορος ἡμῖν καὶ φοβερά.»

Τούτοις προστίθησι λέγων· 		28.10 Speak, then, about courage! Speak about freedom! Speak about harmony—in what way these are produced in a state! And do not command us, who do not know, to lead the people along this path, but lead it yourself! For it is a noble path, but for us impassable and fearful."

To these things he adds, saying:
Chapter 29
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Oenomaus gathers several famous, fragmented Delphic responses to show that Apollo merely recycled formulaic platitudes on marriage, children, colonization, and vanity. Apollo is exposed as a paid charlatan. Oenomaus sharply contrasts Apollo’s useless responses with Socrates’s practical advice.
29.1 «Σὺ δὲ καὶ περὶ γάμου ἕτοιμος λέγειν·

“Ἄργεος ἱπποβότου, πῶλον λάβε κυανοχαίτου.” 		29.1 "And on the subject of marriage you are ready to say:

'Take a mare of dark mane from horse-pasturing Argos.'
29.2 Περὶ δὲ παίδων·

“Ἠετίων, οὔ τίς σε τίει πολύτιτον ἐόντα· Λάβδα κύει, τέξει δ’ ὀλοοίτροχον.” 		29.2 And concerning children:

'Eetion, no one honors you, though you are worthy of great honor; Labda is pregnant, and she will bear a rolling boulder.'
29.3 Περὶ δὲ ἀποικίας·

“Στέλλ’ ἐπὶ χρυσείους ἄνδρας πολυεθνέα λαόν, ὤμοις μὲν χαλκὸν προφέρων, χερσὶν δὲ σίδηρον.” 		29.3 And concerning a colony:

'Send a populous host against golden men, carrying bronze upon their shoulders and iron in their hands.'
29.4 Περὶ δὲ κενῆς δόξης·

“Γαίης μὲν πάσης τὸ Πελασγικὸν οὖδας ἄμεινον· ἵπποι Θρηίκιαι, Λακεδαιμόνιαι δὲ γυναῖκες, ἄνδρες θ’ οἳ πίνουσιν ὕδωρ καλῆς Ἀρεθούσης.” 		29.4 And concerning empty glory:

'Best of all land is the Pelasgian soil, Thracian mares, Lacedaemonian women, and the men who drink the water of fair Arethusa.'
29.5 Καί μοι δοκεῖς οὐδὲν τῶν τερατοσκόπων καλουμένων κρείττων εἶναι, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγυρτῶν καὶ σοφιστῶν. Ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν οὐδὲν ἔγωγε ἐθαύμασα, εἰ μισθοῦ τραχηλίζουσιν, σοῦ δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰ μισθοῦ τραχηλίζῃ. 29.5 Indeed, you seem to me to be no better than the so-called portenteers, nor indeed than the other vagabond priests and sophists. Now, as for them, I marvel not at all if they seize people by the neck for pay; but as for you, the god, I marvel if you seize people by the neck for pay!
29.6 Εἶθ’ ὁ μὲν Σωκράτης ἐκεῖνος οὐδέτερον ἀπεκρίνατο πρὸς τὸν ἐρωτήσαντα πότερον γαμήσει ἢ μή, ἀλλ’ ὅτι μετανοήσει ἀμφότερα· πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἐπιθυμοῦντα παίδων οὐκ εὖ ἔφη αὐτὸν ποιήσειν, ὃς ἐάσας ἐπιχειρεῖν ὅπως, εἴ οἱ παῖδες γένοιντο, ἄριστα αὐτοῖς χρῷτο, τούτου μὲν οὐδένα λόγον ἐποιήσατο, αὐτὸ δὲ μόνον ἐσκοπεῖτο, πῶς ἂν αὐτῷ γένοιντο. 29.6 Furthermore, that famous Socrates gave neither direct answer to the man who asked whether he should marry or not, but remarked that he would repent of both choices; and to the man who desired children, he said that he was not acting wisely—for having neglected to try how, if children were born to him, he might make the best use of them, he made no account of this, but considered only this alone: how they might be born to him!
29.7 Ἑτέρου δὲ ἀποδημεῖν ἐγνωκότος διὰ τὸ κακῶς ἔχειν αὐτὸν οἴκοι οὐκ ἔφη ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν βουλεύεσθαι· τὴν μὲν γὰρ πατρίδα αὐτόθι ἀπολιπὼν ἄπεισι, τὴν δὲ ἀμαθίαν μεθ’ ἑαυτοῦ ἄγων, ἥτις αὐτὸν καὶ τοῖς ἐκεῖ δυσαρεστεῖν ποιήσει καθάπερ καὶ τοῖς ἐνθάδε. Καὶ οὐχ ὁπότε ἠρωτᾶτο μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτόκλητος ἐπὶ τὰς τοιάσδε συνουσίας ἰών·» 29.7 And when another man had decided to travel abroad because things were going badly for him at home, Socrates said he was not taking good counsel; for while he would leave his fatherland behind there, he would be taking his ignorance along with him, which would make him dissatisfied with things there just as with things here. And he did this not only when asked, but even going uninvited to such gatherings:"
Chapter 30
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Satire on Useless Medical/Domestic Oracles: Oenomaus ridicules Apollo’s banal and obvious answers. To Athenians suffering under heat, Apollo advises drinking wine cooled in the shade around the Dog Days—a basic medical tip, not divine prophecy. To the elderly Erginus seeking offspring, Apollo advises marrying a young woman—a piece of natural common sense that requires no oracle, though human desire blinds simpletons into thinking it divine.
30.1 «“Εἴκοσι τὰς πρὸ Κυνὸς καὶ εἴκοσι τὰς μετέπειτα οἴκῳ ἐνὶ σκιερῷ Διονύσῳ χρῆσθαι ἰητρῷ.”

Ἀθηναίοις ὑπὸ καύματος ἐνοχλουμένοις ἰατρικόν, ἀλλ’ οὐ μαντικόν. 		30.1 "'For twenty days before the Dog-Star and twenty days after, use Dionysus in a shaded house as your physician.'

This was medical advice to the Athenians who were suffering from heat—not an oracle!
30.2 “Ἐργῖνε Κλυμένοιο πάϊ, Πρεσβωνιάδα, ὄψ’ ἦλθες γενεὴν διζήμενος· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔμπης ἱστοβοῆϊ γέροντι νέαν ποτίβαλλε κορώνην.”

Γέροντι νέαν συνοικεῖν, εἰ παίδων ἐπιθυμεῖ, οὐ μάντεως οὐδὲ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ φύσιν ἐπισταμένου. Ἀλλ’ ἡ ἐπιθυμία τοὺς βλᾶκας ἐξίστησιν. 		30.2 'Erginus, son of Clymenus, descendant of Presbon, late have you come seeking a generation; yet even so, fit a new tip to your aged plow-tree.'

To tell an old man to live with a young woman if he desires children—this too requires no prophet, but merely someone who understands nature! But desire turns simpletons out of their minds.
Chapter 31
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Satire on Exiles and Cretan Purifications: Oenomaus argues that Apollo should use a fennel-stalk to discipline consultants instead of answering foolish questions. To Antiochus, ruined by politics, Apollo advises emigrating to Thasos; Oenomaus notes it would have been far better to advise him: "Antiochus, come to your senses, and do not grieve over poverty." To Cretans seeking ritual cleansing, Apollo prescribes ritual purifications; Oenomaus rewrites the oracle into a call to cleanse oneself from delusion and embrace wisdom instead.
31.1 Διόπερ σοι καὶ νάρθηκα παραινῶ ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς λαμβάνειν, εἴ μὴ πείθοις μανθάνειν ἀντὶ τῶν καταπτύστων ἐρωτημάτων ἄξιόν τι τοῦ θείου φοιτητηρίου· ἢ Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ Παρίῳ ἀποβαλόντι τὴν οὐσίαν ἐν πολιτικῇ φλυαρίᾳ καὶ ὑπὸ λύπης ἥκοντι πρὸς σὲ λέγειν·

“Ἀντίοχ’, εἰς Θάσον ἐλθέ, καὶ οἴκει εὐκλέα νῆσον.”

Ὧς ἐκείνως ἂν μᾶλλον ὤνατο ἀκούσας· “Ἀντίοχ’, εἰς νοῦν ἐλθέ, καὶ ἐν πενίᾳ μὴ ὀδύρου.” 		31.1 Therefore I advise you to take a fennel-stalk (νάρθηξ) to them, unless you can persuade them to learn something worthy of the divine school instead of these despicable questions! Or to say to Antiochus the Parian, who had lost his property in political folly and came to you in grief:

'Antiochus, go to Thasos, and inhabit a glorious island.'

He would have benefited much more had he heard: 'Antiochus, come to your senses, and do not grieve over poverty!'
31.2 Ἢ τοῖς ἥκουσι Κρητῶν·

“Φαιστοῦ καὶ Τάρρας ναέται, Δίου τε πολύρρου, Πυθῷον κέλομαι τελέειν Φοίβοιο καθαρμὸν εὐαγέοντας, ὅπως Κρήτην καταναιετάητε, ὄλβον μὲν πατρίοισι νόμοις, καὶ Ζῆνα σέβοντες.” 		31.2 Or to those who came from Crete:

'Inhabitants of Phaestus and Tarra, and of well-watered Dius, I command you, pure in heart, to perform Pythian purification to Phoebus, that you may inhabit Crete, reverencing wealth according to ancestral laws, and Zeus.'
31.3 Οἷς ἀκοῦσαι ἐκεῖνο κρεῖττον ἦν λήρου καὶ μανίας·

“Ναέται, πολλοῦ θ’ ἅμα τύφου οἰκεῖον τελέειν κέλομαι λήροιο καθαρμὸν εὐαγέοντας, ὅπως σοφίαν καταναιετάητε, ὄλβον μὲν πατρίοισι νόμοις, θείοις δὲ σέβοντες.”

Ὡς μὴ μᾶλλον τῆς Κρήτης σὺ καθαρμοῦ προσδέῃ, Ὀρφικούς τινας ἢ Ἐπιμενιδείους καθαρμοὺς φανταζόμενος. 		31.3 To whom it would have been better to hear this instead of foolishness and madness:

'Inhabitants of Crete, and at the same time of much vanity, I command you, pure in heart, to perform a proper purification from foolishness, that you may inhabit wisdom, reverencing wealth according to ancestral laws, but rather according to divine ones!'

So that you yourself may not stand in greater need of purification than Crete, imagining some Orphic or Epimenidean purifications!
Chapter 32
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Exposing Divine Greed & Transition to Archilochus/Homer: Oenomaus exposes Apollo's sham plunder-sharing agreement with the Spartan kings Charilaus and Archelaus, asking which "other Apollo" is meant, since Apollo shamelessly takes half the spoils like a bandit partner. Eusebius then concludes Oenomaus's section and introduces Apollo’s praising of Archilochus (a poet known for vile obscenities), Euripides, and Homer (whom Plato banished from his Republic for corrupting youth).
32.1 Διὰ τί δέ, ὦ σοφώτατε, Χαρίλαος καὶ Ἀρχέλαος οἱ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεῖς, “εἴ κεν ἐπικτήτου μοίρης λάχος Ἀπόλλωνι ἥμισυ δάσσωνται, πολὺ λώϊον ἔσσεται αὐτοῖς”; Ποίῳ δὲ καὶ ἄλλῳ λέγεις Ἀπόλλωνι; Οὐ γὰρ δὴ αὐτῷ σοι, ὦ ἀναίσχυντε μάντι, ὡς μή τίς σοι αὐτῷ ἐπιπλήξειεν, ἅτε κακῶς οὕτω συνδιαιρουμένῳ τοῖς λῃσταῖς.» 32.1 And why, O wisest one, did you say to Charilaus and Archelaus, the kings of the Lacedaemonians, that 'if they should divide a half share of their acquired plunder to Apollo, it will be much better for them'? And to what other Apollo do you refer? For surely you do not mean yourself, O shameless prophet—lest someone should rebuke you for sharing so wickedly with plunderers!"
32.2 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὧδε ἐχέτω. Φέρε δὲ τούτοις προσθῶμεν καὶ δι’ ὧν αὖθις ὁ Ἀπόλλων θαυμάζει τὸν Ἀρχίλοχον, ἄνδρα παντοίαις κατὰ γυναικῶν αἰσχρορρημοσύναις καὶ ἀρρητολογίαις, ἃς οὐδ’ ἀκοῦσαί τις σώφρων ἀνὴρ ὑπομείνειεν ἄν, ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις ποιήμασι κεχρημένον· καὶ τὸν Εὐριπίδην τῆς μὲν Σωκράτους διατριβῆς καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἐκπεσόντα, εἰσέτι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς θυμέλης τραγῳδούμενον· καὶ Ὅμηρον ἐπὶ τούτοις, ὃν ὁ γενναῖος Πλάτων ἐξωθεῖ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πολιτείας ὡς κατ’ οὐδὲν ὠφέλιμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἔσχατα τοὺς νέους λυμαινομένων λόγων ποιητὴν γεγενημένον. Ἐφ’ οἷς πάλιν ὁ προδηλωθεὶς τὸν χρησμῳδὸν θεὸν ὧδέ πως σκώπτει· 32.2 Let these matters stand thus. Come, then, let us add to these those utterances through which Apollo next marvels at Archilochus—a man who used all kinds of obscene language and unspeakable abuse against women in his own poems, such as no temperate man could endure even to hear—and at Euripides, who fell away from the school and philosophy of Socrates, yet even now is still dramatized on the orchestra stage; and Homer in addition to these, whom the noble Plato expelled from his Republic as being in no way beneficial, but rather a poet of words that utterly ruin the young. At whom the aforementioned author again mocks the oracle-mongering god in somewhat the following manner:
Chapter 33
☜ ☞

In the first 4 verses of this chapter, Apollo praises the immoral and tragic poets. In verses 5 to 9, Oenomaus asks if the key to divine approval is copying Archilochus—bitterly abusing women who refuse to marry, writing scurrilous verses, and abusing degenerates. He mocks Apollo for ordering Archilochus's killer (Archias) out of the Delphic temple for slaying a "servant of the Muses," pointing out the absurdity of protecting an author of vile poetry. In verses 10 to 14, Oenomaus questions what made Euripides's theatrical crowns "sacred." Applause from crowds in Athens, patronage from Macedonian tyrants, and dramatic grandstanding are human flatteries, not proof of divine virtue. He sarcastically suggests that legendary tragic figures like Oedipus and Thyestes should have turned to writing verses rather than suffering, if verse-making was the true path to sit in Zeus's court beside boxers. In the final verses of the chapter, Oenomaus cites Apollo's oracle to Homer regarding his birthplace and death (warning him of the riddle spoken by children). He mocks the idea that a "blessed" man did not even know his own origin or where he would die, comparing Homer's consultation of Apollo to a dung-beetle asking Delphi which pile of manure it was born in and where it will die.
33.1 «“Ἀθάνατός σοι παῖς καὶ ἀοίδιμος, ὦ Τελεσίκλεις, ἔσσετ’ ἐν ἀνθρώποις.”

Ὁ δὲ παῖς ἦν Ἀρχίλοχος. 		33.1 "'An immortal and renowned son shall be yours among men, O Telesicles!'

And this son was Archilochus.
33.2 “Ἔσται σοι κοῦρος, Μνησαρχίδῃ, ὄντινα πάντες ἄνθρωποι τίσουσι, καὶ ἐς κλέος ἐσθλὸν ὀρούσει, καὶ στεφέων ἱερῶν γλυκερὴν χάριν ἀμφιβαλεῖται.” 33.2 'A child shall be born to you, Mnesarchides, whom all men shall honor, and he shall rush toward noble fame, and wrap around himself the sweet grace of sacred crowns.'
33.3 Ὁ δὲ κοῦρος ἦν Εὐριπίδης.

“Ὅμηρε, σοὶ ζωή, δοιὰς μοίρας λάχεν, ἡ μὲν ἀμαυρῶν ἠελίων δισσῶν, ἡ δ’ ἀθανάτοις ἰσόμοιρος, ζῶν καὶ ἀποφθίμενος.”

Καὶ διὰ ταῦτα ἤκουεν· “Ὄλβιε καὶ δύσδαιμον, ἔφυς γὰρ ἐπ’ ἀμφοτέροισι.” 		33.3 And this child was Euripides.

'Homer, two fates have fallen to your lot for life: the one of two dim suns, but the other equal in share to the immortals, both living and departed.'

And because of these things he heard: 'Blessed and ill-fated, for you were born to both!'
33.4 Λέγει δὲ οὐκ ἄνθρωπος, ἀλλά τις διατεινάμενός ποτε, ὅτι αὐτὸν οὐ χρὴ ἀνθρώπων θεὸν ὄντα δυηπαθέων ἀλεγίζειν. Ἄγε οὖν, ὦ θεέ, μὴ περιίδῃς μηδ’ ἡμᾶς· ἐπιθυμοῦμεν γάρ, εἰ μή τι ἀδικοῦμεν, οἱ μὲν κλέους ἐσθλοῦ, οἱ δὲ στεφάνων ἱερῶν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς θεοὺς ἰσομοιρίας, οἱ δὲ αὐτῆς ἀθανασίας. 33.4 Now it was not a mere man who spoke, but someone who once asserted that as a god he ought not to care for suffering humans! Come then, O god, do not overlook us either! For—unless we are doing something wrong—some of us long for noble fame, others for sacred crowns, others for a share equal to the gods, and others for immortality itself!
33.5 Τί ποτ’ οὖν ἦν τοῦτο δι’ ὅ σοι Ἀρχίλοχος ἔδοξεν ἄξιος εἶναι τοῦ οὐρανοῦ; Μὴ φθονήσῃς, ὦ φιλανθρωπότατε θεῶν, μηδ’ ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις τῆς ἄνω ὁδοῦ. Τί πράττειν κελεύεις ἡμᾶς; Ἢ δηλαδὴ τὰ Ἀρχιλόχου, εἰ μέλλοιμεν ἄξιοι φανεῖσθαι τῆς ὑμετέρας ἑστίας, 33.5 What, then, was this quality on account of which Archilochus seemed to you worthy of heaven? Do not grudge the upward path to other men, O most philanthropic of gods! What do you order us to do? Is it obviously to do what Archilochus did, if we are to appear worthy of your hearth?
33.6 λοιδορῆσαι μὲν πικρῶς τὰς οὐκ ἐθελούσας ἡμῖν γαμεῖσθαι, ἅψασθαι δὲ καὶ τῶν κιναίδων, ἐπειδὴ τῶν ἄλλων πονηρῶν πολὺ πονηρότεροί εἰσιν· οὐχὶ δίχα μέτρου, αὕτη γὰρ διάλεκτος καὶ θεῶν, ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ θείων ἀνδρῶν, ὥσπερ Ἀρχιλόχου. 33.6 To bitterly abuse women who refuse to marry us, and to attack degenerates as well, since they are far worse than all other villains? And not without meter either, for this is the dialect of gods, just as it is of divine men like Archilochus!
33.7 Καὶ οὐδὲν ἴσως θαυμαστόν· διὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐν τούτοις ὑπεροχὴν εὖ μὲν οἶκος οἰκεῖται, εὖ δὲ ἰδιώτης βίος, πόλεις δὲ ὁμοφρόνως καὶ ἔθνη εὐνόμως συνεστᾶσιν. 33.7 And perhaps it is no wonder! For through excellence in these matters, a household is well managed, private life goes well, and cities and nations exist in harmony and good order!
33.8 Οὐκ ἀπεικότως ἄρα σοι καὶ Μουσῶν θεράπων ἔδοξεν εἶναι, καὶ ὁ φονεὺς αὐτοῦ οὐκ ἄξιος εἶναι τῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς τοὺς θεοὺς εἰσόδου, οὐδὲ τῆς παρ’ ὑμῶν φωνῆς, ἄνδρα φωνάεντα ἀποκτείνας. 33.8 Not unnaturally, then, he seemed to you to be a servant of the Muses, and his killer seemed unworthy of entrance to you gods, or of a voice from you, because he slew a vocal man!
33.9 Οὔκουν ἄδικος ἡ πρὸς τὸν Ἀρχίαν ἀπειλή, οὐδ’ ἄκαιρος ἡ Πυθία τιμωροῦσα Ἀρχιλόχῳ τῷ πάλαι νεκρῷ καὶ κελεύουσα ἐξιέναι τοῦ ναοῦ τὸν ἐναγῆ· “Μουσάων γὰρ ἀπέκτεινε θεράποντα.” 33.9 Therefore, your threat against Archias was not unjust, nor was the Pythia untimely in taking vengeance for Archilochus, who was long since dead, and commanding the polluted man to leave the temple: 'For you slew a servant of the Muses!'
33.10 Οὔκουν ἔμοιγ’ ἐφάνης ἐπαμύνων τῷ ποιητῇ ἀπρεπὴς εἶναι· ἐμεμνήμην γὰρ καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου ποιητοῦ καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν τοῦ Εὐριπίδου στεφάνων, καίτοι ἀπορῶν καὶ ἀκοῦσαι ἐπιθυμῶν οὐχ ὅτι ἐστεφανοῦτο, ἀλλὰ πῶς ἦν τὰ στέφη ταῦτα ἱερά· οὐδ’ ὅτι αὐτοῦ κλέος ὄρουσεν, ἀλλὰ πῶς ἐσθλὸν ἦν τοῦτο. 33.10 In truth, you did not appear to me to be improper in defending the poet; for I remembered the other poet as well, and the sacred crowns of Euripides—though I was at a loss and eager to hear not merely that he was crowned, but how those crowns were sacred, nor merely that his fame surged, but how it was noble!
33.11 Ἐκροταλίζετο μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὄχλοις, οἶδα, καὶ τυράννοις ἤρεσκε, καὶ τοῦτο οἶδα· καὶ ἔργον ἐπετήδευεν, ἐφ’ ᾧ οὐχ ὅπως αὐτὸς ἐθαυμάζετο ὁ ἐραστής, ἀλλ’ ἤδη καὶ ἡ τῶν Ἀθηναίων πόλις, ὅτι μόνη τραγῳδοὺς ἤνεγκεν. 33.11 For he was applauded among the crowds, I know, and he pleased tyrants—that too I know. And he practiced a craft for which not only was he himself admired as a lover, but even the city of the Athenians as well, because it alone produced tragic poets.
33.12 Εἰ μὲν οὖν ὁ κρότος ἱκανὸς κριτὴς καὶ ἡ ἐν ἀκροπόλει τράπεζα, οὐδὲν ἔτι λέγω, βλέπων ἐν ἀκροπόλει δειπνοῦντα τὸν Εὐριπίδην καὶ τὸν Ἀθηναίων ἅμα καὶ τὸν Μακεδόνων δῆμον ἐπιψοφοῦντα· εἰ δὲ καὶ δίχα τούτων ἐστί τις καὶ θεῶν ψῆφος, καὶ αὕτη πιστή, καὶ οὐχ ἥττων τῆς τῶν τυράννων, οὐδὲ τῆς τῶν ὄχλων, φέρε, φράσον σὸν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τίνι τῶν καλῶν ἠνέγκατε ὑμεῖς οἱ θεοὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Εὐριπίδου ψῆφον, ἵνα σπεύσωμεν καὶ διώξωμεν τὸν οὐρανὸν κατὰ πόδας τῶν ὑμετέρων ἐπαίνων. 33.12 If, then, applause is a sufficient judge and the table on the acropolis is enough, I say no more, seeing Euripides dining on the acropolis and the people of both Athens and Macedonia cheering him on. But if apart from these things there is also a vote of the gods, and this vote is trustworthy and no less than that of tyrants or crowds—come, tell us, on account of what noble deed did you gods cast your vote for Euripides, so that we may make haste and pursue heaven at the heels of your praises?
33.13 Οὐ γὰρ δὴ οὐκ εἰσὶ καὶ νῦν ἕτοιμοι κωμῳδεῖσθαι καὶ Σαβαῖοι καὶ Λυκάμβαι, πρὸς δέ γε τὸ τραγῳδεῖσθαι οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲ νῦν ἐνσταίη οὔτε ὁ Θυέστης οὔτε ὁ Οἰδίπους οὔτε ὁ Φινεὺς ἐκεῖνος, οὐδ’ ἄν, οἶμαι, φθονήσαιεν οὐδενὶ ἐπιθυμοῦντι φιλίας τῆς τῶν θεῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσιν ἐκεῖνοι, εἰ ᾔσθοντο ὅτι ἔσοιτό τις Εὐριπίδης ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ τῷ διασκευάσαι αὐτοὺς γενόμενος θεοφιλής, ἐμελῆσαι ἂν τῶν κακῶν ἐκείνων, καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸ κρείττονα φρονεῖν, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τὸ μετροποιεῖν τραπέσθαι· 33.13 For surely even now men like Lycambes and the Sabaeans are not unavailable to be mocked in comedy; and as for tragedy, neither Thyestes nor Oedipus nor famous Phineus would object even now, nor, I think, would they envy anyone desiring friendship with the gods. Indeed, even those men themselves, if they had perceived that a certain Euripides would become beloved of the gods by dramatizing them, would have cared for those misfortunes of theirs and turned not toward higher wisdom, but toward making meter!
33.14 καὶ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ἀνθρώπων εἰ τὰ ὀνόματα ὄγκου πλήρη ἤκουον, χρῆσθαι τούτοις εἰς τὴν πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ὁδοιπορίαν, ἵν’ ἐλθόντες καθίζοιντο ἐν τῷ Ὀλύμπῳ μετὰ τῶν πυκτῶν ἐν τῇ τοῦ Διὸς αὐλῇ· ταῦτα γὰρ λέγει ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖς ποιητής. 33.14 And if they heard that the names of men of former times were full of pomp, they would use them for their journey toward heaven, so that upon arrival they might sit on Olympus alongside boxers in the court of Zeus! For these are the things the poet in Delphi says.
33.15 Φέρε καὶ τὴν Ὁμήρου τοῦ ὀλβίου ἴδωμεν ἐρώτησιν, ἣν τὸν θεὸν ἐρωτᾷ· ἦπου γάρ τις οὐρανία ἦν καὶ ἱκανὴ τὸν θεὸν ἐκκαλέσασθαι· οὐ γὰρ ἂν οὕτω ῥᾳδίως ὁ θεὸς ὄλβιον μὲν ἐπεφώνησεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ ὀλβίῳ ῥῆσιν ἀπένειμε·

“Πατρίδα δίζηαι· μητρὶς δέ τοί ἐστιν Ἴος γῆ, Μίνωος ἀπὸ γῆς, οὔτε σχεδὸν οὔτ’ ἀπὸ τηλοῦ, ἐν τῇ σοι μοῖρ’ ἐστὶ τελευτῆσαι βιότοιο, εὖτ’ ἂν ἀπὸ γλώσσης παίδων μὴ γνῷς ἐπακούσας ἀξύνετον πολλοῖσι λόγοις εἰρημένον ὕμνον.” 		33.15 Come, let us also look at the question of blessed Homer, which he asks the god; for surely it was heavenly and capable of summoning the god! For otherwise the god would not have so easily proclaimed him blessed, and bestowed upon the blessed man this utterance:

'You seek a fatherland; but your motherland is the island of Ios, far from the land of Minos, neither near nor far off, in which it is your fate to end your life, when you fail to understand, after hearing from the tongue of children, an obscure riddle spoken in many words.'
33.16 Δεινὸν γάρ, ὦ σοφώτατε ἀνδρῶν, μᾶλλον δὲ θεῶν, εἰ μήτε ὅπου τῆς γῆς ἐξέθορε τῆς μητρὸς εἰδείη ὄλβιος βίος μήτε ὅπου καταμύσας κείσεται. Ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ᾤμην ἴσον Ὅμηρόν τε ὄντα περὶ τούτων προσιέναι τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἕνα τῶν κανθάρων, καὶ τὸν θεὸν μὴ μᾶλλον ἂν Ὁμήρῳ ἀφηγήσασθαι περὶ τοιούτων ἀγνοημάτων ἢ κανθάρῳ. 33.16 For it is a terrible thing, O wisest of men—or rather, of gods—if a blessed life should know neither where on earth it burst forth from its mother, nor where it will lie with closed eyes! I actually thought that Homer approached the god regarding these matters on equal terms with a dung-beetle, and that the god would no more explain such points of ignorance to Homer than to a dung-beetle!
33.17 Οἷον εἰ καὶ κάνθαρός τις γεννηθεὶς οὐκ ἐνεβίωσε οὐδ’ ἐνεγήρασεν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ κοπρίᾳ, ἀλλ’ ἐχθρῷ ἀνέμῳ περιέτυχε, καὶ κανθαρίῳ δαίμονι σκληρῷ, ὃς αὐτὸν μετέωρον ἄρας βίᾳ ἀπήνεγκεν ἐπί τινα ἄλλην γῆν καὶ ἄλλην κοπρίαν, κἄπειτα ἐλθὼν εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀνηρώτα ἥτις ἄρα ποτὲ αὐτῷ ἦν ἡ πατρῴα κοπρία, καὶ ἥτις αὐτὸν γῆ δέξεται ἀποθανόντα.

Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τῶν ποιητῶν.» 		33.17 Just as if a dung-beetle were born and did not live out its life or grow old in that manure pile, but met with a hostile wind and a harsh beetle-daemon who lifted it up in the air and forcibly carried it away to another land and another manure pile, and then went to Delphi and asked what on earth was its ancestral manure pile, and what land would receive it when it died!

Such, then, are the matters concerning the poets.»
Chapter 34
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Eusebius introduces another extensive excerpt from Oenomaus of Gadara's cynical satire: The Exposure of Oracles. Having shown how Apollo deified immoral poets, Oenomaus now turns to how Apollo granted divine honors to boxers and athletes. Oenomaus mocks Apollo’s famous self-praising oracle. He argues Apollo would have done better to realize that boxing is no different from donkey-kicking. Oenomaus jokes that if boxing earns divinity, wild asses and dung-beetles have an equal claim to heaven. Oenomaus quips that gods love fattened, heavy-set athletes even more than grain-fed oxen offered at sacrifices, and bitterly wishes Apollo had simply opened a wrestling gym in Delphi instead of an oracle.
34.1 Ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐ μόνους ποιητάς, ἤδη δὲ καὶ πύκτας καὶ ἀθλητὰς ὁ θαυμάσιος θεὸς διὰ τῶν οἰκείων χρησμῶν ἐξεθέωσεν, εἰκότως μοι δοκεῖ καὶ ταῦτα ἀπελέγχειν ὁ δεδηλωμένος τούτοις τοῖς ῥήμασιν· 34.1 Since the wondrous god, through his own oracles, did not only deify poets, but now even boxers and athletes as well, it seems reasonable to me that the aforementioned author [Oenomaus] should refute these things too in the following words:
34.2 «“Ὦ εἰδὼς ψάμμου τ’ ἀριθμὸν καὶ μέτρα θαλάσσης, καὶ κωφοῦ ξυνιεὶς καὶ μὴ λαλέοντος ἀκούων,”

εἴθε ὤφελες τὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα πάντα ἀγνοεῖν, ἐκεῖνο δὲ εἰδέναι, ὅτι ἡ πυκτικὴ τῆς λακτιστικῆς οὐδὲν διαφέρει, ἵνα ἢ καὶ τοὺς ὄνους ἀπηθανάτους, ἢ μηδὲ Κλεομήδην πύκτην Ἀστυπαλαιέα, λέγων οὕτως·

“Ὕστατος ἡρώων Κλεομήδης Ἀστυπαλαιεύς, ὃν θυσίαις τιμᾶθ’ ὡς οὐκέτι θνητὸν ἐόντα.” 		34.2 "'O you who know the number of the sand and the measures of the sea, who understand the mute and hear him who speaks not!'

Would that you were ignorant of all such things, but knew this one thing instead: that boxing differs not a whit from donkey-kicking! Then you would either have rendered donkeys immortal, or not even Cleomedes the boxer of Astypalaea, saying thus:

'Last of the heroes is Cleomedes of Astypalaea, whom honor with sacrifices as one who is no longer mortal!'
34.3 Διὰ τί γάρ, ὦ πάτριε τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐξηγητά, ὥς σε καλεῖ Πλάτων, ἐθέωσας τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον; Ἢ ὅτι Ὀλυμπίασι πληγῇ μιᾷ πατάξας τὸν ἀνταγωνιστὴν ἀνέῳξε τὴν πλευρὰν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐμβαλὼν τὴν χεῖρα ἐλάβετο τοῦ πνεύμονος; 34.3 For why, O ancestral interpreter of the Greeks—as Plato calls you—did you deify this man? Was it because at Olympia, striking his opponent with a single blow, he tore open his side and, thrusting in his hand, grabbed hold of his lung?
34.4 Ἄπολλον, ἀξιοθέου ἔργου! Ἢ οὐ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅτι προστιμηθεὶς τεσσάρων ταλάντων ζημίαν ἐπὶ τούτῳ οὐχ ὑπέστη, ἀλλ’ ὑπ’ ἀχθηδόνος καὶ βαρυθυμίας ἐνήρεισε τὸν θυμὸν τοῖς ἐν τῷ διδασκαλείῳ παισί, τὸν κίονα ὑφελκύσας, ὃς ἀνεῖχε τὴν στέγην; Ἄρ’, ὦ θεοποιέ, διὰ ταῦθ’ ὑμῖν ὁ Κλεομήδης τιμητέος ἐστίν; 34.4 Apollo! What a deed worthy of a god's gaze! Or was it not only that, but also because, when fined four talents as a penalty for this, he did not submit to it, but out of grief and rage vent his anger upon the children in the schoolhouse, pulling out the pillar that held up the roof? Is it for these things, O god-maker, that Cleomedes is to be honored by you?
34.5 Ἢ κἀκεῖνο προσθήσεις, τὸ ἕτερον δεῖγμα τῆς ἐκείνου ἀνδρείας ἅμα καὶ θεοφιλίας, ὅτι δὴ ἐμβὰς εἰς ἱερὸν κιβώτιον καὶ τὸ πῶμα ἐπαγόμενος ἄληπτος ἐγένετο τοῖς διώκουσι, πειρωμένοις αὐτὸν ἐξελκύσαι; “Ὦ Κλεόμηδες, ἆρα ἥρως οὐκέτι θνητός, οἷα τὰ μηχανήματα ὑπὲρ ἀθανασίας ἐξεῦρες!” 34.5 Or will you add that other proof of his valor as well as his divine favor—that he climbed into a sacred chest, drew down the lid, and became impossible to catch for those pursuers trying to drag him out? 'O Cleomedes! A hero no longer mortal indeed, considering what devices you invented for immortality!'
34.6 ᾔσθοντο γοῦν εὐθέως οἱ θεοὶ τῆς ἀγαθουργίας καὶ ἀνηρείψαντό σε, ὥσπερ οἱ τοῦ Ὁμήρου τὸν Γανυμήδην· ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ κάλλει, σὲ δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ ἰσχύϊ καὶ τῆς ἰσχύος τῇ χρήσει τῇ ἀγαθῇ. 34.6 The gods, at any rate, immediately perceived your good deed and snatched you up, just as Homer's gods snatched up Ganymede—except him for his beauty, but you for your strength, and for the 'good' use of that strength!
34.7 Εἴθε οὖν, ὦ μάντι, ὡς ἔφην, ἐάσας τὴν ψάμμον καὶ τὴν ἅλμην ἀντ’ αὐτῶν ἐξέμαθες ὁπόσου ἄξιόν ἐστιν ἡ πυκτική, ἵνα καὶ τοὺς πύκτας ὄνους θεοὺς ἐνόμιζες καὶ τοὺς ὀνάγρους τῶν θεῶν τοὺς ἀρίστους· καὶ ἦν ἄν τι οἰκεῖον λόγιον ἐπ’ ἀποθανόντι ὀνάγρῳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπὶ τῷ σῷ πύκτῃ·

“Ἔξοχος ἀθανάτων ὄνος ἄγριος, οὐ Κλεομήδης, ὃν θυσίαις τιμᾶθ’ ὡς οὐκέτι θνητὸν ἐόντα.” 		34.7 Would then, O prophet, as I said, that you had left the sand and the sea-brine alone and learned instead how much boxing is truly worth, so that you might consider boxer-donkeys to be gods, and wild asses the best of the gods! And there would have been an appropriate oracle for a dead wild ass rather than for your boxer:

'Foremost of immortals is the wild ass, not Cleomedes, whom honor with sacrifices as one who is no longer mortal!'
34.8 Μὴ γὰρ δὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ καὶ ὄναγρος ἐπιδικάσεται ἀθανασίας, ἱκανῶς τὰ θεῖα παρεσκευασμένος· καὶ ἀκούσας μὴ ἀνασχέσθαι, ἀλλ’ ἀπειλῆσαι καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν Κλεομήδην πατάξας εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐμβαλεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἐπιτρέψειν αὐτῷ εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀναβῆναι· 34.8 For do not be surprised if even a wild ass lays claim to immortality, being sufficiently prepared in divine matters; and upon hearing of Cleomedes, would not tolerate it, but would threaten that he himself would strike Cleomedes and hurl him into the abyss, and not permit him to ascend into heaven!
34.9 εἶναι γὰρ αὐτοῦ ἀξιώτερος αὐτῶν τῶν θείων δώρων, ἅτε μήτε αὐτῷ μόνῳ ἕτοιμος ὢν μάχεσθαι, κἂν εἰ σιδηροῖς χρῷτο τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ Θασίῳ πύκτῃ ἅμα ἀμφοτέροις, ὑπὲρ οὗ τοῦ ἀνδριάντος ἐχαλέπηναν οἱ θεοὶ καὶ τὴν Θασίων γῆν ἄφορον εἰργάσαντο. 34.9 For he would say he is more worthy of the divine gifts than Cleomedes himself, in as much as he is ready to fight not only him alone—even if Cleomedes should use iron thongs on his fists—but even the Thasian boxer as well, both at once! The very boxer over whose statue the gods grew angry and rendered the land of the Thasians barren!
34.10 Πιστεύομεν δὲ καὶ περὶ τούτου οὐκ ἀνθρώπῳ, ἀλλὰ θεῷ τῷ αὐτῷ. Ἐξ ὧν ἐγὼ καὶ πάνυ κατενόησα ὅτι θεῖόν τι ἄρα ἦν ἐπιτήδευμα ἡ πυκτική, τοὺς δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ οἰομένους εἶναι σοφοὺς ἐλελήθει, ἵν’ ἀφέμενοι τοῦ καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ εἶναι ἤσκουν τὰ τοῦ Θασίου πύκτου· ᾧ ἀθανασίαν μὲν, ὥσπερ Κλεομήδει, οὐκ ἔδωκαν, ἐφίλησαν δὲ μεγάλως οἱ θεοί. 34.10 And concerning this man too, we believe not a human, but the very same god! From which I for my part realized full well that boxing must indeed be a divine pursuit, though it had escaped the notice of the many who think themselves wise—so that, abandoning noble character, they should have practiced the feats of the Thasian boxer! To him, though they did not grant immortality as they did to Cleomedes, the gods showed great affection.
34.11 Οὕτω καὶ ὁ χάλκεος αὐτοῦ ἀνδριὰς ἔδειξέ τι ὑπὲρ τὰς τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων εἰκόνας, ἐπικατενεχθεὶς τῷ μαστιγοῦντι ἐχθρῷ, κατά τινα, ὡς ἔοικε, δαιμονίαν μέριμναν. 34.11 Thus even his bronze statue showed something beyond the images of other men when it fell upon the enemy who was whipping it—by some divine concern, as it seems!
34.12 Ἀλλ’ οἱ ἄφρονες Θάσιοι καὶ θείων ἄπειροι πραγμάτων ἠγανάκτησάν τε καὶ ἄγος ἐπεκάλεσαν τῷ ἀνδριάντι, καὶ δίκην εἰσεπράξαντο, καὶ καταδῦσαι ἐτόλμησαν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν. 34.12 But the foolish Thasians, inexperienced in divine matters, grew indignant and brought a charge of blood-guilt against the statue, exacted a penalty, and dared to sink it into the sea!
34.13 Οὐ μὴν διέφυγόν γε οἱ Θάσιοι, ἀλλ’ οἱ θεοὶ ἔδειξαν ἡλίκον κακὸν ὑπ’ αὐτῶν ἐτολμήθη, λιμὸν ἐπιπέμψαντες τὸν τῆς θείας δίκης διάκονον, ὃς ἐδίδαξε μόλις αὐτοὺς τὰ τῶν θεῶν βουλεύματα, ὅ τε φιλανθρωπότατος θεῶν σὺ τῷ οἰκείῳ τρόπῳ τὴν βοήθειαν αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψας λέγων·

“Εἰς πάτρην φυγάδας κατάγων Δήμητρ’ ἀπαμήσεις.” 		34.13 However, the Thasians did not escape notice! The gods showed what a great crime had been dared by them by sending famine, the servant of divine justice, which taught them with difficulty the wills of the gods. And you, the most philanthropic of gods, sent aid to them in your customary manner, saying:

'Restoring the exiles to their fatherland, you shall reap Demeter's harvest.'
34.14 Ἀλλ’ οἱ ἀβέλτεροι πάλιν τοὺς φεύγοντας ἀνθρώπους ᾤοντο ὅτι δεῖ αὐτοὺς κατακαλεῖν· κακῶς εἰδότες. Τί γὰρ δὴ καὶ μέλει τοῖς ἀφιλανθρωποτάτοις θεοῖς ἀνθρώπων κατακαλουμένων ὅσονπερ ἀνδριάντων; Ἀμέλει οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὠφελήθη ἡ γῆ ὥστε παύσασθαι νοσοῦσα, εἰ μὴ τῶν σοφῶν καὶ ἐπισταμένων τις τὸν θεῖον νοῦν συνῆκε φυγάδα εἶναι τὸν καταπεποντωμένον ἀνδριάντα. Καὶ ἦν οὕτως· ἅμα γὰρ ἀνεστάθη καὶ εὐθὺς ἡ μὲν γῆ ἀνέθαλλεν, οἱ δὲ ἐκόμων Δήμητρι λοιπόν. 34.14 Yet the foolish people again thought it meant they ought to recall the human exiles—knowing no better! For what do the most unphilanthropic gods care about exiled humans compared to exiled statues? Naturally, the land received no benefit from this so as to stop being afflicted, until one of the wise men who understood the divine mind realized that the 'exile' was the submerged statue! And so it was! For as soon as it was set back up, straightway the land bloomed again, and they wore long hair in honor of Demeter ever after.
34.15 Πῶς οὖν οὐ τεκμήρια ταῦτά εἰσιν ἐναργῆ τῆς θεοπρεποῦς ἀθλητικῆς, ὅτι ἐστὶ θεοτίμητος; Καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐπὶ πεντάθλου ἀνδριάντι ὑβρισμένῳ ἐμήνισαν οἱ θεοί, καὶ Λοκροὶ ἐπείνησαν διὰ τοῦτο, ὥσπερ Θάσιοι, ἕως αὐτοὺς ἰάσατο λόγιον σὸν ἔχον οὕτως·

“Ἐν τιμῇ τὸν ἄτιμον ἔχων τότε γῆν ἀναρώσεις.” 		34.15 How, then, are these not clear proofs of godlike athletics, showing that it is honored by the gods? For indeed over an insulted statue of a pentathlete the gods grew furious, and the Locrians suffered famine on account of this, just like the Thasians, until your oracle cured them, which ran thus:

'Holding in honor the unhonored one, then shall you plow the land.'
34.16 Οὐδὲ γὰρ Λοκροὶ ᾔσθοντο θείας διανοίας πρότερον ἢ σὲ αὐτοῖς τούτου πρόξενον γενέσθαι. Ἀλλ’ Εὐθυκλέα τὸν πένταθλον ἐνέβαλον εἰς εἱρκτήν, αἰτιασάμενοι αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῇ πατρίδι εἰληφέναι δῶρα· καὶ οὐ μόνον τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀποθανόντος καὶ οὗτοι εἰς τὰς εἰκόνας ἐξύβριζον, ἕως οἱ θεοὶ οὐκ ἀνασχόμενοι τῶν γινομένων ἐπαφῆκαν αὐτοῖς τὸν κράτιστον λιμόν· κἂν ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ διώλοντο ἄν, εἰ μὴ ἡ παρὰ σοῦ ἦλθε βοήθεια, λέγουσα ὅτι δεῖ αὐτοὺς τιμᾶν ἄνδρας πεφατνευμένους, οὓς οἱ θεοὶ φιλοῦσιν οὐχ ἧττον ἢ οὓς οἱ ἀλφιτοποιοὶ πιαίνουσι βοῦς, δι’ ὧν ὑμᾶς οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἐνίοτε θύοντες πείθουσιν· οὐχ ἧττον ἴσως, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον παχέων βοῶν οἱ παχεῖς ἄνθρωποι εὐφραίνουσιν ὑμᾶς οὕτως ὥστε ἐνίοτε ὅλῃ πόλει καὶ ὅλῳ ἔθνει ὀργίζεσθαι, ἑνὸς ἢ δυοῖν ἀδικούντων ταῦτα τὰ θρέμματα. 34.16 For not even the Locrians perceived the divine intention before you became the interpreter of this matter for them. Instead, they threw Euthycles the pentathlete into prison, accusing him of taking bribes against his fatherland; and not only this, but even when he died, these people committed outrages against his statues, until the gods, unable to endure what was happening, unleashed upon them the most severe famine! And they would have perished beneath the famine had help from you not arrived, saying that they must honor stall-fed men whom the gods love no less than oxen fattened by meal-dealers—by means of which men sometimes persuade you by sacrificing! Perhaps no less, but even far more than fat oxen do fat men delight you, so that you are sometimes enraged at a whole city and a whole nation when one or two men wrong these stall-fed pets!
34.17 Ὡς δὴ ὤφελες, ὦ μάντι, ἀλείπτης ἡμῖν ἀντὶ μάντεως γενέσθαι, ἢ καὶ μάντις ἅμα καὶ ἀλείπτης, ἵν’ ᾖ ὥσπερ χρηστήριον Δελφικόν, οὕτω καὶ γυμναστήριον. Καὶ γὰρ οὐδ’ ἀλλότριον ἦν ἀγῶνος Πυθικοῦ Πυθικὸν εἶναι καὶ τὸ γυμναστήριον.»

Τούτοις ἐπισυνάψω καὶ ἅ φησιν ἀπελέγχων ὡς καὶ τοὺς τυράννους κολακεύειν εἰώθασιν οἱ περὶ ὧν ὁ λόγος. 		34.17 How I wish, O prophet, that you had become a gymnastics trainer for us instead of a prophet—or both prophet and trainer at once—so that just as there is a Delphic oracle, so there might be a Delphic gymnasium! For indeed it would not be alien to the Pythian games for the gymnasium also to be Pythian!»

I will append to these sections also what he says in refutation of how those under discussion are accustomed to flatter tyrants as well.
Chapter 35
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Oenomaus of Gadara continues his critique of Delphic oracles by exposing Apollo’s rank flattery of ruthless tyrants. He cites oracles greeting Cypselus of Corinth (promising he will rule well, despite the misery he brought) and Phalaris of Agrigentum (whom Apollo praised and granted a deferral of death simply for sparing two conspirators, Chariton and Melanippus). Oenomaus sarcastically notes that Phalaris was made out to be "blessed" and a leader of "divine discord."
35.1 «“Οὗτος ἀνὴρ ὃς ἐμὸν δόμον ἐσκαταβαίνει, Κύψελος Αἰακίδης, βασιλεὺς κλεινοῖο Κορίνθου.”

Οὐκοῦν καὶ οἱ τύραννοι, οὐ μόνον οἱ τῶν τυράννων ἐπίβουλοι, Κύψελος, ὃς δὴ πολλὰ Κορίνθῳ πήματα τεύξει, καὶ Μελάνιππος ὁ πολλὰ ἀγαθὰ τῇ Γελώων πόλει τεύξας; 		35.1 "'This man who enters my house is Cypselus, son of Aeacus, king of glorious Corinth!'

So then tyrants, and not only conspirators against tyrants, are blessed—Cypselus, 'who indeed shall craft many woes for Corinth,' as well as Melanippus, who worked many blessings for the city of the Geloans!
35.2 Πῶς δ’ εἰ Κύψελος ὄλβιος, ὦ κακόδαιμον, οὐ καὶ Φάλαρις ὄλβιος, ὁμότροπος ὢν Κυψέλῳ; Ὥστ’ ἂν ἐκείνως ἄμεινον εἶναι ὑμῖν· “Εὐδαίμων Φάλαρις καὶ Μελάνιππος ἔφυ, θείας ἁγητῆρες ἐν ἀνθρώποις διχονοίας.” 35.2 How is it, O wretched prophet, that if Cypselus is blessed, Phalaris is not also blessed, being of like character with Cypselus? So that in that case it would be better for you to say: 'Blessed were Phalaris and Melanippus, leaders of divine discord among men!'
35.3 Ἤκουσα δέ σου καὶ διαλελυμένον χρησμὸν περὶ τοῦ Φαλάριδος, ἐπαινοῦντα καὶ τιμῶντα, ὅτι λαβὼν ἐπιβουλεύοντας ᾐκίσατο μέν, καρτεροῦντας δὲ ἀγάμενος ἀφῆκε· “Λοξίας καὶ Ζεὺς πατὴρ ἀναβολὴν ἐψηφίσαντο θανάτου Φαλάριδι, ἀνθ’ ὧν ἡμέρως Χαρίτωνι καὶ Μελανίππῳ προσηνέχθη.” Ἀλλ’ εὖ γε καὶ μόλις ἡμῖν τὰ περὶ τοῦ θανάτου ἔδειξας καὶ τῆς ζωῆς, ὅτι κάλλιστόν τι ἐστὶν ἡ ζωή.

Ἐπὶ τούτοις ἅπασι καὶ τόδε προσκείσθω· 		35.3 I have also heard a prose oracle of yours concerning Phalaris, praising and honoring him because, having caught conspirators, he tortured them at first, but admiring their endurance, released them: 'Loxias and Father Zeus voted a deferral of death for Phalaris, because he acted mildly toward Chariton and Melanippus.' Ah, well done! You have scarcely shown us the nature of death and life—that life is a most beautiful thing! To all these let this also be added:
Chapter 36
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Oenomaus turns to an oracle delivered to the residents of Methymna on Lesbos, who had pulled a strange, olive-wood stump shaped like a head/phallus from the sea in their fishing nets. Apollo instructed them to worship this wooden log as "Dionysus Phallen." Oenomaus lampoons the absurdity of worshipping wooden and stone idols, noting that "thirty thousand" Hesiodic deities have flooded the world and polluted even Olympus with nonsense.

Eusebius closes his long quotation of Oenomaus (The Exposure of Oracles) and transitions back to refuting Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles, setting up the next section on fate and divine powerlessness.
36.1 “Ἀλλά κε Μηθύμνης ναέταις πολὺ λώϊον ἔσται φαλληνὸν τιμῶσι Διονύσοιο κάρηνον.”

Θύουσι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις καὶ τελετὰς ἄγουσιν οὐ μόνον φαλληνοῖς Διονύσοιο καρήνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ λιθίνοις καὶ χαλκέοις καὶ χρυσέοις, καὶ οὐ μόνον φαλληνοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῖς Διονυσίοις καὶ ἄλλοις παμπόλλοις Ἡσιοδείοις θεοῖς. 		36.1 'Far better will it be for the inhabitants of Methymna, if they honor the phallic head of Dionysus.'

For cities offer sacrifices and hold initiation rites not only for phallic heads of Dionysus, but also for stone, bronze, and golden ones; and not only for phallic heads, but for the Dionysia themselves and countless other Hesiodic gods!
36.2 Τρὶς γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς μύριοί εἰσιν ἐπὶ χθονὶ πουλυβοτείρῃ, οὐκ ἀθάνατοι, ἀλλὰ λίθινοι καὶ ξύλινοι δεσπόται ἀνθρώπων· οἳ εἰ ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν τε καὶ εὐνομίην ἐφεώρων, οὐκ ἂν τοσοῦτος ἤρθη λῆρος, ὥστε καὶ ἤδη καὶ μέχρις ὑμῶν κεχωρηκέναι τὸ κακόν, ἐπιδιαβὰν καὶ εἰς τὸν Ὄλυμπον, “ὅθι, φασί, θεῶν ἕδος ἀσφαλὲς αἰεί.” 36.2 For 'thrice ten thousand' in truth exist upon the bounteous earth—not immortals, but stone and wooden masters of men! If these gods observed the insolence and good order of men, such nonsense would not have arisen as to have reached even down to your time, crossing over into Olympus itself, 'where, they say, is the ever-secure abode of the gods.'
36.3 Καίτοι εἰ ἀσφαλὲς ἦν, οὐκ ἂν ἦν ἐπιβατὸν λήρῳ, οὐδ’ ἂν εἷς τις τῶν Ὀλυμπίων εἰς τοῦτο ἦλθε παρανοίας ὥστ’ ἐλάϊνον κορμὸν θεῶσαι, ὃν οἱ Μηθυμναῖοι σαγήνης ἐμπλακέντα τοῖς λίνοις ἀνείλκυσαν, καὶ δίς, εἰ βούλει, καὶ τρὶς καὶ πλεονάκις ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ σαγηνεύοντες ἄνθρωποι, καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου εἰς τὸ Λιβυκὸν ἐξοκείλαντες, οὐδ’ εἰς τὴν γῆν ἔξω ἐκβαλόντες αὐτόν· ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἂν, μὰ τὸν Διόνυσον, ἔτι αὐτοῖς ἐνεπλάκη τοῖς λίνοις. 36.3 And yet, if it were secure, it would not be accessible to nonsense, nor would any of the Olympians have reached such a degree of madness as to deify an olive-wood log! The Methymnaeans hauled it up entangled in the meshes of their fishing net—hauling it up two, three, or more times while fishing in that same spot, drifting off toward the Libyan Sea, and not even throwing it out onto the dry land! For by Dionysus, it would not have entangled itself in their nets again!
36.4 Ἀλλ’ ἐξ ἄκρου κεφαλοειδὴς ὁ κορμός (Ἄπολλον, ξένου κατασκευάσματος!)· τί ποτ’ οὖν ἔπραττεν ἐν τῷ πελάγει; Ἀπορήσαι ἄν τις. Τί γὰρ ἄλλ’ ἢ ἐκάθητο, νὴ Δία, ἀναμένων ἕως ἄνθρωποι μαινόμενοι—οὐ γὰρ φήσω ὅτι καὶ θεοί—ἐγκυρήσαντες αὐτῷ, οὐ διοπετές, ἀλλὰ ποσειδωνοπετὲς ἡγήσωνται, κἄπειτα εἰς ἄστυ ἀπαγάγωσιν, ὥσπερ τινὰ ἀγαθὴν τύχην, κακὴν οὖσαν ὡς ἀληθῶς, οὐ τύχην, ἀλλὰ τυφεδόνα; Ἢ οὐκ ἤρκει ἄρα αὐτοῖς οἴκοθεν διολλύουσα, ἀλλ’ αὐτὴν ἐπέρρωσέ τε καὶ προσεπέτεινε θεοπληξίας, ὡς ἄν τις εἴποι, ἐκ Δελφῶν μετάπεμπτος ἐπιθήκη;» 36.4 Instead, the log was shaped like a head at the tip (Apollo! What a strange piece of workmanship!). What on earth was it doing in the open sea? One might well be bewildered! For what else was it doing, by Zeus, than sitting there waiting until madmen—for I will not say gods—stumbling upon it, should deem it not fallen from Zeus, but fallen from Poseidon, and then lead it into the city like some good fortune—when in truth it was a bad fortune, not luck, but delusion! Or was their domestic delusion not enough to destroy them from within, but that a summons from Delphi added a supplementary dose of divine madness, so to speak, to strengthen and intensify it?"
36.5 Τοσαῦτα καὶ ὁ Οἰνόμαος. Ἀλλὰ γὰρ μετὰ τὰ εἰρημένα μεταβὰς αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίαν τοῦ τὴν συσκευὴν καθ’ ἡμῶν πεποιημένου, ἀνάγνωθι ἐκ τῶν περὶ εἱμαρμένης τοῦ Πυθίου χρησμῶν, εἰ μὴ καὶ σοὶ θείας ἀλλότριος ὢν δυνάμεως ἔτι μᾶλλον ὁ περὶ τῶν θρυλουμένων χρηστηρίων ὑποπεσεῖται λόγος. 36.5 So much, then, from Oenomaus. But after what has been said, turning once more to the Philosophy from Oracles by the author who composed that plot against us [Porphyry], read from the Pythian oracles concerning fate, to see if the account concerning these famous oracles does not collapse even further in your view as being alien to divine power.