ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ ΔΕΚΑΤΟΝ
Tenth Book
Tenth Book
Chapter 1
In this opening chapter of Book 10, Eusebius argues that Greek philosophy, science, and theology are largely derivative, borrowed from "barbarian" cultures—and most importantly, from the Hebrews. He asserts that while the Greeks borrowed their pagan mythology and superstitions from foreign nations, their most noble philosophical truths regarding the one God and the soul were derived from Hebrew prophets or rediscovered independently through natural reason. Eusebius further charges Greek authors with widespread plagiarism, claiming they routinely stole ideas and texts not only from foreign wisdom but from one another—a point he promises to demonstrate by citing Clement of Alexandria (Stromata, Book 6).
| 1.1 Τίσι ποτὲ λόγοις τὴν καθ’ Ἑβραίους φιλοσοφίαν τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς προτετιμήκαμεν, ὁποίοις τε λογισμοῖς τὰς παρὰ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἱερὰς βίβλους ἀπεδεξάμεθα προδιειληφότες, κἄπειτα καὶ αὐτοὺς τοὺς Ἕλληνας μὴ ἀγνοῆσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας, μνημονεῦσαι δὲ ὀνομαστί, καὶ τὸν βίον καταπλαγῆναι, τῆς τε βασιλικῆς μητροπόλεως καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς αὐτῶν ἱστορίας πολὺν πεποιῆσθαι λόγον παραστήσαντες, φέρε ἐπιθεωρήσωμεν ὡς οὐ μόνον τῶνδε γραφῆς ἠξίωσαν τὴν μνήμην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ὁμοίας αὐτοῖς διδασκαλίας τε καὶ μαθήσεως ἔν τισι τῶν εἰς βελτίωσιν ψυχῆς συντεινόντων δογμάτων ζηλωταὶ κατέστησαν. | 1.1 Having previously laid down by what arguments we have preferred the philosophy according to the Hebrews over that of the Greeks, and by what reasoning we have accepted the sacred books among those men; and having further demonstrated that even the Greeks themselves were not ignorant of these men, but mentioned them by name, were struck with admiration for their life, and made much account of their royal metropolis and the rest of their history—come now, let us consider how they not only deemed the memory of these men worthy of written record, but also became zealots of teaching and learning similar to theirs in certain doctrines that contribute to the improvement of the soul. |
| 1.2 ὡς μὲν οὖν τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν μαθημάτων ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος τῶν θαυμαστῶν Ἑλλήνων τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐκπεριιὼν συνελέξατο, γεωμετρίαν, ἀριθμητικήν, μουσικήν, ἀστρονομίαν, ἰατρικήν, αὐτά τε τὰ πρῶτα τῆς γραμματικῆς στοιχεῖα, μυρίας τε ἄλλας τεχνικὰς καὶ βιωφελεῖς ἐπιτηδεύσεις, αὐτίκα μάλα παραστήσω. | 1.2 Now, that the admirable Greeks—traveling about among foreign nations—collected the rest of their subjects of study, one from one source and another from another, namely geometry, arithmetic, music, astronomy, medicine, the very first elements of grammar, and tens of thousands of other technical and life-benefiting pursuits, I shall demonstrate immediately. |
| 1.3 ὥσπερ οὖν τὴν περὶ πλειόνων θεῶν δόξαν, τά τε μυστήρια καὶ τὰς τελετὰς καὶ προσέτι τὰς ἱστορίας καὶ τὰς μυθικὰς περὶ θεῶν διηγήσεις, τῶν τε μύθων τὰς ἀλληγορουμένας φυσιολογίας, καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν δεισιδαίμονα πλάνην, παρὰ βαρβάρων εἰλῆφθαι αὐτοῖς φθάσας ὁ λόγος ἀπέδειξεν, ὁπηνίκα τὰ πάντα τοὺς Ἕλληνας, γῆν πολλὴν πλανηθέντας, οὐκ ἀταλαιπώρως μέν, ἐξ ἐράνου δὲ τῶν παρὰ βαρβάροις μαθημάτων, τὴν οἰκείαν ὑποστήσασθαι θεολογίαν ἐφωράσαμεν· | 1.3 Just as our former discourse showed that their opinion concerning a plurality of gods, their mysteries, rites, and furthermore their histories and mythical narratives about gods, the allegorical physical explanations of their myths, and the rest of their superstitious error were received from barbarians—when we exposed that the Greeks, wandering over much land, established their own theology not without great labor, but as a joint contribution gathered from the teachings among barbarians— |
| 1.4 ὡς δὲ τὰ περὶ εὐσεβείας ἑνὸς τοῦ ἐπὶ πάντων θεοῦ, τά τε περὶ τῶν μάλιστα ζητουμένων εἰς ψυχῆς ὠφέλειαν δογμάτων, ἃ δὴ καὶ συνεκτικώτατα γένοιτ’ ἂν τῶν ἐν φιλοσοφία λόγων, οὐκ ἄλλοθεν εἶεν ἂν ἢ παρὰ μόνων Ἑβραίων πεπορισμένοι, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀποδειχθήσεται. | 1.4 so it will be demonstrated before long that their doctrines concerning piety toward the one God over all, and those concerning the matters most sought after for the benefit of the soul—which indeed would be the most essential part of philosophical discourse—could have been procured from no other source than from the Hebrews alone. |
| 1.5 ἢ εἰ μὴ τοῦτο, συνενεχθῆναι δὲ φαίη τις αὐτοὺς φυσικαῖς ὑποκινηθέντας ἐννοίαις, καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς ἡμῶν ἂν εἴη, εἰ τὰ μὴ μόνοις Ἑβραίοις ἄνωθεν ἐξ αἰῶνος ὑπὸ θεολόγων προφητῶν ἀνδρῶν παραδεδομένα, ἀλλὰ τὰ καί τισιν, εἰ καὶ μὴ πᾶσιν, αὐτοῖς δέ γε ὧν μέγα κλέος καθ’ Ελλάδα, καὶ φιλοσόφων διατριβαῖς ἐξητασμένα, ζηλοῦν προειλόμεθα. | 1.5 Or, if this were not so, but someone should say that they arrived at these truths impelled by natural notions, even this would be in our favor—if we chose to emulate tenets that were delivered from of old not only to the Hebrews by inspired prophet-theologians, but which were also examined in the discourses of philosophers—or at least some of them, if not all—who enjoy great renown throughout Greece. |
| 1.6 τούτους δ’ ἂν εὕροις ἀριθμῷ μὲν ὄντας ληπτούς, ὅτι καὶ πάντα χαλεπά φασιν εἶναι τὰ καλά, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πρωτείοις τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησι φιλοσόφων τετιμημένους, ὡς διὰ τὴν πολλὴν εὐδοκίμησιν τῇ δόξῃ τοὺς ὁμοίους καλύπτειν. | 1.6 These men you would find to be few in number—since, as they say, all noble things are difficult—yet honored with the highest prizes among Greek philosophers, so that through their great repute they eclipse their peers in glory. |
| 1.7 οὐ χρὴ δὲ θαυμάζειν, εἰ καὶ τὰ παρ’ Ἑβραίοις δόγματα δυνατὸν εἶναί φαμεν ἐσκευωρῆσθαι αὐτοῖς, ὅτε μὴ μόνον τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν μαθημάτων Αἰγυπτίους καὶ Χαλδαίους τά τε ἄλλα τῶν βαρβάρων ἐθνῶν συνίστανται ἀποσυλήσαντες, ἀλλ’ εἰσέτι καὶ νῦν ἁλίσκονται τῆς σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐν συγγράμμασι φιλοτιμίας ἀποστεροῦντες ἀλλήλους. | 1.7 Nor should one wonder if we say it is possible that they plagiarized the doctrines among the Hebrews, when it is established that they not only plundered the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and the rest of the barbarian nations for their other subjects of learning, but even down to the present day are caught depriving one another of the honor due to their own writings. |
| 1.8 τὰς γοῦν τῶν πέλας ὁ καθ’ εἷς αὐτῶν λέξεις ὁμοῦ καὶ διανοίας καὶ ὅλας λόγων συντάξεις ὑποκλέψας, ὡς ἐπ’ οἰκείοις πόνοις ἐσεμνύνατο. μηδὲ τοῦτον ὑπολάβῃς ἐμὸν εἶναι τὸν λόγον· αὐτῶν γὰρ τῶν πανσόφων ἀκούσῃ πάλιν τῆς ἐν λόγοις κλοπῆς ἀλλήλους ἀπελεγχόντων. | 1.8 Each one of them, at any rate, having secretly stolen the very phrasing, thoughts, and whole textual compositions of his neighbors, prided himself on them as though they were his own labors! Nor should you suppose this statement to be mine alone; for you shall hear those all-wise men themselves in turn refuting one another for literary theft. |
| 1.9 τοῦτο δέ γε αὐτό, ἐπείπερ ἅπαξ ὡρμήθημεν, ἀναγκαῖον πρῶτον ἁπάντων συνιδεῖν εἰς ἔλεγχον τοῦ τῶν δηλουμένων τρόπου. ὁ μὲν οὖν ἡμέτερος Κλήμης ἐν ἕκτῳ Στρωματεῖ τὴν περὶ τούτου σύστασιν εἰς πλάτος ἀπηύθυνε. τούτου δέ μοι πρώτου λαβὼν ἀνάγνωθι τὰς τοιάσδε φωνάς· | 1.9 And this very point—since we have once set out—it is necessary above all to examine first, as a refutation of the character of those under discussion. Now our own Clement, in his sixth book of the Stromateis, set out the demonstration of this matter at length. Take and read to me first from him the following words: |
Chapter 2
In this chapter, Eusebius cites extensively from Clement of Alexandria’s Stromata (Book 6) to demonstrate that Greek authors were pervasive plagiarists. Clement argues that because Greek philosophers and poets openly stole texts, arguments, and ideas from one another, it should come as no surprise that they secretly borrowed their highest theological truths from the Hebrew scriptures. Clement presents side-by-side textual comparisons across poetry, philosophy, history, and rhetoric, and highlights instances of total intellectual theft (such as Eugammon of Cyrene publishing Musaeus's work as his own).
Furthermore, Clement notes that Greek mythology fabricated miraculous tales (such as Aeacus praying for rain during a drought) that directly mimic genuine biblical miracles (such as Samuel calling down rain during harvest). Eusebius concludes by stating that even if a reader is skeptical of Clement as a Christian apologist, the exact same charges of plagiarism are conceded and documented by pagan Greek philosophers themselves, specifically introducing a citation from the Neoplatonist Porphyry (On Philological Lecture, Book 1).
Furthermore, Clement notes that Greek mythology fabricated miraculous tales (such as Aeacus praying for rain during a drought) that directly mimic genuine biblical miracles (such as Samuel calling down rain during harvest). Eusebius concludes by stating that even if a reader is skeptical of Clement as a Christian apologist, the exact same charges of plagiarism are conceded and documented by pagan Greek philosophers themselves, specifically introducing a citation from the Neoplatonist Porphyry (On Philological Lecture, Book 1).
| 2.1 «Παραστήσαντες δὲ τὴν ἔμφασιν τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς ἐπινοίας ἐκ τῆς διὰ τῶν γραφῶν εἰς ἡμᾶς δεδομένης ἀληθείας περιαυγασθεῖσαν, καθ' ὃ σημαινόμενον διήκειν εἰς αὐτοὺς τὴν κλοπὴν τῆς ἀληθείας ἐκδεχόμενοι, εἰ μὴ ἐπαχθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἀπεδείξαμεν, φέρε μάρτυρας τῆς κλοπῆς αὐτοὺς καθ' αὑτῶν παραστήσωμεν Ἕλληνας. | 2.1 "Having demonstrated that the brilliance of Greek thought was illumined by the truth given to us through the Scriptures—and having shown, if I may say so without offence, in what sense we accept that the theft of truth reached them—come now, let us produce the Greeks themselves as witnesses against themselves regarding this theft! |
| 2.2 οἱ γὰρ τὰ οἰκεῖα οὕτως ἄντικρυς παρ' ἀλλήλων ὑφαιρούμενοι βεβαιοῦσι μὲν τὸ κλέπτειν, σφετερίζεσθαι δὲ ὅμως καὶ ἄκοντες τὴν παρ' ἡμῶν ἀλήθειαν εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους λάθρα διαδείκνυνται. εἰ γὰρ μηδὲ ἑαυτῶν, σχολῇ γ' ἂν τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀφέξονται. | 2.2 For those who thus openly pilfer their own works from one another confirm that they are thieves; and even against their will, they secretly reveal to their fellow countrymen that they have usurped the truth that belongs to us. For if they do not refrain from stealing from each other, they would hardly abstain from what is ours! |
| 2.3 καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν σιωπήσομαι δόγματα, αὐτῶν ὁμολογούντων ἐγγράφως τῶν τὰς αἱρέσεις διανειμαμένων, ὡς μὴ ἀχάριτοι εὑρεθεῖεν, παρὰ Σωκράτους εἰληφέναι τὰ κυριώτατα τῶν δογμάτων· ὀλίγοις δὲ τῶν καθωμιλημένων καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εὐδοκίμων ἀνδρῶν χρησάμενος μαρτυρίοις, τὸ κλεπτικὸν διελέγξας αὐτῶν εἶδος, διαφόροις τοῖς χρόνοις καταχρώμενος, ἐπὶ τὰ ἑξῆς τρέψομαι.» | 2.3 I shall pass over in silence their philosophical doctrines, since those who divided the philosophical schools have themselves acknowledged in writing—lest they be found ungrateful—that they received their most vital doctrines from Socrates. But by employing the testimonies of a few familiar and highly esteemed men among the Greeks, and having thoroughly exposed the plagiarizing nature of their work across various time periods, I shall turn to what follows." |
| 2.4 Ταῦθ' ὡς ἐν προοιμίοις φήσας τοὺς ἐλέγχους ἑξῆς ἐπάγει, παντοίαις κεχρημένος ἀποδείξεσι, καὶ πρώτους γε τοὺς ποιητὰς τὰ παρὰ τῶν ὁμοίων κεκλοφέναι διὰ παραθέσεως τῶν ἑκάστου φωνῶν εὐθύνει. | 2.4 Having stated these things by way of preface, Clement next introduces his refutations, employing all kinds of proofs; and he censures the poets first of all for having stolen from their peers, doing so by juxtaposing the actual words of each author. |
| 2.5 εἶθ' ἑξῆς ἐπιλέγει ταῦτα· «Ὡς μηδὲ ἄμοιρον τήν τε φιλοσοφίαν τήν τε ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τὴν ῥητορικὴν τοῦ ὁμοίου ἐλέγχου περιίδωμεν, καὶ τούτων ὀλίγα παραθέσθαι εὔλογον.» | 2.5 Then, immediately following, he adds these words: "So that we may not overlook philosophy, history, or even rhetoric as being exempt from a similar exposure, it is reasonable to set down a few examples from these as well." |
| 2.6 Εἶτ' ἀκολούθως Ὀρφέως, Ἡρακλείτου, Πλάτωνος, Σόλωνος, Πυθαγόρου, Ἡροδότου, Θεοπόμπου, Θουκυδίδου, Δημοσθένους, Αἰσχίνου, Λυσίου, Ἰσοκράτους, μυρίων ἄλλων παρατίθησιν, ὧν περιττὸν ἐμὲ καταλέγειν τὰς φωνάς, προκειμένης τῆς τἀνδρὸς γραφῆς, ἐν ᾗ μετὰ τοὺς ἐλέγχους τῶν εἰρημένων ταῦτα πάλιν φησίν· | 2.6 Next, in due order, he cites parallel passages from Orpheus, Heraclitus, Plato, Solon, Pythagoras, Herodotus, Theopompus, Thucydides, Demosthenes, Aeschines, Lysias, Isocrates, and ten thousand others—whose actual words it is superfluous for me to list, since the man's written work lies open before us, in which, after his refutations of those mentioned, he says again: |
| 2.7 «Αἱ μὲν οὖν ἰδέαι κατὰ διάνοιαν Ἑλληνικῆς κλοπῆς εἰς ὑπόδειγμα ἐναργὲς τῷ διορᾶν δυναμένῳ τοιαίδε οὖσαι ἅλις ἔστωσαν. ἤδη δὲ οὐ τὰς διανοίας μόνον καὶ τὰς λέξεις ὑφελόμενοι καὶ παραγράψαντες ἐφωράθησαν, ὡς δειχθήσονται, αὐτοτελῶς δὲ τὰ ἑτέρων ὑφελόμενοι ὡς ἴδια ἐξήνεγκαν, καθάπερ Εὐγάμμων ὁ Κυρηναῖος ἐκ Μουσαίου τὸ Περὶ Θεσπρωτῶν βιβλίον ὁλόκληρον. | 2.7 "Let these examples suffice as a clear illustration for anyone capable of discerning the conceptual forms of Greek theft. Moreover, they have been caught not merely stealing thoughts and paraphrasing diction—as shall be demonstrated—but actually stealing whole works belonging to others and publishing them as their own, just as Eugammon of Cyrene took the entire book On the Thesprotians from Musaeus." |
| 2.8 Αὖθις δὲ τούτοις ἐπαγαγὼν πλείστας ἀποδείξεις τοῦ λόγου πάλιν τελευτῶν προστίθησι τάδε· «Ἐπιλείψει με ὁ βίος, εἰ καθ' ἕκαστον ἐπεξιέναι πειρῴμην τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν διελέγχων φίλαυτον κλοπήν, καὶ ὡς σφετερίζονται τὴν εὕρεσιν τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς καλλίστων δογμάτων, ἣν παρ' ἡμῶν εἰλήφασιν. | 2.8 After bringing forward many additional proofs of his argument, he again adds these words at the conclusion: "Life will fail me if I should attempt to go through every instance in detail, exposing self-loving Greek plagiarism and showing how they arrogate to themselves the discovery of the finest doctrines among them, which they received from us! |
| 2.9 ἤδη δὲ οὐ μόνον ὑφαιρούμενοι τὰ δόγματα παρὰ τῶν βαρβάρων διελέγχονται, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσέτι ἀπομιμούμενοι τὰ παρ' ἡμῖν, ἄνωθεν ἐκ τῆς θείας δυνάμεως διὰ τῶν ἁγίως βεβιωκότων εἰς τὴν ἡμετέραν ἐπιστροφὴν παραδόξως ἐνεργούμενα, Ἑλληνικῇ μυθολογίᾳ τερατευόμενοι. | 2.9 Furthermore, they are convicted not only of pilfering doctrines from the barbarians, but also of imitating our traditions—those brought about miraculously from above by divine power through those who lived holy lives for our conversion—and telling monstrous tales in Greek mythology! |
| 2.10 καὶ δὴ πευσόμεθα παρ' αὐτῶν ἤτοι ἀληθῆ ταῦτά ἐστιν, ἃ ἱστοροῦσιν, ἢ ψευδῆ. ψευδῆ μὲν οὐκ ἂν φήσαιεν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν καταψηφίσαιντο ἑαυτῶν ἑκόντες τὴν μεγίστην εὐήθειαν, τὸ ψευδῆ συγγράφειν· ἀληθῆ δ' εἶναι ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁμολογήσαιεν. | 2.10 Indeed, we shall ask them whether these things they relate are true or false. They would not say false, for they would not willingly convict themselves of the utmost foolishness in writing falsehoods; out of necessity, therefore, they would agree that they are true. |
| 2.11 καὶ πῶς ἔτι ἄπιστα αὐτοῖς καταφαίνεται τὰ διὰ Μώσεως καὶ τῶν ἄλλων προφητῶν τεραστίως ἐπιδεδειγμένα; πάντων γὰρ ἀνθρώπων ὁ παντοκράτωρ κηδόμενος θεὸς τοὺς μὲν ἐντολαῖς, τοὺς δ' ἀπειλαῖς, ἔστι δ' οὓς σημείοις τεραστίοις, ἐνίους δὲ ἠπίαις ἐπαγγελίαις ἐπιστρέφει πρὸς σωτηρίαν. | 2.11 How then can the wondrous works demonstrated through Moses and the other prophets still appear incredible to them? For God Almighty, caring for all mankind, converts some by commandments, others by threats, some by wondrous signs, and others by gentle promises unto salvation. |
| 2.12 πλὴν ἀλλ' οἱ Ἕλληνες, αὐχμοῦ ποτὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πολυχρονίως φθείροντος καὶ ἐπεχούσης ἀγονίας καρπῶν, οἱ καταλειφθέντες, φασί, διὰ λιμὸν ἱκέται παραγενόμενοι εἰς Δελφοὺς ἤροντο τὴν Πυθίαν πῶς ἂν ἀπαλλαγεῖεν τοῦ δεινοῦ. μίαν δ' αὐτοῖς ἔχρησεν ἀπαλλαγὴν τῆς συμφορᾶς, εἰ χρήσαιντο τῇ Αἰακοῦ εὐχῇ. | 2.12 At any rate, the Greeks say that when a drought once devastated Greece for a long time and a failure of crops prevailed, those left behind, driven by famine, came as suppliants to Delphi and asked the Pythia how they might be delivered from the calamity. She gave them only one deliverance from the disaster: if they should make use of the prayer of Aeacus. |
| 2.13 πεισθεὶς οὖν αὐτοῖς Αἰακός, ἀνελθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ὄρος, τὰς καθαρὰς χεῖρας ἐκτείνας εἰς οὐρανόν, κοινὸν ἐπικαλέσας πατέρα τὸν θεόν, ηὔξατο οἰκτεῖραι αὐτόν τετρυχωμένην τὴν Ἑλλάδα. | 2.13 Aeacus, persuaded by them, went up to the Panhellenic mountain, and stretching out his pure hands to heaven, called upon God as the common Father, praying that He take pity on Greece in her distress. |
| 2.14 ἅμα δὲ εὐχομένου βροντὴ ἐξαίσιος ἐπεκτύπει, καὶ πᾶς ὁ πέριξ ἀὴρ ἐνεφοῦτο· λάβροι δὲ καὶ συνεχεῖς ὄμβροι καταρραγέντες ὅλην ἐπλήρωσαν τὴν χώραν. ἐντεῦθεν ἄφθονος καὶ πλουσία τελεσφορεῖται εὐκαρπία, ταῖς Αἰακοῦ γεωργηθεῖσα εὐχαῖς. | 2.14 And even as he was praying, an extraordinary thunder peeled forth, and all the surrounding air became cloud-filled; furious, continuous rains burst down and filled the whole land. From that time an abundant and rich yield of crops was brought to fruition, cultivated by the prayers of Aeacus. |
| 2.15 καὶ ἐπεκαλέσατο, φησί, Σαμουὴλ τὸν κύριον, καὶ ἔδωκε κύριος φωνὰς καὶ ὑετὸν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ θερισμοῦ. ὁρᾷς ὅτι ὁ βρέχων ἐπὶ δικαίους καὶ ἀδίκους διὰ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων δυνάμεων εἷς ἐστι θεός;» καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. | 2.15 And Samuel, scripture says, called upon the Lord, and the Lord sent thunder and rain on the day of harvest [1 Sam 12:18]. Do you see that the God who sends rain on the just and on the unjust through the powers subject to Him is one and the same God?" ... and so forth. |
| 2.16 Τούτοις μυρία συνάψας ὁ Κλήμης κλέπτας γεγονέναι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀναμφιλέκτοις ἐλέγχοις κατεφώρασεν. εἰ δέ σοι μὴ πιστὸς οὗτος, ἅτε τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν βάρβαρον ὁμοίως ἡμῖν προτετιμηκὼς φιλοσοφίαν, καὶ δὴ ἐάσθω, καίπερ οὐκ οἰκείαις φωναῖς, ταῖς δ' αὐτῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπευθύνας τὸν λόγον. τί δ' ἂν εἴποις, εἰ τὰ ὅμοια καὶ παρ' αὐτῶν μάθοις τῶν γενναίων σου φιλοσόφων; δέχου δῆτα καὶ τούτων τὰς μαρτυρίας. Πορφυρίου ἀπὸ τοῦ α' τῆς Φιλολόγου ἀκροάσεως· | 2.16 Joining ten thousand such examples to these, Clement exposed the Greeks as plagiarists through indisputable refutations. But if he seems untrustworthy to you—on the grounds that he himself, like us, preferred foreign philosophy over Greek—then let him be set aside, even though he conducted his argument not with his own words, but with those of the Greeks themselves! What, then, would you say if you were to learn these same facts from your own noble philosophers? Receive, then, the testimonies of these men as well—from Porphyry's On Philological Lecture, Book 1: |
Chapter 3
Eusebius quotes extensively from Porphyry’s On Philological Lecture (Περὶ Φιλολόγου Ἀκροάσεως, Book 1), which portrays a dinner party hosted by Longinus in Athens to celebrate Plato's birthday. During the banquet, the scholars present—including Apollonius the grammarian, Nicagoras the sophist, Prosenes the Peripatetic, and Callietes the Stoic—debate widespread literary theft among pagan Greek authors.
They provide explicit examples across prose and poetry:
They provide explicit examples across prose and poetry:
Ephorus and Theopompus plagiarizing thousands of lines verbatim from Daimachus, Callisthenes, Anaximenes, and Isocrates, and falsifying historical facts/names to cover up theft (e.g., swapping Pherecydes for Pythagoras).
Menander plagiarizing entire plays from Antiphanes and copying lines from comic poets.
Herodotus copying Hecataeus of Miletus word-for-word regarding the phoenix, hippopotamus, and crocodile hunting.
Simonides, Euripides, and Theodectes stealing poetic lines and maxims from Hesiod and one another.
Antimachus dishonestly altering Homeric lines to pass them off as original.
Plato himself secretly borrowing core arguments against monism directly from Protagoras's rare treatise On Being.
Eusebius concludes that since pagan Greek authors themselves admit to rampant internal plagiarism, Christians are entirely justified in preferring Hebrew wisdom and recognizing that the best elements of Greek learning were originally stolen or borrowed from "barbarian" (Hebrew) sources.
| 3.1 «Τὰ Πλατώνεια ἑστιῶν ἡμᾶς Λογγῖνος Ἀθήνησι κέκληκεν ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ Νικαγόραν τὸν σοφιστὴν καὶ Μαΐωρα, Ἀπολλώνιόν τε τὸν γραμματικὸν καὶ Δημήτριον τὸν γεωμέτρην, Προσήνην τε τὸν Περιπατητικὸν καὶ τὸν Στωϊκὸν Καλλιέτην. | 3.1 "When hosting us for the Platonic festival at Athens, Longinus invited many others, including Nicagoras the sophist and Major, Apollonius the grammarian, Demetrius the geometer, Prosenes the Peripatetic, and Callietes the Stoic. |
| 3.2 μεθ' ὧν ἕβδομος αὐτὸς κατακλινείς, τοῦ δείπνου προκόπτοντος, καί τινος ζητήσεως περὶ Ἐφόρου ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις γενομένης, “Ἀκούσωμεν,” ἔφη, “τίς ὁ περὶ Ἐφόρου θόρυβος.” ἦσαν δ' οἱ ζητοῦντες Καύστριός τε καὶ Μάξιμος· ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν καὶ Θεοπόμπου προὐτίθει, ὁ δὲ Καύστριος κλέπτην ἀπεκάλει. | 3.2 Reclining as the seventh guest among them, as the dinner progressed and a debate arose among the others concerning Ephorus, Longinus said: 'Let us hear what all this uproar about Ephorus is!' Now the main disputants were Caustrius and Maximus; for the latter even preferred Ephorus over Theopompus, whereas Caustrius denounced him as a thief. |
| 3.3 “καὶ τί γὰρ Ἐφόρου ἴδιον;” ἔφη, “ἐκ τῶν Δαιμάχου καὶ Καλλισθένους καὶ Ἀναξιμένους αὐταῖς λέξεσιν ἔστιν ὅτε τρισχιλίους ὅλους μετατιθέντος στίχους;” | 3.3 'And what, indeed, is Ephorus's own creation?' he asked. 'When at times he transfers whole blocks of three thousand lines verbatim from the works of Daimachus, Callisthenes, and Anaximenes?' |
| 3.4 πρὸς ὃν ὁ γραμματικὸς Ἀπολλώνιος ἔφη· “οὐ γὰρ ἔγνως ὅτι καὶ τὸν Θεόπομπον, ὃν σὺ προτιμᾷς, κατείληφε τουτὶ τὸ πάθος, ἐν μὲν τῇ ἑνδεκάτῃ τῶν Περὶ Φιλίππου ἐκ τοῦ Ἰσοκράτους Ἀρεοπαγιτικοῦ μεταγράψαντα αὐτοῖς ὀνόμασιν ἐκεῖνα, ὅτι τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ τῶν κακῶν οὐδὲν αὐτὸ καθ' αὑτὸ παραγίνεται τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς; | 3.4 To him Apollonius the grammarian said: 'Are you not aware that this same affliction has gripped even Theopompus, whom you prefer? In the eleventh book of his History of Philip, he copied word-for-word from Isocrates's Areopagiticus those very passages: "That none of good things or bad things comes to men pure and unmixed of itself," and so forth. |
| 3.5 καίτοι ὑπερφρονεῖ τὸν Ἰσοκράτην καὶ νενικῆσθαι ὑφ' ἑαυτοῦ λέγει κατὰ τὸν ἐπὶ Μαυσωλῷ ἀγῶνα τὸν διδάσκαλον. πραγμάτων δ' ὑφαίρεσιν πεποίηται, μεταθεὶς τὰ ἐπ' ἄλλων ἄλλοις, ἵνα καὶ ψεύστης ἁλῷ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον. | 3.5 And yet he looks down upon Isocrates, and claims that he himself defeated his master in the rhetorical contest held in honor of Mausolus! But he has committed theft of historical facts, transferring events that happened to certain people onto others, so that he is convicted of being a liar in this manner as well. |
| 3.6 Ἄνδρωνος γὰρ ἐν τῷ Τρίποδι περὶ Πυθαγόρου τοῦ φιλοσόφου τὰ περὶ τὰς προρρήσεις ἱστορηκότος, εἰπόντος τε ὡς διψήσας ποτὲ ἐν Μεταποντίῳ καὶ ἔκ τινος φρέατος ἀνιμήσας καὶ πιὼν προεῖπεν ὡς εἰς τρίτην ἡμέραν ἔσοιτο σεισμός, καὶ ἕτερά τινα τούτοις ἐπαγαγὼν ἐπιλέγει· | 3.6 For instance, when Andron in his Tripod recorded concerning Pythagoras the philosopher the details about his foreknowledge—stating that once, feeling thirsty in Metapontum, he drew up water from a well, drank it, and predicted that an earthquake would occur on the third day, and adding several other details to these—he concludes as follows: |
| 3.7 ταῦτ' οὖν τοῦ Ἄνδρωνος περὶ Πυθαγόρου ἱστορηκότος πάντα ὑφείλετο Θεόπομπος. εἰ μὲν περὶ Πυθαγόρου λέγων, τάχα ἂν καὶ ἕτεροι ἠπίστηντο περὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἔλεγον ταῦτα καὶ αὐτὸς εἰπών· νῦν δὲ τὴν κλοπὴν δήλην πεποίηκεν ἡ τοῦ ὀνόματος μετάθεσις. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ πράγμασι κέχρηται τοῖς αὐτοῖς, ἕτερον δ' ὄνομα μετενήνοχεν· Φερεκύδην γὰρ τὸν Σύριον πεποίηκε ταῦτα προλέγοντα. | 3.7 "All these details that Andron recorded about Pythagoras, Theopompus stole entirely. If he had spoken about Pythagoras, perhaps others too would have disbelieved concerning him, and would say that he too merely repeated these things; but as it is, the alteration of the name has made his theft obvious. For while using the exact same facts, he substituted another name: he made Pherecydes of Syros the one predicting these things!" |
| 3.8 οὐ μόνον δὲ τούτῳ τῷ ὀνόματι ἀποκρύπτει τὴν κλοπήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόπων μεταθέσει. τό τε γὰρ περὶ τῆς προρρήσεως τοῦ σεισμοῦ ἐν Μεταποντίῳ ὑπ' Ἄνδρωνος ῥηθὲν ἐν Σύρῳ εἰρῆσθαί φησιν ὁ Θεόπομπος, τό τε περὶ τὸ πλοῖον οὐκ ἀπὸ Μεγάρων τῆς Σικελίας, ἀπὸ δὲ Σάμου φησὶ θεωρηθῆναι· καὶ τὴν Συβάρεως ἅλωσιν ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσσήνης μετέθηκεν. | 3.8 And he hides his theft not only by this alteration of the name, but also by changing locations. For what was said by Andron concerning the prediction of the earthquake at Metapontum, Theopompus says was uttered on Syros; and regarding the ship, he says it was observed not from Megara Hyblaea in Sicily, but from Samos; and he transferred the capture of Sybaris to that of Messene. |
| 3.9 ἵνα δέ τι δοκῇ λέγειν περιττόν, καὶ τοῦ ξένου προστέθεικε τοὔνομα, Περίλαον αὐτὸν καλεῖσθαι λέγων. κἀγώ,” φησὶν ὁ Νικαγόρας, “τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐντυγχάνων αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ Ξενοφῶντος πολλὰ τοῦ Ξενοφῶντος αὐτὸν μετατιθέντα κατείληφα, καὶ τὸ δεινόν, ὅτι ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον. | 3.9 And so that he might seem to be saying something extra, he even added the name of the host, saying that he was called Perilaus.' 'And I too,' said Nicagoras, 'when reading through the Hellenica both of his work and of Xenophon, have caught him transferring many passages from Xenophon—and the terrible thing is, always for the worse! |
| 3.10 τὰ γοῦν περὶ τῆς Φαρναβάζου πρὸς Ἀγησίλαον συνόδου δι' Ἀπολλοφάνους τοῦ Κυζικηνοῦ, καὶ τὰς ἀμφοῖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐνσπόνδους διαλέξεις, ἃς ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ Ξενοφῶν ἀνέγραψε πάνυ χαριέντως καὶ πρεπόντως ἀμφοῖν, εἰς τὴν ἐνδεκάτην τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν μεταθεὶς ὁ Θεόπομπος ἀργά τε καὶ ἀκίνητα πεποίηκε καὶ ἄπρακτα. | 3.10 For instance, the account of Pharnabazus's meeting with Agesilaus arranged through Apollophanes of Cyzicus, and the treaty discussions between the two—which Xenophon wrote down in his fourth book with immense charm and appropriateness for both figures—Theopompus transferred into the eleventh book of his Hellenica, rendering it sluggish, lifeless, and ineffective. |
| 3.11 λόγου γὰρ δύναμιν καὶ διὰ τὴν κλοπὴν ἐξεργασίαν ἐμβάλλειν καὶ ἐπιδείκνυσθαι σπουδάζων βραδὺς καὶ μέλλων καὶ ἀναβαλλομένῳ ἐοικὼς φαίνεται, καὶ τὸ ἔμψυχον καὶ ἐνεργὸν τὸ Ξενοφῶντος διαφθείρων.” | 3.11 For in his eagerness to inject eloquence and display elaborateness through his theft, he appears slow, hesitant, and delaying, completely destroying the spirit and vitality of Xenophon's original.' |
| 3.12 Ταῦτ' εἰπόντος τοῦ Νικαγόρου ὁ Ἀπολλώνιος, “Καὶ τί θαυμάζομεν,” ἔφη, “εἰ Θεοπόμπου καὶ Ἐφόρου τὸ τῆς κλοπῆς πάθος ἥψατο, ἀργοτέρων οὕτως ἀνδρῶν, ὅπου γε καὶ Μένανδρος τῆς ἀρρωστίας ταύτης ἐπλήσθη, ὃν ἠρέμα μὲν ἤλεγξε διὰ τὸ ἄγαν αὐτὸν φιλεῖν Ἀριστοφάνης ὁ γραμματικὸς ἐν ταῖς παραλλήλοις αὐτοῦ τε καὶ ἀφ' ὧν ἔκλεψεν ἐκλογαῖς; Λατῖνος δὲ ἐν ἓξ βιβλίοις, ἃ ἐπέγραψε Περὶ τῶν οὐκ ἰδίων Μενάνδρου, τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κλοπῶν ἐξέφηνε· | 3.12 When Nicagoras said these things, Apollonius remarked: 'And why do we wonder if the affliction of plagiarism touched Theopompus and Ephorus—comparatively uninspired men—when even Menander was filled with this disease? Aristophanes the grammarian gently exposed him (out of his deep fondness for him) in his parallel comparisons between Menander's plays and the selections from which he stole; while Latinus, in six books entitled On the Unoriginal Works of Menander, exposed the vast quantity of his thefts. |
| 3.13 καθάπερ ὁ Ἀλεξανδρεὺς Φιλόστρατος Περὶ τῆς τοῦ Σοφοκλέους κλοπῆς πραγματείαν κατεβάλετο. Καικίλιος δέ, ὥς τι μέγα πεφωρακώς, ὅλον δρᾶμα ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰς τέλος Ἀντιφάνους, τὸν Οἰωνιστήν, μεταγράψαι φησὶ τὸν Μένανδρον εἰς τὸν Δεισιδαίμονα. | 3.13 Just as Philostratus of Alexandria composed a treatise On the Plagiarism of Sophocles; and Caecilius, as if he had uncovered something grand, claims that Menander copied an entire play from beginning to end—Antiphanes's The Augur—into his Superstitious Man. |
| 3.14 ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς κλέπτας ἔδοξεν, οὐκ οἶδ' ὅπως, ὑμῖν,” φησί, “εἰς τὸ μέσον ἀγαγεῖν, μηνύω κἀυτὸς Ὑπερείδην τὸν καλὸν πολλὰ παρὰ Δημοσθένους κεκλοφότα ἔν τε τῷ πρὸς Διώγειτον λόγῳ κἀν τῷ περὶ τῶν Εὐβούλου δωρεῶν. | 3.14 'Since it seems good to you, I know not how, to bring the thieves into the open,' he says, 'I myself reveal that the noble Hypereides stole many things from Demosthenes, both in his speech Against Diogeiton and in his speech On the Grants of Eubulus. |
| 3.15 καὶ ὅτι μὲν ὁ ἕτερος παρὰ τοῦ ἑτέρου μετέθηκε πρόδηλον· συγχρονούντων δ' αὐτῶν, ‘ἡμῶν μὲν ἂν εἴη ἔργον,’ φησίν, ‘ὦ Ἀπολλώνιε, ἐκ τῶν χρόνων ἀνιχνεῦσαι τὸν κλέπτην.’ ἐγὼ δὲ ὑποπτεύω μὲν τὸν ὑφῃρημένον εἶναι τὸν Ὑπερείδην· ἀδήλου δὲ ὄντος ὁπότερος, ἄγαμαι μὲν Δημοσθένην, εἰ λαβὼν παρὰ Ὑπερείδου πρὸς τὸ δέον διώρθωσε· μέμφομαι δὲ τὸν Ὑπερείδην, εἰ λαβὼν παρὰ Δημοσθένους πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον διέστρεψε.” | 3.15 Now that one of them transferred from the other is obvious; but since they were contemporaries, "it would be our task," he says, "O Apollonius, to trace the thief from the chronology." I myself suspect that the pilferer was Hypereides; but since it is unclear which one it was, I admire Demosthenes if he took from Hypereides and corrected it appropriately, but I blame Hypereides if he took from Demosthenes and distorted it for the worse.' |
| 3.16 Καὶ μετὰ βραχέα φησί· “Καὶ τί ὑμῖν λέγω ὡς τὰ βαρβαρικὰ νόμιμα Ἑλλανίκου ἐκ τῶν Προδόκου καὶ Δαμάστου συνῆκται; ἢ ὡς Ἡρόδοτος ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ πολλὰ Ἑκαταίου τοῦ Μιλησίου κατὰ λέξιν μετήνεγκεν ἐκ τῆς Περιηγήσεως, βραχέα παραποιήσας, τὰ τοῦ φοίνικος ὀρνέου καὶ περὶ τοῦ ποταμίου ἵππου καὶ τῆς θήρας τῶν κροκοδείλων; | 3.16 And after a short interval he says: 'And why should I tell you how the Barbarian Customs of Hellanicus was compiled from the works of Prodocus and Damastes? Or how Herodotus in his second book transferred many things word-for-word from Hecataeus of Miletus's Description of the Earth, making only slight alterations—namely, the account of the phoenix bird, the hippopotamus, and the hunting of crocodiles? |
| 3.17 ἢ ὡς τὰ περὶ βασάνων εἰρημένα παρ' Ἰσαίῳ ἐν τῷ περὶ τοῦ Κύλωνος κλήρου καὶ παρὰ Ἰσοκράτει ἐν τῷ Τραπεζιτικῷ κεῖται καὶ παρὰ τῷ Δημοσθένει ἐν τῷ κατὰ Ὀνήτορος ἐξούλης σχεδὸν διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν εἴρηται; ἢ ὡς Δείναρχος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ κατὰ Κλεομέδοντος αἰκίας πολλὰ μετενήνοχεν αὐτοῖς ὀνόμασιν ἐκ τοῦ Δημοσθένους κατὰ Κόνωνος αἰκίας; | 3.17 Or how the arguments concerning torture under interrogation mentioned in Isaeus's speech On the Estate of Cylon are found also in Isocrates's Trapeziticus, and are expressed in almost identical words in Demosthenes's speech Against Onetor for Ejectment? Or how Dinarchus in his first speech Against Cleomedon for Assault transferred many things in the very same words from Demosthenes's speech Against Conon for Assault? |
| 3.18 ἢ Ἡσιόδου· ‘οὐ μὲν γάρ τι γυναικὸς ἀνὴρ ληίζετ' ἄμεινον / τῆς ἀγαθῆς, τῆς δ' αὖτε κακῆς οὐ ῥίγιον ἄλλο,’ ταύτην τὴν διάνοιαν Σιμωνίδης ἐν τῷ ἑνδεκάτῳ μετήνεγκε λαβὼν οὕτως· ‘γυναικὸς οὐδὲν χρῆμ' ἀνὴρ ληίζεται / ἄμεινον ἐσθλῆς, οὐδὲ ῥίγιον κακῆς.’ Εὐριπίδης δὲ ἐν Μελανίππῃ τῇ Δεσμώτιδι· ‘τῆς μὲν κακῆς κάκιον οὐδὲν γίνεται / γυναικός, ἐσθλῆς δ' οὐδὲν εἰς ὑπερβολὴν / πέφυκ' ἄμεινον· διαφέρουσι δ' αἱ φύσεις.’ | 3.18 Or how Hesiod's lines: "For a man wins no better prize than a good wife, / nor again anything more chilling than a bad one"—this thought Simonides transferred in his eleventh book, taking it thus: "A man wins no better possession than an excellent wife, / nor anything more chilling than a bad one." And Euripides in Melanippe the Captive: "Than a bad woman nothing worse is born, / while than a good one nothing exists in excess better; / but their natures differ." |
| 3.19 τοῦ δὲ Εὐριπίδου εἰπόντος· ‘γυναῖκές ἐσμεν ἀθλιώτατον φυτόν,’ Θεοδέκτης ἐν Ἀλκμαίωνί φησι· ‘σαφὴς μὲν ἐν βροτοῖσιν ὑμνεῖται λόγος, / ὡς οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀθλιώτερον φυτὸν / γυναικός.’ οὗτος οὐ μόνον τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ἐκεῖθεν εἴληφεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς λέξεσιν αὐταῖς συγκέχρηται· καὶ ἠθέλησεν αὐτὸ πανούργως παροιμιακὸν μᾶλλον εἶναι καὶ ὡς ὑπὸ πολλῶν λεγομένῳ συγκεχρῆσθαι ἢ δοκεῖν εἰληφέναι παρὰ τοῦ γεγεννηκότος. | 3.19 And when Euripides said: "We women are the most wretched plant," Theodectes in his Alcmaeon says: "A clear statement is sung among mortals, / that there is no plant more wretched than a woman." This man not only took his impulse from there, but used the exact same words; and he craftily wished it to seem like a popular proverb used by many rather than appearing to have taken it from its originator. |
| 3.20 ὁ δ' Ἀντίμαχος τὰ Ὀμήρου κλέπτων παραδιορθοῖ. Ὁμήρου γὰρ εἰπόντος· ‘Ἴδαν τε, ὃς κάρτιστος ἐπιχθονίων γένετ' ἀνδρῶν,’ Ἀντίμαχος λέγει· ‘Ἴδαν τε, ὃς κάρτιστος ἐπιχθονίων ἔην ἀνδρῶν.’ καὶ Λυκόφρων ἐπαινεῖ τὴν μετάθεσιν, ὡς δι' αὐτῆς ἐστηριγμένου τοῦ στίχου. | 3.20 And Antimachus, when stealing Homer's lines, tampers with them slightly. For where Homer said: "And Idas, who was the strongest of earthly men," Antimachus says: "And Idas, who was the strongest of earthly men." And Lycophron praises the alteration, claiming the verse was stabilized through it! |
| 3.21 τὸ γὰρ ‘τὸν δ' ἀπαμειβόμενος προσέφη κρείων Διομήδης’ σιγῶ, Ὀμήρου κωμῳδηθέντος ὑπὸ Κρατίνου διὰ τὸ πλεονάσαι ἐν τῷ ‘τὸν δ' ἀπαμειβόμενος,’ ὅπερ οὕτω πεπατημένον οὐκ ὤκνησεν Ἀντίμαχος μεταθεῖναι. | 3.21 As for "And answering him spoke mighty Diomedes," I pass it over in silence—Homer having been lampooned by Cratinus for overusing "And answering him"—a line so hackneyed that Antimachus did not hesitate to transfer it! |
| 3.22 τοῦ δὲ ‘λαῶν οἷσιν ἄνασσε, πατὴρ δ' ὣς ἤπιος ἦεν,’ Ὁμηρικοῦ ὄντος, καὶ πάλιν ἀλλαχοῦ που λεγομένου· ‘οἱ δ' ἐπεὶ ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἐκαρτύναντο φάλαγγας,’ ὁ Ἀντίμαχος μεταθεὶς ἡμιστίχια πεποίηκε· ‘λαῶν οἷσιν ἄνασσον ἐκαρτύνοντο φάλαγγες.’ | 3.22 And the Homeric verse: "over the peoples whom he ruled, and he was gentle as a father," and what is said elsewhere: "And when they on both sides had strengthened their phalanxes," Antimachus transferred and combined into half-lines, making: "over the peoples whom they ruled they strengthened their phalanxes." |
| 3.23 ἀλλ' ἵνα μὴ καὶ αὐτὸς κλοπῆς ἄλλους αἰτιώμενος κλέπτης ἁλῶ, τοὺς πραγματευσαμένους τὰ περὶ τούτων μηνύσω. Λυσιμάχου μέν ἐστι δύο Περὶ τῆς Ἐφόρου κλοπῆς, Ἀλκαῖος δέ, ὁ τῶν λοιδορουμένων ἰάμβων καὶ ἐπιγραμμάτων ποιητής, παρῴδηκε Ἐφόρου κλοπὰς ἐξελέγχων, Πολλίωνος δὲ ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Σωτηρίδαν Περὶ τῆς Κτησίου κλοπῆς, τοῦ δ' αὐτοῦ καὶ Περὶ τῆς Προδόκου κλοπῆς ἐστι βιβλίον, καὶ ἐν τῷ ἐπιγραφομένῳ Ἰχνευταὶ πολλὰ περὶ Θεοπόμπου λέγεται, Ἀρητάδου τέ ἐστι Περὶ συνεμπτώσεως πραγματεία, ἐξ ὧν τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ἔστι γνῶναι.” | 3.23 But lest I myself, while accusing others of theft, be caught as a thief, I shall disclose those who have written treatises on these matters: Lysimachus wrote two books On the Plagiarism of Ephorus; Alcaius, the poet of abusive iambics and epigrams, wrote parodies exposing Ephorus's thefts; Pollio wrote a letter to Soteridas On the Plagiarism of Ctesias, and there is a book by the same author On the Plagiarism of Prodocus; and in the work entitled Trackers, much is said concerning Theopompus; while Aretades composed a treatise On Coincidence, from which many such instances may be learned.' |
| 3.24 Καὶ μεθ' ἕτερα· “Καὶ ὁ Προσήνης, ‘Τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους,’ ἔφη, ‘κλέπτας ἐφωράσατε· ὅτι δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς οὗτος ὁ ἥρως Πλάτων, οὗ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἑορτὴν σήμερον πανηγυρίζομεν, πολλοῖς καταχρῆται τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ,—αἰδοῦμαι γὰρ τῷ τῆς κλοπῆς ὀνόματι ἐπὶ τούτου χρῆσθαι,—οὐκέτι κατειλήφατε.’ | 3.24 And after other matters: 'And Prosenes said: "The other thieves you have caught; but that this hero Plato himself, whose namesake festival we are celebrating today, makes excessive use of many authors before him—for I feel ashamed to use the word 'theft' in his case—you have not yet perceived!" |
| 3.25 ‘τί λέγεις;’ ἔφη ὁ Καλλιέτης. ‘οὐ λέγω μόνον,’ φησίν, ‘ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν πίστιν τῷ λόγῳ παρέχω. σπάνια δὲ τὰ τῶν πρὸ τοῦ Πλάτωνος γεγονότων βιβλία, ἐπεὶ ἴσως πλείους ἄν τις ἐφώρασε τοῦ φιλοσόφου κλοπάς. ἐγὼ δ' οὖν, ᾗ κατὰ τύχην περιπέπτωκα, Πρωταγόρου τὸν Περὶ τοῦ ὄντος ἀναγινώσκων λόγον, πρὸς τοὺς ἓν τὸ ὂν εἰσάγοντας τοιαύταις αὐτὸν εὑρίσκω χρώμενον ἀπαντήσεσιν· ἐσπούδασα γὰρ αὐταῖς λέξεσι τὰ ῥηθέντα μνημονεύειν.’ Καὶ ταῦτ' εἰπὼν διὰ πλειόνων τίθησι τὰς ἀποδείξεις. | 3.25 "What are you saying?" asked Callietes. "I not only say it," he replied, "but I also provide proof for the assertion. Now, books written prior to Plato are rare, since otherwise one might have caught more thefts committed by the philosopher. I, at any rate, by chance came across Protagoras's discourse On Being, and when reading it against those who introduce Being as One, I find him employing such counter-arguments; for I was eager to remember what was said in his actual words."' And having said these things, he sets forth the proofs at greater length. |
| 3.26 ἀλλ' ὁποῖος μὲν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν συγγραφέων ὁ τρόπος, ὅτι τε οὐδὲ τοῦ καθ' ἑαυτῶν ἐφείσαντο ἐλέγχου, ἀρκεῖν ἀπὸ μυρίων ἡγοῦμαι τὰ εἰρημένα. ἔτι δὲ εἰς προπαρασκευὴν τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν Ἑβραϊκῶν λόγων ἐπιρρυείσης εἰς Ἕλληνας ὠφελείας εὖ μοι δοκεῖ καὶ ἀναγκαίως καθόλου πᾶσαν ἀποδεῖξαι τὴν βοωμένην Ἑλλήνων παιδείαν τε καὶ φιλοσοφίαν, τά τε πρῶτα αὐτῶν μαθήματα, καὶ τὰ σεμνὰ τῆς λογικῆς ἐπιστήμης ἀπὸ βαρβάρων αὐτοῖς συμπεφορημένα, ὡς ἂν μηκέθ' ἡμῖν ἐπιμέμφοιτό τις αὐτῶν, ὅτι δὴ τὴν παρὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις εὐσέβειάν τε καὶ φιλοσοφίαν τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς σεμνῶν προτετιμήκαμεν.» | 3.26 But as to the character of Greek writers, and that they did not spare even their own countrymen from exposure, I consider what has been said sufficient out of ten thousand examples. Furthermore, as a preparation for demonstrating the benefit that flowed to the Greeks from Hebrew doctrines, it seems to me both good and necessary to demonstrate in general that all the celebrated education and philosophy of the Greeks, both their primary lessons and the solemn parts of logical science, were collected by them from barbarians—so that none of them may any longer find fault with us because we have preferred the piety and philosophy found among barbarians over their own solemn traditions." |
Chapter 4
In this chapter, Eusebius presents a core polemical argument of early Christian apologetics: the theft/derivation of Greek wisdom from non-Greek ("barbarian") sources.
The Superiority & Priority of Hebrew Thought (4.1–4.3): Eusebius argues that Christians acted reasonably in preferring Hebrew theology over Greek philosophy, since even the best Greek philosophers only achieved truth when they agreed with Hebrew teachings.
Foreign Origins of Greek Religion & Culture (4.4–4.7): He highlights that Greek mythology, religious rites, and cult images were imported from Phoenicia (via Cadmus) and Egypt (via Orpheus and others), while early Greece was spiritually destitute and reliant on deceitful oracles.
The Chronological Priority of Hebrew Prophets (4.10–4.12): Eusebius places the emergence of the Seven Sages and early Greek wisdom long after Moses (by over 1,500 years) and contemporary with the very last Hebrew prophets around the time of Cyrus.
Borrowings of Key Philosophers (4.13–4.24): He reviews major thinkers—Pythagoras, Thales, Solon, Plato, and Democritus—pointing out their foreign ancestry, extensive travels to Egypt, Babylon, Persia, and India, and explicit admissions (such as Solon's exchange in Plato's Timaeus) that Greek lore is young and borrowed.
The "Borrowed Feathers" Metaphor & Defense of Christianity (4.25–4.33): Describing Greek philosophy as an eranos (a potluck/patched-together collection) adorned with "borrowed feathers," Eusebius concludes that Christians exercised sound judgment by turning away from Greek error directly to the original, pure divine truth preserved by the Hebrews.
| 4.1 Ὅτι μὴ ἄνευ λόγου σώφρονος δεύτερα θέμενοι τὰ τῆς Ἑλλήνων φιλοσοφίας τὴν παρ’ Ἑβραίοις θεολογίαν προτετιμήκαμεν γνοίης ἄν, μαθὼν ὡς καὶ αὐτῶν Ἑλλήνων οἱ δὴ μάλιστα ὀρθότερον φιλοσοφίας ἁψάμενοι, καί τι πλέον καὶ μεῖζον τῆς πανδήμου περὶ θεῶν ἀκοῆς διανοηθέντες, οὐδέτερα τῶν παρὰ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις προκεκυρωμένων ἐφεῦρον ἀληθῆ δόγματα. | 4.1 That it was not without sound reason that we have assigned second place to the philosophy of the Greeks and preferred the theology among the Hebrews, you may learn if you understand that even those among the Greeks who laid hold of philosophy in the most correct manner—and who conceived something greater and grander than the popular reports concerning the gods—discovered that neither set of the doctrines previously established among the Hebrews was false. |
| 4.2 οἳ μὲν γὰρ ἀλληνάλλως ποικίλαις ψευδοδοξίαις ἀπαχθέντες εἰς βυθὸν ἀδολεσχίας περιετράπησαν, οἱ δέ γε ποσῶς εὐγνώμονι λογισμῷ κεχρημένοι, ἐν οἷς τῆς τἀληθοῦς ἐφήψαντο καταλήψεως, ἐν τούτοις τῆς Ἑβραίων κοινωνοὶ πεφήνασι διδασκαλίας. | 4.2 For some, led astray at random by diverse false opinions, were turned aside into an abyss of idle babbling; whereas those who made use of a somewhat reasonable judgment, in those matters where they grasped the comprehension of the truth, were revealed as partners in the teaching of the Hebrews. |
| 4.3 εἰκὸς γοῦν πολυμαθεῖς γεγονότας τά τε τῶν ἐθνῶν νόμιμά τε καὶ μαθήματα περιεργότερον ἐξητακότας, καὶ τὴν τῶν δηλουμένων μὴ ἀγνοῆσαι φιλοσοφίαν νεωτέρους μὲν τῷ χρόνῳ, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ἁπάντων οὐχ Ἑβραίων μόνον, οὐδέ γε Φοινίκων καὶ Αἰγυπτίων ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν παλαιῶν Ἑλλήνων φύντας. | 4.3 It is reasonable, at any rate, that having become men of wide learning and having investigated the customs and lore of the nations with painstaking curiosity, they did not fail to recognize the philosophy of those mentioned—being younger in time, so to speak, than all others: born not only after the Hebrews, nor indeed after the Phoenicians and Egyptians, but even after the ancient Greeks themselves. |
| 4.4 οἷς τὰ μὲν ἐκ Φοινίκης Κάδμος ὁ Ἀγήνορος, τὰ δ’ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου περὶ θεῶν, ἢ καί ποθεν ἄλλοθεν μυστήρια καὶ τελετάς, ξοάνων τε ἱδρύσεις, καὶ ὕμνους, ᾠδάς τε καὶ ἐπῳδάς, ἤτοι Θρᾴκιος Ὀρφεὺς ἢ καί τις ἕτερος Ἕλλην ἢ βάρβαρος, τῆς πλάνης ἀρχηγοὶ γενόμενοι, συνεστήσαντο· | 4.4 For Cadmus, the son of Agenor, brought to them matters from Phoenicia; while Thracian Orpheus or someone else—whether Greek or barbarian—became the ringleader of error and established from Egypt or elsewhere the mysteries and rites concerning the gods, as well as the setting up of cult images (xoana), hymns, songs, and incantations. |
| 4.5 τούτων γὰρ οὐδένας καὶ αὐτοὶ ἂν ὁμολογήσαιεν Ἕλληνες παλαιοτέρους εἰδέναι. πρῶτον γοῦν ἁπάντων Ὀρφέα, εἶτα δὲ Λίνον, κἄπειτα Μουσαῖον, ἀμφὶ τὰ Τρωϊκὰ γενομένους ἢ μικρῷ πρόσθεν ἠκμακέναι φασίν. ἀλλὰ κατά γε τούτους πλέον οὐδὲν τῆς Φοινίκων καὶ Αἰγυπτίων πολυπλανοῦς θεολογίας παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπολιτεύετο. | 4.5 For the Greeks themselves would acknowledge that they know no one older than these. Indeed, they say that Orpheus was first of all, then Linus, and after that Musaeus, flourishing around the time of the Trojan War or a little before. Yet down to their time, nothing more than the wandering, error-filled theology of the Phoenicians and Egyptians was practiced among the Greeks. |
| 4.6 καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν τοῖς λοιποῖς ἔθνεσι, κατὰ πάσας χώρας τε καὶ πόλεις, ἔν τε ἱεροῖς καὶ μυστηρίοις, αὐτὰ δὴ ταῦτα καὶ ὅσα τούτοις ὅμοια παρεφυλάττετο. πολὺς γοῦν παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁ προδηλωθεὶς περὶ θεῶν ἐκράτει λόγος· νεῴ τε περικαλλεῖς, παντοίοις ἀγάλμασι καὶ ἀναθήμασι κεκοσμημένοι, παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐξήσκηντο· ἀτὰρ δὴ καὶ ξόανα παντοίας ὕλης εἰς πᾶσαν θνητῶν ζῴων ἰδέαν τετυπωμένα φιλοκάλως ἐξείργαστο. | 4.6 And so too among the remaining nations, throughout every land and city, in temples and mysteries, these very same things and others like them were observed. For the aforementioned discourse concerning the gods held sway everywhere; magnificent temples, adorned with all kinds of statues and votive offerings, were constructed by all; and wooden images (xoana) of every material, artistically fashioned into every form of mortal creature, were elaborate works of art. |
| 4.7 καὶ μὴν καὶ μαντείων πλείστη τις ἦν καὶ ἄφθονος παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσι περιουσία. σεμνός γε μήν τις καὶ μέγας θεὸς παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι διαφερόντως τὸ τηνικάδε μάλιστα ἦν ἀκμάζων, ὁ Πύθιος καὶ ὁ Κλάριος καὶ ὁ Δωδωναῖος· εἶτα δὲ Ἀμφιάρεως καὶ Ἀμφίλοχος, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις μυρίος ἄλλος ἐπιρρέων χρησμῳδῶν μᾶλλον ἢ ποιητῶν τε καὶ ῥαψῳδῶν ὄχλος. | 4.7 Furthermore, there was a vast and abundant surplus of oracles among all men. A solemn and great god was then especially flourishing among the Greeks—namely, the Pythian, the Clarian, and the Dodonaean; and after them Amphiaraus and Amphilochus, and upon these flowed an endless crowd of oracle-mongers rather than poets and rhapsodes. |
| 4.8 ὧν μακροῖς ποθ’ ὕστερον χρόνοις Ἕλληνας παρελθοῦσα φιλοσοφία, μηδὲν τῶν αὐτῇ προσηκόντων παρὰ τοῖς προπάτορσιν εὑροῦσα, τὰ μὲν σεμνὰ καὶ παλαιὰ τῆς πατρόθεν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἡκούσης θεολογίας, αὐτά τε τὰ θαυμαστὰ καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι βοώμενα, θεῖά τε καὶ χρηστήρια, ἔργῳ περιττὰ καὶ ἀνωφελῆ κατελάμβανε. | 4.8 Much later in time, philosophy came along among the Greeks. Finding nothing belonging to itself among the forebears, it perceived that the solemn and ancient traditions of theology handed down to them from their fathers—the very things marvelled at and proclaimed by all, both divine rites and oracles—were in reality superfluous and useless. |
| 4.9 διὸ ταῦτα μὲν εἰς δεύτερον ἀνεβάλλετο, ὡς ἂν οὐδὲν αὐτῇ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀναγκαίων καὶ ἀληθῶν εὕρεσιν λυσιτελεῖν δυνάμενα, τὰ δὲ ὀθνεῖα λοιπὸν καὶ βάρβαρα, οἷά τις γυμνὴ καὶ οἰκείων πτωχεύουσα λόγων τε καὶ μαθημάτων, περιῄει διερευνωμένη, τά τε χρήσιμα πανταχόθεν ἑαυτῇ πορίζουσα συνάγουσά τε καὶ ἐρανιζομένη, ὅ τι ποτὲ παρ’ ἑκάστοις εὕροι τῶν ἐθνῶν. | 4.9 Therefore, philosophy pushed these things into second place, as being able to contribute nothing toward the discovery of necessary and true things. Instead, like a beggar stripped bare and lacking her own doctrines and teachings, she went about searching out foreign and barbarian ideas, gathering, begging, and procuring for herself from every quarter whatever useful thing she might find among each of the nations. |
| 4.10 οὐ γὰρ οὖν μόνα τὰ τῆς ἀληθοῦς θεολογίας λείποντα κατεμάνθανε τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τεχνῶν τε καὶ ἐπιστημῶν τὰς βιωφελεστάτας. συνομολογοῦσί γε τοι Ἕλληνες αὐτοί, μετά γε Ὀρφέα Λίνον τε καὶ Μουσαῖον, οἳ δὴ πάντων μάλιστα θεολόγων παλαιότατοί τε καὶ πρῶτοι κατῆρξαν αὐτοῖς τῆς πολυθέου πλάνης, τοὺς ἑπτὰ παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἄνδρας ἐπὶ σοφίᾳ θαυμασθῆναι, οὓς δὴ καὶ ἐπονομάσαι σοφούς. ἀμφὶ Κῦρον δὲ οἵδε τὸν Περσῶν ἤκμασαν βασιλέα. | 4.10 For the Greeks observed that they were lacking not only the doctrines of true theology, but also the most useful arts and sciences for daily life. Indeed, the Greeks themselves agree that after Orpheus, Linus, and Musaeus—who, as the oldest theologians of all, first initiated them into polytheistic error—the Seven Men were admired among them for wisdom, whom they indeed called "the Wise." These flourished around the time of Cyrus, king of the Persians. |
| 4.11 οὗτος δ’ ἦν ὁ χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ τῶν παρ’ Ἑβραίοις προφητῶν οἱ πάντων ὕστατοι προεφήτευον, τῶν μὲν Τρωϊκῶν ὕστερον ἔτεσι πλέον ἢ ἑξακοσίοις, τῆς δὲ Μώσεως ἡλικίας οὐκ ἔλαττον ἢ χιλίοις πεντακοσίοις γενόμενοι. τοῦτο δέ σοι τὰς τῶν χρόνων ἀναγραφὰς μικρὸν ὕστερον διιόντι καταφανὲς ἔσται. | 4.11 This was the time in which the very last of the prophets among the Hebrews were prophesying—occurring more than six hundred years after the Trojan events, and not less than fifteen hundred years after the age of Moses. This will become clear to you a little later when you go through the chronological tables. |
| 4.12 ἐνταῦθά που νέοι τῷ χρόνῳ οἱ ἑπτὰ γενόμενοι σοφοὶ ἐπὶ κατορθώσει μνημονεύονται ἀγωγῆς τῆς ἠθικωτέρας, ὧν πλέον οὐδὲν τῶν βοωμένων ἀποφθεγμάτων μνημονεύεται. ὀψὲ δέ τι, καὶ μᾶλλον τοῖς χρόνοις ὑποβεβηκότες, οἱ παρ' Ἕλλησι φιλόσοφοι διαπρέψαι μνημονεύονται. | 4.12 Around this time, the Seven Wise Men—recent in time—are remembered for their success in a more ethical mode of conduct, though nothing more of them is remembered beyond their famous maxims. Only much later, and falling further down in time, are the philosophers among the Greeks recorded as having excelled. |
| 4.13 ὧν Πυθαγόρας πρῶτος Φερεκύδου γνώριμος, τὸ "φιλοσοφίαν" ἀνευρὼν ὄνομα, ὡς μέν τινες, Σάμιος, ὡς δ’ ἕτεροί φασι, Τυρρηνὸς ἦν· τινὲς δ’ αὐτὸν Σύριον ἢ Τύριον εἶναι λέγουσιν· ὥστε σε βάρβαρον, ἀλλ’ οὐχ Ἕλληνα γεγονέναι ὁμολογεῖν τὸν πρῶτον τῶν φιλοσόφων, ἀνὰ στόμα πάντων Ἑλλήνων ᾀδόμενον. | 4.13 Of these, Pythagoras was the first—a pupil of Pherecydes—who invented the name philosophia ("love of wisdom"). As some say, he was a Samian; as others say, a Tyrrhenian; while some say he was a Syrian or a Tyrian—so that you must agree that the first of the philosophers, whose name is on the lips of all Greeks, was a barbarian and not a Greek! |
| 4.14 καὶ τὸν Φερεκύδην δὲ Σύριον ἀναγράφουσιν, ᾧ μαθητεῦσαι τὸν Πυθαγόραν φασίν. οὐ μόνῳ δὲ τούτῳ συγγενέσθαι ὁ Πυθαγόρας λέγεται, διατρῖψαι δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Περσῶν μάγοις, καὶ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίων δὲ προφήταις μαθητεῦσαι, καθ’ ὃν χρόνον Ἑβραίων οἱ μὲν ἐπ’ Αἰγύπτου, οἱ δ’ ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος φαίνονται τὴν μετοικίαν πεποιημένοι. | 4.14 They also record that Pherecydes—whom they say was the teacher of Pythagoras—was a Syrian. Nor is Pythagoras said to have associated with him alone: he also spent time with the Persian Magi and was a disciple to the Egyptian prophets at the time when the Hebrews appear to have made their migration, some to Egypt and others to Babylon. |
| 4.15 ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὁ δηλούμενος τὰ παρ' ἑκάστοις σοφὰ πολυπραγμονῶν ἐπῆλθε Βαβυλῶνα καὶ Αἴγυπτον καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Περσῶν, τοῖς τε μάγοις καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι μαθητευόμενος· ἀκηκοέναι τε πρὸς τούτοις Βραχμάνων ἱστόρηται (Ἰνδῶν δέ εἰσιν οὗτοι φιλόσοφοι)· καὶ παρ’ ὧν μὲν ἀστρολογίαν, παρ’ ὧν δὲ γεωμετρίαν, ἀριθμητικήν τε παρ’ ἑτέρων καὶ μουσικήν, καὶ ἄλλα παρ’ ἄλλων συλλεξάμενος, μόνον παρὰ τῶν σοφῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔσχεν οὐδέν, πενίᾳ σοφίας καὶ ἀπορίᾳ συνοικούντων· | 4.15 Indeed, the man in question, investigating the wisdom found among each people, visited Babylon, Egypt, and all of Persia, becoming a student to both the Magi and the priests. In addition, it is recorded that he listened to the Brahmans (these are the philosophers of the Indians). Having collected astrology from some, geometry from others, arithmetic and music from elsewhere, and other things from other sources, he received nothing from the wise Greeks alone, who lived in poverty and destitution of wisdom! |
| 4.16 ἔμπαλιν δ’ οὖν τῶν ἔξωθεν αὐτῷ πεπορισμένων αἴτιος αὐτὸς τῆς μαθήσεως κατέστη τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. | 4.16 On the contrary, he himself became the source to the Greeks of the learning he had acquired from abroad. |
| 4.17 Ὁ μὲν οὖν Πυθαγόρας τοιοῦτος. πρώτη δ’ ἐκ τῆς τούτου διαδοχῆς ἡ κληθεῖσα Ἰταλικὴ φιλοσοφία συνέστη, τῆς ἐπωνυμίας ἐκ τῆς κατὰ Ἰταλίαν διατριβῆς ἀξιωθεῖσα· μεθ’ ἣν ἡ ἀπὸ Θαλοῦ τοῦ τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφῶν ἑνὸς Ἰωνικὴ προσαγορευθεῖσα· κἄπειτα ἡ Ἐλεατική, Ξενοφάνην τὸν Κολοφώνιον πατέρα ἐπιγραψαμένη. | 4.17 Such, then, was Pythagoras. From his succession, the so-called Italian philosophy was first established, receiving its name from his stay in Italy. After this came the Ionic philosophy, named after Thales, one of the Seven Wise Men; and then the Eleatic, recording Xenophanes of Colophon as its father. |
| 4.18 ἀλλὰ καὶ ὁ Θαλῆς, ὥς τινες ἱστοροῦσι, Φοῖνιξ ἦν, ὡς δέ τινες ὑπειλήφασι, Μιλήσιος· Αἰγυπτίων δὲ καὶ οὗτος λέγεται τοῖς προφήταις συμβεβληκέναι. | 4.18 Yet Thales too, as some report, was a Phoenician, though others have supposed him to be a Milesian. He also is said to have associated with the prophets of the Egyptians. |
| 4.19 Σόλωνα δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφῶν, ὃν δὴ καὶ λόγος Ἀθηναίοις νομοθετῆσαι, Αἰγυπτίοις ὁμοίως φησὶν ὁ Πλάτων προσεσχηκέναι, ὁπηνίκα πάλιν ᾤκουν Ἑβραῖοι τὴν Αἴγυπτον. εἰσάγει γοῦν αὐτὸν ἐν Τιμαίῳ πρὸς τοῦ βαρβάρου παιδευόμενον, ἐν οἷς φησιν ὁ Αἰγύπτιος πρὸς αὐτόν· "ὦ Σόλων, Σόλων, Ἕλληνες ἀεὶ παῖδές ἐστε, γέρων δὲ Ἑλλήνων οὐδὲ εἷς, οὐδέ ἐστι παρ’ ὑμῖν χρόνῳ πολιὸν μάθημα." | 4.19 Plato likewise says that Solon—himself one of the Seven Wise Men, who story says gave laws to the Athenians—applied himself similarly to the Egyptians when the Hebrews were again dwelling in Egypt. Indeed, in the Timaeus, Plato introduces him being instructed by the barbarian, where the Egyptian says to him: "O Solon, Solon, you Greeks are always children, and there is not an old man among the Greeks, nor is there among you any science grayed by time!" |
| 4.20 καὶ οὗτος δὲ ὁ Πλάτων τοῖς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ Πυθαγορείοις σχολάσας οὐ μόνῃ τῇ παρὰ τούτοις ἠρκέσθη διατριβῇ, λέγεται δὲ ἀπᾶραι εἰς Αἴγυπτον καὶ τῇ τούτων φιλοσοφίᾳ πλεῖστον ἀναθεῖναι χρόνον. τοῦτό τοι καὶ αὐτὸς τοῖς βαρβάροις πολλαχοῦ τῶν ἰδίων λόγων μαρτυρεῖ, εὖ μοι δοκεῖ ποιῶν, καὶ τὰ κάλλιστα ἐμπορεύεσθαι εἰς φιλοσοφίαν παρὰ τῶν βαρβάρων εὐγνωμόνως οὐκ ἀπαρνούμενος. | 4.20 And Plato himself, having studied under the Pythagoreans in Italy, was not content with his stay among them alone, but is said to have sailed to Egypt and devoted a great amount of time to their philosophy. He himself bears witness to the barbarians in many places throughout his own writings—doing well, in my opinion, and candidly not denying that he traded for the finest concepts in philosophy from the barbarians. |
| 4.21 ἀκοῦσαι δ’ οὖν αὐτοῦ πολλαχοῦ μὲν πάρεστιν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν Ἐπινομίδι, Σύρων ὁμοῦ καὶ Αἰγυπτίων ὧδέ πῃ μνημονεύοντος· "Τοῦτου δὲ αἴτιος ὁ πρῶτος ταῦτα κατιδὼν βάρβαρος ὤν. παλαιὸς γὰρ δὴ τόπος ἔθρεψε τοὺς πρώτους ταῦτα ἐννοήσαντας διὰ τὸ κάλλος τῆς θερινῆς ὥρας, ἣν Αἴγυπτός τε Συρία θ’ ἱκανῶς κέκτηται· ὅθεν καὶ πανταχόσε καὶ δεῦρο ἐξήκει, βεβασανισμένα χρόνῳ μυριετεῖ τε καὶ ἀπείρῳ." | 4.21 It is possible to hear him say this in many places, and notably in the Epinomis, where he mentions the Syrians and Egyptians together in this manner: "The cause of this was the first man who observed these things, being a barbarian. For an ancient land nurtured those who first conceived these ideas on account of the beauty of the summer season, which both Egypt and Syria possess sufficiently. Whence it has reached everywhere and come down to us, tested by a period of ten thousand years and time without end." |
| 4.22 Καὶ ὑποβὰς ἐξῆς ἐπιλέγει· "Λάβωμεν δὴ ὡς ὅ τι περ Ἕλληνες βαρβάρων παραλάβωσι, κάλλιον τοῦτο εἰς τέλος ἀπεργάζονται." | 4.22 And going on shortly after, he adds: "Let us assume, then, that whatever the Greeks receive from the barbarians, they turn it into something finer in the end." |
| 4.23 Ταῦτα ὁ Πλάτων. καὶ Δημόκριτος δὲ ἔτι πρότερον τοὺς Βαβυλωνίων λόγους ἠθικοὺς πεποιῆσθαι λέγεται. καί που σεμνυνόμενος περὶ ἑαυτοῦ φησιν· "Ἐγὼ δὲ τῶν κατ’ ἐμαυτὸν ἀνθρώπων πλείστην γῆν ἐπεπλανησάμην, ἱστορέων τὰ μήκιστα, καὶ ἀέρας τε καὶ γαίας πλείστας εἶδον, καὶ λογίων ἀνδρῶν πλείστων ἐπήκουσα, καὶ γραμμέων συνθέσιος μετ’ ἀποδείξεως οὐδείς κώ με παρήλλαξεν, οὔτε Αἰγυπτίων οἱ καλεόμενοι Ἀρπεδνονάπται, οἷς ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἐπ’ ἔτεα ὀγδώκοντα ἐπὶ ξένης ἐγενήθην." | 4.23 So says Plato. And Democritus even earlier is said to have made use of the ethical treatises of the Babylonians. Somewhere, boasting about himself, he says: "I, of all men of my time, wandered over the most land, investigating the furthest reaches; I saw the most climes and lands, and listened to the most learned men; and in the composition of lines with proof no one has ever surpassed me—not even those among the Egyptians called Arpedonaptai, among whom I spent eighty years in foreign lands." |
| 4.24 Ἐπῆλθε γὰρ καὶ οὗτος Βαβυλῶνά τε καὶ τὴν Πέρσιδα καὶ Αἴγυπτον, τοῖς τε Αἰγυπτίοις καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι μαθητεύων. | 4.24 For he too visited Babylon, Persia, and Egypt, studying under the Egyptians and their priests. |
| 4.25 τί δ’ εἴ σοι καταλέγοιμι Ἡράκλειτον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Ἑλλήνων, δι’ ὧν ἀπελέγχεται ἡ παρ’ Ἕλλησι πολιτεία τὸν μακρὸν αἰῶνα πτωχεύουσα καὶ γυμνὴ παντὸς μαθήματος ἀπολειφθεῖσα; | 4.25 Why need I list Heraclitus for you, and the other Greeks through whom the Greek polity is exposed as having been destitute for a long age and left bare of all true instruction? |
| 4.26 ἱεροῖς μὲν οὖν θεῶν, ἀγάλμασί τε καὶ ἀφιδρύμασι, μαντείαις τε καὶ χρησμοῖς, καὶ τῷ πολλῷ τύφῳ τῶν λαοπλάνων δαιμόνων ἐκαλλωπίζετο, σοφίας δὲ ἀληθοῦς καὶ μαθήματος βιωφελοῦς εἰς τὸ παντελὲς ἐχήρευεν. | 4.26 They prided themselves on the temples of the gods, statues, shrines, oracles, divinations, and the great pomp of people-beguiling demons, but of true wisdom and life-benefiting instruction they were completely destitute. |
| 4.27 οὐδέ τι πρὸς ἀγαθῶν λόγων εὕρεσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἄχρηστα χρηστήρια συνεβάλλετο, ἀλλ’ οὐδ’ αὐτὸς ὁ θαυμαστὸς Πύθιος εἰς φιλοσοφίαν αὐτοὺς τὸ παράπαν ὠφέλει, οὐδέ τις ἄλλος θεῶν αὐτοῖς εἰς ἀναγκαίου τινὸς ἐπιτήδευσιν συνήργει· ἀλώμενοι δὲ ὧδε κἀκεῖσε καὶ τὸν βίον ἅπαντα περιτρέχοντες ἀλλοτρίοις πτίλοις σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐφαίδρυνον κατὰ τὸν μῦθον, ὥστε αὐτοῖς ἤδη τὴν πᾶσαν φιλοσοφίαν ἐξ ἐράνου συστῆναι. | 4.27 Nor did those useless oracles contribute anything to their discovery of sound principles; nor did the wondrous Pythian himself help them in philosophy in the slightest, nor did any other of the gods assist them in the practice of anything necessary. Wandering here and there and running about their entire lives, they adorned themselves in borrowed feathers (as in the fable), so that their entire philosophy was patched together from a potluck collection (eranos). |
| 4.28 ἄλλα γὰρ παρ’ ἄλλων ἀποματτόμενοι μαθήματα γεωμετρίαν μὲν παρ’ Αἰγυπτίων ἔσχον, ἀστρολογίαν δὲ παρὰ Χαλδαίων, καὶ αὖ πάλιν ἕτερα παρ’ ἑτέρων· οὐδὲν δὲ παρά τισιν ἄλλοις οἷόν τινες αὐτῶν τὸ παρ’ Ἑβραίοις ἀγαθὸν εὕροντο. | 4.28 Imprinting upon themselves teachings from various sources, they received geometry from the Egyptians, astrology from the Chaldeans, and other things from other peoples. Yet among no other people did some of them find the Good as they did among the Hebrews! |
| 4.29 τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἡ τοῦ τῶν ὅλων θεοῦ γνῶσις καὶ ἡ τῶν οἰκείων θεῶν κατάγνωσις, ἣν μικρὸν ὅσον ὁ λόγος προϊὼν ἐπιδείξει. | 4.29 This was the knowledge of the God of the Universe and the condemnation of their own local gods—which our discourse will demonstrate as it moves forward a little. |
| 4.30 τοσοῦτον δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἐπισημαίνεται, ὡς οὐ μόνης ἐστέρηντο τῆς ἀληθοῦς θεολογίας οἱ παλαιοὶ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν φιλοσοφίᾳ λυσιτελούντων μαθημάτων, καὶ οὐδὲ μόνων τούτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν κοινῶν καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων. | 4.30 For the present, let it point out this much to its readers: that the ancient Greeks were deprived not only of true theology, but also of the branches of learning useful for philosophy, and not only these, but even of common and civic customs. |
| 4.31 ἡγοῦμαι δέ μοι τήνδε συμβαλεῖσθαι τὴν σημείωσιν εἰς ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ προκειμένου σκοποῦ, εἰ δὴ πρόκειται τὸν ἀπολογισμὸν ὑποσχεῖν τοῦ μὴ ἀλόγως ἡμᾶς τὴν παρ’ Ἑβραίοις θεολογίαν καὶ τὴν, ὡς ἂν αὐτοὶ φαῖεν, βάρβαρον τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς προτετιμηκέναι φιλοσοφίας. | 4.31 I consider that this observation will contribute to the proof of the proposed objective—if indeed our goal is to offer a defense showing that not without reason have we preferred the theology among the Hebrews (which they would call barbarian) over Greek philosophy. |
| 4.32 εἰ γοῦν ὀφθεῖεν αὐτοὶ πολὺ πρότερον τὰ πάντα παρὰ βαρβάρων ἐσκευωρημένοι, μηδὲν δὲ μηδ’ ὅλως παρὰ τῶν οἰκείων θεῶν εἰς φιλοσοφίαν ὠφελημένοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς αὐτῶν ἐνδίκως ἐπιμεμψάμενοι, καί τινες διὰ ταῦτα ἀθεότητα μᾶλλον τῆς τῶν θεῶν θεραπείας προτετιμηκότες, τί χρὴ λοιπὸν ἡμᾶς ἐπιμέμφεσθαι, οὐχὶ δὲ ἀποδέχεσθαι καὶ ἐπαινεῖν, ὅτι τὸ κρεῖττον ἀγαπήσαντες, μᾶλλον δὲ τὸ μόνον ἀληθὲς εὑρόντες καὶ ἀπειληφότες τοῦ ψεύδους ἀνεχωρήσαμεν, οὔτε εἰς ἄθεον λογισμὸν τοῖς σοφοῖς Ἑλλήνων ὁμοίως περιτραπέντες, οὔτε πάλιν τοῖς θαυμαστοῖς παραπλησίως φιλοσόφοις ἀμιγῆ τὴν πλάνην τὴν πολύθεον τῇ γνώσει τοῦ ἐπὶ πάντων θεοῦ φύραντες, οὐδέ γε τὸ ψεῦδος ἅμα τῷ ἀληθεῖ συγχέαντες; | 4.32 If, therefore, they themselves are seen long beforehand to have concocted everything from barbarians, and to have derived no benefit whatsoever for philosophy from their own local gods—having even justly blamed their gods, with some choosing atheism over the worship of the gods on these accounts—what reason is there for us to be blamed? Should we not rather be accepted and praised because, having loved the superior path, or rather having found and received the only true path, we withdrew from falsehood? We neither turned aside into atheistic reasoning like the wise men among the Greeks, nor again, like their remarkable philosophers, did we unmixedly knead polytheistic error into the knowledge of the God over all, nor confuse falsehood together with the truth! |
| 4.33 ἀλλὰ μήπω ταῦτα, ἐκεῖνα δέ μοι πρῶτον δίελθε, δι’ ὧν Ἕλληνες τὰ πάντα σεσυληκέναι βαρβάρους, οὐ μόνα τὰ φιλόσοφα μαθήματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κοινὰς καὶ βιωφελεῖς εὑρέσεις ἀπελέγχονται. | 4.33 So let these matters rest for now, but first go through with me those arguments by which the Greeks are convicted of having stolen everything from barbarians—not only philosophical doctrines, but also their common and life-benefiting discoveries. |
Chapter 5
In this passage, Eusebius continues his demonstration of the barbarian origins of Greek culture by examining the creation and nomenclature of the alphabet:
The Phoenician/Hebrew Invention of the Alphabet (5.1–5.3): Eusebius notes that Cadmus brought writing to the Greeks from Phoenicia, which is why letters were anciently called Phoenikeia. He adds that "Syrians" (identifying them with the Hebrews living in the region of Phoenicia/Palestine) were the true inventors. Unlike in Greek, where letter names are meaningless noises, each letter name in Hebrew carries semantic meaning.
The Mystical/Mnemonic Narrative of the Hebrew Alphabet (5.4–5.9): Eusebius systematically runs through the 22 letters of the Hebrew alphabet from Aleph to Taw, providing Greek translations for their names and demonstrating how they assemble into an intentional, coherent instructional sentence about acquiring wisdom:
Aleph–He: "Teaching of the house, this is the fulfillment of the tablets."
Waw–Heth: "In it, the living one lives."
Teth–Lamed: "A good beginning; nevertheless, learn."
Mem–Samekh: "Out of them is eternal help."
Ayin–Sade: "A fountain, or eye, and mouth of righteousness."
Qoph–Taw: "The calling of the head, and teeth, and signs."
Proof of Greek Borrowing (5.10–5.12): Because the letter names make sense only in Hebrew and have been adapted phonetically into Greek (Alpha from Aleph, Beta from Beth, Gamma from Gimel, etc.), Eusebius concludes that the Greeks possess a derivative, corrupted copy of a Hebrew invention.
| 5.1 Πρῶτος τοιγαροῦν ὁ τὰ κοινὰ γράμματα, αὐτὰ δὴ τὰ πρῶτα τῆς γραμματικῆς στοιχεῖα, Ἕλλησιν εἰσηγησάμενος Κάδμος, τὸ γένος Φοῖνιξ ἦν, ὅθεν καὶ Φοινικήια τὰ γράμματά τινες τῶν παλαιῶν ἐπικεκλήκασιν. | 5.1 First, then, Cadmus—who introduced general letters to the Greeks, the very first elements of grammar—was a Phoenician by race; hence, some of the ancients called letters Phoenician (Phoinikeia). |
| 5.2 εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ Σύρους γράμματα ἐπινοῆσαι πρώτους λέγουσι. Σύροι δ’ ἂν εἶεν καὶ Ἑβραῖοι τὴν γείτονα Φοινίκης καὶ αὐτὴν τὸ μὲν παλαιὸν Φοινίκην, μετέπειτα δὲ Ἰουδαίαν, καθ’ ἡμᾶς δὲ Παλαιστίνην ὀνομαζομένην, οἰκήσαντες, ὧν καὶ μάλιστα οὐκ ἀλλοτρία φαίνεται ἡ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν γραμμάτων φωνή. | 5.2 However, there are some who say that the Syrians were the first to invent letters. Now, the "Syrians" would be the Hebrews who inhabited the territory neighboring Phoenicia—the very land called Phoenicia in ancient times, later called Judea, and in our own time named Palestine—whose language is clearly not alien to that of the Greek letters. |
| 5.3 ἕκαστον γοῦν τῶν στοιχείων παρ’ αὐτοῖς κατά τινος σημαντικῆς διανοίας τὴν προσηγορίαν φέρει, ὅπερ οὐκ ἔνεστιν εὑρεῖν παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι· διὸ καὶ μάλιστα μὴ ὄντα ἴδια Ἑλλήνων ὁμολογεῖται. | 5.3 At any rate, among them, each of the letters carries a name denoting a meaningful concept, something that cannot be found among the Greeks. Wherefore it is especially admitted that these letters are not the proper property of the Greeks. |
| 5.4 ἔστι δὲ τὰ πάντα παρ’ Ἑβραίοις στοιχεῖα δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν, ὧν τὸ μὲν πρῶτόν ἐστιν Ἄλφ, ὃ μεταληφθὲν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα φωνὴν λέγοιτ’ ἂν μάθησις· τὸ δὲ δεύτερον Βήθ, ὃ μεθερμηνεύεται οἴκου· τὸ τρίτον Γίμελ, ὅ ἐστι πλήρωσις· τὸ τέταρτον Δέλθ, ὃ σημαίνει δέλτων· τὸ πέμπτον Ἡ, ὅ ἐστιν αὕτη. ὁμοῦ δὲ τὰ πάντα ἀπαρτίζει τοιαύτην τινὰ διάνοιαν, μάθησις οἴκου, πλήρωσις δέλτων αὕτη. | 5.4 Now, the total number of letters among the Hebrews is twenty-two. The first of these is Alph, which, when translated into the Greek tongue, would mean "learning." The second is Beth, which is interpreted as "of a house." The third is Gimel, which is "fullness." The fourth is Delth, which signifies "of tablets." The fifth is He, which is "this." Together, all of them complete a sense such as this: "The learning of a house, this is the fulfillment of tablets." |
| 5.5 εἶτα μετὰ ταῦτά ἐστι στοιχεῖον ἕκτον, λεγόμενον παρ’ αὐτοῖς Οὐαῦ, ὅ ἐστιν ἐν αὐτῇ· ἔπειτα Ζαΐ, ὅ ἐστι ζῇ· μεθ’ ὃ Ἧθ, ὅ ἐστιν ὁ ζῶν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ ὅλον, ἐν αὐτῇ ζῇ ὁ ζῶν. | 5.5 Then, after these, is the sixth letter, called among them Waw, which means "in it." Next is Zai, which means "lives." After which is Heth, which means "the living one"—making the whole phrase: "In it lives the living one." |
| 5.6 μετὰ ταῦτα στοιχεῖον ἔνατον τὸ Τήθ, ὅ ἐστι καλή· ἔπειτα Ἰώθ, ὃ ἑρμηνεύεται ἀρχή· ὁμοῦ τὰ δύο καλὴ ἀρχή. ἐπὶ τούτοις Χάφ, ὅ ἐστιν ὅμως· ἔπειτα Λάβδ, ὅ ἐστι μάθε· τὸ ὅλον, ὅμως μάθε. | 5.6 After these comes the ninth letter, Teth, which means "good." Next is Ioth, which is interpreted as "beginning"—the two together making "a good beginning." Upon these comes Khaph, which means "nevertheless." Then Labd, which means "learn"—the whole being: "Nevertheless, learn." |
| 5.7 μετὰ ταῦτα τρισκαιδέκατον στοιχεῖόν ἐστι τὸ Μήμ, ὅ ἐστιν ἐξ αὐτῶν· ἔπειτα Νοῦν, ὅ ἐστιν αἰωνία. εἶτα Σάμχ, ὃ ἑρμηνεύεται βοήθεια, ἐν ᾗ τὸ λεγόμενον, ἐξ αὐτῶν αἰωνία βοήθεια. | 5.7 After these, the thirteenth letter is Mem, which means "out of them." Next is Nun, which means "eternal." Then Samkh, which is interpreted as "help"—whence the expression becomes: "Out of them is eternal help." |
| 5.8 ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸ Ἄϊν, ὃ μεταληφθὲν σημαίνει πηγήν, ἢ ὀφθαλμόν· ἔπειτα τὸ Φῆ στόμα. εἶθ’ ἐξῆς τὸ Σάδη δικαιοσύνη· ὧν ἡ διάνοιά ἐστι, πηγὴ ἢ καὶ ὀφθαλμὸς καὶ στόμα δικαιοσύνης. | 5.8 Upon these comes Ayin, which when translated signifies "a fountain" or "an eye." Next is Phe, "mouth." Then in order comes Sade, "righteousness"—the sense of which is: "A fountain, or eye, and mouth of righteousness." |
| 5.9 μετὰ ταῦτα στοιχεῖόν ἐστι Κώφ, ὃ ἑρμηνεύεται κλῆσις· ἔπειτα Ῥήθ, ὅ ἐστι κεφαλή. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα Σέν, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ὀδόντες· ἐπὶ πᾶσι τὸ κβ' στοιχεῖον καλεῖται παρ’ αὐτοῖς Θαῦ, ὃ δηλοῖ σημεῖα. ἔχοι δ’ ἂν ἡ διάνοια, κλῆσις κεφαλῆς καὶ ὀδόντων σημεῖα. | 5.9 After these is the letter Qoph, which is interpreted as "calling." Next is Resh, which is "head." And after these Shen, which is "teeth." Upon all, the twenty-second letter is called among them Taw, which signifies "signs." The sense would thus be: "The calling of the head, and teeth, and signs." |
| 5.10 καὶ παρὰ μὲν Ἑβραίοις τοιάδε τίς ἐστιν ἡ τῶν στοιχείων μετάφρασις καὶ ἑρμηνεία, λόγου διάνοιαν ἀπαρτίζουσα τῇ τῶν στοιχείων μαθήσει τε καὶ ἐπαγγελίᾳ προσήκουσαν. τὸ ὅμοιον δ’ οὐκ ἂν εὕροις παρ’ Ἕλλησιν, ὅθεν, ὡς ἔφην, ὁμολογεῖν ἀνάγκη μὴ ὄντα οἰκεῖα Ἑλλήνων, παραπεποιημένα δὲ ἄντικρυς ἀπὸ τῆς βαρβάρου φωνῆς. | 5.10 Among the Hebrews, such is the translation and interpretation of the letters, completing a meaningful statement appropriate to the learning and promise of the alphabet. One could not find the same among the Greeks; whence, as I said, it is necessary to confess that the letters are not original to the Greeks, but are directly altered from a barbarian tongue. |
| 5.11 καὶ ἐξ αὐτῆς δὲ ἐλέγχεται τῆς καθ’ ἕκαστον στοιχεῖον ἐπωνυμίας. τί γὰρ τοῦ Ἄλφ τὸ Ἄλφα διενήνοχεν; ἢ τοῦ Βήθ τὸ Βῆτα; ἢ τοῦ Γίμελ τὸ Γάμμα; ἢ τοῦ Δέλθ τὸ Δέλτα; ἢ τοῦ Ἡ τὸ Ε; ἢ τοῦ Ζαΐ τὸ Ζῆτα; ἢ τοῦ Τήθ τὸ Θῆτα; καὶ ὅσα τούτοις παραπλήσια. | 5.11 This is proven from the very name of each individual letter. For how does Alpha differ from Alph? Or Beta from Beth? Or Gamma from Gimel? Or Delta from Delth? Or E from He? Or Zeta from Zai? Or Theta from Teth?—and as many as are similar to these. |
| 5.12 ὥστε ἀναμφίλεκτον εἶναι τὸ μὴ Ἑλλήνων οἰκείας εἶναι τὰς τοιάσδε φωνάς, Ἑβραίων ἄρα, παρ’ οἷς καὶ σημαῖνόν τι ἕκαστον αὐτῶν ἀποδείκνυται. παρὰ δὲ τούτοις πρώτοις ἀρξάμενα προῆλθεν εἴς τε ἄλλους καὶ δὴ καὶ Ἕλληνας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν μοι περὶ τῶν πρώτων στοιχείων εἰρήσθω. τῆς δ’ αὐτῆς ἡμῖν ὑποθέσεως ἐφαψάμενος καὶ ὁ Κλήμης, ἐπάκουσον ἅ φησιν· | 5.12 So it is indisputable that such words are not native to the Greeks, but rather to the Hebrews, among whom each of them is shown to signify something. Originating first with them, they passed on to others, and indeed to the Greeks. Let these things, then, be my statement concerning the first letters. Now listen to what Clement says, touching upon the same subject as ourselves: |
Chapter 6
In this chapter, Eusebius quotes directly from Clement of Alexandria (Stromata 1.16.74–79) to compile an extensive catalog of barbarian inventions across medicine, navigation, astronomy, music, textiles, and metallurgy:
Inventions of Practical Arts & Sciences (6.1–6.4): Medicine was developed by Apis and Asclepius; Atlas of Libya built the first ship; Egyptians and Chaldeans brought astrology to light; various barbarian tribes (Phrygians, Tuscans, Arabians, Telmesseans) invented oracles, bird-augury, and dream-interpretation.
Inventions of Instruments & Metallurgy (6.5–6.9): The Idaean Dactyls discovered iron in Cyprus; Cadmus of Phoenicia invented stone-quarrying and gold mining; the Noropes discovered copper and iron working. Other barbarian nations invented trumpet, flute, lamps, calendars, and quadrireme ships.
Musical Modes & Instruments (6.10–6.11): Musical modes (Lydian, Phrygian, Mixolydian, Mixophrygian, Dorian) and instruments (syrinx, sambuke, trichord) were created by non-Greeks such as Olympus, Satyrus, Hyagnis, Marsyas, and Thamyris.
Attestation by Historians & Defense of Barbarian Wisdom (6.12–6.15): Citing classical historians and Peripatetics (including Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Strato) who wrote On Inventions (Περὶ εὑρημάτων), Clement/Eusebius demonstrates that the Greeks inherited virtually all practical and cultural foundations from non-Greeks. Eusebius then transitions to introducing Flavius Josephus's Against Apion (On the Antiquity of the Jews) to further prove the youth and derivative nature of Greek culture.
| 6.1 Ἰατρικὴν δὲ Ἄπιν Αἰγύπτιον, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Ἀσκληπιὸν αὐξῆσαι τὴν τέχνην ἱστοροῦσιν. Ἄτλας δὲ ὁ Λίβυς πρῶτος ναῦν ἐναυπηγήσατο καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἔπλευσε. | 6.1 They record that Apis the Egyptian was the first to augment the art of medicine, and after him Asclepius. Atlas the Libyan was the first to construct a ship and sail the sea. |
| 6.2 καὶ ἀστρολογίαν δὲ πρῶτοι εἰς ἀνθρώπους ἐξήνεγκαν Αἰγύπτιοι, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Χαλδαῖοι. εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ Κᾶρας τὴν δι’ ἀστέρων πρόγνωσιν ἐπινενοηκέναι λέγουσι. πτήσεις δὲ ὀρνίθων παρεφύλαξαν πρῶτοι Φρύγες. | 6.2 The Egyptians were also the first to introduce astrology to mankind, and likewise the Chaldeans. Some say that the Carians devised prediction by the stars. The Phrygians were the first to observe the flights of birds. |
| 6.3 καὶ θυτικὴν ἠκρίβωσαν Τοῦσκοι, Ἰταλίας γείτονες. Ἴσαυροι δὲ καὶ Ἄραβες ἐξεπόνησαν τὴν οἰωνιστικήν, ὥσπερ ἀμέλει Τελμησσεῖς τὴν δι’ ὀνείρων μαντικήν. | 6.3 The Tuscans, neighbors of Italy, perfected sacrificial divination (thutikē). The Isaurians and Arabians elaborated augury (oiōnistikē), just as, to be sure, the Telmesseans developed divination through dreams. |
| 6.4 Τυρρηναῖοι δὲ σάλπιγγα ἐπενόησαν καὶ Φρύγες αὐλόν· Φρύγες γὰρ ἤστην Ὄλυμπός τε καὶ Μαρσύας. λύχνους τε αὖ καίειν πρῶτοι κατέδειξαν Αἰγύπτιοι, καὶ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς ιβ' μῆνας διεῖλον καὶ ἐν ἱεροῖς γυναιξὶ μίσγεσθαι ἐκώλυσαν, μηδὲ εἰς ἱερὰ εἰσιέναι ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀλούτους ἐνομοθέτησαν. | 6.4 The Tyrrhenians invented the trumpet, and the Phrygians the flute (for Olympus and Marsyas were both Phrygians). The Egyptians were the first to show how to burn lamps; they also divided the year into twelve months, forbade intercourse with women inside temples, and enacted the law that men should not enter sacred places unwashed after being with women. |
| 6.5 γεωμετρίας τε αὖ εὑρεταὶ οἱ αὐτοὶ γεγόνασι. Κέλμις τε καὶ Δαμναμενεὺς οἱ τῶν Ἰδαίων Δάκτυλοι πρῶτοι ἐν Κύπρῳ σίδηρον εὗρον. Δέλας δὲ ἄλλος Ἰδαῖος εὗρε χαλκοῦ κρᾶσιν, ὡς δὲ Ἡσίοδος, Σκύθης. | 6.5 Furthermore, these same Egyptians were the inventors of geometry. Kelmis and Damnameneus, the Idaean Dactyls, were the first to discover iron in Cyprus. Delas, another Idaean, discovered the blending of bronze—or, according to Hesiod, a Scythian did. |
| 6.6 ναὶ μὴν Θρᾷκες πρῶτοι τὴν καλουμένην ἅρπην εὗρον, ἔστι δὲ μάχαιρα καμπύλη, καὶ πρῶτοι πέλταις ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων ἐχρήσαντο. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ἰλλυριοὶ τὴν καλουμένην πέλτην ἐξεῦρον. ἔτι φασὶ Τουσκανοὺς τὴν πλαστικὴν ἐπινοῆσαι· Ἵτανόν τε, Σαυνίτης οὗτος ἦν, πρῶτον θυρεὸν κατασκευάσαι. | 6.6 Indeed, the Thracians were the first to discover the so-called harpē (which is a curved sword), and they were the first to use light shields (peltai) on horseback. Likewise, the Illyrians also invented the shield called the peltē. They say further that the Tuscans devised clay modeling (plastikē), and that Itanos (he was a Samnite) first constructed the oblong shield (thyreos). |
| 6.7 Κάδμος γὰρ ὁ Φοῖνιξ λιθοτομίαν τε ἐξεῦρε καὶ μέταλλα χρυσοῦ τὰ περὶ τὸ Πάγγαιον ὄρος ἐπενόησεν. ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἄλλο ἔθνος Καππαδόκαι πρῶτοι εὗρον τὴν νάβλαν καλουμένην, ὃν τρόπον καὶ τὸ δίχορδον Ἀσσύριοι. | 6.7 Cadmus the Phoenician discovered stone-quarrying and devised gold mining in the region around Mount Pangaeum. Moreover, another nation—the Cappadocians—were the first to discover the musical instrument called the nabla, just as the Assyrians discovered the two-stringed instrument. |
| 6.8 Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ πρῶτοι τετρήρη κατεσκεύασαν, ἐναυπήγησε δ’ αὐτὴν Βόσπορος αὐτόχθων. Μήδειά τε, ἡ Αἰήτου ἡ Κολχίς, πρώτη τριχῶν βαφὴν ἐπενόησε. | 6.8 The Carthaginians were the first to construct a quadrireme, and Bosporus, a native, built it. Medea, daughter of Aeëtes, the Colchian woman, was the first to devise hair dye. |
| 6.9 ἀλλὰ καὶ Νώροπες (ἔθνος δ’ ἐστὶ Παιονικόν, νῦν δὲ Νωρικὸν καλοῦνται) κατειργάσαντο χαλκὸν καὶ σίδηρον ἐκάθηραν πρῶτοι. Ἄμυκός τε ὁ Βεβρύκων βασιλεὺς ἱμάντας πυκτικοὺς εὗρε. | 6.9 Furthermore, the Noropes (a Paeonian tribe, now called Noricans) worked copper and were the first to purify iron. Amycus, king of the Bebryces, invented boxing thongs (himantes). |
| 6.10 περί γε μουσικὴν Ὄλυμπος ὁ Μυσὸς τὴν Λύδιον ἁρμονίαν ἐφιλοτέχνησεν· οἵ τε Τρωγλοδύται καλούμενοι σαμβύκην εὗρον, ὄργανον μουσικόν. | 6.10 In music, Olympus the Mysian crafted the Lydian mode; and those called the Troglodytes invented the sambuke, a musical instrument. |
| 6.11 φασὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν πλαγίαν σύριγγα Σάτυρον εὑρεῖν τὸν Φρύγα· τρίχορδον δὲ ὁμοίως καὶ τὴν διάτονον ἁρμονίαν Ὕαγνιν τὸν καὶ αὐτὸν Φρύγα· κρούματα δὲ Ὄλυμπον ὁμοίως τὸν Φρύγα, καθάπερ Φρύγιον ἁρμονίαν καὶ μιξοφρύγιον καὶ μιξολύδιον Μαρσύαν τῆς αὐτῆς ὄντα τοῖς προειρημένοις χώρας· καὶ τὴν Δώριον Θάμυριν ἐπινοῆσαι τὸν Θρᾷκα. | 6.11 They say also that Satyrus the Phrygian invented the transverse pipe (plagia syrinx); likewise, Hyagnis (himself also a Phrygian) invented the three-stringed instrument and the diatonic harmony; Olympus (likewise the Phrygian) invented rhythmic beats, just as Marsyas (belonging to the same region as those previously mentioned) invented the Phrygian, Mixophrygian, and Mixolydian modes; and Thamyris the Thracian devised the Dorian mode. |
| 6.12 Πέρσας τε πρώτους ἀκηκόαμεν ἀπήνην καὶ κλίνην καὶ ὑποπόδιον ἐργάσασθαι, τούς τε Σιδωνίους τρίκροτον ναῦν κατασκευάσαι. Σικελοί τε οἱ πρὸς τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ πρῶτοι φόρμιγγα εὗρον οὐ πολὺ τῆς κιθάρας λειπομένην καὶ κρόταλα ἐπενόησαν. | 6.12 We have heard that the Persians were the first to make a carriage (apēnē), a couch, and a footstool; and that the Sidonians constructed a triple-banked ship. The Sicilians near Italy were the first to discover the phorminx (not far inferior to the lyre) and devised castanets (krotala). |
| 6.13 ἐπί τε Σεμιράμεως βασιλίδος Ἀσσυρίων τὰ βύσσινα ἱμάτια εὑρῆσθαι ἱστοροῦσι. καὶ πρώτην ἐπιστολὰς συντάξαι Ἄτοσσαν, τὴν Περσῶν βασιλεύσασαν, φησὶν Ἑλλάνικος. | 6.13 They record that under Semiramis, queen of the Assyrians, fine linen garments (byssina) were invented. And Hellanicus says that Atossa, who reigned over the Persians, was the first to compose written letters. |
| 6.14 Σκάμμων μὲν οὖν ὁ Μιτυληναῖος καὶ Θεόφραστος ὁ Ἐρέσιος Κύδιππός τε ὁ Μαντινεύς, ἔτι τε Ἀντιφάνης καὶ Ἀριστόδημος καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ Φιλοστέφανος, ἀλλὰ καὶ Στράτων ὁ περιπατητικὸς ἐν τοῖς Περὶ εὑρημάτων ταῦτα ἱστόρησαν· παρεθέμην δὲ αὐτῶν ὀλίγα εἰς σύστασιν τῆς παρὰ βαρβάροις εὑρετικῆς καὶ βιωφελοῦς φύσεως, παρ’ ὧν Ἕλληνες τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα ὠφέληνται. | 6.14 Scamon of Mytilene, Theophrastus of Eresus, Cydippus of Mantinea, as well as Antiphanes, Aristodemus, Aristotle, and in addition Philostephanus, and also Strato the Peripatetic recorded these matters in their treatises On Inventions. I have cited a few of their statements to demonstrate the inventive and life-benefiting nature of the barbarians, from whom the Greeks derived their useful practices. |
| 6.15 Ταῦτα ῥήμασιν αὐτοῖς ὁ Κλήμης ἐν Στρωματεῦσι. τοῖς δ’ εἰρημένοις δοκῶ μοι εὖ ἔχειν ἐπισυνάψαι καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰωσήπου τοῦ Ἑβραίου γραφῆς, ἣν Περὶ τῆς Ἰουداίων ἀρχαιότητος ἐν δυσὶν ἐπραγματεύσατο βιβλίοις, περὶ τοῦ νέους γεγονέναι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, καὶ παρὰ βαρβάρων ὠφελῆσθαι, διάφωνά τε ἑαυτοῖς γεγραφέναι· συμβαλεῖται γοῦν καὶ ταῦτα εἰς τὴν τῶν εἰρημένων ἀκριβῆ καὶ βεβαίαν πίστωσιν. ἄκουε τοίνυν οἷα καὶ οὗτος γράφει πρὸς λέξιν· | 6.15 Such are the exact words of Clement in the Stromata. To what has been said, I think it well to attach also the excerpts from the writing of Josephus the Hebrew, which he composed in two books On the Antiquity of the Jews, concerning the fact that the Greeks are recent in time, derived benefit from barbarians, and wrote in disagreement with one another. These excerpts will contribute to the precise and firm confirmation of what has been said. Listen, then, to what he writes word for word: |
Chapter 7
In this chapter, Eusebius quotes directly from Flavius Josephus's Against Apion (On the Antiquity of the Jews, 1.6–18 and 1.23–27) where Josephus argues against the Greek claim to historical authority and cultural superiority over non-Greek ("barbarian") peoples:
Youth and Unreliability of Greek History (7.1–7.10): Josephus points out that Greek history, civilization, city founding, and writing are very recent compared to those of the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phoenicians. The Greeks learned literacy late (traditionally from Cadmus), have no ancient public records, and even Homer's poems were originally transmitted orally. Furthermore, the earliest Greek philosophers (Pherecydes, Pythagoras, Thales) were merely pupils of Egyptian and Chaldean teachers.
Internal Contradictions Among Greek Historians (7.11–7.14): Greek historians constantly contradict one another rather than preserving objective facts. Hellanicus, Acusilaus, Hesiod, Ephorus, Timaeus, Herodotus, and Thucydides are cited as continually correcting, accusing, or disputing one another on genealogies, local histories, and major historical events like the Persian Wars.
The Two Primary Causes of Greek Inaccuracy (7.15–7.21):
1) Lack of Official Public Archives: Unlike non-Greek nations, the Greeks (even the Athenians and Arcadians) neglected official state record-keeping until very late (e.g., Draco's laws).
2) Rhetorical Ambition over Truth: Greek authors wrote to show off literary skill, gain fame, flatter kings or cities, or criticize rivals, mistakenly believing that disagreeing with predecessors was the mark of originality and truth.
Eusebius’s Editorial Conclusion (7.22): Eusebius concludes the citation from Josephus and transitions to invoking Diodorus Siculus (Bibliotheca Historica, Book 1) as a further witness.
| 7.1 Πρῶτον οὖν ἐπέρχεταί μοι πάνυ θαυμάζειν τοὺς οἰομένους δεῖν περὶ τῶν παλαιτάτων ἔργων μόνοις προσέχειν τοῖς Ἕλλησι, καὶ παρὰ τούτων πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις ἀπιστεῖν. | 7.1 First of all, then, it occurs to me to wonder exceedingly at those who think it necessary to pay attention to the Greeks alone regarding the most ancient events, to inquire of the truth from them, and to disbelieve us and all other men. |
| 7.2 πᾶν γὰρ ἐγὼ τοὐναντίον ὁρῶ συμβεβηκός, εἴ γε δεῖ μὴ ταῖς ματαίαις δόξαις ἐπακολουθεῖν, ἀλλ’ ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸ δίκαιον τῶν πραγμάτων λαμβάνειν. τὰ μὲν γὰρ παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἅπαντα νέα καὶ χθὲς καὶ πρώην, ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις, εὕροι γεγονότα· λέγω δὲ τὰς κτίσεις τῶν πόλεων καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς ἐπινοίας τῶν τεχνῶν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς τῶν νόμων ἀναγραφάς· πάντων δὲ νεωτάτη σχεδόν ἐστι παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἡ περὶ τοῦ συγγράφειν τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιμέλεια. | 7.2 For I see that the exact opposite has occurred, if indeed one must not follow vain opinions, but derive the justice of matters from the facts themselves. For all things among the Greeks one would find to be young, having come into being, so to speak, yesterday or the day before—I mean the foundations of cities, the inventions of arts, and the codifications of laws; and almost the newest of all things among them is the care spent on writing histories. |
| 7.3 τὰ μέντοι παρ’ Αἰγυπτίοις τε καὶ Χαλδαίοις καὶ Φοίνιξιν—ἐῶ γὰρ νῦν ἡμᾶς ἐκείνοις συγκαταλέγειν—αὐτοὶ δήπουθεν ὁμολογοῦσιν ἀρχαιοτάτην καὶ μονιμωτάτην ἔχειν τῆς μνήμης τὴν παράδοσιν. | 7.3 However, as for the traditions among the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phoenicians—for I omit now to rank ourselves alongside them—they themselves surely admit that these peoples possess the most ancient and permanent transmission of memory. |
| 7.4 καὶ γὰρ τόπους ἅπαντες οἰκοῦσιν ἥκιστα ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος φθοραῖς ὑποκειμένους, καὶ πολλὴν ἐποιήσαντο πρόνοιαν τοῦ μηδὲν ἄμνηστον τῶν παρ’ αὐτοῖς πραττομένων παραλιπεῖν, ἀλλ’ ἐν δημοσίαις ἀναγραφαῖς ὑπὸ τῶν σοφωτάτων ἀεὶ καθιεροῦσθαι. | 7.4 For they all inhabit regions least subject to destruction from environmental changes, and they took great forethought to leave nothing unremembered of what was done among them, but to have it continually consecrated in public records by the wisest men. |
| 7.5 τὸν δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπον μυρίαι μὲν φθοραὶ κατέσχον, ἐξαλείφουσαι τὴν μνήμην τῶν γεγονότων· ἀεὶ δὲ καινοὺς καθιστάμενοι βίους τοῦ παντὸς ἐνόμιζον ἄρχειν ἕκαστος τὸν ἀφ’ ἑαυτῶν· | 7.5 The region around Greece, on the other hand, was overtaken by countless destructions that erased the memory of past events; and continually establishing new modes of life, each generation believed that the universe began with themselves. |
| 7.6 ὀψὲ δὲ καὶ μόλις ἔγνωσαν φύσιν γραμμάτων. οἱ γοῦν ἀρχαιοτάτην αὐτῶν τὴν χρῆσιν εἶναι θέλοντες παρὰ Φοινίκων καὶ Κάδμου σεμνύνονται μαθεῖν. | 7.6 And late and with difficulty did they learn the nature of letters. Those, at any rate, who wish to claim the most ancient use of them boast that they learned them from the Phoenicians and Cadmus. |
| 7.7 οὐ μὴν οὐδ’ ἀπ’ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου δύναιτό τις ἂν δεῖξαι σωζομένην ἀναγραφήν, οὔτ’ ἐν ἱεροῖς οὔτ’ ἐν δημοσίοις ἀναθήμασιν· ὅπου γε καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Τροίαν τοσούτοις ἔτεσι στρατευσάντων ὕστερον πολλὴ γέγονεν ἀπορία καὶ ζήτησις εἰ γράμμασιν ἐχρῶντο· καὶ τἀληθὲς ἐπικρατεῖ μᾶλλον περὶ τοῦ τὴν νῦν οὖσαν τῶν γραμμάτων χρῆσιν ἐκείνους ἀγνοεῖν. | 7.7 Yet no one could point to a preserved record saved even from that time, whether in temples or on public monuments; seeing that concerning those who marched against Troy so many years later, there arose great doubt and inquiry as to whether they used writing at all; and the truth rather prevails that they were ignorant of the present use of letters. |
| 7.8 ὅλως δὲ παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν οὐδὲν ὁμολογούμενον εὑρίσκεται γράμμα τῆς Ὁμήρου ποιήσεως πρεσβύτερον· οὗτος δὲ καὶ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν ὕστερος φαίνεται γενόμενος. καί φασιν οὐδὲ τοῦτον ἐν γράμμασι τὴν αὑτοῦ ποίησιν καταλιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ διαμνημονευομένην ἐκ τῶν ᾀσμάτων ὕστερον συντεθῆναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλὰς ἐν αὐτῇ σχεῖν τὰς διαφωνίας. | 7.8 Generally speaking, no writing agreed to be older than Homer's poetry is found among the Greeks; and he clearly lived later than the Trojan War. And they say that even he did not leave his poetry in writing, but that it was preserved by memory from songs and assembled later, and for this reason contained many discrepancies within itself. |
| 7.9 οἱ μέντοι τὰς ἱστορίας ἐπιχειρήσαντες συγγράφειν παρ’ αὐτοῖς, λέγω δὲ τοὺς περὶ Κάδμον τε τὸν Μιλήσιον καὶ τὸν Ἀργεῖον Ἀκουσίλαον καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον εἴ τινες ἄλλοι λέγονται γενέσθαι, βραχὺ τῆς Περσῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα στρατείας τῷ χρόνῳ προύλαβον. | 7.9 Moreover, those among them who attempted to write histories—I mean Cadmus of Miletus, Acusilaus of Argos, and any others said to have lived after him—preceded the time of the Persian expedition against Greece by only a short interval. |
| 7.10 ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῶν οὐρανίων τε καὶ θείων πρώτους παρ’ Ἕλλησι φιλοσοφήσαντας, οἷον Φερεκύδην τὸν Σύριον καὶ Πυθαγόραν καὶ Θάλητα, πάντες συμφώνως ὁμολογοῦσιν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Χαλδαίων γενομένους μαθητὰς ὀλίγα συγγράψαι· καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εἶναι δοκεῖ πάντων ἀρχαιότατα, καὶ μόλις αὐτὰ πιστεύουσιν ὑπ’ ἐκείνων γεγράφθαι. | 7.10 Furthermore, all agree unanimously that those who first philosophized among the Greeks about heavenly and divine matters, such as Pherecydes the Syrian, Pythagoras, and Thales, became pupils of the Egyptians and Chaldeans and wrote very little; and these writings seem to the Greeks to be the most ancient of all, though they scarcely believe they were written by them. |
| 7.11 Πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλογον τετυφῶσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὡς μόνους ἐπισταμένους τἀρχαῖα καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν περὶ αὐτῶν ἀκριβῶς παραδιδόντας; ἢ τίς οὐ παρὰ τῶν αὐτῶν συγγραφέων μάθοι ῥᾳδίως ὅτι μηδὲ ἓν εἰδότες βεβαίως συνέγραφον, ἀλλ’ ὡς ἕκαστοι περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εἴκαζον; | 7.11 How, then, is it not irrational for the Greeks to be puffed up as though they alone knew ancient history and accurately handed down the truth concerning it? Or who might not easily learn from those very writers that they composed their histories without knowing anything with certainty, but merely guessing about events as each saw fit? |
| 7.12 πλέον γοῦν διὰ τῶν βιβλίων ἀλλήλους ἐλέγχουσι καὶ τἀναντιώτατα περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν λέγειν οὐκ ὀκνοῦσι. περίεργος δ’ ἂν εἴην ἐγὼ τοὺς ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον ἐπισταμένους διδάσκων, ὅσα μὲν Ἑλλάνικος Ἀκουσιλάῳ περὶ τῶν γενεαλογιῶν διαπεφώνηκεν, ὅσα δὲ διορθοῦται τὸν Ἡσίοδον Ἀκουσίλαος, ἢ τίνα τρόπον Ἔφορος μὲν Ἑλλάνικον ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις ψευδόμενον ἐπιδείκνυσιν, Ἔφορον δὲ Τιμαῖος, καὶ Τιμαῖον οἱ μετ’ ἐκεῖνον γεγονότες, Ἡρόδοτον δὲ πάντες. | 7.12 At any rate, through their books they refute one another more than enough, nor do they hesitate to say the most contradictory things about the same matters. I should be overly meticulous were I to teach those who know better than I how much Hellanicus disagrees with Acusilaus regarding genealogies, or how much Acusilaus corrects Hesiod; or in what manner Ephorus demonstrates that Hellanicus lied in most matters, while Timaeus refutes Ephorus, those after Timaeus refute him, and all refute Herodotus. |
| 7.13 ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ περὶ τῶν Σικελικῶν τοῖς περὶ Ἀντίοχον καὶ Φίλιστον ἢ Καλλίαν Τιμαῖος συμφωνεῖν ἠξίωσεν, οὐδ’ αὖ περὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν οἱ τὰς Ἀτθίδας συγγεγραφότες, ἢ περὶ τῶν Ἀργολικῶν οἱ τὰ περὶ Ἄργος ἱστοροῦντες ἀλλήλοις ἠκολουθήκασιν. | 7.13 Nor did Timaeus deign to agree with Antiochus, Philistus, or Callias concerning Sicilian history; nor again have those who compiled the Atthides (Athenian chronicles) followed one another regarding Attic history, nor those who recorded Argive affairs regarding Argolic history. |
| 7.14 καὶ τί δεῖ λέγειν περὶ τῶν κατὰ πόλεις, καὶ βραχυτέρων, ὅπου γε περὶ τῆς Περσικῆς στρατείας καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ πραχθέντων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι διαπεφωνήκασιν; πολλὰ δὲ καὶ Θουκυδίδης ὡς ψευδόμενος ὑπό τινων κατηγορεῖται, καίτοι δοκῶν ἀκριβεστάτην καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ἱστορίαν συγγράφειν. | 7.14 And what need is there to speak about local and minor affairs, seeing that concerning the Persian expedition and the events within it, the most reputable historians disagree? Even Thucydides is accused by some of lying in many instances, although he seems to have written the most accurate history of his own time. |
| 7.15 Αἰτίαι δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης διαφωνίας πολλαὶ μὲν ἴσως ἂν καὶ ἕτεραι τοῖς βουλομένοις ζητεῖν ἀναφανεῖεν, ἐγὼ δὲ δυσὶ ταῖς ἐκτεθησομέναις αἰτίαις τὴν μεγίστην ἰσχὺν ἀνατίθημι. | 7.15 The causes of such disagreement would perhaps appear many to those wishing to seek them; but I attribute the greatest power to two causes that I shall set forth. |
| 7.16 καὶ προτέραν ἐρῶ τὴν κυριωτέραν εἶναί μοι δοκοῦσαν. τὸ γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὴ σπουδασθῆναι παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι δημοσίᾳ γίνεσθαι τὰς περὶ τῶν ἑκάστοτε πραττομένων ἀναγραφάς, τοῦτο μάλιστα δὴ καὶ τὴν πλάνην καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ ψεύδεσθαι τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα βουληθεῖσι περὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τι γράφειν παρέσχεν. | 7.16 And I shall state first the one that seems to me to be the more principal. The failure from the beginning among the Greeks to make public records of current events with diligence—this above all provided both error and license to lie to those who later wished to write about ancient times. |
| 7.17 οὐ γὰρ μόνον παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησιν ἠμελήθη τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀναγραφάς, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ παρ’ αὐτοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, οὓς αὐτόχθονας εἶναι λέγουσι καὶ παιδείας ἐπιμελεῖς, οὐδὲν τοιοῦτον εὑρίσκεται γενόμενον· ἀλλὰ τῶν δημοσίων γραμμάτων ἀρχαιοτάτους εἶναί φασι τοὺς ὑπὸ Δράκοντος αὐτοῖς περὶ τῶν φονικῶν γραφέντας νόμους, ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τῆς Πεισιστράτου τυραννίδος ἀνθρώπου γεγονότος. | 7.17 For not only among the rest of the Greeks were matters concerning record-keeping neglected, but not even among the Athenians themselves (whom they say are indigenous and attentive to education) is any such thing found to have existed; rather, they say that the oldest of their public writings are the laws concerning murder written for them by Draco, a man who lived only a short time before the tyranny of Peisistratus. |
| 7.18 περὶ μὲν γὰρ Ἀρκάδων τί χρὴ λέγειν αὐχούντων ἀρχαιότητα; μόλις γὰρ οὗτοι καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα γράμμασιν ἐπαιδεύθησαν. | 7.18 For what need is there to speak of the Arcadians, who boast of their antiquity? For they were educated in letters only late and after these events. |
| 7.19 Ἅτε δὴ τοίνυν οὐδεμιᾶς προβεβλημένης ἀναγραφῆς, ἣ καὶ τοὺς μαθεῖν βουλομένους διδάξειν ἔμελλε καὶ τοὺς ψευδομένους ἐλέγξειν, ἡ πολλὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγένετο διαφωνία τοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν. | 7.19 Since, therefore, no official record was set forth beforehand—which was bound to instruct those wishing to learn and to refute those who lied—great disagreement arose among the historians. |
| 7.20 δευτέραν δὲ πρὸς ταύτῃ θετέον ἐκείνην αἰτίαν. οἱ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὸ γράφειν ὁρμήσαντες οὐ περὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐσπούδασαν—καίτοι τοῦτο πρόχειρον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν ἀεὶ τὸ ἐπάγγελμα—λόγων δὲ δύναμιν ἐπεδείκνυντο· καὶ καθ’ ὅντινα τρόπον ἐν τούτῳ παρευδοκιμήσειν τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπελάμβανον, κατὰ τοῦτον ἡρμόζοντο, τινὲς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ μυθολογεῖν τραπόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ πρὸς χάριν ἢ τὰς πόλεις ἢ τοὺς βασιλέας ἐπαινοῦντες· ἄλλοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ κατηγορεῖν τῶν πράξεων ἢ τῶν γεγραφότων ἐχώρησαν, εὐδοκιμήσειν ἐν τούτῳ νομίζοντες. | 7.20 A second cause must be placed alongside this one. For those who set out to write did not pursue truth—though this is always their ready profession—but demonstrated their command of language; and in whatever way they assumed they would surpass others in this, in that way they adapted themselves: some turning to myth-making, some flattering cities or kings to gain favor, and others proceeding to accuse actions or former writers, believing they would gain a high reputation by this. |
| 7.21 ὅλως δὲ τὸ πάντων ἐναντιώτατον ἱστορίᾳ πράττοντες διατελοῦσιν. τῆς μὲν γὰρ ἀληθοῦς ἐστι τεκμήριον ἱστορίας, εἰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἅπαντες τὰ αὐτὰ καὶ λέγοιεν καὶ γράφοιεν· οἱ δέ, εἰ μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ γράψειαν ἑτέροις, οὕτως ἐνόμιζον αὐτοὶ φαίνεσθαι πάντων ἀληθέστατοι. | 7.21 In short, they continually act in a manner most opposed to true history. For it is the mark of true history if all speak and write the same things concerning the same events; but these men thought that if they did not write the same things as others, they themselves would appear the most truthful of all. |
| 7.22 Τοσαῦτα καὶ ὁ Ἰώσηπος. εἴη δ’ ἂν τῶν εἰρημένων ἐπισφράγισμα καὶ ἡ Διοδώρου μαρτυρία, ἣν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου τῆς συναχθείσης αὐτῷ Βιβλιοθήκης παραθήσομαι, οὕτως ἔχουσαν πρὸς λέξιν· | 7.22 So much, then, says Josephus. And the testimony of Diodorus would serve as a seal upon what has been said, which I shall cite from the first book of the Library compiled by him, reading word for word as follows: |
Chapter 8
In this chapter, Eusebius quotes directly from Diodorus Siculus (Bibliotheca Historica, Book 1, 96.1–98.9) to detail the Greek reliance on Egyptian learning, before providing his own editorial conclusion to Book 10.
Famous Greeks Who Traveled to Egypt (8.1–8.3): Diodorus Siculus records that Egyptian priests maintained written archives proving visits from legendary Greek poets, lawmakers, and thinkers—including Orpheus, Musaeus, Daedalus, Homer, Lycurgus, Solon, Plato, Pythagoras, Democritus, Oenopides, and Eudoxus—who sought to learn their laws and sciences.
Transferred Religious Myths and Rituals (8.4–8.6): Orpheus brought back Egyptian mystery rites, underworld lore, and burial customs (identifying Osiris with Dionysus, Isis with Demeter, and Hermes Psychopompos leading souls). Melampus similarly brought back the myths of Cronus and the Titanomachy.
Architecture, Sculpture, and Poetry (8.7–8.12): Daedalus modeled the Cretan labyrinth on the Egyptian original (built by Mendes or Marus) and adopted the archaic posture for statues. Homer incorporated specific Egyptian details into his poetry, such as Nepenthe (the drug of forgetfulness passed from Polydamna to Helen), localized names like "Golden Aphrodite," and stories of Zeus and Hera traveling to Ethiopia.
Law, Mathematics, Astronomy, and Sculpture (8.13–8.16): Lycurgus, Solon, and Plato derived their laws from Egypt. Pythagoras learned geometry, number theory, and metempsychosis (reincarnation) there. Democritus, Oenopides, and Eudoxus mastered astronomical cycles from Egyptian priests. Sculptors Telecles and Theodorus of Samos also studied there.
Eusebius's Conclusion to Book 10 (8.17–8.18): Eusebius concludes the citation of Diodorus and sums up the core argument of Book 10: since even the most celebrated Greek sages were mere pupils of non-Greek ("barbarian") teachers, Christians cannot be blamed for turning to the ancient Hebrew prophets. He notes that the next step is to demonstrate the priority and extreme antiquity of Moses and the prophets over Greek philosophers.
| 8.1 "Τούτων δ’ ἡμῖν διευκρινημένων ῥητέον ὅσοι τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησι δεδοξασμένων ἐπὶ συνέσει καὶ παιδείᾳ παρέβαλον εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐν τοῖς ἀρχαίοις χρόνοις, ἵνα τῶν ἐνταῦθα νομίμων καὶ παιδείας μετάσχωσιν. | 8.1 "Now that these matters have been clarified by us, we must state how many of those held in high repute among the Greeks for wisdom and education visited Egypt in ancient times, so that they might partake of the laws and education there. |
| 8.2 οἱ γὰρ ἱερεῖς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἱστοροῦσιν ἐκ τῶν ἀναγραφῶν τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις παραβαλεῖν πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς Ὀρφέα τε καὶ Μουσαῖον καὶ Μελάμποδα καὶ Δαίδαλον, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Ὅμηρόν τε τὸν ποιητὴν καὶ Λυκοῦργον τὸν Σπαρτιάτην, ἔτι δὲ Σόλωνα τὸν Ἀθηναῖον καὶ Πλάτωνα τὸν φιλόσοφον· ἐλθεῖν δὲ καὶ Πυθαγόραν τὸν Σάμιον καὶ τὸν μαθηματικὸν Εὔδοξον, ἔτι δὲ Δημόκριτον τὸν Ἀβδηρίτην καὶ Οἰνοπίδην τὸν Χῖον. | 8.2 For the priests of the Egyptians report from the records in their sacred books that Orpheus, Musaeus, Melampus, and Daedalus visited them, and in addition to these Homer the poet and Lycurgus the Spartan, as well as Solon the Athenian and Plato the philosopher; and that Pythagoras of Samos came, as did the mathematician Eudoxus, and furthermore Democritus of Abdera and Oenopides of Chios. |
| 8.3 πάντων δὲ τούτων σημεῖα δεικνύουσι τῶν μὲν εἰκόνας, τῶν δὲ τόπων ἢ κατασκευασμάτων ὁμωνύμους προσηγορίας. ἔκ τε τῆς ἑκάστῳ ζηλωθείσης παιδείας ἀποδείξεις φέρουσι, συνιστάντες ἐξ Αἰγύπτου μετενηνοχέναι πάντα δι’ ὧν παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐθαυμάσθησαν. | 8.3 And they point out tokens of all these men: of some, images; of others, places or structures bearing identical names. They also produce proofs from the branch of learning cultivated by each, establishing that they transferred from Egypt everything for which they were admired among the Greeks. |
| 8.4 Ὀρφέα μὲν γὰρ τῶν μυστικῶν τελετῶν τὰ πλεῖστα, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πλάνην ὀργιαζόμενα, καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐν Ἅιδου μυθοποιίαν παρ’ Αἰγυπτίων ἀπενέγκασθαι. τὴν μὲν γὰρ Ὀσίριδος τελετὴν τῇ Διονύσου τὴν αὐτὴν εἶναι· τὴν δὲ τῆς Ἴσιδος τῇ τῆς Δήμητρος ὁμοιοτάτην ὑπάρχειν, τῶν ὀνομάτων μόνων ἐνηλλαγμένων· τὰς δὲ τῶν ἀσεβῶν ἐν Ἅιδου τιμωρίας, καὶ τοὺς τῶν εὐσεβῶν λειμῶνας, καὶ τὰς παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς εἰδωλοποιίας ἀναπεπλασμένας παρεισαγαγεῖν, μιμησάμενον τὰ περὶ τὰς ταφὰς τὰς κατ’ Αἴγυπτον. | 8.4 For they say that Orpheus brought back from the Egyptians most of the mystic rites, the secret orgies concerning his own wandering, and the mythical account of those in Hades. For the rite of Osiris is the same as that of Dionysus, and that of Isis is most similar to that of Demeter, only the names having been changed; and the punishments of the ungodly in Hades, the meadows of the pious, and the common inventions of phantoms were introduced by him in imitation of Egyptian burial customs. |
| 8.5 τὸν μὲν γὰρ ψυχοπομπὸν Ἑρμῆν, κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν νόμιμον παρ’ Αἰγυπτίοις, ἀναγαγόντα τοῦ Ἄπιδος τὸ σῶμα μέχρι τινὸς παραδιδόναι τῷ περικειμένῳ τὴν τοῦ Κερβέρου προτομήν. τοῦ δὲ Ὀρφέως τοῦτο καταδείξαντος παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὸν Ὅμηρον ἀκολούθως τούτῳ θεῖναι κατὰ τὴν ποίησιν, 'Ἑρμῆς δὲ ψυχὰς Κυλλήνιος ἐξεκαλεῖτο ἀνδρῶν ἡρώων· ἔχε δὲ ῥάβδον μετὰ χερσίν.' | 8.5 For Hermes the Guide of Souls, according to ancient Egyptian custom, after bringing up the body of Apis, hands it over up to a certain point to the person wearing the mask of Cerberus. And when Orpheus demonstrated this among the Greeks, Homer followed him accordingly in his poetry: 'And Cyllenian Hermes called forth the souls of the heroic men; and he held a wand in his hands.' |
| 8.6 Εἶτα πάλιν προβὰς ἐπιλέγει· 'Μελάμποδα δέ φασι μετενεγκεῖν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τὰ Διονύσῳ νομιζόμενα τελεῖσθαι παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι, καὶ τὰ περὶ Κρόνου μυθολογούμενα, καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς Τιτανομαχίας, καὶ τὸ σύνολον τὴν περὶ τὰ πάθη τῶν θεῶν ἱστορίαν. | 8.6 Then proceeding further, he adds: 'And they say that Melampus transferred from Egypt the rites customary to Dionysus among the Greeks, the myths concerning Cronus, the story of the Titanomachy, and in general the history of the passions of the gods. |
| 8.7 τὸν δὲ Δαίδαλον λέγουσιν ἀπομιμήσασθαι τὴν τοῦ λαβυρίνθου πλοκήν, τοῦ διαμένοντος μὲν μέχρι τοῦ νῦν καιροῦ, οἰκοδομηθέντος δέ, ὡς μέν τινές φασιν, ὑπὸ Μένδητος, ὡς δ’ ἔνιοι λέγουσιν, ὑπὸ Μάρου τοῦ βασιλέως, πολλοῖς ἔτεσι πρότερον τῆς Μίνω βασιλείας· τόν τε ῥυθμὸν τῶν ἀρχαίων κατ’ Αἴγυπτον ἀνδριάντων τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι τοῖς ὑπὸ Δαιδάλου κατασκευασθεῖσι παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι. | 8.7 They say also that Daedalus imitated the winding structure of the Labyrinth, which remains down to the present time, built—as some say—by Mendes, or as others say, by King Marus, many years before the reign of Minos; and that the style of the ancient statues in Egypt is the same as those constructed by Daedalus among the Greeks. |
| 8.8 τὸ δὲ κάλλιστον πρόπυλον ἐν Μέμφει τοῦ Ἡφαίστου Δαίδαλον ἀρχιτεκτονῆσαι, καὶ θαυμασθέντα τυχεῖν εἰκόνος ξυλίνης κατὰ τὸ προειρημένον ἱερόν, ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσὶ δεδημιουργημένης· πέρας δέ, διὰ τὴν εὐφυΐαν ἀξιωθέντα μεγάλης δόξης, καὶ πολλὰ προσεξευρόντα, τυχεῖν ἰσοθέων τιμῶν. κατὰ γὰρ μίαν τῶν πρὸς τῇ Μέμφει νήσων ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἱερὸν εἶναι Δαιδάλου τιμώμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγχωρίων. | 8.8 And Daedalus was the architect of the most beautiful gateway of Hephaestus in Memphis, and being admired, he was granted a wooden image of himself in the aforementioned temple, sculpted with his own hands; and finally, having been deemed worthy of great renown on account of his natural talent, and having made many additional discoveries, he received divine honors. For on one of the islands near Memphis there is even now a temple of Daedalus honored by the local inhabitants. |
| 8.9 τῆς δ’ Ὁμήρου παρουσίας ἄλλα τε σημεῖα φέρουσι καὶ μάλιστα τὴν τῆς Ἑλένης γενομένην παρὰ Μενελάῳ Τηλεμάχῳ φαρμακείαν καὶ λήθην τῶν συμβεβηκότων κακῶν. | 8.9 And they bring forward other tokens of Homer’s presence, especially the potion of drugs given by Helen to Telemachus in the home of Menelaus, bringing forgetfulness of past evils. |
| 8.10 τὸ γὰρ νηπενθὲς φάρμακον, ὃ λαβεῖν φησιν ὁ ποιητὴς τὴν Ἑλένην ἐκ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων παρὰ τῆς Πολυδάμνης, τῆς Θῶνος γυναικός, ἀκριβῶς ἐξητακὼς φαίνεται. | 8.10 For the poet appears to have accurately investigated the drug called Nepenthe, which he says Helen received from the Egyptians, from Polydamna, the wife of Thon. |
| 8.11 ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν τὰς ἐν ταύτῃ γυναῖκας χρῆσθαι τῇ προειρημένῃ δυνάμει λέγουσι, καὶ παρὰ μόναις ταῖς Διοσπολίτισιν ἐκ παλαιῶν χρόνων ὀργῆς καὶ λύπης φάρμακον εὑρῆσθαί φασιν· τὰς δὲ Θήβας καὶ Διόσπολιν τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπάρχειν· τήν τε Ἀφροδίτην ὀνομάζεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις χρυσῆν ἐκ παλαιᾶς παραδόσεως· καὶ πεδίον εἶναι καλούμενον χρυσῆς Ἀφροδίτης περὶ τὴν ὀνομαζομένην Μώμεμφιν. | 8.11 For even now they say that the women in this region make use of this aforementioned power, and they say that among the women of Diospolis alone a remedy for anger and grief has been found from ancient times; and that Thebes and Diospolis are the same city; and that Aphrodite is called 'Golden' among the locals from ancient tradition; and that there is a plain called the Plain of Golden Aphrodite near the city named Momemphis. |
| 8.12 τά τε περὶ τὸν Δία καὶ τὴν Ἥραν μυθολογούμενα περὶ τῆς συνουσίας καὶ τὴν εἰς Αἰθιοπίαν ἐκδημίαν ἐκεῖθεν αὐτὸν μετενεγκεῖν. κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν γὰρ παρὰ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Διὸς περαιοῦσθαι τὸν ποταμὸν εἰς τὴν Λιβύην, καὶ μεθ’ ἡμέρας τινὰς πάλιν ἐπιστρέφειν, ὡς ἐξ Αἰθιοπίας τοῦ θεοῦ παρόντος. τήν τε συνουσίαν τῶν θεῶν τούτων, ἐν ταῖς πανηγύρεσι τῶν ναῶν ἀνακομιζομένων ἀμφοτέρων εἰς ὄρος ἄνθεσι παντοίοις ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων κατεστεμμένον.' | 8.12 They say also that Homer transferred from there the myths concerning the union of Zeus and Hera and their journey to Ethiopia. For each year among the Egyptians the shrine of Zeus crosses the river into Libya, and after a few days returns again, as if the god were returning from Ethiopia; and the union of these gods occurs during the temple festivals when both shrines are carried up into a mountain covered with all kinds of flowers by the priests.' |
| 8.13 Καὶ Λυκοῦργον δὲ καὶ Πλάτωνα καὶ Σόλωνα πολλὰ τῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου νομίμων εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν κατατάξαι νομοθεσίας, Πυθαγόραν τε τὰ κατὰ τὸν ἱερὸν λόγον, καὶ τὰ κατὰ γεωμετρίαν θεωρήματα, καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς ἀριθμούς, ἔτι δὲ τὴν εἰς πᾶν ζῷον τῆς ψυχῆς μεταβολὴν μαθεῖν παρ’ Αἰγυπτίων. | 8.13 And they say that Lycurgus, Plato, and Solon incorporated many Egyptian laws into their own legislation, and that Pythagoras learned from the Egyptians the sacred doctrine, geometrical theorems, number theory, and the migration of the soul into every living creature. |
| 8.14 ὑπολαμβάνουσι δὲ καὶ Δημόκριτον παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἔτη διατρῖψαι πέντε καὶ πολλὰ διδαχθῆναι τῶν κατὰ ἀστρολογίαν· τόν τε Οἰνοπίδην ὁμοίως συνδιατρίψαντα τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ ἀστρολόγοις μαθεῖν ἄλλα τε καὶ μάλιστα τὸν ἡλιακὸν κύκλον, ὡς λοξὴν μὲν ἔχει τὴν πορείαν, ἐναντίαν δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄστροις τὴν φορὰν ποιεῖται. | 8.14 They suppose also that Democritus spent five years among them and was instructed in many matters concerning astronomy; and that Oenopides likewise, by spending time with the priests and astronomers, learned among other things especially the solar cycle, that it has an oblique path and makes its course in a direction opposite to the other stars. |
| 8.15 παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὸν Εὔδοξον ἀστρολογήσαντα παρ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ πολλὰ τῶν χρησίμων εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκδόντα τυχεῖν ἀξιολόγου δόξης. | 8.15 In like manner, Eudoxus, having studied astronomy among them and published many useful things for the Greeks, achieved notable renown. |
| 8.16 πάντων δὲ τῶν παλαιῶν ἀγαλματοποιῶν τοὺς μάλιστα διωνομασμένους διατετριφέναι παρ’ αὐτοῖς, Τηλεκλέα καὶ Θεόδωρον, τοὺς Ῥοίκου μὲν υἱούς, κατασκευάσαντας δὲ τοῖς Σαμίοις τὸ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου ξόανον." | 8.16 And of all the ancient sculptors, the most famous spent time among them—Telecles and Theodorus, the sons of Rhoecus, who crafted the wooden statue of Pythian Apollo for the Samians." |
| 8.17 Τοσαῦτα δὲ καὶ Διόδωρος. ἀλλ’ οὗτος μὲν ὁ λόγος ὧδέ πως ἀποδεδειγμένος ἐνταῦθά μοι εἰληφέτω τέλος. οὐ δεῖ δὴ λοιπὸν ἀλογίας ἡμᾶς κατηγορεῖν, εἰ δὴ τοὺς τῶν σοφῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ αὐτῶν γε τῶν παρ’ αὐτοῖς φιλοσόφων διδασκάλους, τοὺς βαρβάρους λέγω, πόθῳ τῆς ἀληθοῦς εὐσεβείας καὶ αὐτοὶ μετήλθομεν, εἴ γε βάρβαροι Ἑβραῖοι. | 8.17 So much, then, says Diodorus. Now, let this argument, having been thus demonstrated, reach its conclusion here. No longer, then, ought anyone to accuse us of irrationality if we ourselves have pursued—out of a desire for true piety—the very teachers of the wise Greeks and of their own philosophers, I mean the barbarians, if indeed the Hebrews are barbarians. |
| 8.18 ὧν τοὺς χρόνους, καθ’ οὓς ἤκμασαν Μωσῆς τε καὶ οἱ μετὰ Μωσέα προφῆται, εὖ ἂν ἔχοι διελθεῖν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τοῦτ’ ἂν εἴη ἕν τι τῶν μάλιστα συνεκτικωτάτων τῇ προκειμένῃ πραγματείᾳ, τὸ μέλλοντας τῶν παρὰ τοῖς ἀνδράσι λογίων ἐφάπτεσθαι προδιαλαβεῖν περὶ τῆς ἀρχαιότητος αὐτῶν, ἵν’, εἰ φανεῖεν τοῖς Ἑβραίων προφήταις τε καὶ θεολόγοις οἱ παρ’ Ἕλλησιν ὁμοδοξοῦντες, μηκέτ’ ἀμφιβάλλοις τίνας ἦν εἰκὸς τὰ παρὰ τίνων ἀναλέξασθαι, πότερα τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους τὰ τῶν νέων, Ἑβραίους τε τὰ Ἑλλήνων, καὶ βαρβάρους τὰ φιλοσόφων, ὧν οὐδὲ τῆς γλώσσης εἰκὸς ἐπαΐειν· ἢ, ὅπερ καὶ μᾶλλον εἰκός, τοὺς νέους τὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, καὶ τοὺς τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἐθνῶν περιειργασμένους Ἕλληνας καὶ τὰ Ἑβραίων μὴ ἀγνοῆσαι, ἀρχῆθεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα φωνὴν μεταβεβλημένα. | 8.18 It would be well to go through their times, during which Moses and the prophets after Moses flourished, since this would be a major binding element of the present treatise: namely, before touching upon the oracles among those men, to understand beforehand their antiquity. Thus, if those among the Greeks who hold similar opinions should prove to agree with the prophets and theologians of the Hebrews, you would no longer doubt which party was likely to have gathered their ideas from the other—whether the older from the younger, the Hebrews from the Greeks, and barbarians from philosophers whose language they were not even likely to understand; or, what is far more likely, the younger from the older, and that the Greeks, who traveled among most nations, were not ignorant of the writings of the Hebrews, which had been translated from the beginning into the Greek tongue. |
Chapter 9
In this chapter, Eusebius presents a chronological argument proving the priority and extreme antiquity of Moses and the Hebrew prophets over Greek philosophers and poets. He uses two parallel arguments: first, his own mathematical/chronological calculation based on Olympic games and regnal dates (9.1–9.10), and second, an argument ad hominem based on a quote from Porphyry, the bitterest pagan enemy of Christianity (9.11–9.25). He concludes the book by introducing previous Christian scholars who compiled comparative histories (9.26–9.28).
Chronology via the Olympiads (9.1–9.6): Eusebius traces time backward from Tiberius and Augustus through Darius II/I and the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple down to the first Olympiad (776 BCE). He notes that the first Olympiad coincides with the era of the prophet Isaiah and King Uzziah (Azariah).
From the First Olympiad to Moses (9.7–9.10): Counting back from the first Olympiad to the fall of Troy (408 years earlier) lands in the time of the judge Labdon (Abdon). Counting back another 400 years reaches Cecrops, the first king of Athens, and Moses. Going back another 505 years reaches Abraham and King Ninus of Assyria (and Semiramis). All legendary Greek events (the deluges of Deucalion and Ogyges, Hercules, Orpheus, Dionysus, Demeter) occurred long after Moses.
The Testimony of Porphyry (9.11–9.17): Eusebius cites Porphyry's Against the Christians (Book 4), where Porphyry admits that the Phoenician historian Sanchuniathon got his reliable records from Ierombalos (Jerubbaal/Gideon), priest of the god Ieuo (Yahweh), during the reign of Semiramis, long before the Trojan War. Eusebius demonstrates that if Sanchuniathon lived under Semiramis and drew from sources close to Moses, Moses precedes the Trojan War by at least 800 years.
Greek Historical Timelines vs. Hebrew Antiquity (9.18–9.25): Early Greek history only begins with Inachus of Argos and Cecrops of Athens, long after Semiramis and Moses. Even basic Greek religious concepts (naming Zeus, building altars to Athena) were late inventions under Cecrops. Thus, Moses precedes Homer and Hesiod by hundreds of years, and Greek philosophers (like Pythagoras and Democritus) by 1,500 years.
Methodological Conclusion to Book 10 (9.26–9.28): Eusebius acknowledges earlier Christian scholars (such as Justin Martyr, Tatian, Clement of Alexandria, and Julius Africanus) who systematically cross-referenced Hebrew, Greek, Phoenician, Chaldean, and Egyptian histories to prove this chronological priority, and he prepares to quote their work directly.
| 9.1 Μωσέως πέρι καὶ τῆς τῶν μετ’ αὐτὸν προφητῶν ἀρχαιότητος πλεῖστοι μὲν ἄλλοι διὰ σπουδῆς τὴν ἀπόδειξιν ἐν οἰκείοις καταβέβληνται συγγράμμασιν, ἀφ’ ὧν αὐτίκα μάλα σμικρὰ ἄττα παραθήσομαι. | 9.1 Concerning Moses and the antiquity of the prophets after him, very many others have earnestly presented proof in their own writings, from which I shall presently quote a few small selections. |
| 9.2 κἀγὼ δὲ καινοτέραν παρὰ τοὺς εἰρημένους ὁδεύσας ταύτῃ χρήσομαι τῇ μεθόδῳ. συντρεχόντων ὁμολογουμένως τῶν χρόνων Αὐγούστου Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορος καὶ τῆς τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν γενέσεως, ἀρχήν τε τῆς εὐαγγελικῆς διδασκαλίας τοῦ Χριστοῦ ποιησαμένου κατὰ τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον ἔτος Τιβερίου Καίσαρος, εἴ τις ἀπὸ τούτου συναγαγεῖν ἐθέλοι τὸν τῶν ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸν, προϊὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνωτέρω χρόνους, τοὺς μέχρι Δαρείου τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως, καὶ τῆς κατ’ αὐτὸν ἀνανεώσεως τοῦ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις νεὼ, ἣ γέγονε μετὰ τὴν ἀπὸ Βαβυλῶνος ἐπάνοδον τοῦ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους, εὕροι ἂν ἀπὸ Τιβερίου ἐπὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος Δαρείου ἔτη φμή’. | 9.2 I too, having traveled a somewhat newer path than those mentioned, will employ this method: Since the times of Augustus, Emperor of the Romans, and the birth of our Savior admittedly coincide, and Christ made the beginning of His evangelical teaching in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, if one should wish to compute the number of years from this point, proceeding upward to earlier times—as far as Darius, king of the Persians, and the restoration of the Temple in Jerusalem under him, which took place after the return of the Jewish nation from Babylon—one would find from Tiberius to the second year of Darius 548 years. |
| 9.3 Δαρείου μὲν γὰρ τὸ δεύτερον κατὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος τῆς ξε’ Ὀλυμπιάδος καταντᾷ, Τιβερίου δὲ τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον τῆς Ῥωμαίων βασιλείας κατὰ τὸ δ’ τῆς σα’ Ὀλυμπιάδος συμπίπτει. | 9.3 For the second year of Darius falls in the first year of the 65th Olympiad, while the fifteenth year of Tiberius’s reign over the Romans coincides with the fourth year of the 201st Olympiad. |
| 9.4 γίνονται τοίνυν αἱ μεταξὺ Δαρείου τοῦ Περσοῦ καὶ Τιβερίου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων βασιλέως Ὀλυμπιάδες ρλζ’, αἳ συνάγουσι χρόνον ἐτῶν φμή’, τετραετίας τῇ Ὀλυμπιάδι λογιζομένης. | 9.4 The Olympiads between Darius the Persian and Tiberius the Roman emperor therefore amount to 137, which yield a duration of 548 years, counting four years to an Olympiad. |
| 9.5 ἐπεὶ δὲ κατὰ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος Δαρείου τὸ ἑβδομηκοστὸν ὑπῆρχε τῆς ἐρημίας τοῦ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις νεὼ, καθὼς τὰ τῆς ἱστορίας παρίστησι, κἀντεῦθεν πάλιν ἀνατρεχόντων ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ δευτέρου ἔτους Δαρείου ἐπὶ τὴν πρώτην Ὀλυμπιάδα ἔτη συνάγοιτ’ ἂν σνς’, Ὀλυμπιάδες ξδ’· τοσαῦτα δ’ ἂν εὕροις τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὑστάτου ἔτους τῆς ἐρημίας τοῦ δηλωθέντος ἱεροῦ ἐπὶ τὸ ν’ ἔτος Ὀζίου τοῦ τῶν Ἰουδαίων βασιλέως ἀνιὼν, καθ’ ὃν ἐπροφήτευον Ἠσαΐας καὶ Ὠσηὲ, ὅσοι τε τούτοις γεγόνασι σύγχρονοι, ὥστ’ εἶναι τὴν πρώτην καθ’ Ἕλληνας Ὀλυμπιάδα σύνδρομον Ἡσαΐᾳ τῷ προφήτῃ καὶ τοῖς τούτῳ συγχρόνοις. | 9.5 And since the second year of Darius was the seventieth year of the desolation of the Temple in Jerusalem, as historical records demonstrate, if we trace back again from the second year of Darius to the first Olympiad, the years gathered would be 256, or 64 Olympiads. You would find this same number of years by ascending from the last year of the desolation of the said Temple to the 50th year of Uzziah, king of the Jews, during whose reign Isaiah and Hosea prophesied, along with all their contemporaries—so that the first Olympiad among the Greeks runs parallel with the prophet Isaiah and his contemporaries. |
| 9.6 πάλιν δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔμπροσθεν ἀνιὼν χρόνους μέχρι τῆς Ἰλίου ἁλώσεως εὑρήσεις ἔτη συγκεφαλαιούμενα υη’, ὡς αἱ παρ’ Ἕλλησι τῶν χρόνων ἀναγραφαὶ περιέχουσι. | 9.6 Again, ascending from the first Olympiad to earlier times down to the capture of Troy, you will find the total years summed up as 408, as the chronological records among the Greeks contain. |
| 9.7 καὶ καθ’ Ἑβραίους ἀπὸ πεντηκοστοῦ ἔτους Ὀζίου τοῦ Ἰουδαίων βασιλέως ἀνιὼν ἐπὶ τὸ τρίτον ἔτος Λαβδὼν παρ’ Ἑβραίοις γενομένου κριτοῦ τὸν ἴσον συνάξεις ἀριθμὸν ἐτῶν υη’· ὥστ’ εἶναι τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν κατὰ τοὺς Λαβδὼν τοῦ κριτοῦ χρόνους, ἑπτὰ ἔτεσι πρότερον ἢ Σαμψὼν ἄρξαι Ἑβραίων, ὃν κατὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀλκὴν ἀνυπόστατον γενέσθαι φασὶν, ἐοικότα τῷ βοωμένῳ παρ’ Ἕλλησιν Ἡρακλεῖ. | 9.7 And according to the Hebrews, ascending from the fiftieth year of Uzziah, king of the Jews, to the third year of Labdon [Abdon], who was a judge among the Hebrews, you will gather the equal number of 408 years—so that the capture of Troy falls in the times of Labdon the judge, seven years before Samson ruled the Hebrews, who they say was irresistible in physical strength, resembling the famous Hercules among the Greeks. |
| 9.8 καὶ ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνωτέρω βαδίζων, σαυτῷ τε συναγαγὼν ἀριθμὸν ἐτῶν υ’, εὕροις ἂν κατὰ μὲν Ἑβραίους Μωσέα, κατὰ δὲ Ἕλληνας Κέκροπα τὸν γηγενῆ. | 9.8 And walking upward from that point, if you gather for yourself a total of 400 years, you would find Moses according to the Hebrews, and Cecrops the earth-born according to the Greeks. |
| 9.9 κατώτερα δὲ τῶν Κέκροπος ἱστορεῖται χρόνων τὰ παρ’ Ἕλλησι θαυμαζόμενα. γίνεται γὰρ μετὰ Κέκροπα ὁ κατὰ Δευκαλίωνα κατακλυσμὸς, καὶ ἡ ἐπὶ Φαέθοντος ἐκπύρωσις, Ἐριχθονίου τε γένεσις, Κόρης τε ἁρπαγὴ, καὶ Δήμητρος μυστήρια, Ἐλευσινίων ἵδρυσις, Τριπτολέμου γεωργία, Εὐρώπης ὑπὸ Διὸς ἁρπαγὴ, Ἀπόλλωνος γένεσις, Κάδμου ἐπὶ Θήβας παρουσία, καὶ ἔτι τούτων νεώτεροι Διόνυσος, Μίνως, Περσεὺς, Ἀσκληπιὸς, Διόσκουροι, Ἡρακλῆς. | 9.9 And the events admired among the Greeks are recorded as occurring later than the times of Cecrops. For after Cecrops came the deluge in the time of Deucalion, the conflagration under Phaethon, the birth of Erichthonius, the abduction of Korë [Persephone], the mysteries of Demeter, the foundation of Eleusis, the agriculture of Triptolemus, the abduction of Europa by Zeus, the birth of Apollo, the arrival of Cadmus at Thebes, and even younger than these: Dionysus, Minos, Perseus, Asclepius, the Dioscuri, and Hercules. |
| 9.10 τούτων δ’ ἁπάντων πρεσβύτερος γεγονὼς συνίσταται Μωσῆς, ὡς ἂν κατὰ Κέκροπα τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀκμάσας. ἀπὸ δὲ Μωσέως πάλιν ἀνιὼν ἐπὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος ζωῆς Ἁβραὰμ εὑρήσεις ἔτη φε’. τοσαῦτα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ δηλωθέντος ἔτους τῆς Κέκροπος βασιλείας τὸν ἀνωτέρω χρόνον ἀπαριθμούμενος ἐπὶ Νίνον ἥξεις τὸν Ἀσσύριον, ὃν πρῶτόν φασιν ἁπάσης τῆς Ἀσίας πλὴν Ἰνδῶν κεκρατηκέναι· οὗ Νίνος ἐπώνυμος πόλις, ἣ Νινευὶ παρ’ Ἑβραίοις ὠνόμασται, καθ’ ὃν Ζωροάστρης ὁ μάγος Βακτρίων ἐβασίλευσε. Νίνου δὲ γυνὴ καὶ διάδοχος τῆς βασιλείας Σεμίραμις· ὥστ’ εἶναι τὸν Ἁβραὰμ κατὰ τούτους. | 9.10 Moses is established as being older than all these men, inasmuch as he flourished in his prime during the time of Cecrops. Ascending again from Moses to the first year of Abraham's life, you will find 505 years. If you count back that same number of years prior to the declared year of Cecrops’s reign, you will arrive at Ninus the Assyrian, who they say was the first to rule over all Asia except India; after whom was named the city of Ninus, which is called Nineveh among the Hebrews, in whose time Zoroaster the Magus ruled the Bactrians. The wife and successor to the kingdom of Ninus was Semiramis—so that Abraham lived in their times. |
| 9.11 Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἀποδεικτικῶς ἐν τοῖς πονηθεῖσιν ἡμῖν Χρονικοῖς Κανόσιν οὕτως ἔχοντα συνέστη. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ παρόντος πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις μάρτυρι τῆς Μωσέως ἀρχαιότητος χρήσομαι τῷ πάντων δυσμενεστάτῳ καὶ πολεμιωτάτῳ Ἑβραίων τε καὶ ἡμῶν, φημὶ δὲ τῷ καθ’ ἡμᾶς φιλοσόφῳ, ὃς τὴν καθ’ ἡμῶν συσκευὴν ὑπερβολῇ μίσους προβεβλημένος οὐ μόνους ἡμᾶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἑβραίους, αὐτόν τε Μωσέα καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτὸν προφήτας ταῖς ἴσαις ὑπηγάγετο δυσφημίαις. οὕτω γὰρ διὰ τῆς τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὁμολογίας ἀναμφηρίστως ἡγοῦμαι τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν πιστώσασθαι. | 9.11 These matters, then, were established demonstratively in this way in our laborious work, the Chronological Canons. But for the present purpose, in addition to what has been said, I shall use as a witness to the antiquity of Moses the man who is the most hostile and enmity-filled of all against both Hebrews and ourselves—I mean the philosopher of our own day [Porphyry], who, out of an excess of hatred, put forward his treatise against us, subjecting not only us, but also the Hebrews, Moses himself, and the prophets after him, to equal defamations. For I believe that through the confession of our enemies the promise will be confirmed beyond dispute. |
| 9.12 γράφει τοίνυν ἐν τῷ τετάρτῳ τῆς καθ’ ἡμᾶς συσκευῆς ὁ Πορφύριος ῥήμασιν αὐτοῖς τάδε· "Ἱστορεῖ δὲ τὰ περὶ Ἰουδαίων ἀληθέστατα, ὅτι καὶ τοῖς τόποις καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασιν αὐτῶν τὰ συμφωνότατα, Σαγχωνιάθων ὁ Βηρύτιος, εἰληφὼς τὰ ὑπομνήματα παρὰ Ἱερομβάλου τοῦ ἱερέως θεοῦ Ἰευὼ, ὃς Ἀβελβαλῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ Βηρυτίων τὴν ἱστορίαν ἀναθεὶς, ὑπ’ ἐκείνου καὶ τῶν κατ’ αὐτὸν ἐξεταστῶν τῆς ἀληθείας παρεδέχθη. οἱ δὲ τούτων χρόνοι καὶ πρὸ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν πίπτουσι χρόνων καὶ σχεδὸν τοῖς Μωσέως πλησιάζουσιν, ὡς αἱ τῶν Φοινίκης βασιλέων μηνύουσι διαδοχαί. Σαγχωνιάθων δὲ, ὁ κατὰ τὴν τῶν Φοινίκων διάλεκτον φιλαλήθως πᾶσαν τὴν παλαιὰν ἱστορίαν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ πόλιν ὑπομνημάτων καὶ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἀναγραφῶν συναγαγὼν καὶ συγγράψας, ἐπὶ Σεμιράμεως γέγονε τῆς Ἀσσυρίων βασιλίδος." | 9.12 Porphyry writes, then, in the fourth book of his work against us, in these exact words: "Sanchuniathon of Berytus records the history concerning the Jews with the greatest truthfulness, because his accounts agree most closely with their places and names; he received the memoirs from Ierombalos, priest of the god Ieuo. When he dedicated his history to Abelbalus, king of Berytus, it was accepted by him and by those who examined truth in his day. The times of these men fall even prior to the Trojan times, and draw near almost to the times of Moses, as the successions of the kings of Phoenicia indicate. And Sanchuniathon, who truthfully compiled and wrote down all ancient history in the Phoenician dialect from the memoirs in each city and the records in the temples, lived in the time of Semiramis, queen of the Assyrians." |
| 9.13 Ταῦτα ὁ Πορφύριος. δεῖ δὴ συλλογίσασθαι τὰ προκείμενα ὧδέ πως. εἴπερ ὁ Σαγχωνιάθων ἐπὶ Σεμιράμεως γέγονεν, ἡ δὲ μακρῷ πρόσθεν τῶν Τρωϊκῶν ὁμολογεῖται, εἴη ἂν καὶ ὁ Σαγχωνιάθων τῶν Τρωϊκῶν παλαίτερος. | 9.13 Thus far Porphyry. We must deduce the proposition in something like this way: If Sanchuniathon lived in the time of Semiramis, and she is acknowledged to be long before the Trojan War, then Sanchuniathon too must be older than the Trojan War. |
| 9.14 ἀλλ’ οὗτος παρ’ ἑτέρων πρεσβυτέρων αὐτοῦ τοῖς χρόνοις εἰληφέναι λέγεται τὰ ὑπομνήματα· οἱ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀρχαιότεροι ὄντες αὐτοῦ σχεδὸν τοῖς Μωσέως πλησιάζειν χρόνοις εἴρηνται, οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ κατὰ Μωσέα γενόμενοι, ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν τοῖς ἐκείνου χρόνοις πλησιάζοντες· ὡς τοσοῦτον πρεσβύτερον εἶναι τὸν Μωσέα τοῦ Σαγχωνιάθωνος ὁπόσον ἂν οὗτος λείπηται τῶν αὐτοῦ πρεσβυτέρων, οἳ Μωσεῖ πλησιάζειν ὡμολογήθησαν. | 9.14 Now, he is said to have received his memoirs from others older than himself in time; and these men, being themselves older than he, are said to draw near almost to the times of Moses—not living at the same time as Moses, but nearly approaching his times. Thus, Moses is older than Sanchuniathon by as much time as Sanchuniathon falls short of his own elders, who were confessed to approach Moses. |
| 9.15 πόσοις δὲ ἄρα ἔτεσιν εἰκὸς ἦν Μωσέα ὑπεράγειν τοὺς δηλουμένους ἄπορον εἰπεῖν· διόπερ τοῦτό μοι δοκῶ παρήσειν. δοὺς δὲ κατ’ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον τὸν Σαγχωνιάθωνα Μωσέα γεγονέναι, καὶ μὴ πρότερον, ὧδε τὸν ἔλεγχον ἐφοδεύσω. | 9.15 By how many years, then, it was likely that Moses preceded the aforementioned men is impossible to say; wherefore I think I shall pass over this point. But granting that Moses lived at the same time as Sanchuniathon himself, and not earlier, I will proceed with the demonstration as follows: |
| 9.16 εἴπερ ἐπὶ Σεμιράμεως τῆς Ἀσσυρίων βασιλίδος ὁ Σαγχωνιάθων ἐγνωρίζετο, ἔστω δὲ καὶ Μωσῆς μηδὲν προάγων, κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἠκμακὼς, γένοιτ’ ἂν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς κατὰ Σεμίραμιν. | 9.16 If Sanchuniathon was known in the time of Semiramis, queen of the Assyrians, and even if Moses did not precede him at all, but flourished at his time, then Moses himself would also live in the time of Semiramis. |
| 9.17 ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν ἡμέτερος λόγος ἐπὶ ταύτης ἐδήλου γενέσθαι τὸν Ἁβραὰμ, ὁ δὲ τοῦ φιλοσόφου παλαίτερον τὸν Μωσέα συνίστησιν. ἡ δὲ Σεμίραμις τῶν Τρωϊκῶν ὀκτακοσίοις ὅλοις ἔτεσι δείκνυται προγενομένη. καὶ Μωσῆς ἄρα ἔσται τοσούτοις τὰ Τρωϊκὰ προάγων κατὰ τὸν φιλόσοφον. | 9.17 However, our own account demonstrated that Abraham lived in her time, whereas the philosopher's account establishes that Moses was older [than Sanchuniathon/the Trojan events]. Semiramis is shown to have lived 800 full years prior to the Trojan War. Therefore, according to the philosopher, Moses also precedes the Trojan War by that many years. |
| 9.18 πρῶτος δὲ βασιλεύει Ἀργείων Ἴναχος, οὔπω τότε Ἀθηναίων οὔτε τὴν πόλιν οὔτε τὴν προσηγορίαν ἐχόντων. ὁ δὲ πρῶτος Ἀργείων ἡγεῖται κατὰ τὸν πέμπτον μετὰ Σεμίραμιν Ἀσσυρίων βασιλέα, ν’ καὶ ρ’ ὕστερον ἔτεσιν αὐτῆς τε καὶ Μωσέως, ἐν οἷς οὐδὲν ἐπίσημον γεγονὸς ἱστορεῖται παρ’ Ἕλλησι. κατὰ τοῦτο δὲ τοῦ χρόνου παρ’ Ἑβραίοις ἡγοῦνται οἱ Κριταί. | 9.18 The first king of Argos was Inachus, when the Athenians as yet possessed neither their city nor their name. This first ruler of Argos governed during the fifth Assyrian king after Semiramis, 150 years later than her and Moses—during which no notable event is recorded among the Greeks. During this period of time, the Judges ruled among the Hebrews. |
| 9.19 εἶτ’ αὖ πάλιν τριακοσίοις ἐτῶν ἄλλοις κατώτερον χρόνοις, ἤδη που πλέον ἢ υ’ ἐτῶν ὅλων συμπληρουμένων ἀπὸ Σεμιράμεως, πρῶτος Ἀθηναίων βασιλεύει Κέκροψ ὁ βοώμενος παρ’ αὐτοῖς αὐτόχθων, Ἄργους ἡγουμένου Τριόπα, ὃς ἦν ἕβδομος μετὰ τὸν πρῶτον Ἀργεῖον Ἴναχον. | 9.19 Then again, 300 years later in time, when more than 400 full years in total have elapsed from Semiramis, Cecrops rules as first king of Athens—he who is acclaimed among them as indigenous (autochthon)—while Triopas ruled Argos, who was seventh after the first Argive king, Inachus. |
| 9.20 μεταξὺ δὲ τούτων ὁ ἐπὶ Ὠγύγου μνημονεύεται κατακλυσμὸς, πρῶτός τε Ἆπις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ θεὸς ὠνομάσθη, καὶ Ἰὼ θυγάτηρ Ἰνάχου, ἣν Ἴσιν Αἰγύπτιοι μετονομάσαντες σέβουσι, Προμηθεύς τε καὶ Ἄτλας ἐγνωρίζοντο. | 9.20 Between these times the deluge in the time of Ogyges is recorded, and Apis was first named a god in Egypt, and Io, daughter of Inachus, whom the Egyptians renamed Isis and worship; and Prometheus and Atlas became known. |
| 9.21 ἀπὸ δὲ Κέκροπος ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν ἄλλα συνάγεται μικρῷ δέοντα ἔτη υ’, ἐν οἷς τὰ ἐν Ἕλλησι θαυμάσια μυθολογεῖται, ὁ ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος κατακλυσμὸς καὶ ὁ ἐπὶ Φαέθοντος ἐμπρησμὸς, πολλῶν, ὡς εἰκὸς, φθορῶν γῆς κατὰ τόπους γεγενημένων. | 9.21 From Cecrops to the capture of Troy another period lacking little of 400 years is gathered, during which the marvelous events among the Greeks are mythologized: the deluge under Deucalion and the conflagration under Phaethon, many destructions of the earth having occurred locally, as is natural. |
| 9.22 πρῶτος δὲ Κέκροψ λέγεται Ζῆνα κεκληκέναι τὸν θεὸν, μὴ πρότερον οὕτω παρ’ ἀνθρώποις ὠνομασμένον· ἔπειτα βωμὸν παρ’ Ἀθηναίοις ἱδρῦσαι πρῶτος, καὶ πάλιν πρῶτος Ἀθηνᾶς ἄγαλμα στήσασθαι, ὡς οὐδὲ τούτων ἐκ παλαιοῦ ὑπαρχόντων. | 9.22 Cecrops is said to have been the first to call God Zeus, He not having been so named among men previously; then he was the first to establish an altar among the Athenians, and again the first to erect a statue of Athena, showing that even these things did not exist from ancient times. |
| 9.23 μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον καὶ οἱ παρ’ ᝈλλησι θεοὶ πάντες γενεαλογοῦνται. παρ’ Ἑβραίοις δὲ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ ἀπὸ γένους Δαβὶδ ἐβασίλευον καὶ οἱ μετὰ Μωσέα διέλαμπον προφῆται· ὥστε τὰ πάντα ἀπὸ Μώσεως ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν συνάγεσθαι πλέον ἢ ἔτη ω’ κατὰ τὴν ἐκτεθεῖσαν τοῦ φιλοσόφου μαρτυρίαν. | 9.23 And after him all the gods among the Greeks are genealogized. Meanwhile, among the Hebrews, those of the lineage of David were reigning, and the prophets after Moses were shining brightly—so that all the time from Moses to the capture of Troy gathers to more than 800 years according to the testimony set forth from the philosopher. |
| 9.24 ἔτι δὲ πολὺ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν νεώτερα τὰ κατὰ Ὅμηρον καὶ Ἡσίοδον καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτοὺς μνημονευομένους. χθὲς δὲ καὶ πρώην μετὰ τούτους περὶ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα οἱ ἀμφὶ Πυθαγόραν καὶ Δημόκριτον καὶ τοὺς μετὰ ταῦτα φιλοσόφους ὠνομάσθησαν, ἐγγύς που μετὰ τὰ Τρωϊκὰ ἔτεσιν ἑπτακοσίοις. | 9.24 Furthermore, the events concerning Homer, Hesiod, and those remembered after them are much younger than the Trojan War. Yesterday and the day before, as it were, after these men, around the 50th Olympiad, Pythagoras, Democritus, and the philosophers after them became renowned—about 700 years after the Trojan War. |
| 9.25 προτερεῖν ἄρα Μωσῆς καὶ οἱ μετ’ αὐτὸν Ἑβραίων προφῆται συνίστανται τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησι φιλοσόφων χιλίοις πεντακοσίοις ἔτεσι κατὰ τὴν τοῦ δηλωθέντος ἀνδρὸς ὁμολογίαν. | 9.25 Therefore, Moses and the Hebrew prophets after him are established as preceding the philosophers among the Greeks by 1,500 years, according to the admission of the declared man [Porphyry]. |
| 9.26 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἡμεῖς ἐπιτόμως. σκέψασθαι δὲ καιρὸς καὶ τὰς τῶν πρὸ ἡμῶν περὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὑποθέσεως ἀποδείξεις. γεγόνασι δὴ παρ’ ἡμῖν λόγιοι ἄνδρες καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ παιδείας οὐδενὸς δεύτεροι, τοῖς τε θείοις οὐ παρέργως καθωμιληκότες, οἳ καὶ τὴν παροῦσαν ὑπόθεσιν ἐπ’ ἀκριβὲς διευκρινήσαντες τῇ παρ’ Ἑβραίοις συνέστησαν ἀρχαιολογίᾳ, πλουσίᾳ καὶ ποικίλῃ κατασκευῇ κεχρημένοι τῆς ἀποδείξεως. | 9.26 And these things we have treated concisely. But it is time to consider also the proofs of those before us concerning this same subject. For there have been among us learned men second to none in education, who conversed with the divine writings not casually, and who, having clarified the present subject with precision, established the antiquity of the Hebrews, making use of a rich and varied construction of proof. |
| 9.27 οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔκ τινων ὁμολογουμένων ἱστοριῶν τοὺς χρόνους συνελογίσαντο, οἱ δὲ παλαιτέροις ἀναγνώσμασι τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἐπιστώσαντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἑλληνικοῖς, οἱ δὲ καὶ τοῖς τὰ Φοινίκων τά τε Χαλδαίων καὶ Αἰγυπτίων ἀναγράψασι συνεχρήσαντο· ὁμοῦ δὲ οἱ πάντες, τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ καὶ τὰ βάρβαρα τά τε παρ’ αὐτοῖς Ἑβραίοις συναγαγόντες καὶ τὰς παρὰ πᾶσιν ἱστορίας παραθέντες, θατέρᾳ τε τὴν ἑτέραν συγκρούσαντες, τὰ παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους πραχθέντα συνεξητάκασιν. | 9.27 For some computed the times from universally acknowledged histories, while others confirmed their testimony through older readings. Some made use of Greek records, and others also of those who wrote down the records of the Phoenicians, Chaldeans, and Egyptians. Altogether, bringing together Greek, barbarian, and Hebrew histories, placing the histories from all sources side by side, and striking one against the other, they thoroughly examined the events accomplished among all nations during the same periods. |
| 9.28 εἶθ’ ἕκαστος οἰκείαις μεθόδοις τὴν τῶν ἀποδεικνυμένων κατασκευὴν πεποιημένος σύμφωνον καὶ ὁμολογουμένην τὴν ἀπόδειξιν εἰσηνέγκαντο. διὸ καὶ μάλιστα ταῖς αὐτῶν ἡγησάμην δεῖν παραχωρῆσαι φωναῖς τὸν παρόντα λόγον, ὅπως ὁμοῦ τῶν οἰκείων μὴ ἀποστεροῖντο καρπῶν οἱ τῶν λόγων πατέρες, καὶ διὰ πλειόνων μαρτύρων, ἀλλὰ μὴ δι’ ἑνὸς, ὁμοῦ ἡ σύστασις τῆς ἀληθείας ἀναμφίλεκτον λάβοι τὴν ἐπικύρωσιν. | 9.28 Then, each having constructed the framework of their demonstrations by their own methods, they brought forward a harmonious and agreed-upon proof. Wherefore I deemed it especially necessary to yield the present discourse to their own voices, so that the fathers of these arguments might not be deprived of their proper fruits, and that through multiple witnesses—and not through one alone—the establishment of the truth might receive undisputed confirmation." |
Chapter 10
In this chapter, Julius Africanus outlines his chronological strategy for reconciling Biblical history with pagan Greek, Egyptian, and Near Eastern history:
The Reliability Gap: Greek history before the First Olympiad (776 BCE) is murky, mythical, and contradictory. However, from the First Olympiad forward, Greek records are precise due to strict four-year record-keeping.
The Synchronism of Ogyges and Moses: Africanus synchronized the Exodus of Israel under Moses with the ancient Athenian flood of Ogyges (dating both 1,020 years prior to the First Olympiad).
Pagan Witnesses: He cites non-Jewish and pagan historians (including Berossus, Thallus, Castor, Diodorus Siculus, Polybius, Phlegon, Hellanicus, Philochorus, Polemon, Apion, Herodotus, and Ptolemy of Mendes) to prove that major Hebrew historical milestones (such as the Exodus and the end of the Babylonian Captivity under Cyrus) align directly with Greek olympiads and Attic chronology.
Cultural Priority of Hebrew Scripture: Consequently, he demonstrates that virtually all famous Greek myths and historical milestones (Prometheus, the abduction of Europa, Hercules, the Trojan War, the Olympic Games) occurred after Moses.
| 10.1 «Μέχρι μὲν τῶν Ὀλυμπιάδων οὐδὲν ἀκριβὲς ἱστόρηται τοῖς Ἕλλησι, πάντων συγκεχυμένων καὶ κατὰ μηδὲν αὑτοῖς τῶν πρὸ τοῦ συμφωνούντων· αὑταὶ δὲ ἠκρίβωνται πολλοῖς, τῷ μὴ ἐκ πλείστου διαστήματος, διὰ τετραετίας δὲ τὰς ἀναγραφὰς αὐτῶν ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας. | 10.1 "Down to the Olympiads, nothing accurate has been recorded by the Greeks, as everything before that time is confused and in no way consistent with itself. The Olympiads themselves, however, have been recorded accurately by many, because the Greeks made their registrations not after too long an interval, but every four years. |
| 10.2 Οὗ δὴ χάριν τὰς ἐνδοξοτάτας καὶ μυθώδεις ἐπιλεξάμενος ἱστορίας μέχρι τῆς πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐπιδραμοῦμαι· τὰς δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα συζεύξας κατὰ χρόνον ἑκάστας, εἴ τινες ἐπίσημοι, ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς τὰς Ἑβραϊκὰς, ἐξιστορῶν μὲν τὰ Ἑβραίων, ἐφαπτόμενος δὲ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἐφαρμόσω τόνδε τὸν τρόπον· λαβόμενος μιᾶς πράξεως Ἑβραϊκῆς ὁμοχρόνου πράξει ὑφ’ Ἑλλήνων ἱστορηθείσῃ, καὶ ταύτης ἐχόμενος, ἀφαιρῶν τε καὶ προστιθεὶς, τίς τε Ἕλλην ἢ Πέρσης ἢ καὶ ὁστισοῦν τῇ Ἑβραίων συνεχρόνισεν, ἐπισημειούμενος, ἴσως ἂν τοῦ σκοποῦ τύχοιμι. | 10.2 For this reason, having selected the most famous and mythical accounts down to the First Olympiad, I shall run over them quickly. But for subsequent events, I shall link each notable occurrence chronologically with Greek history—setting Hebrew history alongside Greek, recording the history of the Hebrews while touching upon that of the Greeks—and I shall adjust my plan in the following manner: by taking a single Hebrew event contemporaneous with an event recorded by the Greeks, and holding fast to it, subtracting and adding, and noting which Greek, Persian, or anyone else flourished concurrently with the Hebrews, I might perhaps attain my goal. |
| 10.3 Ἑβραίων μὲν οὖν ἡ μετοικία ἐπισημοτάτη, αἰχμαλωτισθέντων ὑπὸ Ναβουχοδονόσορ βασιλέως Βαβυλῶνος, παρέτεινεν ἔτη οʹ, καθὰ προεφήτευσεν Ἱερεμίας. τοῦ δὴ Ναβουχοδονόσορ μνημονεύει Βηρωσσὸς ὁ Βαβυλώνιος. | 10.3 Now, the most famous resettlement of the Hebrews—when they were taken captive by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon—lasted 70 years, as Jeremiah prophesied. Berossus the Babylonian also mentions this Nebuchadnezzar. |
| 10.4 Μετὰ δὲ τὰ οʹ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ἔτη Κῦρος Περσῶν ἐβασίλευσεν, ᾧ ἔτει Ὀλυμπιὰς ἤχθη νεʹ, ὡς ἐκ τῶν Βιβλιοθηκῶν Διοδώρου καὶ τῶν Θαλλοῦ καὶ Κάστορος ἱστοριῶν, ἔτι δὲ Πολυβίου καὶ Φλέγοντος ἔστιν εὑρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἑτέρων, οἷς ἐμέλησεν Ὀλυμπιάδων· ἅπασι γὰρ συνεφώνησεν ὁ χρόνος. | 10.4 After the 70 years of the captivity, Cyrus became king of the Persians, in the year when the 55th Olympiad was held [560 BCE], as can be found from the Bibliotheca of Diodorus, the histories of Thallus and Castor, and further from Polybius, Phlegon, and others who cared about the Olympiads; for the chronology is agreed upon by all of them. |
| 10.5 Κῦρος δ’ οὖν τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτει, ὅπερ ἦν Ὀλυμπιάδος νεʹ ἔτος τὸ πρῶτον, διὰ Ζοροβάβελ, καθ’ ὃν Ἰησοῦς ὁ Ἰωσεδὲκ, τὴν πρώτην καὶ μερικὴν ἀπόπεμψιν ἐποιήσατο τοῦ λαοῦ, πληρωθείσης τῆς ἑβδομηκονταετίας, ὡς ἐν τῷ Ἔσδρᾳ παρὰ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ἱστόρηται. | 10.5 Cyrus, then, in the first year of his reign—which was the first year of the 55th Olympiad—effected through Zerubbabel (alongside whom was Jeshua son of Jozadak) the first and partial release of the people upon the completion of the seventy-year period, as is recorded among the Hebrews in the Book of Ezra. |
| 10.6 Αὗται μὲν οὖν αἱ ἱστορίαι συντρέχουσι Κύρου τε βασιλείας καὶ αἰχμαλωσίας τέλους, καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὰς Ὀλυμπιάδας οὕτως εἰς ἡμᾶς εὑρεθήσεται συμφωνήσαντα· τούτοις γὰρ ἑπόμενοι καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἱστορίας κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον ἀλλήλαις ἐφαρμόσομεν. | 10.6 These histories therefore concur regarding the reign of Cyrus and the end of the captivity, and the events according to the Olympiads will thus be found harmonized down to our times; for following these, we shall adjust the rest of the historical accounts to one another according to the same system. |
| 10.7 Τὰς δὲ πρὸ τούτων ὧδέ πως τῆς Ἀττικῆς χρονογραφίας ἀριθμουμένης, ἀπὸ Ὠγύγου τοῦ παρ’ ἐκείνοις αὐτόχθονος πιστευθέντος, ἐφ’ οὗ γέγονεν ὁ μέγας καὶ πρῶτος ἐν τῇ Ἀττικῇ κατακλυσμὸς, Φορωνέως Ἀργείων βασιλεύοντος, ὡς Ἀκουσίλαος ἱστορεῖ, μέχρι πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ὁπόθεν Ἕλληνες ἀκριβοῦν τοὺς χρόνους ἐνόμισαν, ἔτη συνάγεται χίλια εἴκοσιν, ὡς καὶ τοῖς προειρημένοις συμφωνεῖ καὶ τοῖς ἐξῆς δειχθήσεται. | 10.7 As for the events prior to these, with Attic chronology reckoned as follows: from Ogyges, who is believed by them to have been an autochthon (in whose time occurred the great and first flood in Attica, while Phoroneus was king of the Argives, as Acusilaus records) down to the First Olympiad [776 BCE]—from which point the Greeks deemed it proper to fix exact dates—a total of 1,020 years is computed, which agrees with what has been said before and will be demonstrated in what follows. |
| 10.8 Ταῦτα γὰρ οἱ τὰ Ἀθηναίων ἱστοροῦντες, Ἑλλάνικός τε καὶ Φιλόχορος ὁ τὰς Ἀτθίδας, οἵ τε τὰ Συρίων Κάστωρ καὶ Θαλλὸς, καὶ ὁ τὰ πάντων Διόδωρος ὁ τὰς Βιβλιοθήκας, Ἀλέξανδρός τε ὁ Πολυΐστωρ, οἵτινες τῶν καθ’ ἡμᾶς ἀκριβέστερον ἐμνήσθησαν καὶ τῶν Ἀττικῶν ἁπάντων. εἴ τις οὖν ἐν τοῖς χιλίοις εἴκοσιν ἔτεσιν ἐπίσημος ἱστορία τυγχάνει, κατὰ τὸ χρήσιμον ἐκλεγήσεται.» | 10.8 For those who write on Athenian history—both Hellanicus and Philochorus (who wrote the Atthides), Castor and Thallus on Syrian history, Diodorus who wrote the universal Bibliotheca, and Alexander Polyhistor—have mentioned these matters with greater accuracy than our contemporaries, as well as all Attic history. If, therefore, any notable history occurs within these 1,020 years, it shall be selected according to its usefulness." |
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10.9
Καὶ μετὰ βραχέα ἐπιλέγει·
«Φαμὲν τοίνυν ἔκ γε τοῦδε τοῦ συγγράμματος Ὤγυγον, ὃς τοῦ πρώτου κατακλυσμοῦ γέγονεν ἐπώνυμος, πολλῶν διαφθαρέντων διασωθεὶς, κατὰ τὴν ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου τοῦ λαοῦ μετὰ Μώσεως ἔξοδον γεγενῆσθαι, τόνδε τὸν τρόπον. |
10.9
And shortly after, he adds:
"We say then from this present work that Ogyges, after whom the first flood was named and who survived when many perished, lived at the time of the Exodus of the people from Egypt under Moses, in the following manner: |
| 10.10 Ἐπὶ τὴν πρώτην Ὀλυμπιάδα τὴν προειρημένην ἀπὸ Ὠγύγου ἔτη δειχθήσεται ακʹ· ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐπὶ τῆς νεʹ ἔτος πρῶτον, τουτέστιν ἐπὶ Κύρου βασιλείας ἔτος πρῶτον, ὅπερ ἦν αἰχμαλωσίας τέλος, ἔτη σιζʹ. ἀπὸ Ὠγύγου τοίνυν ἐπὶ Κῦρον ἔτη ασλζʹ. εἰ δ’ ἀναφέροι τις ἐπιλογιζόμενος ἀπὸ τοῦ τέλους τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας ασλζʹ ἔτη, κατὰ ἀνάλυσιν εὑρίσκεται ταὐτὸν διάστημα ἐπὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος τῆς ἀπὸ Αἰγύπτου διὰ Μώσεως ἐξόδου Ἰσραὴλ, ὅσον ἀπὸ τῆς πεντηκοστῆς πέμπτης Ὀλυμπιάδος ἐπὶ Ὤγυγον, ὃς ἔκτισεν Ἐλευσῖνα. ὅθεν ἐπισημότερον ἔστι καταλαβεῖν τὴν Ἀττικὴν χρονογραφίαν.» | 10.10 To the aforementioned First Olympiad from Ogyges, 1,020 years will be shown; and from the First Olympiad to the first year of the 55th Olympiad—that is, the first year of the reign of Cyrus, which was the end of the captivity—there are 217 years. Therefore, from Ogyges to Cyrus there are 1,237 years. Now, if one reckons backward from the end of the captivity 1,237 years, by resolution the exact same interval is found to the first year of Israel's exodus from Egypt under Moses as from the 55th Olympiad to Ogyges, who founded Eleusis. Whence Attic chronology can be understood more clearly." |
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10.11
Καὶ μεθ’ ἕτερα·
«Καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν πρὸ Ὠγύγου· κατὰ δὲ τοὺς τούτου χρόνους ἐξῆλθε Μώσης ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου· καὶ ὡς οὐκ ἄπιστον τότε ταῦτα συμβῆναι δείκνυμεν οὕτως. |
10.11
And after other remarks:
"So much then for the events before Ogyges. But during his time Moses departed from Egypt; and that it is not incredible that these things happened then, we demonstrate as follows: |
| 10.12 Ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξόδου Μώσεως ἐπὶ Κῦρον, ὃς ἐβασίλευσε μετὰ τὴν αἰχμαλωσίαν, ἔτη ασλζʹ. Μωσέως γὰρ ἔτη τὰ λοιπὰ τεσσαράκοντα· Ἰησοῦ τοῦ μετ’ ἐκεῖνον ἡγησαμένου ἔτη κεʹ· πρεσβυτέρων ἔτη λʹ· τῶν μετὰ Ἰησοῦν Κριτῶν, τῶν τε ἐν τῇ βίβλῳ τῶν Κριτῶν περιεχομένων, ἔτη φʹ· ἱερέων δὲ Ἤλει καὶ Σαμουὴλ ἔτη μʹ· τῶν δὲ ἑξῆς βασιλέων Ἑβραίων ἔτη τετρακόσια καὶ μεʹ· τῆς δ’ αἰχμαλωσίας ἑβδομήκοντα, ἧς τὸ τελευταῖον ἔτος ἦν Κύρου βασιλείας ἔτος πρῶτον, ὡς προειρήκαμεν. | 10.12 From the exodus under Moses to Cyrus, who reigned after the captivity, there are 1,237 years. For the remaining years of Moses were 40; Joshua who led after him, 25 years; the elders, 30 years; the Judges after Joshua and those contained in the Book of Judges, 500 years; the priests Eli and Samuel, 40 years; the subsequent kings of the Hebrews, 445 years; and of the captivity, 70 years, the final year of which was the first year of the reign of Cyrus, as we said before. |
| 10.13 Ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν πρώτην Ὀλυμπιάδα ἀπὸ Μώσεως ἔτη ακʹ, εἴπερ ἐπὶ πεντηκοστῆς πέμπτης ἔτος πρῶτον ἔτη ασλζʹ· κἀν τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς συνέδραμεν ὁ χρόνος. | 10.13 Down to the First Olympiad from Moses there are 1,020 years, provided that to the first year of the 55th Olympiad there are 1,237 years; and the time concurs with Greek events as well. |
| 10.14 Μετὰ δὲ Ὤγυγον, διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ πολλὴν φθορὰν, ἀβασίλευτος ἔμεινεν ἡ νῦν Ἀττικὴ μέχρι Κέκροπος ἔτη ρπθʹ. τὸν γὰρ μετὰ Ὤγυγον Ἀκταῖον ἢ τὰ πλασσόμενα τῶν ὀνομάτων, οὐδὲ γενέσθαι φησὶ Φιλόχορος.» | 10.14 After Ogyges, owing to the great destruction from the flood, the region now called Attica remained without a king for 189 years until Cecrops. For Philochorus says that Actaeus after Ogyges, or other fictitious names, did not even exist." |
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10.15
Καὶ αὖθις·
«Ἀπὸ Ὠγύγου τοίνυν ἐπὶ Κῦρον, ὁπόσα ἀπὸ Μώσεως ἐπὶ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον, ἔτη ασλζʹ. καὶ Ἑλλήνων δέ τινες ἱστοροῦσι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους γενέσθαι Μωσέα· Πολέμων μὲν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἱστοριῶν λέγων, ἐπὶ Ἄπιδος τοῦ Φορωνέως μοῖρα τοῦ Αἰγυπτίων στρατοῦ ἐξέπεσε τῆς Αἰγύπτου, οἳ ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ καλουμένῃ Συρίᾳ οὐ πόρρω Ἀραβίας ᾤκησαν, αὐτοὶ δηλονότι οἱ μετὰ Μωσέως. |
10.15
And again:
"From Ogyges then to Cyrus is the same number of years as from Moses to the same time: 1,237 years. Moreover, some of the Greeks record that Moses lived around these same times: Polemon, for instance, in the first book of his Greek Histories, says that in the time of Apis son of Phoroneus, a division of the Egyptian army was expelled from Egypt, and settled in Syria called Palestine, not far from Arabia—meaning clearly those who were with Moses. |
| 10.16 Ἀπίων δὲ ὁ Ποσειδωνίου, περιεργότατος γραμματικῶν, ἐν τῇ κατὰ Ἰουδαίων βίβλῳ καὶ ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν φησι κατὰ Ἴναχον Ἄργους βασιλέα, Ἀμώσιος Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεύοντος, ἀποστῆναι Ἰουδαίους, ὧν ἡγεῖσθαι Μωσέα. | 10.16 And Apion the son of Posidonius [or teacher of rhetoric], the most inquisitive of grammarians, in his book Against the Jews and in the fourth book of his Histories, says that during the reign of Inachus king of Argos, when Amosis was king of the Egyptians, the Jews revolted under the leadership of Moses. |
| 10.17 Μέμνηται δὲ καὶ Ἡρόδοτος τῆς ἀποστασίας ταύτης καὶ Ἀμώσιος ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ· τρόπῳ δέ τινι καὶ Ἰουδαίων αὐτῶν, ἐν τοῖς περιτεμνομένοις αὐτοὺς καταριθμῶν, καὶ Ἀσσυρίους τοὺς ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ ἀποκαλῶν, τάχα δι’ Ἁβραάμ. | 10.17 Herodotus also mentions this revolt and Amosis in his second book; and in a way he mentions the Jews themselves, listing them among those who practice circumcision and calling them 'Assyrians in Palestine,' perhaps on account of Abraham. |
| 10.18 Πτολεμαῖος δὲ ὁ Μενδήσιος τὰ Αἰγυπτίων ἀνέκαθεν ἱστορῶν ἅπασι τούτοις συντρέχει· ὥστε οὐδ’ ἐπίσημος ἐπὶ πλέον ἡ τῶν χρόνων παραλλαγή. | 10.18 Ptolemy of Mendes, who recorded Egyptian history from the beginning, concurs with all these; so that the variation in dates is no longer significant. |
| 10.19 Σημειωτέον δὲ ὡς ὅ τι ποτὲ ἐξαίρετον Ἕλλησι δι’ ἀρχαιότητα μυθεύεται, μετὰ Μωσέα τοῦτ’ εὑρίσκεται, κατακλυσμοί τε καὶ ἐκπυρώσεις, Προμηθεὺς, Ἰὼ, Εὐρώπη, Σπαρτοὶ, Κόρης ἁρπαγὴ, μυστήρια, νομοθεσίαι, Διονύσου πράξεις, Περσεὺς, ἆθλοι Ἡράκλειοι, Ἀργοναῦται, Κένταυροι, Μινώταυρος, τὰ περὶ Ἴλιον, Ἡρακλειδῶν κάθοδος, Ἰώνων ἀποικία, καὶ Ὀλυμπιάδες. | 10.19 It should be noted that whatever is mythologized by the Greeks as extraordinary on account of its antiquity is found to occur after Moses: floods, conflagrations, Prometheus, Io, Europa, the Spartoi, the abduction of Kore, mysteries, lawgivings, the deeds of Dionysus, Perseus, the labors of Heracles, the Argonauts, Centaurs, the Minotaur, the Trojan events, the return of the Heracleidae, the Ionian colonization, and the Olympiads. |
| 10.20 Ἔδοξε δή μοι τῆς Ἀττικῆς βασιλείας τὸν προειρημένον ἐκτιθέναι χρόνον, παρατιθέναι μέλλοντι ταῖς Ἑβραϊκαῖς ἱστορίαις τὰς Ἑλληνικάς. ἐξέσται γὰρ τῷ βουλομένῳ, παρ’ ἐμοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν κομιζομένῳ, λογίζεσθαι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὁμοίως ἐμοί.» | 10.20 I have thought it best, therefore, to set forth the aforementioned chronology of the Attic kings, as I intend to compare Greek histories alongside Hebrew ones. For whoever wishes, taking this starting point from me, will be able to calculate the total number just as I have done." |
| 10.21 «Οὐκοῦν τῶν χιλίων καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν, τῶν μέχρι πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος ἀπὸ Μωσέως τε καὶ Ὠγύγου ἐκκειμένων, πρώτῳ μὲν ἔτει τὸ Πάσχα καὶ τῶν Ἑβραίων ἔξοδος ἡ ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἀττικῇ ὁ ἐπὶ Ὠγύγου γίνεται κατακλυσμός· καὶ κατὰ λόγον. | 10.21 "Therefore, of the 1,020 years laid out from Moses and Ogyges down to the First Olympiad, in the first year occurred the Passover and the Exodus of the Hebrews from Egypt, and in Attica occurred the flood of Ogyges; and this stands to reason. |
| 10.22 Τῶν γὰρ Αἰγυπτίων ὀργῇ θεοῦ χαλάζαις τε καὶ χειμῶσι μαστιζομένων εἰκὸς ἦν μέρη τινὰ συμπάσχειν τῆς γῆς, ὅτι Ἀθηναίους τῶν αὐτῶν Αἰγυπτίοις ἀπολαύειν εἰκὸς ἦν, ἀποίκους ἐκείνων ὑπονοουμένους, ὥς φασιν ἄλλοι τε καὶ ἐν τῷ Τρικαράνῳ Θεόπομπος. | 10.22 For while the Egyptians were being plagued by the wrath of God with hail and storms, it was natural that certain adjacent parts of the earth should suffer along with them—since it was likely that the Athenians should share the same fate as the Egyptians, being thought to be colonists from them, as Theopompus among others says in his Tricaranus. |
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10.23
Ὁ δὲ μεταξὺ χρόνος παραλέλειπται, ἐν ᾧ μηδὲν ἐξαίρετον Ἕλλησιν ἱστόρηται. μετὰ δὲ τέσσαρα καὶ ἐνενήκοντα ἔτη ἦν Προμηθεὺς, ὥς τινες, ὃς πλάσσειν ἀνθρώπους ἐμυθεύετο· σοφὸς γὰρ ὢν εἰς παιδείαν αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἄγαν ἰδιωτείας μετέπλαττε.»
Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Ἀφρικανός. μεταβῶμεν δ’ ἡμεῖς ἐφ’ ἕτερον. |
10.23
The intervening period has been omitted, in which nothing noteworthy is recorded by the Greeks. But after 94 years came Prometheus, according to some, who was mythologized as having fashioned men; for being wise, he transformed them through education from extreme ignorance."
Thus far Africanus. Let us now pass on to another author. |
Chapter 11
In this chapter, Tatian (quoted by Eusebius) presents an apologetic argument asserting the superior antiquity of Moses and Jewish philosophy over Greek literature, culture, and legislation.
Homer vs. Moses: Tatian sets Homer as the pinnacle of Greek wisdom/literature and Moses as the founder of Jewish/barbarian wisdom. He cites a wide range of Greek historians, chronographers, and grammarians (e.g., Theagenes, Herodotus, Eratosthenes, Aristarchus) to show that even by Greek estimates, Homer lived long after the Trojan War.
The Date of Moses: Citing native historians (Berossus for the Chaldeans; Theodotus, Hypsicrates, Mochus, and Laitus for the Phoenicians; Ptolemy of Mendes and Apion for the Egyptians), Tatian places Moses contemporary with King Amasis (or Inachus of Argos), hundreds of years before the Trojan War, making him far older than Homer, Cadmus, and the Trojan heroes.
Greek Mythical & Historical Figures: He systematically reviews key mythical figures (Orpheus, Linus, Musaeus), early poets, legislators (Minos, Lycurgus, Draco, Solon), and philosophers (Thales, Pythagoras), demonstrating that all of them postdate Moses by centuries.
Conclusion: Tatian concludes that Greek writers borrowed, misinterpreted, or corrupted ancient truth, and declares his background as an Assyrian-born philosopher who embraces the true, ancient philosophy of God.
| 11.1 Νῦν δὲ προσήκειν μοι νομίζω παραστῆσαι πρεσβυτέραν τὴν ἡμετέραν φιλοσοφίαν τῶν παρ’ Ἕλλησιν ἐπιτηδευμάτων. Ὅροι δ’ ἡμῖν κείσονται Μώσης καὶ Ὅμηρος· τῷ γὰρ ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν εἶναι παλαίτατον, καὶ τὸν μὲν ποιητῶν καὶ ἱστορικῶν εἶναι πρεσβύτατον, τὸν δὲ πάσης σοφίας βαρβάρου ἀρχηγόν, καὶ ὑφ’ ἡμῶν νῦν εἰς σύγκρισιν παραλαμβανέσθωσαν. | 11.1 Now I think it fitting for me to demonstrate that our philosophy is older than the pursuits of the Greeks. Let Moses and Homer be set as our benchmarks. Since each of them is the most ancient—the one being the oldest of poets and historians, and the other the founder of all barbarian wisdom—let them now be taken up by us for comparison. |
| 11.2 Εὑρήσομεν γὰρ οὐ μόνον τῆς Ἑλλήνων παιδείας τὰ παρ’ ἡμῖν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῆς τῶν γραμμάτων εὑρέσεως ἀνώτερα· μάρτυράς τε οὐ τοὺς οἴκοι παραλήψομαι, βοηθοῖς δὲ μᾶλλον Ἕλλησι καταχρήσομαι. Τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἄγνωμον, ὅτι μηδ’ ὑφ’ ὑμῶν παραδεκτόν· τὸ δέ, ἂν ἀποδεικνύηται, θαυμαστόν, ὁπόταν ὑμῖν διὰ τῶν ὑμετέρων ὅπλων ἀντερείδω, ἀνυπόπτους καθ’ ὑμῶν τοὺς ἐλέγχους παραλαμβάνων. | 11.2 For we shall find that our traditions are older not only than the education of the Greeks, but even than the invention of letters. And I shall not take witnesses from my own household, but rather I shall make full use of the Greeks as helpers. For to rely on our own would be unreasonable, since it would not be accepted by you; but the other approach, if proven, is marvelous—when I resist you using your own weapons, presenting refutations against you that are beyond suspicion. |
| 11.3 Περὶ γὰρ τῆς Ὁμήρου ποιήσεως γένους τε αὐτοῦ καὶ χρόνου καθ’ ὃν ἤκμασε προηρεύνησαν πρεσβύτατοι μὲν Θεαγένης τε ὁ Ῥηγῖνος κατὰ Καμβύσην γεγονώς, καὶ Στησίμβροτος ὁ Θάσιος, καὶ Ἀντίμαχος ὁ Κολοφώνιος, Ἡρόδοτός τε Ἁλικαρνασσεύς, καὶ Διονύσιος Ὀλύνθιος· μετὰ δὲ ἐκείνους Ἔφορος ὁ Κυμαῖος, καὶ Φιλόχορος ὁ Ἀθηναῖος, Μεγακλείδης τε καὶ Χαμαιλέων οἱ Περιπατητικοί· ἔπειτα γραμματικοί, Ζηνόδοτος, Ἀριστοφάνης, Καλλίμαχος, Κράτης, Ἐρατοσθένης, Ἀρίσταρχος, Ἀπολλόδωρος. | 11.3 Regarding the poetry of Homer, as well as his lineage and the time in which he flourished, the oldest writers investigated the matter: Theagenes of Rhegium (who lived in the time of Cambyses), Stesimbrotus of Thasos, Antimachus of Colophon, Herodotus of Halicarnassus, and Dionysius of Olynthus. After them came Ephorus of Cyme, Philochorus of Athens, and Megacleides and Chamaeleon the Peripatetics. Then came the grammarians: Zenodotus, Aristophanes, Callimachus, Crates, Eratosthenes, Aristarchus, and Apollodorus. |
| 11.4 Τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν περὶ Κράτητα πρὸ τῆς Ἡρακλειδῶν καθύδου φασὶν αὐτὸν ἠκμακέναι, μετὰ τὰ Τρωϊκὰ ἐνδοτέρω τῶν ὀγδοήκοντα ἐτῶν· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἐρατοσθένην μετὰ ἑκατοστὸν ἔτος τῆς Ἰλίου ἁλώσεως· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀρίσταρχον κατὰ τὴν Ἰωνικὴν ἀποικίαν, ἥ ἐστι μετὰ ἑκατὸν τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη τῶν Ἰλιακῶν· Φιλόχορος δὲ μετὰ τὴν Ἰωνικὴν ἀποικίαν ἔτεσι τεσσαράκοντα, ἐπὶ ἄρχοντος Ἀθήνησιν Ἀρξίππου, τῶν Ἰλιακῶν ὕστερον ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν ὀγδοήκοντα· οἱ δὲ περὶ Ἀπολλόδωρον μετὰ τὴν Ἰωνικὴν ἀποικίαν ἔτεσιν ἑκατόν, ὃ γένοιτ’ ἂν ὕστερον τῶν Ἰλιακῶν ἔτεσι διακοσίοις τεσσαράκοντα· τινὲς δὲ πρὸ τῶν Ὀλυμπιάδων ἔφασαν αὐτὸν γεγονέναι, τουτέστι μετὰ τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν ἔτεσι τετρακοσίοις· ἕτεροι δὲ κάτω τὸν χρόνον ὑπήγαγον, σὺν Ἀρχιλόχῳ γεγονέναι τὸν Ὅμηρον εἰπόντες· ὁ δὲ Ἀρχίλοχος ἤκμασε περὶ Ὀλυμπιάδα τρίτην καὶ εἰκοστήν, κατὰ Γύγην τὸν Λυδόν, ὕστερον τῶν Ἰλιακῶν ἔτεσι πεντακοσίοις. | 11.4 Of these, the school of Crates say that he flourished before the Return of the Heracleidae, within eighty years after the Trojan War. The school of Eratosthenes place him a hundred years after the fall of Ilium. The school of Aristarchus place him at the time of the Ionian colonization, which is 140 years after the Trojan events. Philochorus places him 40 years after the Ionian colonization, under the archonship of Archippus at Athens—180 years after the Trojan events. The school of Apollodorus place him 100 years after the Ionian colonization, which would be 240 years after the Trojan events. Some said he lived before the Olympiads, that is to say, 400 years after the fall of Ilium. Others brought his date down even lower, saying that Homer was a contemporary of Archilochus; and Archilochus flourished around the 23rd Olympiad, in the time of Gyges the Lydian, 500 years after the Trojan events. |
| 11.5 Καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν χρόνων τοῦ προειρημένου ποιητοῦ, λέγω δὴ Ὁμήρου, στάσεώς τε καὶ τῶν εἰπόντων τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν ἀσυμφωνίας τοῖς ἐπ’ ἀκριβὲς ἐξετάζειν δυναμένοις αὐταρκῶς ἡμῖν ὡς ἐπὶ κεφαλαίῳ εἰρήσθω. Δυνατὸν γὰρ παντὶ ψευδεῖς ἀποφαίνεσθαι καὶ τὰς περὶ τοὺς λόγους δόξας. Παρήων γὰρ ἀσυνάρτητός ἐστιν ἡ τῶν χρόνων ἀναγραφή, παρὰ τούτοις οὐδὲ τὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ἀληθεύειν δύναται. | 11.5 And regarding the dates of the aforementioned poet—I mean Homer—and the disagreement and discord among those who have spoken about him, let enough have been said by us in outline for those who are able to examine the matter precisely. For it is possible for anyone to show that opinions about literature are false; for among those with whom the chronological record is incoherent, the historical details cannot be true either. |
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11.6
Καὶ μετὰ βραχέα·
«Πλὴν Ὅμηρος ἔστω μὴ μόνον ὕστερος τῶν Ἰλιακῶν, ἀλλὰ κατ’ ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸν ὑπειλήφθω γεγονέναι τὸν τοῦ πολέμου καιρόν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Ἀγαμέμνονα συνεστρατεῦσθαι, κἂν βούληταί τις, καὶ πρὸ τῶν στοιχείων τὴν εὕρεσιν γεγονέναι· φανήσεται γὰρ ὁ προειρημένος Μώσης αὐτῆς μὲν τῆς Ἰλιακῆς ἁλώσεως πρεσβύτερος πάνυ πολλοῖς ἔτεσι, τῆς δὲ γεγονυίας Ἰλίου κτίσεως καὶ τοῦ Τρωὸς καὶ Δαρδάνου λίαν ἀρχαιότερος. |
11.6
And after a short interval [Tatian says]:
“Yet let Homer be considered not only later than the Trojan events, but let him even be assumed to have lived at the very time of that war—and indeed even to have served on campaign with Agamemnon’s forces, or, if anyone wishes, even before the invention of the alphabet! For the aforementioned Moses will still appear older than the fall of Ilium itself by very many years, and far more ancient than the founding of Ilium, and than Tros and Dardanus. |
| 11.7 Ἀποδείξεως δὲ ἕνεκα μάρτυσι χρήσομαι Χαλδαίοις, Φοίνιξιν, Αἰγυπτίοις. Καὶ τί μοι λέγειν πλείονα; Χρὴ γὰρ τὸν πείθειν ἐπαγγελλόμενον συντομωτέρας ποιεῖσθαι τὰς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων πρὸς τοὺς ἀκούοντας διηγήσεις. | 11.7 For proof, I shall use as witnesses the Chaldeans, Phoenicians, and Egyptians. And why should I say more? For he who promises to persuade ought to make his accounts of the matters shorter for his listeners. |
| 11.8 Βηρωσσὸς ἀνὴρ Βαβυλώνιος, ἱερεὺς τοῦ παρ’ αὐτοῖς Βήλου, κατ’ Ἀλέξανδρον γενόμενος, Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ μετὰ Σέλευκον τρίτῳ τὴν Χαλδαίων ἱστορίαν ἐν τρισὶ βιβλίοις κατατάξας καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων ἐκτιθέμενος, ἀφηγεῖταί τινος αὐτῶν ὄνομα Ναβουχοδονόσορ, τοῦ συστρατεύσαντος ἐπὶ Φοίνικας καὶ Ἰουδαίους, ἅτινα διὰ τῶν καθ’ ἡμᾶς προφητῶν ἴσμεν κεκηρυγμένα, γεγονότα μὲν πολὺ τῆς Μώσεως ἡλικίας κατώτερα, πρὸ δὲ τῆς Περσῶν ἡγεμονίας ἔτεσιν ἑβδομήκοντα. | 11.8 Berossus, a Babylonian man—a priest of Belus among them—who lived in the time of Alexander, compiled the Chaldean history in three books for Antiochus, the third after Seleucus. In setting forth the deeds of the kings, he mentions the name of one of them, Nebuchadnezzar, who marched against the Phoenicians and Jews—events which we know were proclaimed through our prophets, and which occurred long after the age of Moses, but 70 years before the Persian empire. |
| 11.9 Βηρωσσὸς δέ ἐστιν ἀνὴρ ἱκανώτατος· καὶ τούτου τεκμήριον Ἰόβας, ὃς Περὶ Ἀσσυρίων γράφων παρὰ Βηρωσσοῦ φησι μεμαθηκέναι τὴν ἱστορίαν· εἰσὶ δ’ αὐτῷ βίβλοι Περὶ Ἀσσυρίων δύο.» | 11.9 And Berossus is a most capable man; a proof of this is Juba, who, in writing On the Assyrians, says he learned the history from Berossus. And he has two books On the Assyrians.” |
| 11.10 «Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς Χαλδαίους τὰ Φοινίκων οὕτως ἔχει. Γεγόνασι παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἄνδρες τρεῖς, Θεόδοτος, Ὑψικράτης, Μῶχος. Τούτων τὰς βίβλους εἰς Ἑλληνίδα κατέταξε φωνὴν Λαῖτος, ὁ καὶ τοὺς βίους τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐπ’ ἀκριβὲς πραγματευσάμενος. | 11.10 “After the Chaldeans, the records of the Phoenicians stand as follows. Three men lived among them: Theodotus, Hypsicrates, and Mochus. Laitus translated their books into the Greek language—the same man who carefully treated the lives of the philosophers. |
| 11.11 Ἐν δὴ ταῖς τῶν προειρημένων ἱστορίαις δηλοῦται κατά τινα τῶν βασιλέων Εὐρώπης ἁρπαγὴ γεγονέναι, Μενελάου τε εἰς τὴν Φοινίκην ἄφιξις, καὶ τὰ περὶ Εἴραμον, ὅστις Σολομῶνι τῷ Ἰουδαίων βασιλεῖ πρὸς γάμον δοὺς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρα καὶ ξύλων παντοδαπῶν ὕλην εἰς τὴν τοῦ νεὼ κατασκευὴν ἐδωρήσατο. | 11.11 In the histories of these men mentioned, it is shown that under a certain king the abduction of Europa took place, as well as Menelaus’s arrival in Phoenicia, and the events concerning Hiram, who gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon, king of the Jews, and presented him with timber of all kinds for the construction of the Temple. |
| 11.12 Καὶ Μένανδρος δὲ ὁ Περγαμηνὸς περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀναγραφὴν ἐποιήσατο. Τοῦ δὲ Εἰράμου ὁ χρόνος ἤδη που τοῖς Ἰλιακοῖς ἐγγίζει· Σολομῶν δὲ ὁ κατ’ Εἴραμον πολὺ κατώτερός ἐστι τῆς Μώσεως ἡλικίας.» | 11.12 And Menander of Pergamum also made a record concerning these same matters. Now the time of Hiram already approaches the Trojan era; but Solomon, who was contemporary with Hiram, lived long after the age of Moses.” |
| 11.13 «Αἰγυπτίων δ’ εἰσὶν ἀκριβεῖς χρόνων ἀναγραφαί. Καὶ τῶν κατ’ αὐτοὺς γραμμάτων ἑρμηνεὺς Πτολεμαῖος, οὐχ ὁ βασιλεύς, ἱερεὺς δὲ Μένδητος· οὗτος τὰς τῶν βασιλέων πράξεις ἐκτιθέμενος κατ’ Ἄμωσιν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα γεγονέναι Ἰουδαίοις φησὶ τὴν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου πορείαν εἰς ἅπερ ἤθελον χωρία, Μώσεως ἡγουμένου. | 11.13 “Among the Egyptians, there are accurate records of dates. Ptolemy—not the king, but a priest of Mendes—was an interpreter of their writings. Setting forth the deeds of the kings, he says that under Amasis, king of Egypt, the departure of the Jews from Egypt to whatever places they wished took place, under the leadership of Moses. |
| 11.14 Λέγει δὲ οὕτως· “Ὁ δὲ Ἄμωσις ἐγένετο κατὰ τὸν Ἴναχον τὸν βασιλέα.” Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Ἀπίων ὁ γραμματικός, ἀνὴρ δοκιμώτατος, ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶν (πέντε δέ εἰσιν αὐτῷ γραφαί) πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα, φησὶ δ’ ὅτι κατέσκαψε τὴν Αὔαριν Ἄμωσις, κατὰ τὸν Ἀργεῖον γενόμενος Ἴναχον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς Χρόνοις ἀνέγραψεν ὁ Μενδήσιος Πτολεμαῖος. | 11.14 He speaks as follows: ‘Amasis lived in the time of King Inachus.’ After him, Apion the grammarian, a most distinguished man, in the fourth book of his Egyptian History (he wrote five books), says among many other things that Amasis destroyed Avaris, having lived in the time of Inachus of Argos, as Ptolemy of Mendes recorded in his Chronicles. |
| 11.15 Ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου χρόνος ἄχρι τῆς Ἰλίου ἁλώσεως ἀποπληροῖ γενεὰς εἴκοσι. Καὶ τὰ τῆς ἀποδείξεως τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον.» | 11.15 The time from Inachus to the fall of Ilium completes twenty generations. And the proof of this is as follows.” |
| 11.16 «Γεγόνασιν Ἀργείων βασιλεῖς οἵδε· Ἴναχος, Φορωνεύς, Ἆπις, Ἀργεῖος, Κρίασος, Φορβᾶς, Τριόπας, Κρότωπος, Σθενέλαος, Δαναός, Λυγκεύς, Ἄβας, Προῖτος, Ἀκρίσιος, Περσεύς, Εὐρυσθεύς, Ἀτρεύς, Θυέστης, Ἀγαμέμνων, οὗ κατὰ τὸ ὀκτωκαιδέκατον ἔτος τῆς βασιλείας Ἴλιον ἑάλω. | 11.16 “These were the kings of Argos: Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, Argius, Criasus, Phorbas, Triopas, Crotopus, Sthenelaus, Danaus, Lynceus, Abas, Proetus, Acrisius, Perseus, Eurystheus, Atreus, Thyestes, Agamemnon—in the eighteenth year of whose reign Ilium was taken. |
| 11.17 Καὶ χρὴ τὸν νουνεχῆ συνιέναι μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων παράδοσιν οὐδ’ ἱστορίας τις ἦν παρ’ αὐτοῖς ἀναγραφή. Κάδμος γὰρ ὁ τὰ στοιχεῖα τοῖς προειρημένοις παραδοὺς μετὰ πολλὰς γενεὰς τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐπέβη. | 11.17 And the intelligent person must understand with all accuracy that according to the Greek tradition there was not even any recording of history among them. For Cadmus, who handed down the letters to those mentioned above, arrived in Boeotia many generations later. |
| 11.18 Μετὰ δὲ Ἴναχον ὑπὸ Φορωνέως μόλις τοῦ θηριώδους βίου καὶ νομάδος περιγραφὴ γέγονε, μετεκοσμήθησάν τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι. Διόπερ εἰ κατὰ Ἴναχον πέφηνεν ὁ Μώσης γεγονώς, πρεσβύτερός ἐστι τῶν Ἰλιακῶν ἔτεσι τετρακοσίοις. | 11.18 After Inachus, under Phoroneus, the wild and nomadic life was barely brought to an end, and human society was organized. Therefore, if Moses is shown to have lived in the time of Inachus, he is older than the Trojan War by 400 years. |
| 11.19 Ἀποδείκνυται δὲ τοῦθ’ οὕτως ἔχον ἀπό τε τῆς τῶν Ἀττικῶν βασιλέων διαδοχῆς, Μακεδονικῶν τε καὶ Πτολεμαϊκῶν, ἔτι δὲ καὶ Ἀντιοχικῶν. Ὅθεν εἰ μετὰ τὸν Ἴναχον αἱ διαφανέσταται πράξεις παρ’ Ἕλλησιν ἐγράφησάν τε καὶ γινώσκονται, δῆλον ὡς καὶ μετὰ Μωσέα. | 11.19 This is proven to be so from the succession of the Athenian kings, as well as the Macedonian, Ptolemaic, and Antiochian lines. Hence, if the most famous events among the Greeks were written down and known only after Inachus, it is clear that it was also after Moses. |
| 11.20 Κατὰ μὲν γὰρ Φορωνέα τὸν μετ’ Ἴναχον μνημονεύεται παρ’ Ἀθηναίοις Ὤγυγος, ἐφ’ οὗ κατακλυσμὸς ὁ πρῶτος· κατὰ δὲ Φόρβαντα Ἀκταῖος, ἀφ’ οὗ Ἀκταία ἡ Ἀττική· κατὰ δὲ Τριόπαν Προμηθεὺς καὶ Ἐπιμηθεὺς καὶ Ἄτλας καὶ ὁ διφυὴς Κέκροψ καὶ ἡ Ἰώ· | 11.20 For under Phoroneus, the successor of Inachus, Ogygus is mentioned among the Athenians, in whose time the first flood occurred; under Phorbas, Actaeus, from whom Actaea [Attica] was named; under Triopas, Prometheus, Epimetheus, Atlas, the two-formed Cecrops, and Io; |
| 11.21 Κατὰ δὲ Κρότωπον ἡ ἐπὶ Φαέθοντος ἐκπύρωσις καὶ ἡ ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος ἐπομβρία· κατὰ δὲ Σθενέλαον ἥ τε Ἀμφικτύονος βασιλεία καὶ ἡ εἰς Πελοπόννησον Δαναοῦ παρουσία καὶ ἡ ὑπὸ Δαρδάνου τῆς Δαρδανίας κτίσις, ἥ τε ἐκ Φοινίκης τῆς Εὐρώπης εἰς τὴν Κρήτην ἀνακομιδή· | 11.21 Under Crotopus, the conflagration under Phaethon and the deluge under Deucalion; under Sthenelaus, the reign of Amphictyon, the arrival of Danaus in the Peloponnese, the founding of Dardania by Dardanus, and the transport of Europa from Phoenicia to Crete; |
| 11.22 Κατὰ δὲ Λυγκέα τῆς Κόρης ἡ ἁρπαγὴ καὶ ἡ τοῦ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι τεμένους καθίδρυσις, καὶ ἡ Τριπτολέμου γεωργία, καὶ ἡ Κάδμου εἰς Θήβας παρουσία, Μίνωός τε βασιλεία· | 11.22 Under Lynceus, the abduction of Kore [Persephone], the establishment of the sacred precinct at Eleusis, the agriculture of Triptolemus, the arrival of Cadmus in Thebes, and the reign of Minos; |
| 11.23 Κατὰ δὲ Προῖτον ὁ Εὐμόλπου πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πόλεμος· κατὰ δὲ Ἀκρίσιον Πέλοπος ἀπὸ Φρυγίας διάβασις, καὶ Ἴωνος εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄφιξις, καὶ ὁ δεύτερος Κέκροψ, αἵ τε Περσέως πράξεις· κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀγαμέμνονος βασιλείαν Ἴλιον ἑάλω.» | 11.23 Under Proetus, the war of Eumolpus against the Athenians; under Acrisius, the passage of Pelops from Phrygia, the arrival of Ion in Athens, the second Cecrops, and the deeds of Perseus; and under the reign of Agamemnon, Ilium was taken.” |
| 11.24 «Οὐκοῦν πέφηνεν ὁ Μωσῆς ἀπό γε τῶν προειρημένων πρεσβύτατος ἡρώων, πόλεων, δαιμόνων. Καὶ χρὴ τῷ πρεσβεύοντι κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν πιστεύειν μᾶλλον ἤπερ τοῖς ἀπὸ πηγῆς ἀρυσαμένοις Ἕλλησιν οὐ κατ’ ἐπίγνωσιν τἀκείνου δόγματα. | 11.24 “Therefore, Moses has been shown to be older than the aforementioned heroes, cities, and demons [gods/spirits]. And one ought to trust the one who is older in age rather than the Greeks, who drew his doctrines from the source without full knowledge. |
| 11.25 Πολλοὶ γὰρ οἱ κατ’ αὐτοὺς σοφισταὶ κεχρημένοι περιεργίᾳ, οἳ ὅσα παρὰ τῶν κατὰ Μωσέα καὶ τῶν ὁμοίως αὐτῷ φιλοσοφούντων ἔγνωσαν παραχαράττειν ἐπειράθησαν, πρῶτον μὲν ἵνα τι λέγειν ἴδιον νομισθῶσι, δεύτερον δ’ ὅπως τὰ ὅσα μὴ συνίεσαν, διά τινος ἐπιπλάστου ῥητολογίας παρακαλύπτοντες, ὡς μυθολογίαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν παραβραβεύσωσι.» | 11.25 For many sophists among them, indulging in meddlesomeness, attempted to falsify whatever they learned from Moses and those who philosophized like him—first, so that they might be thought to say something original; second, so that by concealing whatever they did not understand through a kind of artificial rhetoric, they might misrepresent the truth as mere mythology.” |
| 11.26 «Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς καθ’ ἡμᾶς πολιτείας, ἱστορίας τε τῆς κατὰ τοὺς ἡμετέρους νόμους, ὅσα τε εἰρήκασιν οἱ παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι λόγιοι, καὶ πόσοι καὶ τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ μνημονεύσαντες, ἐν τῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἀποφηναμένους τὰ περὶ θεοῦ δειχθήσεται· | 11.26 “Concerning our way of life, then, and the history according to our laws, and how much the learned men among the Greeks have spoken, and who and how many those who mention them are, will be shown in the treatise Against Those Who Have Declared Opinions Concerning God. |
| 11.27 Τὸ δὲ νῦν ἔχον, σπευστέον μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας σαφηνίζειν ὡς οὐχ Ὁμήρου μόνον πρεσβύτερός ἐστιν ὁ Μωσῆς, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ συγγραφέων, Λίνου, Φιλάμμονος, Θαμύριδος, Ἀμφίονος, Ὀρφέως, Μουσαίου, Δημοδόκου, Φημίου, Σιβύλλης, Ἐπιμενίδου τοῦ Κρητός, ὅστις εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην ἀφίκετο, Ἀρισταίου τοῦ Προκοννησίου, καὶ τοῦ τὰ Ἀριμάσπια συγγράψαντος, Ἀσβόλου τε τοῦ Κενταύρου, καὶ Ἰσάτιδος, Δρυμῶνός τε καὶ Εὔκλου τοῦ Κυπρίου, καὶ Ὥρου τοῦ Σαμίου, καὶ Προναπίδου τοῦ Ἀθηναίου. | 11.27 For the present, we must make every effort to clarify with all accuracy that Moses is older not only than Homer, but also than the writers before him: Linus, Philammon, Thamyris, Amphion, Orpheus, Musaeus, Demodocus, Phemius, the Sibyl, Epimenides of Crete (who came to Sparta), Aristeas of Proconnesus, the author of the Arimaspea, Asbolus the Centaur, Isatis, Drymon, Euclus of Cyprus, Horus of Samos, and Pronapides of Athens. |
| 11.28 Λίνος μὲν γὰρ Ἡρακλέους ἐστὶ διδάσκαλος, ὁ δὲ Ἡρακλῆς μιᾷ τῶν Τρωϊκῶν προγενέστερος πέφηνε γενεᾷ· τοῦτο δέ ἐστι φανερὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς αὐτοῦ Τληπολέμου, τοῦ στρατεύσαντος ἐπὶ Ἴλιον. | 11.28 For Linus was the teacher of Heracles, and Heracles appears one generation prior to the Trojan events; this is evident from his son Tlepolemus, who campaigned against Ilium. |
| 11.29 Ὀρφεὺς δὲ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον Ἡρακλεῖ γέγονεν· ἄλλως τε καὶ τὰ εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπεισφερόμενά φασιν ὑπὸ Ὀνομακρίτου τοῦ Ἀθηναίου συντετάχθαι, γενομένου κατὰ τὴν Πεισιστρατιδῶν ἀρχήν, περὶ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα. | 11.29 Orpheus lived at the same time as Heracles; moreover, they say that the works attributed to him were composed by Onomacritus of Athens, who lived during the rule of the Pisistratids, around the 50th Olympiad. |
| 11.30 Τοῦ δ’ Ὀρφέως Μουσαῖος μαθητής. Ἀμφίων δὲ δυσὶ προάγων γενεαῖς τῶν Τρωϊκῶν τοῦ πλείονα πρὸς τοὺς φιλομαθεῖς συντάττειν ἡμᾶς ἀπείργει. Δημόδοκός τε καὶ Φήμιος κατ’ αὐτὸν τὸν Τρωϊκὸν πόλεμον γεγόνασι· διέτριβον γὰρ ὁ μὲν παρὰ τοῖς μνηστῆρσιν, ὁ δὲ παρὰ τοῖς Φαίαξι. Καὶ ὁ Θάμυρις καὶ ὁ Φιλάμμων οὐ πολὺ τούτων εἰσὶν ἀρχαιότεροι. | 11.30 Musaeus was a disciple of Orpheus. Amphion, preceding the Trojan events by two generations, prevents us from setting down more for those who love learning. Demodocus and Phemius lived during the Trojan War itself, for the one spent time among the suitors, and the other among the Phaeacians. Thamyris and Philammon are not much older than these. |
| 11.31 Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς καθ’ ἕκαστον λόγον πραγματείας, χρόνων τε καὶ ἀναγραφῆς αὐτῶν, ὡς οἶμαι, σφόδρα μετὰ πάσης ὑμῖν ἀκριβείας ἀνεγράψαμεν· ἵνα δὲ καὶ τὸ μέχρι νῦν ἐνδέον ἀποπληρώσωμεν, ἔτι καὶ περὶ τῶν νομιζομένων σοφῶν ποιήσομαι τὴν ἀπόδειξιν. | 11.31 Concerning the treatment of each account, their dates, and their recording, I think we have written for you with all possible accuracy. But so that we may fulfill what is still lacking up to this point, I shall further make a demonstration concerning those who are considered wise. |
| 11.32 Μίνως μὲν γάρ, ὁ πάσης προύχειν νομισθεὶς σοφίας ἀγχινοίας τε καὶ νομοθεσίας, ἐπὶ Λυγκέως τοῦ μετὰ Δαναὸν βασιλεύσαντος γέγονεν, ἑνδεκάτῃ γενεᾷ μετὰ Ἴναχον. Λυκοῦργος δέ, πολὺ μετὰ τὴν Ἰλίου γεννηθεὶς ἅλωσιν, πρὸ τῶν Ὀλυμπιάδων ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν νομοθετεῖ Λακεδαιμονίοις. | 11.32 For Minos, who was thought to excel all in wisdom, shrewdness, and legislation, lived in the time of Lynceus, who reigned after Danaus, in the eleventh generation after Inachus. Lycurgus, born long after the fall of Ilium, gave laws to the Lacedaemonians a hundred years before the Olympiads. |
| 11.33 Δράκων δὲ περὶ Ὀλυμπιάδα τριακοστὴν καὶ ἐνάτην εὑρίσκεται γεγονώς· Σόλων δὲ περὶ τεσσαρακοστὴν καὶ ἕκτην· Πυθαγόρας κατὰ τὴν ἑξηκοστὴν δευτέραν. Τὰς δὲ Ὀλυμπιάδας ὕστερον τῶν Ἰλιακῶν ἔτεσιν ἀπεδείξαμεν γεγονυίας τετρακοσίοις πέντε. | 11.33 Draco is found to have lived around the 39th Olympiad; Solon around the 46th; Pythagoras during the 62nd. And we have shown that the Olympiads took place 405 years after the Trojan events. |
| 11.34 Καὶ δὴ τούτων οὕτως ἀποδεδειγμένων διὰ βραχέων ἔτι καὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφῶν ἡλικίας ἀναγράψομεν. Τοῦ γὰρ πρεσβυτάτου τῶν προειρημένων Θάλητος γενομένου περὶ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα, καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν μετ’ αὐτὸν σχεδὸν ἡμῖν συντόμως εἴρηται. | 11.34 And these things having been so demonstrated, we shall briefly record further concerning the age of the Seven Sages. For since the oldest of those mentioned, Thales, lived around the 50th Olympiad, the details concerning those after him have been stated by us briefly.” |
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11.35
“Ταῦθ’, ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, ὁ κατὰ βαρβάρους φιλοσοφῶν Τατιανὸς συνέταξα, γεννηθεὶς μὲν ἐν τῇ τῶν Ἀσσυρίων γῇ, παιδευθεὶς δὲ πρῶτον μὲν τὰ ὑμέτερα, δεύτερον δὲ ἅτινα νῦν κηρύττειν ἐπαγγέλλομαι. Γινώσκων δὲ λοιπὸν τίς ὁ θεὸς καὶ τίς ἡ κατ’ αὐτὸν ποίησις, ἕτοιμον ἐμαυτὸν ὑμῖν πρὸς τὴν ἀνάκρισιν τῶν δογμάτων παρίστημι, μενούσης μοι τῆς κατὰ θεὸν πολιτείας ἀνεξαρνήτου.”»
Τοσαῦτα καὶ ὁ Τατιανός. Μετίωμεν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ Κλήμεντα. |
11.35
“These things I, Tatian, who philosophize according to the barbarians, have composed—having been born in the land of the Assyrians, and educated first in your subjects, and second in those things which I now profess to preach. Knowing henceforth who God is and what His creation is, I present myself ready to you for the examination of my doctrines, while my conduct according to God remains undenied.”
So far Tatian. But let us proceed to Clement as well. |
Chapter 12
In this chapter, Eusebius gives a Christian apologetic to prove the extreme antiquity of Moses relative to Greek history, mythology, literature, and philosophy. Eusebius cites Greek and Egyptian historians (Apion, Ptolemy of Mendes, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Tatian, Ctesias, etc.) to establish a synchronism:
By placing Moses at the time of Inachus, Eusebius/Clement demonstrates that Moses predates virtually all Greek figures, including Cecrops, Deucalion, the Trojan War, Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, the Greek gods' apotheoses (e.g., Dionysus, Heracles), and the Seven Sages/philosophers. Thus, Hebrew wisdom is shown to be far older than Greek culture.
1) Moses led the Exodus under the Egyptian Pharaoh Amosis (Ahmose I).
2) Amosis was contemporary with the Argive king Inachus.
By placing Moses at the time of Inachus, Eusebius/Clement demonstrates that Moses predates virtually all Greek figures, including Cecrops, Deucalion, the Trojan War, Orpheus, Homer, Hesiod, the Greek gods' apotheoses (e.g., Dionysus, Heracles), and the Seven Sages/philosophers. Thus, Hebrew wisdom is shown to be far older than Greek culture.
| 12.1 Εἴρηται μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων ἀκριβῶς Τατιανῷ ἐν τῷ Πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, εἴρηται δὲ καὶ Κασσιανῷ ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν Ἐξηγητικῶν. ἀπαιτεῖ δ’ ὅμως τὸ ὑπόμνημα καὶ ἡμᾶς ἐπιδραμεῖν τὰ κατὰ τὸν τόπον εἰρημένα. | 12.1 Now, these matters have been discussed with precision by Tatian in his Address to the Greeks, and also by Cassian in the first book of his Exegetical Works. Nevertheless, the nature of our treatise requires us also to run through what has been said on this topic. |
| 12.2 Ἀπίων τοίνυν ὁ γραμματικός, ὁ Πλειστονίκης ἐπικληθείς, ἐν τῇ δ΄ τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶν ἱστοριῶν, καίτοι φιλαπεχθημόνως πρὸς Ἑβραίους διακείμενος, ἅτε Αἰγύπτιος τὸ γένος, ὡς καὶ κατὰ Ἰουδαίων συντάξασθαι βιβλίον, Ἀμώσιος τοῦ Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέως μεμνημένος καὶ τῶν κατ’ αὐτὸν πράξεων, μάρτυρα παρατίθεται Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Μενδήσιον. | 12.2 Apion the grammarian, then—the one surnamed Pleistonikes—in the fourth book of his Egyptian Histories, although he was hostility personified toward the Hebrews (being Egyptian by birth, so much so that he composed a whole book against the Jews), when mentioning Amosis, king of the Egyptians, and his deeds, produces Ptolemy of Mendes as a witness. |
| 12.3 καὶ τὰ τῆς λέξεως αὐτοῦ ὧδε ἔχει· «Κατέσκαψε δὲ τὴν Ἀούαριν Ἄμωσις, κατὰ τὸν Ἀργεῖον γενόμενος Ἴναχον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς Χρόνοις ἀνέγραψεν ὁ Μενδήσιος Πτολεμαῖος.» | 12.3 And his exact words run as follows: "Amosis demolished Avaris, living in the time of the Argive Inachus, as Ptolemy of Mendes recorded in his Chronicles." |
| 12.4 ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος οὗτος ἱερεὺς μὲν ἦν, τὰς δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλέων πράξεις ἐν τρισὶν ὅλαις ἐκθέμενος βίβλοις, κατὰ Ἄμωσίν φησιν Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα Μώσεως ἡγουμένου γεγονέναι Ἰουδαίοις τὴν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου πορείαν· ἐξ ὧν συνῶπται κατὰ Ἴναχον ἠκμακέναι τὸν Μωσέα. | 12.4 Now this Ptolemy was a priest who set forth the deeds of the Egyptian kings in three full books; he says that the exodus of the Jews out of Egypt under the leadership of Moses took place during the reign of Amosis, king of Egypt. From this it is evident that Moses flourished at the time of Inachus. |
| 12.5 παλαίτερα δὲ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν μνημονεύεσθαι τὰ Ἀργολικά, τὰ ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου λέγω, Διονύσιος ὁ Ἁλικαρνασεὺς ἐν τοῖς Χρόνοις διδάσκει. | 12.5 Moreover, Dionysius of Halicarnassus teaches in his Chronicles that Argive history—that is, beginning from Inachus—is recorded as older than Greek history. |
| 12.6 τούτων δὲ τεσσαράκοντα μὲν γενεαῖς νεώτερα τὰ Ἀττικά, τὰ ἀπὸ Κέκροπος τοῦ διφυοῦς δὴ καὶ αὐτόχθονος, ὥς φησι κατὰ λέξιν ὁ Τατιανός· ἐννέα δὲ τὰ Ἀρκαδικά, τὰ ἀπὸ Πελασγοῦ· λέγεται δὲ καὶ οὗτος αὐτόχθων. | 12.6 Forty generations younger than these is Attic history, beginning from Cecrops, who was double-formed and autochthonous, as Tatian explicitly says word for word; and nine generations younger is Arcadian history, from Pelasgus, who is also said to be autochthonous. |
| 12.7 τούτων δὲ ἄλλων δυοῖν νεώτερα τὰ Φθιωτικά, τὰ ἀπὸ Δευκαλίωνος. εἰς δὲ τὸν χρόνον τῶν Τρωϊκῶν ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου γενεαὶ μὲν εἴκοσιν ἢ μιᾷ πλείους διαριθμοῦνται, ἔτη δέ, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, υ̅ καὶ πρόσω. | 12.7 Two generations younger than these latter is Phthian history, from Deucalion. From Inachus down to the time of the Trojan War, twenty-one generations (or one more) are reckoned, and in years—so to speak—400 and beyond. |
| 12.8 εἰ δὲ τὰ Ἀσσυρίων πολλοῖς ἔτεσι πρεσβύτερα τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν Κτησίας λέγει, φανήσεται τῷ δευτέρῳ καὶ τετρακοσιοστῷ ἔτει τῆς Ἀσσυρίων ἀρχῆς, τῆς δὲ Βηλούχου τοῦ ὀγδόου δυναστείας τῷ δευτέρῳ καὶ τριακοστῷ ἡ Μώσεως κατὰ Ἄμωσιν τὸν Αἰγύπτιον καὶ κατὰ Ἴναχον τὸν Ἀργεῖον ἐξ Αἰγύπτου κίνησις. | 12.8 And if Ctesias says that Assyrian history is many years older than Greek history, then Moses’ departure from Egypt under Amosis the Egyptian and Inachus the Argive will be shown to have occurred in the 442nd year of the Assyrian empire, and in the 32nd year of the reign of Belochus, the eighth dynasty. |
| 12.9 ἦν δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα κατὰ μὲν Φορωνέα τὸν μετ’ Ἴναχον ὁ ἐπὶ Ὠγύγου κατακλυσμὸς καὶ ἡ ἐν Σικυῶνι βασιλεία, πρώτου μὲν Αἰγιαλέως, εἶτα δὲ Εὐρωπός, εἶτα Τελχῖνος, καὶ ἡ Κρητὸς ἐν Κρήτῃ. | 12.9 In Greece, during the time of Phoroneus (who came after Inachus), occurred the flood under Ogyges and the kingdom in Sicyon—first under Aegialeus, then Europs, then Telchin, and the kingdom of Cres in Crete. |
| 12.10 Ἀκουσίλαος γὰρ Φορωνέα πρῶτον ἀνθρώπων γενέσθαι λέγει· ὅθεν καὶ ὁ τῆς Φορωνίδος ποιητὴς εἶναι αὐτὸν ἔφη «πατέρα θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων». | 12.10 For Acusilaus says that Phoroneus was the first of men; hence the author of the Phoronis declared him to be "the father of mortal men." |
| 12.11 ἐντεῦθεν ὁ Πλάτων ἐν Τιμαίῳ κατακολουθήσας Ἀκουσιλάῳ γράφει· «καί ποτε προαγαγεῖν βουληθεὶς αὐτοὺς περὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων εἰς λόγους, τῶν τῇδε τῇ πόλει τὰ ἀρχαιότατα λέγειν ἐπιχειρεῖν, περὶ Φορωνέως τε τοῦ πρώτου λεχθέντος καὶ Νιόβης καὶ τὰ μετὰ τὸν κατακλυσμόν.» | 12.11 From this, Plato in the Timaeus, following Acusilaus, writes: "And once, wishing to lead them into a discussion about antiquity, he attempted to speak of the most ancient things in this city—about Phoroneus, who was called the first, and Niobe, and the events after the flood." |
| 12.12 κατὰ δὲ Φόρβαντα Ἀκταῖος, ἀφ’ οὗ Ἀκταία ἡ Ἀττική· κατὰ δὲ Τριόπαν Προμηθεὺς καὶ Ἄτλας καὶ Ἐπιμηθεὺς καὶ ὁ διφυὴς Κέκροψ καὶ Ἰώ· κατὰ δὲ Κρότωπον ἡ ἐπὶ Φαέθοντος ἐκπύρωσις καὶ ἡ ἐπὶ Δευκαλίωνος ἐπομβρία· κατὰ δὲ Σθενέλαον ἥ τε Ἀμφικτύονος βασιλεία καὶ ἡ εἰς Πελοπόννησον Δαναοῦ παρουσία καὶ ἡ ὑπὸ Δαρδάνου τῆς Δαρδανίας κτίσις, «ὃν πρῶτον φησὶν Ὅμηρος τέκετο νεφεληγερέτα Ζεύς», | 12.12 In the time of Phorbas lived Actaeus, from whom Attica was called Actaea; in the time of Triopas lived Prometheus, Atlas, Epimetheus, the double-formed Cecrops, and Io; in the time of Crotopus occurred the conflagration under Phaethon and the deluge under Deucalion; in the time of Sthenelaus occurred the reign of Amphictyon, the arrival of Danaus in the Peloponnese, and the foundation of Dardania by Dardanus—"whom first," Homer says, "cloud-gathering Zeus begat." |
| 12.13 ἥ τε ἐκ Κρήτης εἰς Φοινίκην ἀνακομιδή· κατὰ δὲ Λυγκέα τῆς κόρης ἡ ἁρπαγή, καὶ ἡ τοῦ ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι τεμένους καθίδρυσις, καὶ ἡ Τριπτολέμου γεωργία, καὶ ἡ Κάδμου εἰς Θήβας παρουσία, Μίνωός τε βασιλεία· κατὰ δὲ Προῖτον ὁ Εὐμόλπου πρὸς Ἀθηναίους πόλεμος· κατὰ δὲ Ἀκρίσιον Πέλοπος ἀπὸ Φρυγίας διάβασις καὶ Ἴωνος εἰς Ἀθήνας ἄφιξις, καὶ ὁ δεύτερος Κέκροψ, αἵ τε Πέρσεως καὶ Διονύσου πράξεις, Ὀρφεύς τε καὶ Μουσαῖος· | 12.13 Also the return from Crete to Phoenicia; in the time of Lynceus occurred the rape of the Maiden (Kore/Persephone), the establishment of the sacred precinct at Eleusis, the agriculture of Triptolemus, the arrival of Cadmus in Thebes, and the reign of Minos; in the time of Proetus occurred the war of Eumolpus against the Athenians; in the time of Acrisius occurred the crossing of Pelops from Phrygia, the arrival of Ion in Athens, the second Cecrops, the deeds of Perseus and Dionysus, and Orpheus and Musaeus. |
| 12.14 κατὰ δὲ τὸ ὀκτωκαιδέκατον ἔτος τῆς Ἀγαμέμνονος βασιλείας Ἴλιον ἑάλω, Δημοφῶντος τοῦ Θησέως βασιλεύοντος Ἀθήνησι τῷ πρώτῳ ἔτει, Θαργηλιῶνος μηνὸς δευτέρᾳ ἐπὶ δέκα, ὥς φησι Διονύσιος ὁ Ἀργεῖος· | 12.14 In the eighteenth year of Agamemnon's reign Troy was taken, Demophon son of Theseus being king at Athens in his first year, on the twelfth day of the month Thargelion, as Dionysius the Argive says; |
| 12.15 Ἄγις δὲ καὶ Δερκύλος ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ, μηνὸς Πανέμου ὀγδόῃ φθίνοντος· Ἑλλάνικος δωδεκάτῃ Θαργηλιῶνος, καί τινες τῶν τὰ Ἀττικὰ συγγραψαμένων ὀγδόῃ φθίνοντος, βασιλεύοντος τὸ τελευταῖον ἔτος Μενεσθέως, πληθυούσης σελήνης· «νὺξ μὲν ἔην» φησὶν ὁ τὴν Μικρὰν Ἰλιάδα πεποιηκὼς «μεσάτα, λαμπρὰ δ’ ἐπέτελλε σελάνα»· | 12.15 Agis and Dercylus say on the twenty-third of the month Panemos (the eighth day from the end of the month); Hellanicus on the twelfth of Thargelion; and some of the authors of Attic histories say on the twenty-third (the eighth day from the end), in the last year of Menestheus’s reign, when the moon was full: "It was midnight," says the author of the Little Iliad, "and the bright moon was rising." |
| 12.16 ἕτεροι δὲ Σκιροφοριῶνος τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ. Θησεὺς δὲ Ἡρακλέους ζηλωτὴς ὢν πρεσβύτερός ἐστι τῶν Τρωϊκῶν μιᾷ γενεᾷ· τοῦ γοῦν Τληπολέμου, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς Ἡρακλέους, Ὅμηρος μέμνηται ἐπὶ Ἴλιον στρατεύσαντος. | 12.16 Others say on the same day of Scirophorion. Now Theseus, being an imitator of Heracles, is one generation older than the Trojan War; at any rate, Homer mentions Tlepolemus, who was the son of Heracles, marching against Ilium. |
| 12.17 προτερεῖν ἄρα Μώσης ἐπιδείκνυται τῆς μὲν Διονύσου ἀποθεώσεως ἔτη χδ΄, εἴ γε τῆς Πέρσεως βασιλείας τῷ τριακοστῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει ἐκθεοῦται, ὥς φησιν Ἀπολλόδωρος ἐν τοῖς Χρονικοῖς. | 12.17 Moses is therefore shown to precede the deification of Dionysus by 604 years, if indeed Dionysus was deified in the thirty-second year of Perseus's reign, as Apollodorus says in his Chronology. |
| 12.18 ἀπὸ δὲ Διονύσου ἐπὶ Ἡρακλέα καὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἰάσονα ἀριστεῖς, τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀργοῖ πλεύσαντας, συνάγεται ἔτη ξγ΄· Ἀσκληπιός τε καὶ Διόσκουροι συνέπλεον αὐτοῖς, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ ὁ Ῥόδιος Ἀπολλώνιος ἐν τοῖς Ἀργοναυτικοῖς. | 12.18 From Dionysus to Heracles and the heroes around Jason who sailed in the Argo, 63 years are reckoned; Asclepius and the Dioscuri sailed with them, as Apollonius of Rhodes testifies in the Argonautica. |
| 12.19 ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἡρακλέους ἐν Ἄργει βασιλείας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἡρακλέους αὐτοῦ καὶ Ἀσκληπιοῦ ἀποθέωσιν ἔτη συνάγεται λη΄ κατὰ τὸν χρονογράφον Ἀπολλόδωρον· ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Κάστορος καὶ Πολυδεύκους ἀποθέωσιν ἔτη νγ΄· ἐνταῦθά που καὶ ἡ Ἰλίου κατάληψις. | 12.19 From the reign of Heracles in Argos to the deification of Heracles himself and Asclepius, 38 years are reckoned according to the chronographer Apollodorus; and from that point to the deification of Castor and Pollux, 53 years; and somewhere around this time was the capture of Ilium. |
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12.20
εἰ δὲ χρὴ πείθεσθαι καὶ Ἡσιόδῳ τῷ ποιητῇ, ἀκούσωμεν αὐτοῦ· «Ζηνὶ δ’ ἄρ’ Ἀτλαντὶς Μαίῃ τέκε κύδιμον Ἑρμῆν, κήρυκ’ ἀθανάτων, ἱερὸν λέχος εἰσαναβᾶσα. Καδμείη δ’ ἄρα οἱ Σεμέλη τέκε φαίδιμον υἱόν, μιχθεῖσ’ ἐν φιλότητι, Διώνυσον πολυγηθῆ.» |
12.20
And if we ought to trust Hesiod the poet, let us listen to him:
"And Maia, the daughter of Atlas, bare to Zeus glorious Hermes, the herald of the immortals, having gone up into her sacred bed. And Semele, daughter of Cadmus, bare to him a radiant son, having joined with him in love—Dionysus, source of much joy." |
| 12.21 Κάδμος μὲν ὁ Σεμέλης πατὴρ ἐπὶ Λυγκέως ἐς Θήβας ἔρχεται καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν γραμμάτων εὑρετὴς γίνεται. Τριόπας δὲ συγχρονεῖ Ἴσιδι ἑβδόμῃ γενεᾷ ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου. | 12.21 Cadmus, the father of Semele, came to Thebes in the time of Lynceus and became the inventor of Greek letters. Triopas was contemporary with Isis in the seventh generation after Inachus. |
| 12.22 εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ τὴν Ἰώ φασι, διὰ τὸ ἰέναι αὐτὴν διὰ πάσης τῆς γῆς πλανωμένην. ταύτην δὲ Ἴστρος ἐν τῷ Περὶ τῆς Αἰγυπτίων ἀποικίας Προμηθέως θυγατέρα φησί· Προμηθεὺς δὲ κατὰ Τριόπαν, ἑβδόμῃ γενεᾷ μετὰ Μωσέα· ὥστε καὶ πρὸ τῆς καθ’ Ἕλληνας ἀνθρωπογονίας ὁ Μώσης. | 12.22 Some say Io [was named Isis] because she wandered (ienai) over all the earth. Istrus, in his work On the Egyptian Colony, says she was the daughter of Prometheus; and Prometheus lived in the time of Triopas, in the seventh generation after Moses; so that Moses lived even before the creation of mankind according to the Greeks. |
| 12.23 Λέων δὲ ὁ τὰ περὶ τῶν κατ’ Αἴγυπτον θεῶν πραγματευσάμενος τὴν Ἴσιν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων Δήμητρα καλεῖσθαί φησιν, ἣ κατὰ Λυγκέα γίνεται ἑνδεκάτῃ ὕστερον Μώσεως γενεᾷ. | 12.23 Leon, who composed a work on the gods in Egypt, says that Isis is called Demeter by the Greeks, who lived in the time of Lynceus, eleven generations after Moses. |
| 12.24 Ἆπίς τε ὁ Ἄργους βασιλεὺς Μέμφιν οἰκίζει, ὥς φησιν Ἀρίστιππος ἐν πρώτη Ἀρκαδικῶν· τοῦτον δὲ Ἀριστέας ὁ Ἀργεῖος ἐπονομασθῆναί φησι Σάραπιν, καὶ τοῦτον εἶναι ὃν Αἰγύπτιοι σέβουσι. | 12.24 Apis, the king of Argos, founded Memphis, as Aristippus says in the first book of his Arcadian History; and Aristeas the Argive says that he was renamed Serapis, and that he is the one whom the Egyptians worship. |
| 12.25 Νυμφόδωρος δὲ ὁ Ἀμφιπολίτης ἐν τρίτῳ Νομίμων Ἀσίας τὸν Ἄπιν τὸν ταῦρον τελευτήσαντα καὶ ταριχευθέντα εἰς σορὸν ἀποτεθεῖσθαι ἐν τῷ ναῷ τοῦ τιμωμένου δαίμονος, κἀντεῦθεν Σορόαπιν κληθῆναι καὶ Σάραπιν ὕστερον· Ἆπις δὲ τρίτος ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου. | 12.25 Nymphodorus of Amphipolis, in the third book of his Customs of Asia, says that when Apis the bull died and was mummified, he was placed in a sarcophagus (soros) in the temple of the revered demon, and from this was called Soro-apis, and later Serapis. Now Apis was third from Inachus. |
| 12.26 ναὶ μὴν ἡ Λητὼ κατὰ Τιτυὸν γίνεται· «Λητὼ γὰρ ἥλκησε Διὸς κυδρὴν παράκοιτιν.» | 12.26 Furthermore, Leto lived in the time of Tityus: "For Leto dragged away the honored wife of Zeus." |
| 12.27 Τιτυὸς δὲ συνεχρόνισε Ταντάλῳ. εἰκότως ἄρα καὶ ὁ Βοιώτιος Πίνδαρος γράφει· «ἐν χρόνῳ δὲ γένετ’ Ἀπόλλων.» καὶ οὐδὲν θαυμαστόν, ὅπου γε καὶ Ἀδμήτῳ θητεύων εὑρίσκεται σὺν καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ «εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.» | 12.27 And Tityus was contemporary with Tantalus. Fittingly, then, Pindar of Boeotia writes: "And in time Apollo was born." Nor is it any wonder, seeing that he is even found serving as a hireling to Admetus along with Heracles "for a year." |
| 12.28 Ζῆθος δὲ καὶ Ἀμφίων, οἱ μουσικῆς εὑρεταί, περὶ τὴν Κάδμου γεγόνασιν ἡλικίαν. κἄν τις ἡμῖν λέγῃ Φημονόην πρώτην χρησμῳδῆσαι Ἀκρισίῳ, ἀλλ’ ἴστω γε ὅτι μετὰ Φημονόην ἔτεσιν ὕστερον κζ΄ οἱ περὶ Ὀρφέα καὶ Μουσαῖον καὶ Λίνον τὸν Ἡρακλέους διδάσκαλον. | 12.28 Zethus and Amphion, the inventors of music, lived around the age of Cadmus. And if anyone should tell us that Phemonoe was the first to give oracles to Acrisius, let him know that 27 years after Phemonoe came Orpheus, Musaeus, and Linus (the teacher of Heracles). |
| 12.29 Ὅμηρος δὲ καὶ Ἡσίοδος πολλῷ νεώτεροι τῶν Ἰλιακῶν, μεθ’ οὓς μακρῷ νεώτεροι οἱ παρ’ Ἕλλησι νομοθέται, Λυκοῦργός τε καὶ Σόλων καὶ οἱ ἑπτὰ σοφοί, οἵ τε ἀμφὶ τὸν Σύριον Φερεκύδην καὶ Πυθαγόραν τὸν μέγαν κάτω που περὶ τὰς Ὀλυμπιάδας γενόμενοι, ὡς παρεστήσαμεν. | 12.29 Homer and Hesiod were much younger than the Trojan events; and long younger than them were the lawgivers among the Greeks—Lycurgus, Solon, and the Seven Sages—as well as those around Pherecydes of Syros and the great Pythagoras, who lived far down around the time of the Olympiads, as we have demonstrated. |
| 12.30 καὶ θεῶν ἄρα τῶν πλείστων παρ’ Ἕλλησιν, οὐ μόνον τῶν λεγομένων σοφῶν τε καὶ ποιητῶν, ὁ Μωσῆς ἡμῖν ἀποδέδεικται πρεσβύτερος.» | 12.30 Thus Moses has been demonstrated by us to be older than most of the gods among the Greeks, not to mention their so-called sages and poets." |
| 12.31 Ταῦτα καὶ ὁ Κλήμης. ἀλλ’ ἐπεὶ πρὸ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἐσπουδάσθη καὶ αὐτοῖς Ἑβραίων παισὶν ἡ προκειμένη πραγματεία, καλῶς ἂν ἔχοι καὶ τὰ τούτων συνιδεῖν. χρήσομαι δὲ ἀντὶ πάντων ταῖς Φλαυίου Ἰωσήπου φωναῖς. | 12.31 Thus far Clement. But since the present inquiry was also diligently pursued by the children of the Hebrews themselves before our time, it would be well to consider their findings too. I shall make use, above all others, of the words of Flavius Josephus. |
Chapter 13
This chapter is a direct continuation of Eusebius’s apologetic argument on the antiquity of the Hebrew people, quoted from Josephus’s Contra Apionem (I.73–105) (i.e., Apion-1 ch. 5). Eusebius cites Josephus, who turns to Egyptian, Phoenician, and Chaldean historiography to prove the remote antiquity of the Jews:
The Hyksos Invasion and Expulsion (Manetho): Citing the 3rd-century BCE Egyptian priest Manetho (Egyptian History, Book II), Josephus accounts for a period during the reign of King Timaeus when mysterious invaders from the east ("Hyksos" or "Shepherd Kings") took control of Egypt without a battle.
Etymology & Departure: Manetho derives Hyksos from hyk ("king") and sos ("shepherd"), though Josephus notes an alternate manuscript reading where hyk means "captives." After centuries of rule, a native Egyptian uprising led by King Misphragmuthosis compressed the Shepherds into their stronghold at Avaris. Misphragmuthosis's son, Thmuthosis (Tuthmosis), negotiated their departure, leading 240,000 people across the wilderness into Judea, where they built Jerusalem.
Josephus’s Argument: Josephus identifies these "Shepherds" as the Hebrew ancestors. By calculating Manetho’s regnal years, he concludes that the Exodus took place 393 years before Danaus arrived in Argos and nearly 1,000 years before the Trojan War.
Phoenician & Chaldean Records: Josephus corroborates the antiquity of the Jewish state by citing Phoenician records (showing Solomon’s Temple was built 143 years and 8 months before the founding of Carthage) and Chaldean histories.
| 13.1 «Ἄρξομαι δὲ πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν παρ’ Αἰγυπτίοις γραμμάτων. αὐτὰ μὲν οὖν οὐχ οἶόν τε παρατίθεσθαι τἀκείνων· Μάνεθως δὲ τὸ γένος Αἰγύπτιος, ἀνὴρ τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς μετεσχηκὼς παιδείας, ὡς δῆλός ἐστι — γέγραφε γὰρ Ἑλλάδι φωνῇ τὴν πάτριον ἱστορίαν, ἔκ τε τῶν ἱερῶν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, μεταφράσας, ὃς καὶ πολλὰ τὸν Ἡρόδοτον ἐλέγχει τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶν ὑπ’ ἀγνοίας ἐψευσμένον — οὗτος δὴ τοίνυν ὁ Μάνεθως ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶν ταῦτα περὶ ἡμῶν γράφει· παραθήσομαι δὲ τὴν λέξιν αὐτοῦ, καθάπερ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον παραγαγὼν μάρτυρα. | 13.1 "I shall begin first, then, with the records among the Egyptians. Now, it is not possible to quote their original texts directly; however, Manetho was an Egyptian by birth who had clearly shared in Greek education—for he wrote his native history in the Greek language, translating it, as he himself states, from the sacred records. He also refutes Herodotus on many points where he erred on Egyptian matters through ignorance. This Manetho, then, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes these things concerning us; and I will quote his exact words, bringing him forward just like an eyewitness witness: |
| 13.2 [Ἐγένετο βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν] "τοῦ Τίμαος ὄνομα. ἐπὶ τούτου οὐκ οἶδ’ ὅπως ὁ θεὸς ἀντέπνευσε, καὶ παραδόξως ἐκ τῶν πρὸς ἀνατολὴν μερῶν ἄνθρωποι τὸ γένος ἄσημοι καταθαρρήσαντες ἐπὶ τὴν χώραν ἐστράτευσαν, καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀμαχητὶ ταύτην κατὰ κράτος εἷλον." Καὶ ἐπιλέγει μετὰ βραχέα· | 13.2 '[There was a king among us] whose name was Timaeus. In his reign, I know not how, God blasted us; and unexpectedly, men of ignoble birth from the eastern regions gathered courage and marched against our land, and easily took it by force without a battle.' And shortly after this he adds: |
| 13.3 "Ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ τὸ σύμπαν αὐτῶν ἔθνος Ὑκσώς· τοῦτο δέ ἐστι "βασιλεῖς ποιμένες". τὸ γὰρ ὑκ καθ’ ἱερὰν γλῶσσαν βασιλέα σημαίνει, τὸ δὲ σὼς ποιμήν ἐστι καὶ ποιμένες κατὰ κοινὴν διάλεκτον, καὶ οὕτω συντιθέμενον γίνεται Ὑκσώς." | 13.3 'And their whole nation was called Hyksos, which means "Shepherd Kings." For hyk in the sacred language signifies "king," and sos is "shepherd" and "shepherds" in the common dialect; and thus combined it becomes Hyksos.' |
| 13.4 Τινὲς δὲ λέγουσιν αὐτοὺς Ἄραβας εἶναι. ἐν δ’ ἄλλῳ ἀντιγράφῳ οὐ βασιλεῖς σημαίνεσθαι διὰ τῆς Ὑκσὼς προσηγορίας, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον αἰχμαλώτους δηλοῦσθαι ποιμένας. τὸ γὰρ ὑκ Αἰγυπτιστὶ καὶ τὸ ἁκ δασυνόμενον αἰχμαλώτους ῥητῶς μηνύει. | 13.4 Now some say that they were Arabs. But in another copy [it is said that] "kings" is not signified by the name Hyksos, but on the contrary that they are designated "captive shepherds." For the word hyk (or hak when aspirated in Egyptian) explicitly means "captives." |
| 13.5 Καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον πιθανώτερόν μοι φαίνεται καὶ παλαιᾶς ἱστορίας ἐχόμενον. τούτους δὲ τοὺς προκατωνομασμένους βασιλέας καὶ τοὺς τῶν ποιμένων καλουμένων καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν γενομένους κρατῆσαι τῆς Αἰγύπτου φησὶν ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς πεντακοσίοις ἕνδεκα [511]. | 13.5 And this seems to me more plausible and more in holding with ancient history. Manetho says that these aforementioned kings, both those called shepherds and those descended from them, held sway over Egypt for five hundred and eleven years. |
| 13.6 Μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Θηβαΐδος καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων γενέσθαι φησὶν ἐπὶ τοὺς ποιμένας ἐπανάστασιν, καὶ πόλεμον συρραγῆναι μέγαν καὶ πολυχρόνιον. ἐπὶ δὲ βασιλέως, ᾧ ὄνομα εἶναι Μισφραγμούθωσις, ἡττωμένους φησὶ τοὺς ποιμένας, καὶ ἐκ μὲν τῆς ἄλλης Αἰγύπτου ἐκπεσεῖν, κατακλεισθῆναι δὲ εἰς τόπον ἀρουρῶν ἔχοντα μυρίων τὴν περίμετρον· Αὔαρις ὄνομα τῷ τόπῳ. | 13.6 After these events, he says there occurred an uprising against the shepherds by the kings of the Thebaid and the rest of Egypt, and that a great and long-lasting war broke out. Under a king named Misphragmuthosis, he says the shepherds were defeated, driven out from the rest of Egypt, and shut up in a place having a circuit of ten thousand arourae; the name of the place was Avaris. |
| 13.7 Τοῦτόν φησιν ὁ Μάνεθως ἅπαντα τείχει τε μεγάλῳ καὶ ἰσχυρῷ περιβαλεῖν τοὺς ποιμένας, ὅπως τήν τε κτῆσιν ἅπασαν ἔχωσιν ἐν ὀχυρῷ καὶ τὴν λείαν τὴν ἑαυτῶν. | 13.7 Manetho says that the shepherds surrounded this entire area with a great and strong wall, so that they might hold all their possessions and plunder in a secure place. |
| 13.8 Τὸν δὲ Μισφραγμούθωσεως υἱὸν Θμοῦθωσιν ἐπιχειρῆσαι μὲν αὐτοὺς διὰ πολιορκίας ἑλεῖν κατὰ κράτος, ὀκτὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα μυριάσι στρατοῦ προσεδρεύσαντα τοῖς τείχεσιν· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀπέγνω, ποιήσασθαι συμβάσεις, ἵνα τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐκλιπόντες ὅποι βούλονται πάντες ἀβλαβεῖς ἀπέλθωσι. | 13.8 But Thmuthosis, the son of Misphragmuthosis, attempted to take them by force through a siege, blockading the walls with an army of four hundred and eighty thousand men. When he despaired of the siege, he made a treaty with them, that they should all leave Egypt unharmed and go wherever they wished. |
| 13.9 Τoὺς δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὁμολογίαις πανοικεσίᾳ μετὰ τῶν κτήσεων, οὐκ ἐλάσσους μυριάδων ὄντας εἰκοσιτεσσάρων, ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὴν ἔρημον εἰς Συρίαν διοδοιπορῆσαι· | 13.9 Under these agreements, they with their entire households and property—being no fewer than two hundred and forty thousand in number—journeyed from Egypt through the wilderness toward Syria. |
| 13.10 Φοβουμένους δὲ τὴν Ἀσσυρίων δυναστείαν — τότε γὰρ ἐκείνους τῆς Ἀσίας κρατεῖν — ἐν τῇ νῦν Ἰουδαίᾳ καλουμένῃ πόλιν οἰκοδομησαμένους, τοσαύταις μυριάσιν ἀνθρώπων ἀρκέσουσαν, Ἱεροσόλυμα ταύτην ὀνομάσαι.» | 13.10 But fearing the power of the Assyrians (for they were then masters of Asia), they built a city in the land now called Judea, capable of accommodating so many thousands of people, and named it Jerusalem.' |
| 13.11 Τούτοις ἐξῆς τὴν διαδοχὴν τῶν κατ’ Αἴγυπτον βασιλέων μετὰ τοῦ χρόνου τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτῶν ἀπαριθμησάμενος ἐπιλέγει· «Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Μάνεθως. δῆλον δ’ ἐστίν, ἐκ τῶν εἰρημένων ἐτῶν τοῦ χρόνου συλλογισθέντος, ὅτι οἱ καλούμενοι ποιμένες, ἡμέτεροι δὲ πρόγονοι, τρισὶ καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίοις πρόσθεν ἔτεσιν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἀπαλλαγέντες τὴν χώραν ταύτην ἐπῴκησαν πρὶν ἢ Δαναὸν εἰς Ἄργος ἀφικέσθαι· καίτοι τοῦτον ἀρχαιότατον Ἀργεῖοι νομίζουσι. | 13.11 Following these things, after enumerating the succession of kings in Egypt together with the time of their reign, he adds: 'These things, then, are from Manetho. And it is clear, when the time is calculated from the stated years, that the so-called shepherds—who were our ancestors—departed from Egypt and inhabited this land three hundred and ninety-three years before Danaus arrived in Argos; and yet the Argives consider him to be most ancient. |
| 13.12 Δύο τοίνυν ὁ Μάνεθως ἡμῖν τὰ μέγιστα μεμαρτύρηκεν ἐκ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις γραμμάτων· πρῶτον μὲν τὴν ἑτέρωθεν ἄφιξιν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν ἐκεῖθεν ἀπαλλαγὴν οὕτως ἀρχαίαν τοῖς χρόνοις ὡς ἐγγύς που προτερεῖν αὐτὴν τῶν Ἰλιακῶν ἔτεσι χιλίοις.» | 13.12 Manetho has therefore borne two most important testimonies for us from the records among the Egyptians: first, our arrival in Egypt from elsewhere; and second, our departure from there, which is so ancient in time that it precedes the Trojan War by nearly a thousand years.' |
| 13.13 Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγυπτιακῆς ἱστορίας ταύτῃ πῃ τῷ Ἰωσήπῳ κατὰ πλάτος ἀνιστόρηται· ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Φοινίκων, μάρτυσι χρησάμενος τοῖς τὰ Φοινικικὰ συγγραψαμένοις, παρίστησι τὸν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις νεὼν ὑπὸ Σολομῶνος τοῦ βασιλέως ᾠκοδομῆσθαι ἔτεσι θᾶττον ἑκατὸν τεσσαράκοντα καὶ τρισὶ καὶ μησὶν ὀκτὼ τοῦ κτίσαι Τυρίους Καρχηδόνα· εἶτα μεταβὰς καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ Χαλδαίων ἱστορίας τὰς περὶ τῆς Ἑβραίων ἀρχαιότητος παρατίθεται μαρτυρίας. | 13.13 These matters from Egyptian history are set forth at length in this way by Josephus. Then, turning to the history of the Phoenicians and using as witnesses those who compiled Phoenician records, he demonstrates that the temple in Jerusalem was built by King Solomon one hundred and forty-three years and eight months earlier than the founding of Carthage by the Tyrians. Next, passing on to the history of the Chaldeans, he sets forth further testimonies concerning the antiquity of the Hebrews. |
Chapter 14
In this concluding chapter of Book 10, Eusebius summarizes and completes his historical argument demonstrating the extreme antiquity of Hebrew thought relative to Greek wisdom:
Chronology from Moses to the Babylonian Exile: Eusebius traces the sequence of Jewish leaders—Judges, Kings (Saul, David, Solomon, down to the fall of Jerusalem under Zedekiah), and Prophets (from Hosea and Isaiah to Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel)—showing that the entire prophetic era occurred well before or leading directly into the Babylonian Exile.
The Persian Period & Post-Exilic Prophets: Cyrus the Great of Persia freed the captives and allowed the rebuilding of the Temple under Zerubbabel and Joshua son of Jozadak, with Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi ending the Hebrew prophetic succession.
Synchronization with Greek Philosophy: Eusebius synchronizes Cyrus with Solon and the Seven Sages, pointing out that Thales—the very first Greek natural philosopher—lived only during the time of Cyrus and the Exile.
Genealogy of Pre-Socratic Philosophy: He maps out the succession of Ionian and Italian philosophy: Thales → Anaximander → Anaximenes → Anaxagoras (and his pupils Pericles, Euripides, Archelaus) → Socrates, as well as Pythagoras, Xenophanes, Parmenides, Zeno, Leucippus, and Democritus.
Conclusion & Apologetic Intent: All Greek philosophy originated long after Moses and the Hebrew prophets. Even Plato, who synthesized prior Greek thought, flourished near the end of the Persian empire. Therefore, if Plato and other philosophers agree with Hebrew theology, it is because they learned from or were preceded by the far more ancient Hebrew scriptures.
| 14.1 Ἀλλὰ τί δεῖ πλῆθος ταῖς ἀποδείξεσιν ἐπισωρεύειν, τοῦ φιλαλήθους, ἀλλὰ μὴ φιλαπεχθήμονος, καὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἀρκουμένου, ποικίλην περιέχουσι τὴν περὶ τοῦ προκειμένου σύστασιν; προύκειτο δὲ ἡμῖν τὰ Μωσέως καὶ τῶν προφητῶν παλαίτερα τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ἀποδεῖξαι. | 14.1 But why is it necessary to heap up a multitude of proofs for one who loves truth rather than hostility, and who is satisfied with what has been said, containing as it does a varied confirmation of the proposition before us? For our proposition was to demonstrate that the writings of Moses and the prophets are older than those of the Greeks. |
| 14.2 Ἐπειδὴ τοίνυν μακρῷ πρόσθεν τῶν Τρωϊκῶν Μωσῆς γεγονὼς ἀποδέδεικται, φέρε ἴδωμεν καὶ τοὺς μετ’ αὐτὸν ἅπαντας. Μωσῆς δ’ ὅτι τῶν πρὶν ἀληθῶς Ἑβραίων — Ἔβερ τε καὶ Ἀβραάμ, ἀφ’ ὧν καὶ τὸ παρώνυμον τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπιτέθειται, τῶν τε λοιπῶν θεοφιλῶν τε καὶ παλαιῶν ἀνδρῶν — ὕστατος τοῖς χρόνοις παρεφάνη τῷ βίῳ, δῆλον ἀπὸ τῆς κατ’ αὐτὸν ἱστορίας τυγχάνει. | 14.2 Since, then, Moses has been proved to have lived long before the Trojan War, come, let us view also all those who came after him. That Moses was the last in time among the truly ancient Hebrews—Eber and Abraham, from whom their name was applied to these men, and the rest of the God-loving ancient men—is evident from the history concerning him. |
| 14.3 Μετὰ Μωσέα τοίνυν προέστη τοῦ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους Ἰησοῦς, ὥς τινες, ἔτεσι λʹ· εἶθ’, ὥς φησιν ἡ γραφή, ἐκράτησαν ἀλλόφυλοι ἔτεσιν ηʹ· ἔπειτα Γοθονιὴλ ἔτεσι νʹ· μεθ’ ὃν Ἐγλώμ, βασιλεὺς Μωάβ, ἔτη ιηʹ· μεθ’ ὃν Ἀὼδ ἔτη πʹ· μεθ’ ὃν πάλιν ἀλλόφυλοι ἔτη κʹ· ἔπειτα Δεββώρα καὶ Βαρὰκ ἔτη μʹ· ἔπειτα Μαδιηναῖοι ἔτη ζʹ· ἔπειτα Γεδεὼν ἔτη μʹ· Ἀβιμέλεχ ἔτη γʹ· Θωλᾶ κγʹ· Ἰαεὶρ κβʹ· Ἀμμανῖται ιηʹ· Ἰεφθάε ἔτη ϛʹ· Ἐσβὼν ἔτη ζʹ· Αἰαλὼν ἔτη ιʹ· Λαβδὼν ἔτη ηʹ· ἀλλόφυλοι ἔτη μʹ· Σαμψὼν ἔτη κʹ· ἔπειτα Ἠλεὶ ἱερεύς, ὡς τὸ Ἑβραϊκόν, ἔτη μʹ· περὶ ὃν συμβαίνει τὴν Ἰλίου καταντᾶν ἅλωσιν· μετὰ δ’ Ἠλεὶ τὸν ἱερέα ἡγεῖται τοῦ λαοῦ Σαμουήλ. | 14.3 After Moses, then, Joshua led the Jewish nation for 30 years, according to some; then, as Scripture says, foreign tribes ruled for 8 years; then Othniel for 50 years; after whom Eglon, king of Moab, for 18 years; after whom Ehud for 80 years; after whom again foreign tribes for 20 years; then Deborah and Barak for 40 years; then the Midianites for 7 years; then Gideon for 40 years; Abimelech for 3 years; Tola for 23; Jair for 22; the Ammonites for 18; Jephthah for 6 years; Ibzan for 7 years; Elon for 10 years; Abdon for 8 years; foreign tribes for 40 years; Samson for 20 years; then Eli the priest, according to the Hebrew text, for 40 years—around whose time the capture of Ilium happens to fall; and after Eli the priest, Samuel led the people. |
| 14.4 Μεθ’ ὃν πρῶτος αὐτῶν βασιλεύει Σαοὺλ ἔτεσι μʹ· ἔπειτα Δαβὶδ ἔτεσι μʹ· ἔπειτα Σολομῶν ἔτεσι μʹ· ὃς καὶ τὸν ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ναὸν ἐδείματο πρῶτος. Μετὰ δὲ Σολομῶνα βασιλεύει Ῥοβοὰμ ἔτη ιζʹ· Ἀβιὰ ἔτη γʹ· Ἄσα ἔτη μαʹ· Ἰωσαφὰτ ἔτη κεʹ· Ἰωρὰμ ἔτη ηʹ· Ὀχοζίας ἔτος αʹ· Γοθολία ἔτη ϛʹ· | 14.4 After him, Saul reigned as their first king for 40 years; then David for 40 years; then Solomon for 40 years, who also was the first to build the temple in Jerusalem. After Solomon, Rehoboam reigned for 17 years; Abijah for 3 years; Asa for 41 years; Jehoshaphat for 25 years; Jehoram for 8 years; Ahaziah for 1 year; Athaliah for 6 years; |
| 14.5 Ἰωὰς ἔτη μʹ· Ἀμασίας ἔτη κθʹ [ἢ μθʹ]· Ὀζίας ἔτη νβʹ· καθ’ ὃν προφητεύουσιν Ὠσηέ, Ἀμώς, Ἠσαΐας, Ἰωνᾶς· μετὰ δὲ Ὀζίαν [Ἰωάθαμ] βασιλεύει ἔτη ιϛʹ· μεθ’ ὃν [Ἄχαζ] ἔτη ιϛʹ. Κατὰ τοῦτον ἡ πρώτη Ὀλυμπιὰς ἤχθη, ἣν ἐνίκα στάδιον Κόροιβος Ἠλεῖος. | 14.5 Joash for 40 years; Amaziah for 29 [or 49] years; Uzziah for 52 years, in whose time Hosea, Amos, Isaiah, and Jonah prophesied. After Uzziah, [Jotham] reigned for 16 years; after whom [Ahaz] reigned for 16 years. In his time the first Olympiad was held, in which Coroebus the Elean won the stadium race. |
| 14.6 Διαδέχεται δὲ τὸν Ἄχαζ Ἑζεκίας ἔτεσι κθʹ· καθ’ ὃν Ῥωμύλος Ῥώμην ἔκτισε καὶ ἐβασίλευσε. Μετὰ δὲ Ἐζεκίαν βασιλεύει Μανασσῆς ἔτη νεʹ· ἔπειτα Ἀμὼν ἔτη βʹ· ἔπειτα Ἰωσίας ἔτη λαʹ· καθ’ ὃν προφητεύουσιν Ἱερεμίας, Βαρούχ, Ὀλδᾶ καὶ ἄλλοι προφῆται. | 14.6 Hezekiah succeeded Ahaz for 29 years, in whose time Romulus founded Rome and reigned. After Hezekiah, Manasseh reigned for 55 years; then Amon for 2 years; then Josiah for 31 years, in whose time Jeremiah, Baruch, Huldah, and other prophets prophesied. |
| 14.7 Ἔπειτα Ἰωάχαζ μῆνας γʹ· μεθ’ ὃν Ἰωακεὶμ ἔτη ιαʹ· μεθ’ ὃν πάντων ὕστατος Σεδεκίας ἔτη ιαʹ. Κατὰ τοῦτον πολιορκηθείσης τῆς Ἱερουσαλὴμ ὑπὸ Ἀσσυρίων καὶ τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἐμπρησμὸν ὑπομείναντος, τὸ πᾶν Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος ἀπάγεται εἰς Βαβυλῶνα, προφητεύει τε αὐτόθι Δανιὴλ καὶ Ἐζεκιήλ. | 14.7 Then Jehoahaz for 3 months; after whom Jehoiakim for 11 years; after whom, last of all, Zedekiah for 11 years. In his time, Jerusalem having been besieged by the Assyrians [Babylonians] and the temple having suffered burning, the entire nation of the Jews was carried away to Babylon, and Daniel and Ezekiel prophesied there. |
| 14.8 Μετὰ δὲ ἐτῶν ἀριθμὸν ὁ Κῦρος βασιλεύει Περσῶν, ὃς καὶ ἀνῆκε τὴν αἰχμαλωσίαν τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἐπιτρέψας τοῖς θέλουσιν αὐτῶν παλινοστεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκείαν γῆν καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν ἀνεγείρειν· ὅτε καὶ ἄνεισιν Ἰησοῦς ὁ τοῦ Ἰωσεδὲκ καὶ Ζοροβάβελ ὁ τοῦ Σαλαθιήλ. Καταβάλλονταί τε θεμελίους, προφητευόντων ὕστατα πάντων Ἀγγαίου καὶ Ζαχαρίου καὶ Μαλαχίου, μεθ’ οὓς οὐκέτι προφήτης παρ’ αὐτοῖς γέγονεν. | 14.8 After a number of years, Cyrus became king of the Persians, who also released the captivity of the Jews, allowing those of them who wished to return to their own land and rebuild the temple; at which time Joshua son of Jozadak and Zerubbabel son of Shealtiel went up. They laid the foundations, while Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi prophesied last of all—after whom there was no longer a prophet among them. |
| 14.9 Κατὰ δὲ Κῦρον Σόλων ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ἐγνωρίζετο, καὶ οἱ κληθέντες ἑπτὰ σοφοὶ παρ’ Ἕλλησιν, ὧν παλαίτερος οὐδεὶς παρ’ αὐτοῖς φιλόσοφος μνημονεύεται. | 14.9 In the time of Cyrus, Solon the Athenian was becoming known, as well as those called the Seven Sages among the Greeks, before whom no philosopher is remembered among them. |
| 14.10 Τούτων δὴ τῶν ἑπτὰ Θαλῆς ὁ Μιλήσιος φυσικὸς πρῶτος Ἑλλήνων γεγονὼς περὶ τροπῶν ἡλίου καὶ ἐκλείψεως καὶ φωτισμῶν σελήνης καὶ ἰσημερίας διελέχθη· ἐγένετο δ’ ὁ ἀνὴρ ἐπισημότατος ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι. | 14.10 Of these Seven, Thales of Miletus, becoming the first natural philosopher among the Greeks, discussed the solstices of the sun, eclipses, the illuminations of the moon, and the equinox; and the man became most famous among the Greeks. |
| 14.11 Θαλοῦ δὲ γίνεται ἀκουστὴς Ἀναξίμανδρος, Πραξιάδου μὲν παῖς, γένος δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς Μιλήσιος. Οὗτος πρῶτος γνώμονας κατεσκεύασε πρὸς διάγνωσιν τροπῶν τε ἡλίου καὶ χρόνων καὶ ὡρῶν καὶ ἰσημερίας. | 14.11 Anaximander became a hearer of Thales, a son of Praxiades, and himself a Milesian by birth. He was the first to construct sun-dials (gnomons) for the recognition of the solstices of the sun, times, hours, and equinoxes. |
| 14.12 Ἀναξιμάνδρου δὲ γνώριμος ἐγένετο Ἀναξιμένης Εὐρυστράτου Μιλήσιος· τούτου δὲ Ἀναξαγόρας ὁ Ἡγησιβούλου Κλαζομένιος. Οὗτος δὴ πρῶτος διήρθρωσε τὸν περὶ ἀρχῶν λόγον· οὐ γὰρ μόνον περὶ τῆς πάντων οὐσίας ἀπεφήνατο, ὡς οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τοῦ κινοῦντος αὐτὴν αἰτίου. «ἦν γάρ», φησὶν, «ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα πεφυρμένα· Νοῦς δὲ εἰσελθὼν αὐτὰ ἐκ τῆς ἀταξίας εἰς τάξιν ἤγαγεν.» | 14.12 Anaximenes, son of Eurystratus, a Milesian, became a pupil of Anaximander; and Anaxagoras, son of Hegesibulus, a Clazomenian, was a pupil of Anaximenes. He was the first to articulate the doctrine of principles; for he declared opinions not only concerning the substance of all things, as did those before him, but also concerning the cause that sets it in motion. For he says: "All things were mixed together in the beginning; but Mind (Nous) came in and brought them out of disorder into order." |
| 14.13 Ἀναξαγόρου δὲ ἐγένοντο γνώριμοι τρεῖς, Περικλῆς, Ἀρχέλαος, Εὐριπίδης. Περικλῆς μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναίων πρῶτος ἐγένετο, καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ γένει τῶν καθ’ ἑαυτὸν διήνεγκεν· Εὐριπίδης δὲ ἐπὶ ποιητικὴν μεταβὰς ὑπό τινων σκηνικὸς φιλόσοφος ἐκλήθη· ὁ δὲ Ἀρχέλαος ἐν Λαμψάκῳ διεδέξατο τὴν σχολὴν τοῦ Ἀναξαγόρου, μεταβὰς δ’ εἰς Ἀθήνας ἐκεῖ ἐσχόλασε, καὶ πολλοὺς ἔσχεν Ἀθηναίων γνωρίμους, ἐν οἷς καὶ Σωκράτην. | 14.13 Three pupils came from Anaxagoras: Pericles, Archelaus, and Euripides. Pericles became the first of the Athenians, excelling those of his time in both wealth and birth; Euripides turned to poetry and was called by some the "philosopher of the stage"; and Archelaus succeeded to the school of Anaxagoras at Lampsacus, and moving to Athens taught there, having many Athenian pupils, among whom was Socrates. |
| 14.14 Κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τῷ Ἀναξαγόρᾳ χρόνον ἤκμασαν ἄνδρες φυσικοί, Ξενοφάνης τε καὶ Πυθαγόρας. Τὸν μὲν οὖν Πυθαγόραν διεδέξατο Θεανὼ ἡ γυνή, οἵ τε υἱοὶ αὐτοῦ, Τηλαυγὴς καὶ Μνήσαρχος. | 14.14 At the same time as Anaxagoras, natural philosophers flourished: Xenophanes and Pythagoras. Theano, his wife, and his sons, Telauges and Mnesarchus, succeeded Pythagoras. |
| 14.15 Τηλαυγοῦς δὲ Ἐμπεδοκλῆς ἀκουστὴς γίνεται, καθ’ ὃν Ἡράκλειτος ὁ σκοτεινὸς ἐγνωρίζετο. Τὸν δὲ Ξενοφάνην λέγεται ὁ Παρμενίδης διαδέξασθαι, Παρμενίδην δὲ Μέλισσος, Μέλισσον δὲ Ζήνων ὁ Ἐλεάτης· ὅν φασιν ἐπιβουλὴν κατὰ τοῦ τότε τυράννου συστησάμενον ἁλῶναι, στρεβλούμενον δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου, ὅπως τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ γενομένους ἄνδρας ἀπογράψηται, οὐ προσποιηθέντα τὰς τοῦ τυράννου τιμωρίας, διαμασησάμενον τὴν γλῶσσαν, προσπτύσαι αὐτῷ, καὶ οὕτως ἐγκαρτερήσαντα ταῖς βασάνοις ἀποθανεῖν. | 14.15 Empedocles became a hearer of Telauges, in whose time Heraclitus "the Obscure" became known. Parmenides is said to have succeeded Xenophanes, Melissus succeeded Parmenides, and Zeno of Elea succeeded Melissus. They say Zeno formed a conspiracy against the tyrant of that time and was caught; being tortured by the tyrant to write down his accomplices, he paid no heed to the tyrant’s tortures, but bit off his tongue, spat it at him, and thus died enduring the tortures. |
| 14.16 Τούτου δὲ Λεύκιππος ἀκουστὴς γέγονε, Λευκίππου δὲ Δημόκριτος, οὗ Πρωταγόρας, καθ’ ὃν ἤκμασε Σωκράτης. Καὶ ἄλλους δὲ σποράδην ἔστιν εὑρεῖν φυσικοὺς φιλοσόφους πρὸ Σωκράτους γενομένους· πλὴν ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀπὸ Θαλοῦ ἀρξάμενοι κατώτερον Κύρου τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως φαίνονται ἠκμακότες· ὁ δὲ Κῦρος μετὰ πλεῖστον τῆς εἰς Βαβυλῶνα αἰχμαλωσίας τοῦ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνους δῆλός ἐστι γεγονώς, διαλελοιπότων ἤδη τῶν παρ’ Ἑβραίοις προφητῶν, καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς μητροπόλεως αὐτῶν πεπολιορκημένης· ὥστε σε ὁμολογεῖν πολὺ νεώτερα Μώσεως καὶ τῶν μετ’ αὐτὸν προφητῶν τὰ τῆς Ἑλλήνων γεγονέναι φιλοσοφίας, καὶ μάλιστα τῆς κατὰ Πλάτωνα, ὃς ἀκουστὴς τὰ πρῶτα γενόμενος Σωκράτους, κἄπειτα τοῖς Πυθαγορείοις ὁμιλήσας, τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ πάντας λόγῳ τε καὶ συνέσει καὶ τοῖς ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ δόγμασιν ὑπερηκόντισε. | 14.16 Leucippus became a hearer of Zeno, Democritus of Leucippus, and Protagoras of Democritus, in whose time Socrates flourished. One may also find other natural philosophers scattered before the time of Socrates; nevertheless, starting from Thales, all are shown to have flourished later than Cyrus, king of the Persians. Now Cyrus clearly lived long after the captivity of the Jewish nation in Babylon, when the prophets among the Hebrews had already ceased and their sacred metropolis had been besieged; so that you must agree that the developments of Greek philosophy are far younger than Moses and the prophets after him—especially the philosophy of Plato, who, having first become a hearer of Socrates and then associating with the Pythagoreans, far surpassed all those before him in eloquence, intelligence, and philosophical doctrines. |
| 14.17 Γέγονε δ’ ὁ Πλάτων ἀμφὶ τὰ ὕστατα τῆς Περσῶν βασιλείας, μικρῷ θᾶττον Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος, Αὐγούστου δὲ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ οὐ πολὺ πρόσθεν, ἔτεσι ῠ [400]. | 14.17 Plato lived near the end of the Persian reign, a little before Alexander of Macedon, and not long before Augustus Caesar—by about 400 years. |
| 14.18 Εἰ δή σοι τοιγαροῦν ὁ Πλάτων οἵ τε μετ’ αὐτὸν δειχθεῖεν τὰ σύμφωνα Ἑβραίοις πεφιλοσοφηκότες, ὥρα σκοπεῖν τὸν χρόνον καθ’ ὃν οὗτος γέγονε, καὶ τὴν παρ’ Ἑβραίοις θεολόγων τε καὶ προφητῶν παλαιότητα τῇ πάντων τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν φιλοσόφων ἀντιπαραβάλλειν ἡλικίᾳ. | 14.18 If, therefore, Plato and those after him should be shown to have philosophized in harmony with the Hebrews, it is time to consider the period in which he lived, and to compare the antiquity of the theologians and prophets among the Hebrews with the age of all the Greek philosophers. |
| 14.19 Ἀλλὰ γὰρ τούτων ἀποδειχθέντων, καιρὸς ἐπανελθόντας τοὺς Ἑλλήνων σοφοὺς ζηλωτὰς θεάσασθαι τῶν Ἑβραϊκῶν γεγονότας δογμάτων, ὥστε μηκέτ’ εὐλόγως ἡμῖν ἐπιμέμφεσθαι τοὺς συκοφάντας, εἰ δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ ὅμοια τοῖς αὐτῶν φιλοσόφοις ἀγαπήσαντες τὰ Ἑβραίων λόγια τιμᾶν διανενοήμεθα. | 14.19 Since these things have been demonstrated, it is time for us to return and observe how the wise men of the Greeks became imitators of Hebrew doctrines, so that slanderers may no longer reasonably blame us if we too, having come to cherish views similar to those of their own philosophers, have determined to honor the oracles of the Hebrews. |